Published June 3, 2026 | Version v1

Black on Black Violence: A Pan African Reflection on Intra Community Violence, Historical Trauma, and the Search for African Renewal

Authors/Creators

  • 1. BENUE STATE UNIVERSAL BASIC EDUCATION BOARD

Description

Black on Black Violence: A Pan African Reflection on Intra Community Violence, Historical Trauma, and the Search for African Renewal

By John Ikwuh

 

Introduction

One of the most painful questions confronting Africans and people of African descent today is why violence so often appears directed inward. Across Nigeria, confraternities and cult groups kill one another. Across parts of West Africa, bandits and terrorist groups attack communities that look like them, worship like them, and share similar histories. In South Africa, xenophobic attacks have repeatedly targeted fellow Africans. In Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, millions have suffered from conflicts driven by political power struggles, resource competition, and ethnic divisions. In parts of the United States, gang violence disproportionately affects Black communities.

As a Pan Africanist, this question cannot be answered through stereotypes or claims that Africans are naturally violent. History, sociology, psychology, economics, and politics all suggest a more complex reality. The central issue is not that Black people are uniquely violent. Rather, communities that experience long periods of oppression, weak institutions, economic exclusion, political manipulation, and historical trauma often become vulnerable to internal conflict.

 

 

UNDERSTANDING THE CONTEXT:

The phrase 'Black on Black violence' is often used emotionally and politically. However, criminologists have consistently shown that most violent crime occurs within communities and among people who live near one another. In the United States, official homicide data show that Black Americans experience disproportionately high homicide victimization rates. According to 2023 data, more than 12,000 Black homicide victims were recorded, and the Black homicide victimization rate remained several times higher than the national average. Yet most victims are harmed by people from the same neighborhoods and social networks, just as most White victims are harmed by other White offenders. The issue is therefore largely one of proximity, poverty, and social conditions rather than race itself.

The same principle applies across Africa. Violence frequently emerges where governance is weak, opportunities are limited, and political actors manipulate identities for personal gain.

 

 

 

NIGERIA: CULTISM AND YOUTH VIOLENCE 

Nigeria presents a striking example. Confraternities such as Black Axe, Eiye, Vikings, and other groups originated in university settings but many evolved into wider criminal networks. Reports from international agencies and security assessments indicate that these groups are involved in extortion, cybercrime, political violence, drug trafficking, and killings.

The tragedy is that many members are young Nigerians who share the same culture, language, and aspirations. They are not fighting foreign invaders. They are fighting one another. This violence is often driven by struggles for influence, territorial control, political patronage, and economic survival.

Youth unemployment, corruption, inadequate educational opportunities, and weak law enforcement have created environments where some young people see violent groups as pathways to identity, protection, and economic advancement.

 

 

TERRORISM IN WEST AFRICA.

Across northern Nigeria and parts of the Sahel, banditry and terrorism have devastated communities. Recent estimates suggest that more than 13,000 deaths were linked to banditry in northwestern Nigeria between 2010 and 2023.

These conflicts are often portrayed as purely ideological or religious. In reality, they are also connected to poverty, climate pressures, weak governance, competition over resources, arms proliferation, and the collapse of state authority in some rural regions.

The victims are overwhelmingly Africans. Villages are attacked by fellow Africans. Children are abducted by fellow Africans. Entire communities are displaced by fellow Africans. This reality highlights a profound crisis of social cohesion.

 

 

SUDAN AND CONGO: THE COST OF POLITICAL POWER.

The ongoing conflict in Sudan demonstrates how political competition can destroy a nation. United Nations reporting documented at least 3,384 civilian deaths during the first half of 2025 alone, while millions have been displaced. The actual death toll is believed to be much higher.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, decades of conflict involving armed groups, resource exploitation, foreign interference, and ethnic tensions have led to immense suffering. The country possesses enormous natural wealth, yet many communities remain trapped in cycles of violence.

Neither Sudan nor Congo suffers because Africans are inherently violent. They suffer because institutions have failed, political elites have pursued power through force, and external actors have often benefited from instability.

 

 

 

XENOPHOBIA IN SOUTH AFRICA.

One of the most painful contradictions in modern Africa is xenophobic violence in South Africa. Many Africans supported South Africa during the struggle against apartheid. Yet periodic attacks on migrants from Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Mozambique, Somalia, and other African countries continue to occur.

Recent reports again highlighted deaths, displacement, and destruction of property associated with anti immigrant violence. Economic frustration, unemployment, inequality, and political rhetoric frequently contribute to these outbreaks.

The deeper tragedy is psychological. Africans who should see one another as partners in development are sometimes encouraged to view one another as competitors or enemies.

 

 

African American Communities and Gang Violence.

Within some urban communities in the United States, gang violence continues to claim lives. Research consistently links such violence to concentrated poverty, segregation, unequal educational opportunities, unemployment, mass incarceration, and the availability of firearms.

Popular culture sometimes complicates matters. Certain movies, music, and entertainment products can glamorize criminal lifestyles and violent behavior. It is important not to blame music alone. Most artists do not create violence. However, when societies repeatedly celebrate destructive behavior while failing to celebrate scholarship, entrepreneurship, innovation, and community leadership, young people can receive distorted messages about success and identity.

 

 

 

Historical Trauma and the Legacy of Colonialism.

Pan African scholars such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah, Frantz Fanon, Cheikh Anta Diop, Walter Rodney, and Thomas Sankara emphasized that colonialism did more than seize land. It disrupted institutions, fractured identities, encouraged ethnic divisions, and weakened confidence in indigenous systems.

Colonial powers frequently governed through divide and rule strategies. Communities were separated into competing groups. Some ethnic groups were favored over others. Artificial borders ignored historical realities.

The consequences did not disappear at independence. Many postcolonial states inherited fragile institutions and unresolved divisions. In some places, political leaders continued exploiting those divisions for personal gain.

 

 

Psychological Dimensions.

Violence often reflects deeper psychological wounds. Communities exposed to generations of conflict, poverty, humiliation, and insecurity can develop cycles of trauma.

Children who grow up witnessing violence may become desensitized to it. When violence becomes normalized, empathy weakens. Revenge becomes easier. Human life can lose its perceived value.

This is not unique to Africans. Similar patterns have appeared throughout history in Europe, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. The lesson is that trauma must be addressed if violence is to decline.

 

 

PRACTICAL SOLUTIONS.

First, educational systems must place greater emphasis on civic responsibility, Pan African history, peace education, and conflict resolution.

Second, governments must create meaningful economic opportunities for young people. Employment is one of the strongest long term protections against criminal recruitment.

Third, African leaders must strengthen institutions rather than personalities. Strong courts, professional security services, transparent elections, and accountable governance reduce violence.

Fourth, African media and entertainment industries should actively promote positive role models, innovation, entrepreneurship, scholarship, and community service.

Fifth, mental health support and trauma healing programs should become part of national development strategies.

Sixth, regional cooperation through African institutions should focus on intelligence sharing, border security, conflict prevention, and youth development.

Seventh, religious leaders, traditional rulers, educators, and community organizations should actively rebuild social trust and reinforce the value of human life.

 

 

 

CONCLUSION.

The question is not why Black people kill one another more than others. History and evidence do not support the idea that Africans or people of African descent are uniquely violent. The real question is why communities affected by historical injustice, economic exclusion, political manipulation, weak institutions, and unresolved trauma often experience elevated levels of internal violence.

The answer lies not in race but in conditions. When conditions improve, violence declines. When people have hope, opportunity, justice, and a sense of belonging, they are less likely to turn against one another.

The Pan African vision remains relevant because it calls for unity, dignity, self determination, and shared progress. The future of Africa and the African diaspora depends on replacing cycles of violence with cultures of cooperation, knowledge, empathy, and collective advancement.

 

 

 

 

 

Selected Statistics Referenced:

Black homicide victims in the United States in 2023: approximately 12,276.

Black homicide victimization rate in the United States in 2023: approximately 26.6 per 100,000.

Civilian deaths documented in Sudan during the first half of 2025: at least 3,384.

Banditry related deaths in northwestern Nigeria between 2010 and 2023: more than 13,000.

South Africa continues to experience periodic outbreaks of xenophobic violence affecting migrants from across Africa.

Sources consulted include United Nations reports on Sudan, Violence Policy Center homicide data, Office for Victims of Crime homicide statistics, Reuters reporting on Africa, and EUAA reporting on Nigerian cult violence.

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