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INTERNATIONAL LABOUR
OFFICE
GENEVA

Studies and Reports
Series A
No.

November

5th,

iQ2o.

The Dispute in the Metal Industry in Italy.
Trade Union control in Industry.1

INTERVENTION
TRADE

UNION

CONTROL I N

THE

GOVERNMENT.

I N D U S T R Y ESTABLISHED B Y

DECREE.

Plenary Assembli] of the

Manufacturers.

On September 16th the manufacturers met in plenary session
at Milan to hear the report of their delegates on the result of thé
Turin negotiations. During the session Mr. Pirelli read a communiqué from the Stefani News Agency concerning the Decree
establishing Trade Union control which had just been published
in the press. This information made a deep impression on the
assembly, and some one accused the President and the General
Secretary of the General Confederation of Industry. Messrs. Conti
and Olivetti, of having exceeded the powers granted them in
giving their assent to the project of the Premier without having
immediately infcrmed the assembly. The assembly had just
learned the news from the press and was thus confronted with
a "fait accompli" 2.
1
The first part of this Study appeared in Series A, No. 2, September
24th, 1920.
2
On this difference between the manufacturers and the leaders of their
Federation, Mr. Crespi, President of the Banca Commerciale Italiana,
published the following explanations in the Giornale d'Italia : "In a resolution
submitted to the assembly of the Federation of Employers on September
14th, the necessity for considering the question of Trade Union control was
recognised. ' This resolution, submitted 36 hours before the meeting of
Messrs. Conti and Olivetti with the Premier, was passed unanimously amidst
the applause of the assembly, which proves that Senator Conti had received
the absolute consent of the assembly on the Question of workers' control,
before the Turin interview".

IL0-SB/A11
ENGL
COP. 4

A lively discussion ensued, and the manufacturers finally
adopted the principle of control whilst requesting the Governing
Body of the General Confederation of Industry "to make its collaboration in the Joint Commission mentioned by the Decree
absolutely conditional on previous evacuation of the factories" \

The Meeting of the Employers'

and Workers'

Delegates in Rome.

On September 18th, the President of the Council, desirous of
finding a solution of this and other pressing questions, invited
both sides to a meeting in Rome.
The meeting took place during the afternoon of the 19th at
the Ministry of the Interior.
The manufacturers were represented by : Senator Conti, President of the General Confederation of Industry ; Mr. Olivetti,
General Secretary of the Confederation ; with Messrs. Crespi, Falk,
Pirelli, Riva, Sacerdote, Ichino.
The workers' delegation consisted of : Mr. d'Aragona, General Secretary of the General Confederation of Labour ; Messrs.
Colombino and Baldesi, secretaries ; Messrs. Marchiaro, Raineri.
and Misiroli, workers.
The Premier read the Draft Decree on Trade Union control,
and expressed the desire that a compromise on the economic and
disciplinary questions be arrived at on the same day. He proposed that a general increase for the whole country" of 4 lire per
1

The following is the .text-of the manufacturers' resolution :—
"The General Confederation of Industry notes that in spite of the ¡decisions of the General Confederation of Labour, there has been a spread of.
occupation of establishments by the workers, which shows that its actual
decisions either differ from the official .decisions, or are not obeyed by the
masses ;
"It deplores the fact that the Government persists in not understanding
that the occupation of the factories and the violation of -personal liberty on
the part of the workers have transferred the conflict from the economic to
the political order of ideas ;
"It notes that for the first time in an industrial country these acts of
violence were in Italy directed against the manufacturers to whom is due
the first application in Europe of the eight hour day, and the realisation of
the majority of social reforms which are now being put into execution with
the collaboration of the most prominent manufacturers ;
"It affirms that the manufacturers in refusing to conclude negotiations
before obtaining by the evacuation of the factories the admission that such
methods are incompatible wih a civilised regime, are acting in defence of
the whole of Society, and with the object of averting the complete discredit
and dissolution of the country ;
"It demands that the establishments be restored to their legal and normal
state taking account of the absolute necessity for restoring order and discipline in the workshops by means of sanctions laid down by law — in particular, in order that the chiefs and employees who have been subjected to
physical or moral violence might not lose their authority or their prestige ;

— 3 —
day be agreed to by both sides, a n exception, however, being
made — on the request of the employers — in the case of the
small scale industries. An agreement was arrived at to consider
as small scale industries those employing not more than 75 workers. To these would be a p p l e d a reduction of 20 % on the new
rates fixed for the other industriees.
The question of discipline gave rise to a long discussion. Mr.
Crespi declared that the manufacturers could accept the reinstatement of those workers who had been guilty of acts of violence
only as a thing imposed on them by the Government. The Premier stated that the Government accepted the responsibility.
An agreement having been reached, the text was immediately
drawn up, and on the same evening Mr. Olivetti, representing the
General Confederation of Industry, and Mr. d'Aragona, representing the General Confederation of Labour, signed the following :—
"The Parties in a meeting presided over by Mr. Giolitti,
President of the Council, have, after long discussion, concluded the following agreement :—
"Whereas the mechanics demand — and the manufacturers do not agree — that increases in wages.be retrospective to July 1st and that wages be paid for the period
of occupation of the factories ;
"Whereas the manufacturers demand — and the workers refuse — payment for damage caused, taking into
account the difficulty cf controlling production ;
the principle must also be taken into account that no wages shall be paid for
days of illegal occupation of the workshops nor for the days necessary for
restoring the industries to their normal state, and that suitable compensation
be made for the damage inflicted ;
"The General Confederation of Industry reaffirms that in order to
increase production, which is essential for the safety of the country, it is
necessary that the present state of antagonism between the manufacturers
and the working classes should cease, so that by means of harmonious
collaboration between the (manufacturers themselves on >the one hand, arid the
administrative employees, the technical staff, and the workers, on the other,
the intensity and the disciplined development of production be again ensured.
"if the other side is also animated by the same intentions, the General
Confederation of Industry consents to the ¡principle of workers' control
applied by legislative means, provided this control imply neither monopoly
nor .privilege for Trad« Union organisations, that it mean co-operation and
co-responsibility of the different elements of industry, that it be applied in the
interests of the collectivity, and that it do not hinder the liberty of action
necessary to industry.
"Nevertheless, confronted with the promulgation of the Ministerial Decree
on the control of industry, the General Confederation of Industry requests
the Governing Body to make its collaboration in the Joint Commission
mentioned by the Decree absolutely conditional on the previous evacuation
of the factories.
"Lastly, the Confederation decides to leave to the National Federation
of the Engineering and Metal Industry, the solution of economic questions
arising between its members and their own workers".

— 4 —

• '

"The parties agree that the new wages be paid from the
15th July, 1920, and not from the moment of normal resumption of work, all compensation for the period following the occupation of thé 'factories being excluded.
"For thé occupied establishments not included in the
agreement 1 compensation Will be'admitted in principle, and
will be fixed at a sum between the damage caused and the
amount of the production, eventually ascertained, under
reserve of an equitable arrangement between the parties in
each particular case. The sums to be paid will be distributed proportionately among those who were present in
the works on the day preceding the occupation.
"The manufacturers' delegation insists, in virtue of the
mandate which it has expressly received, that it cannot
accept the Premier's proposal concerning the conditions of
re-instatement of the workers, and declares that this proposal will be adopted as having been imposed by the Government, on which is laid the entire responsibility in this
matter.
Rome, September 19th, 1920.
Olivetti."D'Aragona,"

The parties also agreed to meet at Milan in order to settle the
details of the agreement and to determine the methods of applying
it.
Text of the Decree on Trade Union

Control.

On September 20th, the Stefani News Agency published the
text cf the Decree establishing Trade Union control in industry.
This text differs very little, except in the last paragraph on the
question of discipline, from tljat published by the Stampa :—
"Whereas the General Confederation cf Labour affirms
that it intends to modify the present relations between
employers and employees in order that the latter may,
through their Trade Unions, be free to control the industries with the object of improving these relations and
increasing production which is essential for the economic
reconstruction of the country ;
"Whereas the General Confederation of Industry is not
opposed to the experiment of control of industries by categories With the above-named object ;
"The President of the Council registers this agreement
and decrees the formation cf a Joint Commission composed
of six members nominated by the General Confederation of
1

The chemical, textile and other works occupbd during the acute phase
of the conflict.

Industry and six members representing the General Confederation of Labour, each side to include two technicians
or non-manual employees. The Commission is entrusted
with the drafting of the laws to be proposed to the Government, organising industry on a basis of the workers' intervention in technical, financial and administrative control.
The Commission is also entrusted with the drawing up of
measures for the solution of questions which may arise
in the matter of employment and dismissal of the workers \
"The workers will return to their posts. However, if the
presence in the same works of certain workers and chiefs
becomes incompatible, a Commission composed of two
members chosen by the manufacturers and two nominated
by the workers will decide on the measures to be taken."

RATIFICATION

OF THE R O M E

AGREEMENT

B Y T H E N A T I O N A L CONGRESS O F T H E F. I. O.

The Workers' Referendum

on the Action of the

Leaders.

The struggle between the different tendencies which had
begun during the plenary sittings of the National Council of the
General Confederation of Labour (10th and 11th September), and
which ended by the passing of a resolution limiting the agitation
of the metal workers to purely Trade Union attestions, seemed
1
According to information received, the Joint Commission will be
presided over not by the Minister of Industry or the Minister of Labour,
as certain newspapers had announced, but by a manufacturer and a
worker alternately from1 amongst the members of the Commission itself.
Both Confederations were absolutely in agreement in excluding from the
Chairmanship persons outside the Commission, even though they be
Ministers.
The Bill will be drafted according to the proposals of the Joint Commission, the different Parliamentary groups and the different organisations.
The Supreme Labour Council, which is to meet on the 26th October, will
also be consulted.
The "Battaglie Sindacali", the organ of the General Confederation of
Labour, published on the 9th October, the following draft rule for the
Workers' Control Commissions in undertakings :—
ll
The Workers, Council shall control the purchase of raw material, supervise the sale of the finished article, supervise the scales of wages, control
discharges, decide what type of work is suitable to each worker, settle conditions of employment in the works, control the general expenditure of the
undertaking with the special object of limiting the expenses of the present
directors and proprietors who are considered as sharers in the profits,
supervise hygienic conditions, insist that the [proprietors supply tools, avert
artificial industrial crises, /prohibit dumping."

— 6 —
to augur a difficulty as to the acceptance and execution of the
agreement concluded at Rome between the employers' and workers' organisations under the auspices of the Government. The official Socialist Party, after having published in the Avanti, its official organ, the Decree on the establishment of Trade Union control in industry and commented on it on the whole favourably,
forthwith began a campaign in the same paper against the action of
the leaders of the General Confederation of Labour and the F. I.
O. M., and called upon the workers to remain in the occupied factories pending further orders. Mereover, the extremists, particu
larly the organs of the Unione Sindacale Italiana, were very violent in their criticism of the concessions obtained ; the Decree
on Trade union control was qualified as "dupery", and "treason"
was the term applied to the work of Messrs. Buozzi and D'Aragona. The workers were called upon to rise against their leaders,
and refuse to ratify the Rome agreement. On September 21st, the
Chamber of Labour of Turin published a proclamation saying
that "the works should not be avacuated without an order from
the Committee of the Chamber of Labour".
Amidst these manifestations the Executive Committee of the
F. I. O. M. called a meeting at Milan of the delegates of all the
national sections of the organisation in order to ask them to ratify
the agreement. This National Congress met on September 22nd.
Buozzi, the General Secretary of the F. I. O. M., gave a detailed
account of the Rome negotiations and proposed a resolution to the
assembly emphasising the points gained, approving the action of
the Propaganda Committee and deciding to have a referendum of
the workers on the resolution itself \
A contrary resolution was put forward by the anarchists Ferrerò and Garino. This resolution, whilst recognising the fact that
the agreement represented a remarkable victory for Trade Union
1

The following is the text of Buozzi's resolution :—
"The F. I. 0. M. Congress, having heard the Report of the Propaganda
Committee on the result of the discussions with the manufacturers' delegates
at Rome on the different points on which no agreement had resulted from
direct negotiations, expresses its satisfaction at having gained Trade Union
control over works and over 'man-<power, the proletariat considering the
exercise of this control to be the most efficacious and the most rapid means
of defending its rights and its labour in the works, and of taking into its
hands all the elements of production which will help to increase its technical
crpabilities and to hasten and render more radical the acti'on of the Trade
Unions in their endeavours to suppress the wage system.
It emphasises the fact that the insistence of the workers' delegation
succeeded in securing that the workers, the technicians, and non-manual
employees who took part in the movement will not be exposed to reprisals
on the part of employers.
It engages the employers and the Government not to commit any acts
of victimisation against those who took a.n active part in the movement, and
it engages the masses to defend by every means the manual and non-manual workers, and the supervisory staff who may be threatened with punish-

workers, declared that the signatories had "submitted to" the
agreement ; the control as established by the Decree should be
considered as an anti-revolutionary solution of the conflict, whilst,
had the General Confederation of Labour wished, the movement
could have terminated in an attempt at revolution which might
have ensured the definite possession of the factories and perhaps
led to the realisation of communism. The resolution added that
the agreement could not be ratified until the manufacturers had
consented to pay for the days of occupation instead of considering
the retrospective effect of the new rales of wages as compensation
for them.
Other resolutions were proposed but subsequently withdrawn,
and a vote was taken on the resolutions of Buozzi and FerreroGarino. The result was as follows :—
For Buozzi's resolution (for the ratification of the
agreement)
. 148,740
For the resolution of Ferrerò and Garino (against ratification)
42,140
Abstentions
5,059
Instructions were immediately given by the Propaganda Committee to proceed with the referendum on the following day. Buozzi and his colleagues of the Committee wished thus to demonstrate — in opposition to the secessionist propagada of the maximalist and anarchist elements — that they represented the large
majority of the organised workers. The vote began on Septembei
24th, and was carried out in the factories which were still occupied by the workers. The ballot papers were checked by the
'representatives of the works committees.
On September 26lh the National Propaganda Committee of the
F. I. O. M. published the results of the referendum in the different parts of Italy. Only the results of some small centres whose
ment. It notes that on the whole the economic concessions obtained are
satisfactory, and by obtaining holidays and dismissal allowances for the
workers, they consecrate the normal rights of the working classes which up
to the present had neither been admitted nor made effective. It draws the
attention of the workers to the fact that the principle of payment for the
days of occupation was recognised by the concession of fifteen days of
retrospective pay besides those obtained by the negotiations which preceded
those of Rome. And whilst recognising that in many places the productive
value of the days of occupation exceeds that of the retrospective period
conceded, it approves the action of the Propaganda Committee and confirms the mandate given to it to carry on the negotiations for the complete
settlement, insisting that the difference between the actual amount of output
and the retro-activity conceded if not paid to the workers, should be
accorded to the victims of the movement and to those of the earthquake in
Tuscany.
It decides to submit the present resolution to a ballot of all the
workers, and requests the workers to remain at their posts until the organisation gives the order for evacuation ».

.— 8

votes would have very little influence on the general result are
not contained in this list. The final vole was clearly in favour of
Buozzi's resolution and the ratification of the Rome agreement.
Region

Piedmont
Lombardy
Liguria
Venice
Tuscany
Emilia
Umbria
Latium
Campagna
Sicily
Total

No. of
Sections

39
41
15
8
13
8
2
1
5
1
133

For BUOZZI's
resolution

30,839
57,272
20,066
2,202
5,871
3,214
2,203
373
x5,864
—
127,904

Against BUOZZI's
resolution

19,645
10,633
3,598
601
5,719
1,149
1,149
902
66
2,000
44,531

Abstentions

940
1,061
418
2
23
3
3
19
—
—
3,006

It is worthy of note that a large number of the votes against
the Buozzi resolution are from the small establishments employing
less than 75 workers, to whom the Rome agreement had accorded
a wage increase of 3,20 lire instead of the 4 lire per day which
had been granted to the workers of the large factories. There was,
therefore, no question of a maximalist manifestation, but rather
of the expression of discontent from the economic point of view.
Firm opposition on the part of the Socialist Party might have
defeated the conciliatory view by rallying to the contrary opinion
the Maximalists, the Trade Union anarchists and the many workers who were displeased at not having obtained payment for the
days of occupation. The leaders of the Socialist Party, however,
did not think it advisable to take the responsibility for a split, a
fact which rendered easier the victory of the F. I. O. M.
In view of the result of the referendum, the Propaganda Committee gave orders that the works be evacuated on September
27th and that normal work should begin not later than Monday,
October 4th.

E N D OF T H E D I S P U T E .

—

A T T E M P T S OF T H E EXTREMISTS.

—

EVACUATION OF THE FACTORIES AND T H E RESUMPTION OF WORK.

The referendum of the F. I. O. M. marked the end of the
dispute.
On September 27th, in execution of the orders given by the
Propaganda Committee, the workers began the evacuation of the
factories in Rome, Venice, Genoa, and Brescia, and the red and
black flags were removed. According to the instructions received
from their organisations, the restitution of the factories to the
owners was effected through the Shop Committees. The employers,

- 9 —
on receiving them, were to draw the attention of the Committees
to the damage caused, compensation for which, according to the
agreement, was to be deducted from the payment made for production during the days of occupation. Here and there conflicts
arose between the manufacturers and the workers, and serious
incidents took place at Pestri, and in Pirelli's factories in Milan,
between the workers and the non-manual employees who had left
their posts during the days of occupation. As a result of these
incidents Pirelli's works were occupied by troops. The non-manual employees refused to resume work unless their personal safety
was guaranteed.
A meeting to discuss this subject took place in Milan on September 28th between the leaders of the F . I. O. M. and those of
the Lombard Federation of non-manual Employees in Private
Industries (Federazione Lombarda degli Impiegati dell' Industria
privata). Both parties were in agreement as to the necessity for,
returning as soon as possible to the former cordial relations and
resuming work together in the common interest. A circular of the
F . I. 0 . M. called upon the workers to abstain from acts of violence against the non-manual employees.
"During the days of occupation," said this circular,
"workers had the opportunity of seeing that the closest possible co-operation is necessary with the supervisory and administrative grades. In spite of dissensions in the past, in
spite of the desertions which took place during the present
movement, the workers, instead of widening the breach between the different categories, should try to help in the
work of persuasion which the organisation is developing.
Wherever an alliance has been formed between the workers, the non-manual employees and the supervisory staff,
there the Trade Union organisation can exercise its activities with the greatest success. Let us not forget that the
success of our movement depends largely on the rallying
to our cause of the technical staff."
Nevertheless, in spite of endeavours of the F. I. O. M., the
extremists at Turin tried by every means to impose their will in
the factories ; even during the referendum sanguinary conflicts
took place in the course of which 4 soldiers of the Royal Guard
and a workman were killed.
On September 24th the factories of Narni and Senigallia and
the textile factories of Biella, were evacuated without incident ;
on the 26th evacuations began in Rome, Venice, Genoa, Brescia
and Leghorn. On the 27th, 28th and 29th it spread to the large
factories of Milan, Tarni, and Savona. On the 2nd October the
factories of Turin and Sestri Ponente -— the two centres of the
extremist resistance — were evacuated. At Verona difficult negotiations on the question of payment for production during the
days of occupation lasted until October 5th. An agreement was
finally signed between the manufacturers and the workers.

— 10 —
Serious incidents took place again at Turin, Milan, Brescia, Naples
and Spezia, but the orders of the F . I. O. M. were being put into
execution everywhere, and by October 7 th normal work had
begun throughout the country.
In some places, at Florence, for example, manufacturers seeing
that the output of nearly all the workers had been satisfactory
during the days of occupation, decided to pay for the work of
those days according to the amount of work done. Though
unfortunate incidents took place during the final phase of the
struggle, such as acts of violence against the non-manual
employees who had not joined the movement and attempted rebellion on the part of certain groups, there were other manifestations
of a contrary nature. Nearly everywhere the owners found the
factories in excellent condition, and the reconciliation of the workers with the manufacturers was in some places quite cordial.

T E X T OF T H E

FINAL AGREEMENT SIGNED I N M I L A N .

The Commission entrusted with the settlement of the details
of the Rome agreement and the determination of the methods of
applying it began its work in Milan on September 27th ; on the
1st October the principal clauses were signed. This text follows in
its main lines the plan indicated in the F . I. O. M. memorandum.
"The following agreement is hereby made between the
representatives of the National Federation of the Metal
and Engineering Industry and those of the Italian Federation of Metal Workers in answer to the demands presented by the latter in its memorial of June 18th, 1920 :—1. Classification

Workers.

The workers in the engineering and cognate industries
shall be divided into four groups as follows :—
(1) Women of every age, boys and apprentices up to
18 years ;
(2) Unskilled labour of every age, and semi-skilled
labour up to 20 years.
(3) Skilled labour.
(4) Highly skilled labour.
2. Revision

of Wages.

In all the provinces of Italy, with the exception of
Julian Venice, the present total wage shall be increased
as follows :—

— 11 —
4 lire per day for males over 20 years ;
80 % (3,20 lire) for males between 20 and 18 years of
age, and to women over 20 years ;
60 % (2,40 lire) to males between 18-15 years and to
women under 20 years ;
30 % (1,20 lire) to males below 15 years.
In the small scale industries of all regions (employing
less than 75 workers), the increases shall be equal to 80 %
of the above rates.
The above total increases shall be distributed among
the different component parts of the wage.
Deduction shall be made in the case of the increases
granted in certain vindertakings after the 15th May, 1920.
If these increases are variable, the maximum fixed for each
category shall be taken into account. These rates of inorease
will take effect from the 15th July, 1920.
3. Work on bonus

systems.

If is possible and seems desirable a scheme of profit
sharing shall be established for work on bonus systems so
that the highly skilled workers may follow the variations
in the earnings of workers on piece-rates.
4. Minimum

Wage.

The total minima shall be increased by districts on a
basis of the quota of the general increase granted. The
regional organisations shall see to the repartition of the
total earnings mentioned in Article 2.
5. Bonus for increased cost of living.
It is agreed that for all districts of Italy a part of the
wage be regarded as a bonus for the increased cost of
living, which shall be liable 'lo variations to be established
by agreement according to a percentage corresponding to
the cost of living. In the case of a decrease in the cost of
living, the principle is admitted that the bonus for the
cost of living may be diminished by 75 % of the increase.
For the variations the article of the Rome agreement concerning Lombardy (September 27 th, 1919) shall be followed, with this difference, that the increases shall be 7 centimes for every increase of two points and that modifications shall take place every two months. On November 1st
the alteration shall be made only in case of increase.
The new formula which the organisations are at present considering should come into force for the 1st
January.

— 12 —
6. Overtime and

Nightwork.

The percentages of increase for overtime and nightwork
shall be raised as follows :—
(a) For workers in the engineering and shipbuilding
industries, etc. :
30 % of the wage payable per hour for the first two
hours after the eight hours of the normal day ;
50 % for the next three hours ;
100 % for the subsequent hours ;
20 % for nightwork ;
60 % for holidays.
(b) For workers in the iron ore industry — Category
of workers in continuous processes :
25 % for working days ;
40 % for holidays.
For the other categories, the percentages established
for mechanics shall be applied.
7. Holidays.
Workers who have served in an undertaking for at least
one year will have the right to 6 days (48 hours) holiday
on full pay.
(8) Allowance for

Dismissal.

Workers not having a seniority of three years in an
undertaking will not have the right to an allowance in
case of dismissal. Having completed three years, the worker
dismissed for non-disciplinary reasons, will have the right,
besides regular notice, to two days (16 hours) of normal
pay for each year's service completed. The present staff
will be considered as having a maximum seniority of 10
years. Service after the 10th October, 1920, will be calculated over and above this. No allowance is due to a worker
who resigns of his own free will.
9. Work executed during the period of

obstructionism.

Whereas during the period of obstructionism, workers
doing piece work would only have had the right to a sum
corresponding to the work done, they are granted as a
compromise the nominal wage and the bonus for the cost
of living for the days of obstructionism, considering them
as workers on the bonus system who have the nominal wage
and the allowance for the cost of living without any supplement. For other work not begun and finished during
this period, the workers will be paid in the usual way.

10. Responsibility

13 —

for material taken

away.

It is decided that the workers' organisation binds' itself
to have everything which was taken away either given
back or paid for. In the case of non-restitution or nonpayment, the undertaking is authorised to deduct the cost
of the article taken away from the sums to be paid. Special cases of non-justified appropriation will be submitted
to the organisation ; intimations to the Shop Committee
shall be annulled.
11.

Regulations.

The old regulations remain in force until the Joint
Commission shall have settled the new disciplinary
relations.
12. Transfer of workers.
The local organisations will come to an agreement on
the allowances or the supplements to be given according
to the distance and the existing communications, to workers obliged to work outside or far from the establishments.
Read and signed at Milan, 1st October, 1920.
Bruno BUOZZI.
Frederic JARACH.
LUISIGNOLI, Prefect.

D I S C U S S I O N IN THE S E N A T E ON THE ACTION OF THE
GOVERNMENT.

A T T I T U D E OF T H E CATHOLIC

PARTY.

At the end of September, the policy of thé Government in the
metal workers' dispute was discussed in the Senate. During the
Session of the 25th, Mr. Dante Ferraris, former Minister of Industry, made a speech against the Premier, Mr. Giolitti, the Minister
of Labour, Mr Labriola, and the Minister cf Justice, Mr. Fera.
He accused these three Ministers of having, during the first phase
of the agitation, taken up an attitude which encouraged the workers to have recourse to methods which were without precedent
and of having afterw&rds allowed the workers to commit the
worst possible acts of violence and of having taken no measures
to protect the rights of property and individual liberty and safety.
Manufacturers, for example, were obliged to fire on the workers
in self-defence after having requested in vain the help of the
forces of the Crown. Mr. Fera declared that 14 cases were before
the Courts at Milan involving the authors of crimes committed
during the agitation. Other cases were before the Courts of Naples,

— 14 —
Genoa and Turin. Far from counselling weakness, he had never
ceased to demand the appâcation of the law. Messrs. Giolitti and
Labriola declared that the manufactures were responsible for the
serious turn of events, as they had persisted in declaring a lockout against the advice of the Government.
During the Session of the 26th, the Premier made an important speech :
"The problems which have been raised," he said, "during this grave discussion are so serious that they concern the
entire action of the Government. It is not merely a matter
of internal politics but of the future of the country. In
order to have a correct idea of the state of things and of
what should be done, I think it is useful to recall the events
which preceded this period. We are confronted with a real
social transformation. It is useless to hide it, and all those
connected with the Government should remember this
truth. The advent of a i o u r t h estate began to appear during
the latter part of the last century and the attempts made
then to check it did not have very happy consequences.
These are dangerous movements, but they are regular and
cannot be stopped. In 1901-02, there was a great movement during the Government of Mr. Zanardelli, when I
was Minister of the Interior. After these movements, we
were obliged to recognise the right to strike.
"At that period, the working classes of the towns, and
still more those of the country districts, had a wage which
was absolutely insufficient. If the right to strike had been
refused, there would have been serious disturbance. There
were w7ages of one franc per day, and you may remember
that there were strikes in order to obtain an increase of
25 centimes. Even in 1875, Senator Jacini, in his report on
the Agrarian Enquiry, showed that in the province of
Lombardy itself, wages were absolutely insufficient to
satisfy the most elementary needs. Twenty years later
wages were even less (applause). The right to strike is the
recognition of the most elementary liberty of man ; since
it has been recognised, wages have more than trebled and
agriculture has progressed. The war has had economic,
social and financial consequences of the greatest importance. The trench was the most effective propaganda
school ; all parties made promises impossible to fulfil, but
the class to whom they were made regarded them as rights.
Moreover, the habit of serious and disciplined work is lost,
and that not only in Italy. During the war, special industries
were created which had only one customer, the Slate, and
the manufacturers consented to raise wages because they
doubled these increases in the prices which they received
from the State.
Since the war the worker has also seen the sad spectacle of ill-gotten wealth obtained during the war blazoned

— 15 —
forth with impudence (loud applause). The country thought
that the war once finished, all these effects would cease
immediately and that life would resume its previous tenour.
This was a mistake.
"I do not agree with Senator Ferraris with regard to the
intervention of the Government in simple disputes between
capital and labour ; in such cases the Government should
remain neutral — a vigilant neutrality — unless its intervention is needed for the purpose of conciliation. If every
time the working classes asked for an increase the Government intervened to oblige the manufacturers to give it, industry would, become impossible. I advised the manufacturers against declaring a lock-out and I told them that
they could not count upon the forces of the Crown. The
Government, therefore, did not break its promises. It has
been said that the Government should have prevented occupation of the factories, or should have had them evacuated. In order to prevent the occupation, admitting that
we could have arrived in time, it would have been necessary to put a garrison in each of the 600 establishments ;
all the forces at the disposal of the Government would have
been necessary- The workers outside the factories would
have been left without supervision and public safety would
have been neglected. In the establishments, the forces of
the Crown ran the risk of being surrounded. In order to
have the factories evacuated, it would have been necessary
to fight and run the risk of very serious consequences at
a time when the General Confederation of Labour gave the
assurance that the movement was not a political one but
an economic one.
"I remember that the present occupation of the factories
had a precedent last year when Mazzoni's factories were
occupied. Mr. Dante Ferraris was then a Minister ; he
recognised the occupation and sent a Government representative to manage the factories. Could I have followed
such an example ? Would I have done my duty such as
Mr. Ferraris conceives it ? It is certain that the dangerous
example which he gave had an influence on the recent occupation. When such a vast movement is in question, it is
impossible to apply ordinary rules, the worker who occupies premises from which the owner wishes to expel him,
commits an offence. To employ force against the worker
would be to punish this offence with death.
"I considered it my duty to intervene between manufacturers and workers, and the Senate knows that an agreement has been concluded whose essential idea is to transform the organisation of industry in such a way that the
worker can know exactly the situation of the factory which,
up to the present, he had no means of knowing. When the
worker will have knowledge of this situation, he will be

— l o able to form an idea as to the way in which his demands
are treated. The Decree prejudges nothing. The Joint Commission must present proposals which will serve for the
preparation of a Bill organising industries on the basis of
intervention of the workers in the technical, financial and
administrative control of enterprises.
"The same Commission will propose standards for the
regulations for the employment and dismissal of workers. Thus the workman will be in the position of an *
associate, and not an adversary of the manufacturer.
"The question of workers' control has not arisen to-day
for the first time. The principle was explicitly approved
by the congress of employers' representatives on the 5th
March, 1915.
"The present Ministry came before Parliament on the
26th June with eight very important Bills. It only obtained
a vote of confidence in July. How could it have completed
a profound study in the brief lapse of time at its disposal,
when Senator Ferraris who, since the 5th May, 1919, had
had more than a year at his disposal, had not succeeded.
I remind you, moreover, that in 1919, in the Chamber of
Deputies, the Deputy Reina proposed an amendment to
the Address to the Crown which was approved by a large
majority. This amendment expressed the desire for an
energetic policy in order to prevent the abandoning of the
land, to assure the workers that Parliament would investigate means of expropriating abandoned or ill-cultivaled
land to the advantage of productive cooperation and that
it Avould study the question of workers' control in industry.
It is not right that Mr. Ferraris should find it strange that
they have not solved the problem in 15 days, when he
himself did nothing during the year which he had at his
disposal to prevent the events which have taken place
during the last few months. Day by day the factories are
being evacuated, and I hope that regular work will gradually be resumed.
"The prefects, the officials and the forces* of the Crown
have done their duty according to the instructions which
they have received. I thank Senator Fraseara for his kind
words with reference to the agents who died in the execution of their duty. Their memory should be just as
sacred to us as that of the soldiers who died for their
country. The Government is quite disposed to listen to
advice from whatever party it may come, and it will try
to render as perfect as possible the Bill which will be
presented to Parliament. Both the Senate and the Chamber
have now all the necessary elements for the accomplishment of a great work. We must be convinced, all of us,
that the future of our country depends principally on the
solution of the great social question." (Applause.)

— 17 — •
Whilst Mr. Giolitti was thus explaining his line of conduct
before the Senate, the Catholic party (Partía populare italiana),
seeing itself excluded from the Joint Commission which was
entrusted with drawing up a scheme of trade union control, manifested most lively discontent with the Premier. The leaders of the
party went so far as to threaten that the Catholic Ministers would
leave the Government. This would have entailed the fall of the
Cabinet. The political secretary of the party, Don Sturzo, and deputy Bronchi, Secretary-general of the Catholic Confederation of
Workers (Confederazione italiana dei Lavoratori), had had on
September 24th a long interview with the President of the Council.
The Catholic representatives had called Mr. Giolitti's attention to
the serious impression produced by the recent decree, both in party
circles and in the Catholic trade union organisations. They
declared that it was their opinion that a legislative solution could
only have been found by giving a very wide basis to the joint
commission so that all classes and all the important parties should
be represented on it. The Premier declared that the Joint Commission was only entrusted with the approving of proposals which
would be discussed by the Chamber, and that for the final preparation of the law he wished also to have the help of all the political and trade union forces of the country. The political secretary
of the Catholic party replied that the Catholic parliamentary
group would, nevertheless, present to the Chamber a counter proposal of law for the institution of trade union control in industry
at the same lime as that which would be drafted by the Joint
Commission nominated by the Government, as the Catholic party
could not accept solutions adopted without the participation of
its representatives.

T H E ATTITUDE O F T H E P R E S S .

During the months of August and September the political and
social life of Italy was almost entirely dominated by the agitation
of the metal workers which represented the greatest conflict between capital and labour which Italy has ever known. Even the
period 1901-03, during which the right to organise and to strike
was recognised, appears less significant and less revolutionary than
the present movement which almost transformed at one moment,
in the most radical way, the entire political life of the country,
and which elicited the recognition on the part of the State of the
necessity for democratising the means of production and of
exchange and of laying the foundations for a "novum jus" on
the relations between capital and labour.
During the first days of the struggle, however, the Italian
Press did not seem to realise sufficiently the importance and the
probable repercussion of the movement. It only began to be

— 18 —
seriously alarmed on September 10th, when the National Council
of the General Confederation of Labour had to decide between the
extremist tendency, which aimed at a dictatorship of the proletariat, and the moderate tendency, which permitted a peaceful
solution of the dispute. All the newspapers, with the exception
of the semi-official press, were unanimous in criticising the action
of Mr. Labriola and deploring the absence from the capital of
Mr. Giolitli. Later on, the bourgeois press was divided into two
groups, composed of nationalist or conservative newspapers such
as the Idea Nazionale, the Giornale d'Italia, the Corriere della
Sera which definitely supported the manufacturers and continued
to demand State action, if necessary very energetic, in order to
drive the workers from the factories and restore the latter to
their lawful owners. After the publication of the Decree on trade
union control, the Corriere della Sera expressed the fear that this
control might have serious consequences and severely criticised
the Government which, after having shown the greatest weakness
when it could have mastered the agitation, had afterwards obliged
the manufacturers to accept very onerous conditions, thus creating
for the masses the most dangerous of precedents. In an article by
Senator Einaudi, the well-known economist, the newspaper describes the action it would have approved on the part of the Government. According to him, the State, as representing the general
interest, should have nominated an arbitrator who was not a
political personage but a magistrate of recognised probity who
should be asked to study the question as to who was right, in
other words, whether the employers could or could not give
the increased wages. As to the reception of the Rome agreement,
the great Milanese drily said that even among the workers this
agreement has displeased for reasons of tactics or political orientation the Maximalists, trade unionists and the anarchists. Favouring the same arguments, the Messagero of Rome wrote :
"Whilst a part of the proletarian and socialist world
is celebrating the unhoped-for success of the battle waged
by the metal workers, the extremists, trade unionists and
anarchists who are trying to have the upper hand of
socialists not yet converted to Bolshevism and of the
"labourites" of the General Confederation of Labour, not
only declare themselves to be without enthusiasm for
the Rome agreement, but go so far as to accuse D'Aragona,
Buozzi, Colombino, etc., of treason, and whilst the General
Confederation of Labour with the adhesion of the Executive of the socialist party has ordered the evacuation of
the occupied factories according to the new agreement, the
trade unionists at Sestri, Turin and elsewhere incite the
masses to disobedience to the orders of the great workers'
organisations and ask them to remain in the factories."
The same newspaper is pre-occupied with the lack of discipline which the creation of Shop Committees may create in the
factories. It says :—

19
"The creation of Shop Committees had already, in spite
of their limited powers, shaken the principles of discipline.
The new Committees threaten to break down definitely
all order, all method, all sense of discipline. If we do not
wish to see the factories transformed into perpetual meetings, we must consent to the eliminatian of all disturbing
elements in order that those who have the responsibility
for the management of the undertaking should not be at the
mercy of anarchist minorities."
The other group, composed of Government and radical newspapers (Tempo, Tribuna, Stampa, Secolo), saw in workers' control
an inevitable concession, a letter of credit whose payment had
fallen due and which Mr. Giolitti was right in paying. The Secolo,
however, did not accept the whole line of action of the President
of the Council as he outlined it in the Senate :
"Mr. Giolitti has spoken of the industrial world which
he does not know, which he does not trust and in which
he sees still the old legend of men swimming in cross-currents of exchange and banking, but whose effort of organisation and production he does not see; whose illegal gains
he fears, but whose obscur heroism he does not see. Historically, the President of the Council has based the justification of his action and the justice of his views on the
strength of the workers' movement and he has come out
of the difficult examination of contingencies very easily by
pronouncing simply the impossibility of applying ordinary
rules to such a vast movement. Mr. Giolitti attributes to
himself the merit of having formerly reclaimed the uncultivated land of labour rights by recognising the right io
strike, but it is also true that he has supervised the exercise
of this right and has not hesitated, when he judged it opportune, to break up by reactionary methods vast agrarian
movements which threatened the harvest. With still greater
reason the crisis which threatens the country to-day
demands intelligent and vigilant action on the part of the
Government. The authority of the State must be restored,
the moral forces of the country must be reanimated and
social progress within legitimate limits should be accelerated. In matters of Government, methods of renunciation
produce the same disastrous effects as reactionary methods.
A just equilibrium must be found if we wish to prevent
anarchy from swamping civilisation."
The Catholic newspaper, the Corriere d'Italia, would have
been satisfied if the white trade unions had been admitted to
the Joint Commission. Certain organs, led by the nationalist jour-.
nal, the Idea Nazionale, spread the rumour that the large banks
had fomented the troubles. Mr. Crespi, president of the Banca

Commerciale Italiana, in an interview accorded to the Giornale
d'Italia on the 21st September, protested against this insinuation \
The Giornale d'Italia and the Resto del Carlino, two agrarian
newspapers not controlled by banking or industrial enterprises, examined the scheme of workers' control from the point
of view of general interest and voiced the fear that the collaboration of the employers and the workers in industry may have as.
its only consequence an increased protectionism of which the
expenses will be paid by agriculture.
The Popolo d'Italia, national-socialist organ, supports the
workers. It considers that their demands are just, but it disapproves of the direct action which they employ. The Avanti?
organ of the Executive of the socialist party, naturally supportea
the movement, but it avoided, especially after the vote of the
National Congress of the General Confederation of Labour, giving
a definite opinion as between the extremists and the moderates
and contented itself with relating events. But its attitude became
very peculiar and contradictory after the publication of the Decree
on trade union control. This newspaper, which publishes three
editions (in Rome, Milan and Turin) recognised in the Turin
edition that the manufacturers had been completely beaten, whilst
the Milan edition claimed that the control granted had no value,
called it an "act of collaboration" and criticised the conduct of
the F . I. O. M. and of the General Confederation of Labour. This
difference of view soon gave rise to a very bitter dispute between
the two editions. The director of the newspaper, Mr. Serrati
powerless to control the dispute, sent in his resignation.

1
These rumours arose from the conflict which always existed between
the Banca Commerciate Italiana which is supported by Senator Conti, President of the General Confederation of Industry, and the Banca Italiana di
Sconto, which is in the hands of the Ansaldo Manufacturers' group and
which owns newspapers like the Messagero and the Idea Nazionale. These
journals made allusions to the alleged rôle which the Banca Commerciale
had played during the conflict. They gave it to be understood that it had
supported and even financed the workers. Mr. Crespi was accused of
having made a pact with the workers on the ground that he had not ceased
to advocate conciliation and even surrender, whilst Mr. Rotigliano, representative of the manufacturers wished resistance. In a communiqué published
in the newspapers, Mr. Crespi declared definitely that it was the duty of
the Banca Commerciale to be interested in the conflict which might have
the most serious consequences for finance. The delegates of the other banks
had no other attitude, but it is false that the delegate of the Banca Commerciale could have even thought of financing the enemies of public order, the
adversaries of Italian industry, when the Board of Directors of this Bank
is composed of the largest manufacturers.

— 21 —

TOE

OPINION

OF MESSRS.

TURATI,

BALDESI

AND

ElNAUDI.

It is still very difficult to distinguish in the comments of the
press on trade union control the technical side of the question
from the purely political side. It could even be said that, with a
few exceptions, the analysis of the political consequences of this
innovation in the relations between capital and labour is that
which dominates the discussions. It is, nevertheless, easy to foresee that the discussions will be conducted on the technical methods of applying control as soon as the different legislative proposals are known. The following is a summary of the opinion of
certain prominent personalities.
The Deputy Turati writes in the Critica Sociale of September
24th : - "Workers' control represents a revolution. The greatT
ness of this revolution consists in its ability to last and to
develop. It will allow the worker to participate in the administration of a factory so that he will be able to learn its
mechanism and work with more energy and vigour, and
finally it will contribute to the moral elevation of the
worker. By what road shall we arrive at it ? There is no
doubt that [he trade unions and the workers' committees
will be the starting point. The committee and the trade unioi?
will nominate those who are entrusted with the control,
but there we have a serious question. Should the action of
control cerne from outside and against the Boards of Directors or should it be exercised in the undertaking itself
alongside the Boards of Directors ? W e must bring together", says Mr. Turati, "the representatives òf capital and
of thé undertaking, the representatives of manual laboirr
and of the engineers and a representative of the State. The
latter, instead of levying taxes, should thus participate in
the profits of the undertaking. The control which comes
from outside not only would not be efficacious but also
would not allow the creation of a workers' élite in view
of future socialisation. The control which comes from outside would only hinder the administration by annoying it
with protests and opposition. We must also consider that
workers' control will not be confined to factories. The
multiplicity of business which connects the factories with
banks, the State, the national .and international markets,
will force the worker who is entrusted with control to examine what has happened outside his undertaking. We can
see here already a system of local or national councils of
industry and of co-operatives which will dominate the
numerous industries whose defenders they will be. But '
there is yet another question", concludes Mr. Turali, "is it
possible that this mixture of representation admitted to
the Governing Body can allow the necessary rapidity in the

— 22 —

conduct of business ? Is it possible that trade secrets will
be kept ? It would seem preferable to place the workers'
representatives among the "syndics". It is true that the
present "syndics" exercise practically no function, but it
would be quite different with workers' "syndics". The
union of these "syndics" of labour might constitute the
nucleus of a permanent Industrial Commission."
Mr. Baldesi, one of the leaders of the General Confederation
of Labour and prospective member of the Joint Commission
entrusted with the preparation of the Bill on trade union control, considers the victory as a stage on the way to a social transformation, which he considers realisable by degrees. He believes.
that under the new regime, production will increase, especially
if the manufacturers do not try to nullify the work of control.
He considers that workers' control should be quite distinct from
profit-sharing. The worker should simply control the undertaking
first of all in order to learn how it functions, and to take possession of it later.
Senator Einaudi, expressing ideas on this matter which are
identical with those of the majority of the manufacturers, say3
that no experiment can succeed unless the opponents try to find
at least the advantages of the point around which the dispute
turns. At present the state of mind favourable to a loyal experiment of cc-operation and control is beginning to exist only on the
side of the employers 1 . It is right to note that we have here a
state of mind imposed by necessity. But nothing of the kind is
to be found on the other side. The workers desire complete victory, and control is only a means of obtaining the whole.
If this state of mind continues, it will bring both parties ta
inevitable ruin. It is a mistake to think that the present struggle
is one between capital and labour. It is between man and man,
between officials and subordinates, between organiser and organised. In Italy there are only a few dozen men capable of directing large undertakings of world importance. It is perfectly absurd
to think that these people can be compelled to give their abilities
1

Einaudi alludes to the declarations of Mr. Agnelli, managing director
of the F. I A. T. Motor Works, who in an interviewostated that since therecent events his colleagues and he had come to the conclusion that it was
impossible for them to continue working. In the control of the factories, he
stated, the workers 'demand a preponderant part. Industry can, owing io
revolutionary propaganda, no longer be directed according to the rules of a
capitalist regime. In. the factories we no longer have faithful collaborators,
but enemies. He thinks that if the workers succeed in working exclusively
for the interests of the proletariat, the F. I. A. T. can continue its progress.
Rather than see this great undertaking fall miserably to the ground, he
prefers that its management should pass into the hands of the workers. The
' latter should therefore compensate the shareholders, and buy back the capital
—200,000,000 lire. The National Co-operative Institute could advance this
sum. The Executive of the Socialist Party immediately vetoed this proposal.

— 23 —

for the benefit of their undertakings which have been taken over
by the masses. The world is wide, and these organisers will easily
be able to apply their activities elsewhere, without having to
submit to the will of those whom they consider inferior to them
in ability. Thus a dilemma presents itself. Either the working
masses, drunk with victory, will force the present industrial lea•derSj the creators of the undertakings, to flee, in which case
the conquest will have been in vain. Buildings, machinery, money,
all will be nothing in the absence of the man capable of organising them and inspiring the new capital — which in five or six
years will take the place of the old — with confidence. Wages
must inevitably decrease and the number of workers will be less.
Or, on the other hand, the masters will be convinced that the
experiment of co-operative or collective enterprise should be carried cut loyally, in a spirit of mutual confidence, and then it may
happen that Italy will give to the world an example of enterprise conquering the markets, and productive of well-being for all
its collaborators. This very difficult experiment is worth trying ;
outside it there is only the prospect of misery and ruin, but it
will only give good results if it is dominated by a spirit of loyal
co-operation.
But it is just this collaboration desired by Mr. Einaudi that
the Executive of the Socialist Party refuses. It affirms that "workers' control should be effected not in the sense of collaboration
a n d participation in the management and in the profits of the enterprises, but as a conquest by the workers, which increases the
revolutionary possibilities of the proletariat, and demonstrates
continually the necessity for taking hold of power by direct
action, in order to realise communism".
The resolutions passed at Milan by the National Council of
the General. Confederation of Labour on September 11th, and the
result of the referendum of the F. I. O. M. would seem to point
to the conclusion that this point of view is not shared by the
trade union organisations adhering to the National Confederation of Labour. Thus, since the victory of the "Labourism" of
the Genera] Confederation of Labour over the idea of the Parly
Executive, the antagonism between the moderate elements and
extremists has become very marked. The socialist party is passing
through a very serious crisis, and it is probable that very soon
there will be a schism in its ranks. Serrati and Bombacci have
already taken par as representatives of the Italian Socialist Party
in the Congress cf the Third International, and it is well known
that Moscow has given distinct orders that non-communists, like
Turati, Treves, Modigliani, d'Aragona, Bianchi, Baldini, Prampolini, etc., should be expelled from the party.
These men, — the leaders of the Italian socialist movement,
created and supported by them during long years of struggle, —
met at Reggio Emilia on the 11th October, with the other "centrist" elements of the party, in order to decide on a line of action
in view of the approaching National Socialist Congress which

— 24.—

has been convoked, at Florence, for the end of the year. The
meeting al Reggio pronounced against exclusion, and in favour
,cf the. unity, of. the party, but during the sittings it was several
times affirmed that if the centrists were nevertheless expelled
.from the party they .would be followed by the great trade union
.organisations of which they -are the leaders.
It is impossible at present to foresee exactly the issue of this
struggle between the different tendencies, but the National Socialist Congress of Florence will perhaps pronounce definitely on
this question, which is of the utmost importance for the political
.and .trade union future of the country.

STUDIES AND REPORTS
ALREADY I S S U E D .

In cases where the English or French text of a Report has not yet been published it •
will be issued at a later date.

Series A.
N°

T H E AGREEMENT
GANISATIONS,

English
»

B E T W E E N T H E SPANISH W O R K E R S ' O R -

issued on September 25th 1920. In
and in French,

T H E DISPUTE I N
TRADES
UNION

T H E METAL
INDUSTRY
CONTROL OF INDUSTRY,

September 25th 1920. In English
»

ANNUAL

MEETING

O F T H E TRADES

1920, issued on October 4 t h 1920.
in French.
»

ITALY.

issued on
and in French.
UNION

CONGRESS

In English

and

INTERNATIONAL
CONGRESS O F W O R K E R ' S I N T H E FOOD
AND DRINK TRADES, issued on October 11th 1920.

In English
»

and in French.

T H E BRITISH GOVERNMENT

AND THE MINERS'

FEDERA-

T I O N OF GREAT BRITAIN. CONFERENCE BETWEEN SIR

ROBERT HORNE AND THE MINERS' FEDERATION, i s s u e d

on October 11th 1920.
»

In English

T H E CONGRESS OF T H E LABOUR
NATIONAL, issued on October

and in French.

AND SOCIALIST

14th 1920.

INTER-

English

and in French.
» 7.

T H E MINERS'

INTERNATIONAL

tober 19th 1920.
»

T H E INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANISATION.
RISON, issued in October 21st 1920. In

in
»

issued on Ocand in French.

CONGRESS,

In English

THE

French.
INTERNATIONAL

CONGRESS

METAL

issued on October 22nd 1920. In English
French.
» 10.

COMPA-

English and

T H E BRITISH

GOVERNMENT

AND T H E M I N E R S '

WORKERS,

and in
FEDERA-

TION OF THE GREAT BRITAIN. CONFERENCE BETWEEN
THE GOVERNMENT AND THE TRIPLE INDUSTRIAL ALLIANCE, issued on October 26th 1920. In
English
only.

N° 1.

Series B.
Co AL PRODUCTION IN T H E RUHR DISTRICT. Enquiry by
t h e International Labour Office end of May 1920,
issued on September 1st 1920. In English and in
French.
P A P E R S RELATING TO SCHEMES OF INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATION FOR T H E DISTRIBUTION O F RAW MATERIALS
AND FOOD STUFFS, issued on October 5th. In
English

and in

French.
Series C.

N°

T H E BRITISH LEGISLATION ON UNEMPLOYMENT
RANCE, issued on October 26th 1920. In

and in
»

French.

L ' A C T I O N GOUVERNEMENTALE DANS LA LUTTE CONTRE
LE CHÔMAGE E N ITALIE, issued on October 27th In

French
» 3.

INSU-

English

only.
issued
French.

T H E BULGARIAN LAW ON COMPULSORY LABOUR,

on November 4 t h 19^0.

In English and in

Series D.
N° 1.

S T A F F REGULATION ON THE FRENCH

on September 4th 1920.

RAILWAYS,

In English

and in

issued
French.

Series H .
N°

THE

CONSUMERS'

CO-OPERATIVE

SOCIETIES

.1919

(Denmark and Sweden), issued on September 8th
1920. In English and in French.
»

S E V E N T H CONGRESS
OFFICE, issued on

and in

French.

THE

BELGIAN

CO-OPERATIVE

September 25th 1920.

English