On the lack of φ-feature resolution in DP coordinations: Evidence from Czech

The paper investigates a feature valuation in the context of more than one acces-
sible goal. Concretely, the paper provides novel empirical evidence that there is
no φ-feature resolution in syntactic agree. The apparent feature resolution of gen-
der and number agreement previously reported in the Slavic literature on agree-
ment with coordinated DPs is a side-effect of morphological realization of person
feature that arises at the syntax–semantics interface. Furthermore, the proposal
suggests that even non-default overt morphological marking of agreement might
not faithfully reflect the narrow-syntax feature valuation, a result which seriously
questions the validity of some core generalizations about agreement properties of
natural languages. The core data comes from the agreement with coordinated noun
phrases in Czech.