INTERNATIONAL LABOUR
OFFICE
GENEVA

Studies and Reports
Series K
No. 2

November ¡oih,

iy-20.

Agrarian Conditions in Spain.
In Spain certain publicists and statesmen, and notably Viscount de Eza, are advocates of an extension of small holdings
as a means both of rendering the country more productive and
of increasing the population which it supports. Some figures
given by Viscount de Eza show how great is the. need both
of agricultural and of agrarian reform in Spain. Of the
whole area of the peninsula in 1915 only 40.83 per cent was
agricultural land, 47.62 was covered by woods and natural
vegetation and 11.15, per cent, was totally unproductive. The
population, said to have been 168 to the square mile under
the Roman Empire, had come to be only 106 to the square
mile 1 . Nevertheless there is much emigration from Spain,
directed mainly to Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, Uruguay and Mexico. During the war it was impeded by the abnormal conditions of transport, yet fifty thousand emigrants embarked in
1915, twenty-eight thousand in 1916, forty-three thousand in
1917 and thirty-six thousand in 1918 2.
In spite of emigration, thousands of the agricultural labourers left in the country have to be helped to earn a living by
being employed on public works provided by the State and the
municipalities. Meanwhile the 47.62 per cent, of the area of
the country which is given up to woods and natural pastures
might to a large extent be converted into .arable land and artificiar meadows, to say nothing of the land, now totally or
nearly unproductive, which could be afforested. In the province of Alava 60 per cent, of the natural pastures, which
cover 499,600 acres, might be improved ; in Albacete 988,440
acres, out of 1,962,053 acres which are uncultivated, might
be used to form farms ; in Badajoz 63.5 per cent, of the land is
uncultivated, and the conditions of soil and climate are such
that half this area might easily be improved; and in every
1
2

Vizconde de Eza, El Problema agrario en España, Madrid 1915, p. IS.
The Statesman's Year-Book, London,, 1920.

— 2 —.
other.province there is similarly a greater or less extent of land
of,which the yield might be much increased, and which could.
be made to provide ¡a living for a considerably increased population 1.
Spanish agriculture suffers from the ignorance of the cultivators arid from ünder-capitalisation and an uneven distribution of capital, but it is most fundamentally affected by a
distribution of landed property which renders good husbandry
largely impossible.
-

§ 1. The' Distribution of Property.
Landed properties in Spain, whether they belong to the
State, to municipalities, to corporations, religious òr other,
or to • individuals, are> divided into two large classes—those
which are too extensive in "respect of the capital owned by
their owners to allow them to be scientifically cultivated and
gradually improved, and those which are the outcome of oversubdivision and lare too small to yield an adequate living to
their holders. Subdivision is greatest on the coast of Cantabria, and the eastern part of the Mediterranean' coast. From
north to south .and east to west, towards the Castilian plains,
it tends to decrease, and towards the south-west the large '
properties, the latifundia, become more and more preponderant, until in Lower Andalusia and in Estramadura they are
of extreme importance. However, large properties are found
even in some districts in which subdivision is extreme, as
in Galicia and the Asturias.
There are hardly any figures to show the extent to which
owners farm their own land, but i t may. be stated, generally
that the small properties and the properties near, the towns
are generally or often cultivated by • their. owners and. the
others by tenants. The few existing data prove that in certain
districts, as in Catalonia, 97 per cent, of the owners cultivate
their own lands, while in others this percentage is that of
those who let them out to tenants.
The great importance of the large properties appears from
the fact that, in ,1914, out' of the peninsula's total area of
121,632,000 acres, 1,003,249 acres were in the ownership of
164 persons, which means that each of them' had an average
holding of 6,875 acres. In the province of Cac.eres,. 230,116
out of a total area of 4,906,880 acres belonged to üvelve owners,
so that each of them held on an average 19,176 acres. This
province is called the "typical district of large pa.sturèlahds
held by individual owners who are absentees and, ;atten'd to
their property only for the purpose of receiving their rents. It
1
Survey of the several provinces of Spain, by Don José Aragón, printed
as Appendix I V to Vizconde de Eza, op: cit.
' "•'"• -

— 3—
is a cattle-country par excellence, with a privileged climate .and
.good soil, and yet artificial meadows are hardly known there,
a truly absurd circumstance, for, if even a little irrigation were
effected and use were made of the springs, a good profit could
be made by cattle-breeding and the yield multiplied by one
hundred" 1 .
. . . . • •
Land settlement, which would entail no great sacrifices and
would be .advantageous to the cattle-breeding, could be effected on nearly one half of. the uncultivated area which measr
ures nearly two and a half million acres. In the province of
Malaga, in Andalusia, 39,266 out of 1,799,680 acres belong to six
landlords who thus own, on an average, 10,107 acres each. Here
again it is reported that half the uncultivated area could be
improved by irrigation, dry-farming, plantations and land
settlement. The following are the other provinces in which
large properties are very important. :—
Tofal area jof province

Badajoz
2,160/100 acr.
Almería
5,408,640 »
Jaén
.1,813,760 »
Cordoba ,3,391,360 »
Cadiz • 3,324,920 »

Total arca oí
large holdings

217,239 acri
24,874 »
117,224 » •'
47,114 »
147,710 »

Total no. of
Average area of
large holdings a large holding

37
5
20
10
31

5,871 a c ï \
5,266 »
5,859 »
3,380 »
4,764 »

In ,all these provinces, of which the four latter are in Andalusia, much land improvement is possible.
Conditions in
Badajoz are very like those in Çaceres. In Jaén "property
is accumulated in the hands of persons who hardly pay any
regard to it and enormous tracts await the labour of man in
order to render fruits " 2.
In other districts the evils of an excessive subdivision of
property are felt. Particularly in the. provinces of Alava,
Coruna, •Santander .and Segovia and in parts of those .of
Huesca and Madrid a concentration of the parcels into which
holdings are divided would form' a necessary part of land
improvement. To a great extent, over-subdivision is a result
of the development of the institution of the foros. The foros
contracts were leases, generally either for three generations
or for the lives of three kings and twenty-nine years more,
under which a rent, usually, low and often no more than the
recognition of a right, was rendered by the tenants who were
known as foreros. When such a lease expired the.land with
all the tenant's improvements reverted to the landlord in full
ownership.- Such reversions caused frequent conflicts and
were the initial cause of the peasant emigration ; and therefore,
in 1763, a Pragmatica pf Charles IH ruled that no foros holdings should return to their, landlords until the whole problem
1
2

Don José Aragón : op. cit.
Don José Aragon : op. cit.

.

. .

- 4 of this form of tenure had been finally settled. But the problem has remained unsolved and the tenants have meanwhileenjoyed a tacit property right; Unfortunately they have used
it to sub-let their holdings to a degree .almost incredible.
Swbforos have multiplied at a rate which has been extraordinary ; there has been subletting to the second, third and
fourth degree and even beyond this. Thus property has been
broken up to a fantastic extent and the price of land has
become extravagant. In the Cantabrian provinces there are
holdings of from one hundred and thirty to four hundred and
thirty square yards in which there are enclaves of seven, five
and even two and a half square yards. Inevitably the several
parcels of a single property are often much scattered. According to official data, an owner frequently owns and farms from
forty to fifty separate pieces of land. In the district of Santa
Maria de Ordax every farmer thus owns and farms from 80 to
120 plots which have an aggregate area of sixteen or seventeen acres and are scattered within a radius of three miles. In
the district of Vigo there are many isolated parcels of holdings
which measure no more than thirty-five, twenty-five or even
twelve square yards, and two continuous acres of land in the
tenure of one man are considered to be very large.
These small holdings are those which in Spain are usually
called minimifundos.
§ 2. Farming

Agreements.

There are in Spain some, very ancient forms of farming
agreements. One which is peculiar to the vineyards of Catalonia is known as rabassa morta, and since 1893, in consequence of agitation which then took place, it has become, in
practice, a form of perpetual tenancy, for the tenants have
obtained that the-term of their agreements shall never be less
than 200 years. In Valencia the quitrent tenants have
acquired perpetual and hereditary tenure. ' : Agreements of
these two kinds are analogous to the foros and are tending
to lose importance in modern Spain.
As in most European countries the agreements now most
important are those by which land is let for a rent in money
and those by which it is ceded to produce-sharing tenants.
Short-term leases are very common throughout the country and are such as to be little short of ruinous to the tenant.
For a very uncertain, tenure he usually has to" pay an extremely high rent, and at the expiry of his lease he receives no
compensation for his improvements. It is on leases of this
kind, that the peasants of Mancia and Aragon hold their land ;
in the eastern part-of this district on annual1 leases of this
kind. In the Asturias the perpetual or hereditary leases
which once (prevailed have been superseded by short-terni
leases, generally for four or at most for six years ; but here

— 5—
the. tenants-suffer less hardship than elsewhere because most
, of them own. land in addition to that which they rent. In
the central and the southern provinces, where large properties predominate, the terms of .leases tend constantly to di. minish. while rents rise. The evils, .of this whole system are
aggravated by the existence of a class of agents and other
middlemen, who tend to make. their profit at the expense
of the. tenants. Frequently they are money-lenders, and. an
exorbitant proportion of the crops is pledged to them, as
interest on their loans, long before the time of harvest.
Produce-sharing tenants are fairly common in Spain, especially in Catalonia. They receive from the landlord certain
parcels of land, to hold for a term fixed legally but capable of
being prolonged, and they render to him a determined share
of. the produce of the holding. Their agreement is legalised
by an article of the Civil Code which declares that at-is
governed as are agreements of association, that is by the terms
stipulated by the contracting parties or by local custom. For
lack of fuller legal, provision, the Court of Cassation of Madrid has on several occasions decided that a produce-sharing
tenant leaving his holding before the term fixed in his agreement cannot be sued, a decision which has given rise to lively
protest. There are, however, in certain parts of Spain, forms
of produoe-sharing tenure which seem really to harmonise the
interests of the landlords ,and those of the tenants. Such are
the ancient and hereditary caserías of the-Gascon provinces,
which are almost entirely regulated by custom, and such are
the Catalan masouerias.
The Gascon caserías are in some cases still in the hands
of families who have held them for three or four centuries.
The holder renders to the landlord a small annual rent in
kind—a pair of fowls or a dozen eggs—as well as half the
produce he has sold during the year after he has provided
for the needs of his own household. If he keeps cows he
supplies the landlord, at the current market yprice, with
all the milk the latter requires. If he breeds stock the
landlord ¡provides the animals needed for this purpose and
receives half the price .which the young animals fetch. In
most cases there is no written agreement : the terms of the
tenure are established only by ancient custom, yet they are
almost always punctually fulfilled.
The Catalan masouer lives in part of the house which his
landlord, the mos, owns on his holding. The masouer hires
the day-labourers needed on the land, throughout the year
or in certain seasons, and pays all other costs of cultivation,
except that in some cases the mos provides fertilizers or insecticides. The mos pays -the direct and the masouer the indirect
taxes. The masouer renders to the mos a share of the produce of the land—a half, a third or a quarter according to
the district.

§'3.' The Wage-Earning

Labourers.

In the northern provinces of Spain, where property is
much subdivided .and the prevailing systems of-land tenure
are those of the foros and of produce-sharing tenancy, wage-earning labourers are so few that they are almost liegligible.
The holder and his family cultivate the land, neighbours
helping each other in busy seasons. In these districts there
is even a surplus of unpaid labour, so that, especially at harvest-time, young men go for short periods to work as day
labourers in neighbouring provinces.
In the centre and the south, the districts of the latifundia,
permanently employed farm servants, engaged and paid by"
the year, are found comparatively rarely. On thé - typical
large holding, the land, in thé absence of the owner, is managed
by an agent or farmer who cultivates it by means of gangs of
day-labourers. These are generally lodged and fed as well
as paid in money. Their money-wages have, at least until
recently, been too low to allow them to make any savings.
The lodgings provided for them are authoritatively, stated to
be deplorable, to consist, often, of squalid sheds or outhouses
or even cellars; and their diet is frequently insufficient, if
not positively unhealthy. In the two Castilles, where extensive
farming—grain and vine-growing and stock-raising— prevails
and there is therefore little variety of crops, the day-labourers
often suffer from unemployment. In Andalusia ànd Estremadura, where large farmers have special inducements to neglect
every consideration save that of making the largest possible
profit within the term of their lease, both land and labourers
run the gravest risk of being exploited, while at the expiry of
a lease whole troops of day-labourers are often thrown out of
work.
§ "4. The Movement for Reform.
The movement for reform has come both from the Spanish
government arid from s the • peasants.- An important government initiative is. represented by the Land Settlement Decree of
1918, of which the professed aims are to lessen emigration, to
populate the Spanish country-side, and to bring into cultivation lands which are uncultivated or underfarmed.
These aims are realised by means of the settlement of land
of three kinds : forests and land which are or come to be thè
inalienable property of the State, including unused and uncultivated land ; forests and land which belong to villages' and
form commons ; and forests and land comprised in the official catalogue of lands of public utility. Further, an individual
landowner maj' cede his property right to the State for the
purpose of land settlement. •

— 7 —

The land settlement authorised has two forms : allotments
are made to agricultural labourers ; and agricultural colonies
consisting of family holdings are formed. The new centres'of
population arising out of the colonies are provided with the
necessary public services and with co-operative institutions of
production, consumption and mutual aid. The decree sets up,
as land' settlement authority, ïthe Cental Land Settlement
and Repopulation Commission.
This commission must, when distributing,the Lands or
woods to be settled, observe certain rules : the lots formed
must generally have a regular shape ; each of them must have
an independent'entry and the roads and paths allowing of this
must therefore be traced ; the area settled must be divided
into such á number of lots that each one can be cultivated by
th'e family of an agricultural labourer on the days and during
the hours for which he does not work in another man's service, enabling him thus to earn an addition tó his day-labourer's wages.
This provision of the decree seems to be open to criticism
in that its purpose is rather to provide the labourers with a
subsidiary source of gain than to turn them into small holders
maintained solely by the produce of their own land. It is
many years since it was proved, particularly in England, that
where farm-labourers have allotments their wages, if unregulated by law or collective 'contracts, tend to be lower than
elsewhere. In Germany the further discovery has been made
that a landholding labourer is handicapped by his immobility : he is not free to seek the best conditions his capabilities
can command ; his field of search for work is limited to the
district within reach of his holding.
With a view to encouraging good farming methods the
decree provides that each, colony must include a field of
experiment or model cultivation.
.Each piece of land granted as a lot becomes from the
moment of its grant.an indivisible holding, unless its marketvalue so increase that the Central Commission obtains leave.
from the government to divide it.
Lots are first granted for five years, during which the holders cannot alienate them and are obliged to cultivate them
constantly and to afforest fixed proportions of theim. After
five years the holder acquires a permanent title and the right
to alienate.
The new inhabitants of every area settled are obliged to
constitute a co-operative association which will have the following objects : the purchase of food and other articles for
the consumption of the settlers and their families ; the purchase of seed, manure, implements and live stock for the
colony | the conversion of the produce of the colony ; the
sale of this produce ; the organisation of agricultural insurance ; the organisation and administration of agricultural

•— 8 —
credit, and the organisation of saving and thrift and. of reciprocal'co-operation with other associations and co-operative
societies.; the management. of public services of every. kin^,
and thé organisation of instructive' and entertaining lectures.
The capital of the co-operative societies consists of grants
in • aid, donations and. advances received from the Central
Commission, the official agencies1 and individuals; of the
buildings, chattels and implements and the'draft and other
animals in common use ; and of the public debt bonds, the
shares, and bonds bought in industrial credit societies with
funds not immediately needed, and the whole value of the produce, during the first ten years, of the common lands and
forests and the experiment field of each colony. The income
of a co-operative society is made up of subscriptions,in kind or
money paid by the settlers in obedience to the rules or to decisions of the general meeting, of the periodic grants of settlers,
prescribed by the general meeting, of the profit.on business
. done, and of the produce of the live stock owned in common.
The management of. the co-operative societies- is ensured
by the Central Land Settlement Commission, the settlers' general meeting, and an administrative -council. This last consists
of settlers'who are heads of families and are elected by the
general assembly, half of them being re-elected annually* Their
number is four where there are no more than twenty settlers,
six where there are from twenty to fifty settlers, and ten in
all other cases, A delegate of the Central Commission is the
director of the colony and the chairman of the administrative
council.
The financial resources of the Central Commission consist
of loans granted to it under general financial laws, grants
voted" by the provincial authorities and the municipalities,
annuities and sums received in redemption1 of quitrents from
settlers for State lands awarded to them by the Commission,
annual payments made by the settlers' co-operative. associations to the Central Commission as interest and amortisation.
of advances, and loans from credit societies or individuals,
'specially authorised by law and secured by the State and .by
their other funds and credit.
, Om the 13th of October 1920 a decree amending the Land
Settlement Decree received the royal assent. By its provisions
the Central Land Settlement and Repopulation Commission
is attached to the Ministry of Labour and its powers are
enlarged., ....,...,
'._._., .
.,
..
:
These decrees represent the Government policy of agrarian
reform. They follow on several,official enquiries which'have
resulted in four important recommendations to the government : (1) that the middlemen who now often intervene between the landlord and the farmers be eliminated ; (2) that
rural banks be founded tò supply the capital which will allow
the use of modern agricultural machinery and to supersede

—9—
»
the local moneylenders; (3) that legally recognized'tradeunions he constituted ; and (4) that commissions equally representative of employers, and workers be formed and be emr
powered to settle disputes, to cut up large properties and to
•expropriate uncultivated land.
' The third of these recommendations touches on an important aspect of modern rural society in Spain. In recent
years trades-unionism has taken a strong hold on.the agricultural class. It has left the small owner and tenant almost
untouched but it has greatly affected the day-labourer.
Its manifestations resemble those which are frequent in
Italy. Thus, first, certain labourers' organisations have been
able to conclude collective labour .contracts with their employers. In the province of Castillon two labourers' and one
employers' organisation concluded such an agreement on
25 September 1920 for the orange-harvest of 1920-21 in the
Plana district. It stipulates that there shall be complete freedom of contract, thai wages shall be fixed by the local workers'
and employer's organisations, but shall fall within a maximum
and minimum determined by the meetings which drew up'me
contract, that the principle of the eight hour day. shall be
accepted but that such day shall be capable of modification by
legal provisions, custom and agreements while it shall be
possible to work for only part óf a regular working day and
receive proportionate pay, and that the contract shall be
interpreted and disputes settled by a mixed committee of
employers and employed. The two signatory parties ,renounce,
for the time fo,r which the contract is in force, thè right to
declare.strikes and lock-outs, respectively.
In the second place, the General Union of Workers of
Spain now interests itself in the agricultural industry. ' In its
meeting of December 1919 this body agreed to form a special
committee of rural propaganda and a National Federation
of Agricultural Labour. It further resolved to demand legislation which would suppress certain antiquated forms of labourhiring contracts, enact a minimum wage and maximum
working-day, forbid piece-work, regulate migrant labour, protect women and children and secure equal wages for men and
women in agriculture.
These reforms are on the familiar lines of the programmes
of organised labour everywhere. But the Union also resolved
to ask for certain reforms of the tenant-law which have peculiar reference to Spanish conditions, reforms which would
ensure to a tenant compensation for his improvements, oblige
landlords to share the risks of cultivation, exempt all farming
implements from seizure, put an end to game preserves, forbid leases of less than six years, and grant a right of property to à tenant of twenty years' standing. Special legislation
was "asked for to deal with the latifundia and with perpetual
leaseholds. It was demanded that unproductive land should

N

-

lO.-

be distributed among the workers' organisations and that al]
private-roads and paths should-lapse,to the local authorities.
Trees were.not to be cut down if the country thereby .suffered
loss..Landlords' and tenants' committees of arbitration were
to be formed- Indirect taxation was to be abolished, instruction in agriculture much increased. .The; Land Survey of
Spain was to be completed and its details.revised by the local
authorities.
•
Meanwhile legislation enacting a working-day of eight hours
òr a working week of forty-eight, for agriculture as for industry, was already in existence, for a decree containing this provision received the royal assent in April 1919. But it gave rise
to a storm of protest from the more moderate rural organisa,tions and from several provincial councils of agriculture, and
therefore in January 1920 an amended .decree was signed.. This
. allows agricultural day-labourers to be, employed' for ten hours
a, day in seasons of heavy work and at times of urgencyj if
separate pay is given them for the two hpurs thus added to
their working day. As for the farm-hands hired by the.year»
it stipulates that they must have eight, hours of consecutive, or
nin° ¡hours of interrupted rest in every twenty-four hours, as'.
well as one whole holiday for every six days for which they
work; ; .Special' exemptions are. granted to 'Shepherds and
herdsmen and to the watchmen who guard ripening fruit and
other'crops. Wherever men or women are kept at work on
îeàstdays their hours must so be arranged that each one has
timé 'to perform his religious- duties.
Tn'its meeting of June, and July 1920 the Union of Workers again'' gave its attention to agriculture ; and most of its
recommendations had the same aim as .those passed in December, that of giving security to the labourer or tenant, and
substituting .•collective bodies for inefficient .individuals as
landlords' or usufructuaries. A new proposal was for a tax
on land value >vhich would stimulate cultivation. But the
most significant act of the meeting was its submission to the
Congress ' of the General Union of Workers of a resolution
demanding a nationalisation of land, to imply its grant in
usufruct io agricultural"'associations who-would cultivate it
in accordance with the advice of farming expert's.
Since then unrest and agitation have continued. The General Union of Workers summoned to Jaen an inter-regional
agricultural congress, to. represent the organised workers of
' Andalusia and Estreïnadùra. The provincial governor at first
forbade it to -foe held, but eventually authorised it on condition
its discussions were confined, within certain limits ;. and its'
preliminary session was held accordingly at Jaen on the. 15th
öf October and was attended, according to the report in.the
labour press, by thirty delegates representing 147 sections
and a total number of 62,177 organized workers. Motions for
compelling governments, to , respect public liberties, for

— 11 — .
regulating wages and the length of the working day and other
conditions of labour and introducing collective contracts into
agriculture, and for dealing with crises in the labour-market
and with the high price of living, are to be submitted to the
congress.
Percentage of cultivated, unproductive and uncultivated
land in each Spanish province in 1915. 1
PROVINCE '

Alava. . .
Albacete .
Alicante. .
Almería. .
Avila . . .
Badajoz. .
Baleares. .
Barcelona . .
Burgos . .
Caceres '. .
Cadiz . . .
Canarias .
Castellón .
Ciudad Real .
Cordoba. .
Coruna . .
Cuenca . .
Gerona . .
Granada. .
Guadalajara
Guipúzcoa.
Hue! va . . .
Huesca . .
Jaén . . . . .
Léon . . . .
1

Percentage oí total
area
cultivated

30

unpro- unculductive tivated

2
6.4

68

40.2
33.3

13.7

34

21

53
45

55.4
28.2
38.2
48 •
53.7
24.6
43.5
47.7
48.6
49.7
52.7

15.4

43

39.7
28.5
41

49.1
32.8
36
28

50.9
40.8

8.3
9.3
13

12.3
5.7

11.5
20.6
13.6

53.4
29.2
63.5
52.5
39
34

69.7
45

3

31.7
37.8
44.3
44.3

5

52

6

"8.6
15.8
11.4
13.6
1.6

14.8
16.5
37.7
4.9

51.7
55.7
47.0
37\3
65:6
49.2
55.5
11.4
54.3

Don J<3sé Aragón, op. cit.

PROVINCE

Lérida . .
Logroño. .
Lugo . . . .
Madrid . .
Malaga . ..
Murcia;. ..
Navarre., . .
Orenze . .
Oviedo . .
Patencia. .
Pontevedra
Salamanca.
Santander.
Segovia . .
Seville. . :
Soria . . .
Tarragona.
Teruel. . .
Toledo . .
Valencia. .
Valladolid.
Biscaye . .
Zamora
Saragossa .

Percentage of total
area
cultivated

45.6
35 '
21.1
60
46

58.7
26.5
28'

36.4
45

38.4
68.9
5

62.6
54.9
45.9
45.

-

-~

unpro- unculductive tivated

12.5

41.9

8
1.8
6
8.6

57

14.3

27

2
2
2.6
4.5
2.5
3.6
5.4

13.4

77.1
34

45.4
71.5
70
61

50.5
59.1
27.5
89.6
24

9.4

39.9
44.7

5.2

r

48

36.1

13.4

50.5

46

12

42

47.5
60.8

10.6

41.9
27 •

20

60.3
51:9

122
3
11

11.1

77

28.7
37

SOURCES.

VIZCONDE DE E Z A : El problema agrario en España, Imprentk.de Bernardo
' Rodriguez, Madrid, 1915.
>
, .•"
.
El problema economico en España, ibid. 1916.
Bulletin Mensuel des Institutions Economiques et Sociales, Institut International d'Agriculture, Rome, May'and July 1916, July 1020.
Boletín del Instituto de Reformas Sociales, Madrid, May 1920,.
Annuaire International
1919. .

de Législation
"

Agricole, V I I I e année. 1918, ibid.
c

La Gazette de Lausanne, article. "La question agraire en Espagne" by
M. Delume; 13 March 1920.
El Socialista, Madrid, 6 july 1920; 15 October 1920/
El Sol, Madrid, 16 October 1920.
A. B. C, Madrid 14 October 1920.
Reports of Congresses privately communicated.

.

••

'

STUDIES ÄND
-.•...

tfE'PÓlíTS

•' -ALREADY ISSUED. " ' '

. , In , cases where, the -English or-French text of a-Report has not : yet 'been -published U
. will r be issued at a 'later - ääte> í

' "-''' 1, '

N°

1.

"''

Series À'.'

T H E AGREEMENT

,; ......

, . ..

B E T W E E N T H E SPANISH WORKERS' O R -

G A N I S A T I O N S , , issue'd o n S e p t e m b e r 2 5 t h 1 9 2 0 .
English and in French,
-»2.

" T H E D I S P U T E >ÍN T H E M E T A L
INDUSTRY
TRADES
UNION
CONTROL O F INDUSTRY,

S e p t e m b e r 2 5 t h 1 9 2 0 . In English

In
•• •

IN
ITALY.
issued on

and in French-.-

)) . 3 . Ä'NNUAL -MEETING OF THE TRADES 'UNION CONGRESS
1920, i s s u e d o n O c t o b e r 4 t h 192Ö. In English .and
in French.
.
. „.
»

4; . Ì I - I N Ì T E R N À T I O Ì Ì A L

AND

'GÓNGRESS-OF

WORKER'S

D R I N K TRADES, issued

In English

and in French.

IN' T H E FOOD

on October

< •• "

11th 1920.

"

».•5.- T H E BRITISH GOVERNMENT AND T H E MINERS' FEDERATION-OF GREAT BRITAIN. CONFÉRENCE B E T W E E N SIR
R O B E R T H O R N E A N D T H E M I N E R S ' F E D E R A T I O N , LSSUED

o n O c t o b e r 1 1 t h 1 9 2 0 ; In English

and in

French.

» '6. THE CONGRESS OF' THE LABOUR AND SOCIALIST INTERNATIONAL, i s s u e d o n ' O c t o b e r 1 4 t h 1 9 2 0 . In
English
and in French.
» ' 7.

T H E MINERS''INTERNATIONAL

CONGRESS, issued

•••••',>.•• •-•• t o b e r 1 9 t h 1 9 2 0 . In English
»

8.

T H E INTERNATIONAL

and in

LABOUR ORGANISATION.

R I S O N , i s s u e d i n O c t o b e r 2 1 s t 1920.
in French.
»

9.

T H E INTERNATIONAL

issued o n October
French.
» 10.

T H E BRITISH

CONGRESS

22nd

GOVERNMENT

OF

on

Oc-

French.
A

COMPA-

In English
,, •

METAL

and
,- -•••>

WORKERS,

1920. ' In English
and in
' ; -,. v •. n l « \
AND THE MINERS'

FEDERA-

T I O N OF THE GREAT BRITAIN. CONFERENCE BETWEEN
THE GOVERNMENT AND THE TRIPLE INDUSTRIAL ALLIANCE, i s s u e d o n O c t o b e r 2 6 t h 1 9 2 0 . In
English
only.
» 11.

L E CONFLITDES MÉTALLURGISTES EN ITALIE. L E CONTROL
• SYNDICAL

DANS

L'INDUSTRIE

( 2 m e étude) issued

N o v e m b e r 4 t h 1 9 2 0 . In French

only.

on

Series B.
Ñ° 1.

»

• Enquiry by
t h e International Labour Office end of May 1920,
issued o n September 1st 1920. _ In English and in
French.

IC'OAL PRODUCTION I N T H E R U H R DISTRICT.

2i

P A P E R S RELATING TO SCHEMES OF INTERNATIONAL ORGA-.,
N I S A T I O N FOR T H E DISTRIBUTION O F RAW MATERIALS
AND F O O D STAFFS, issued on October 5th. In
English

and in French.

•

.

-,

Series C.
N°

1.

T H E B R I T I S H LEGISLATION " ÖN UNEMPLOYMENT INSUR A N C E , issued on October ' 2 6 t h 1920. In
English^

, . i
»

• and in French^

2.

••

<. •

~

L ' A C T I O N GOUVERNEMENTALE DANS LA LUTTE CONTRE
L E CHÔMAGE E N ITALIE, issued on October 27th
In

. .-

Frene only.

»' 3.

/ ,•
issued
French.

T H E : BULGARIAN LAW ON COMPULSORY LABOUR,

on N o v e m b e r 4th 1920: - In English and in
Series D.
N°, 1.

S T A F F REGULATION ON THE F R E N C H

on September 4th- 1920.

RAILWAYS,

In. English

and in

issued
French-

Series H. .
N°

lv

T H E , .CONSUMERS'

CO-OPERATIVE

SOCIETIES

IN

1919

.•,„••.

( D e n m a r k arid Sweden), issued on September 8th
* Ï920. In English and in French.

».-; 2.

S E V E N T H CONGRESS
O F F I C E , issued on

and in French.
--'''•'
N°

1.
"

,

[

OF . T H E

BELGIAN

CO-OPERATIVE

September 25th 1920.
,
•

In

English

' Series K.

FIRST; I N T E R N A T I O N A L
CONGRESS OF L A N D W O R K E R ' S
,
U N I O N S , A F F I L I A T E D TO THE INTERNATIONAL F E D E •••. R A T I O N O F T È A D E UNIONS, issued on november 9th

1920. In English

and in

French.