INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE

STUDIES AND EEPORTS
Series B (Social and Economic Conditions) No. 23

WORKERS' NUTRITION
AND

SOCIAL POLICY

)

GENEVA
1936
Published in the United Kingdom
For the INTEKNATIONAL LABOUB OFFICE (LEAGUE OF NATIONS)
By P . S. K I N G & SON, Ltd.
Orchard House, 14 Great Smith Street, Westminster, London, S.W. 1

PBXNTED BY
IMPRIMERIE POPULAIRE
LAUSANNE

PREFACE

The Nineteenth Session of the International Labour Conference adopted a resolution submitted by Sir Frederick Stewart
(Government delegate of Australia), supported by Mr. Verschaffelt
and Miss Ada Paterson (Government delegates of New Zealand),
which read as follows :
" Seeing t h a t nutrition, adequate both in quantity and in quality,
is essential to the health and well-being of the workers and their
families ;
And seeing t h a t in various countries evidence has been brought
forward to show t h a t large numbers of persons both in town and
country are not sufficiently or suitably nourished ;
Seeing, moreover, t h a t an increase in the consumption of
agricultural foodstuffs would help to raise standards of life and
relieve the existing depression in agriculture :
The Conference welcomes the attention drawn by the Director
in his Report to the problem of nutrition and requests the
Governing Body t o instruct the Office to continue its investigation
of the problem, particularly in its social aspects, in collaboration
with the health and economic organisations of the League of Nations,
the International Institute of Agriculture and other bodies capable
of contributing to its solution, with a view t o presenting a report
on the subject to the 1936 Session of the Conference. "

The Conference requested the Governing Body to instruct
the Office to continue its investigation of the problem and to
submit a report on the subject to the 1936 Session of the Conference. The Governing Body unanimously decided to give effect
to this request, and approved the proposal that a first report
by the Office on the problem of workers' nutrition be submitted
to the Twentieth Session of the International Labour Conference.
The Governing Body further set up a Temporary Committee
of Experts on Nutrition Questions (see Appendix I). This Committee met in Geneva, 2-5 December 1935, under the chairmanship of Mr. C. V. Bramsnaes. The following members were present : MM. Yoshisaka, Olivetti and Schüren, as representatives
of the Governing Body ; and MM. Cathcart, Durig, Halbwachs,

PREFACE

Jaeggi, and Miss Faith Williams as experts. The Office desires
to express its sincerest thanks to the members of this Committee
for their valuable assistance in formulating the outline of the
Report and at later stages during its preparation.
In accordance with the resolution, the International Labour
Office has pursued the study of the nutrition problem since the
last Session of the International Labour Conference, in collaboration with the Health and Economic Sections of the League of
Nations, and with the International Institute of Agriculture.
The International Institute of Agriculture kindly agreed to submit
memoranda on the evolution of world production of foodstuffs
and on the question of pure food legislation, which have been
incorporated in the present Report. The Office takes this opportunity to express again its gratitude to the International Institute
of Agriculture for the assistance thus rendered.
Geneva, May 1936.

CONTENTS

Page
PREFACE

CHAPTER I :
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.

The Nature and Scope of the Report

The Scope of t h e Report
Malnutrition, Malnourishment and Under-nourishment . .
The London Standards
What the Workers E a t
Economic and Social Aspects
Education and Income

CHAPTER I I :

Nutrition

and Occupation

I. T h e Problem of Food Rations
The Standard Metabolism
The Qualitative and Quantitative Problems of Foods
The Organic Nutritional Elements
Inorganic Nutritional Elements
II. Energy Requirements of t h e Worker
The Material Requirement (Foods)
Experimental Data
Light, Moderate and Heavy Work
CHAPTER I I I : Facts on Workers' Diets
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
VI.
VII.

Production and Food Consumption

15
15
17
17
21
22
28
29
33
37

Statistical Evaluation of Nutrition Standards
National Differences in Workers' Food Consumption . . .
Variations in Food Consumption according to Family Income
Nutritive Values of Workers' Food Budgets
National Consumption of Various Foods
The Question of Malnutrition
Special Groups of Workers

CHAPTER IV : Agricultural

2
4
5
7
8
10

37
45
52
67
72
76
77
81

I. World Food Production
81
Cereals
82
Meat
84
Milk and Dairy Produce
88
Poultry and Eggs
93
Potatoes, Vegetables and Fruit
95
II. Agricultural Production and the Possibility of Improving
Standards of Nutrition
100

CONTENTS
Page

CHAPTER V :

Social-Economic

Aspects of Nutrition

106

I. Food Consumption and Purchasing Power
Prices
Production Costs
Market Organisation and Distribution Costs . . .
Commercial Policy
Fiscal Policy
Lower Prices and Better Nutrition . . . . . . .
Incomes
II. Nutrition Standards and Consumption Habits
I I I . Nutrition and the State
CHAPTER V I : Social Legislation and Nutrition
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.

122

Wages
Social Insurance and Assistance .
Working Conditions
Special Categories of Workers
Conclusions

CHAPTER V I I :

107
108
109
110
Ill
113
114
114
118
120

123
128
132
135
140
. . .

141

I. Public and Quasi-Public Agencies
Organisation
Activities
.
Food Supplies and Markets
Nutritional Aid to Special Groups .
Education and Propaganda
Recent Developments
II. Activities • of Employers
III. Activities of Trade Unions
IV. T h e Co-operative Movement
Distributive Co-operative Societies
Agricultural Co-operative Societies
Special Features of Co-operative Organisations . •. .
The Contribution of the Co-operative Movement to
a Policy of Better Nutrition
Increased Purchasing Power
Inter-co-operative Relations
Education of Consumers
Inspection of Quality

141
141
142
142
143
145
146
147
151
152
153
155
157

CHAPTER V I I I :
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.

Agencies and Methods to Improve Nutrition

Pro blems of Policy.

. . . . . . . . .

Summary of Findings
Research and Education
Social-Economic Policy and Organisation
Wider Aspects
• • •
National and International Action

158
158
159
162
163

. . •--.,... 166
166
167
169
170
171

CONTENTS

APPENDICES
" I. The International Labour Organisation and the Problem of
Workers' Nutrition

175

II. The Physiological Bases of Nutrition

183

III.

Supplementary Statistics t o Chapter I I : Nutrition
Occupation

and

IV. International Statistics of Food Consumption

195

PART A : Classification of Foodstuffs into Main Groups
adopted by the International Labour Office
for International Comparisons of Food
Consumption

195

PART B : Quantities (kgs.) of Foodstuffs Consumed per
Year per Unit of Consumption

197

PART C : Index Numbers of Quantities of Foodstuffs
Consumed by Workers' Households in
Different Countries

220

PART D : Index Numbers of Food Consumption (per
Consumption Unit) b y Households of
Salaried Employees and Civil Servants in
Different Countries

224

PART E : National per capita Consumption of Selected
Foodstuffs
PART F : Notes on Sources Used and Methods of Computation Employed . . . .•
V. Notes on Nutrition Conditions among Unemployed Workers
VI.

186

Laws and Regulations Establishing Minimum Standards of
Quality and of Purity for Food Products, Prohibiting
Adulteration and Fraud, and Requiring the Use of Standardised Weights, Measures and Descriptions of Quality

225
234
240

244

CHAPTER I
THE NATURE AND SCOPE OF THE REPORT
At its Nineteenth Session, in June 1935, the International
Labour Conference adopted a Resolution which raised the problem
of the relation between workers' nutrition and social policy.
The Resolution laid down three propositions : (1) that adequate
nutrition is a basic factor in the health and well-being of the
workers and their families ; (2) that there is widespread evidence
that large numbers of workers in town and country are not sufficiently or suitably nourished, even in industrially advanced
countries, and (3) that a proper consideration of workers' nutrition
would help to solve some of the difficult social-economic problems
of to-day *.
The general issue raised in the Resolution of the Conference
has both old and new aspects. I t is an old problem in so far as
it restates the need for abolishing poverty and for raising the
standard of living of the workers. In labour legislation, the question of workers' food budgets has figured directly or indirectly
in the discussion of wages, public health, social insurance and
other workers' problems.
But the issue also has new aspects. As raised to-day the question of workers' nutrition and social policy is more direct in its
approach and larger in its social-economic significance. I t starts
with a new concept of the relation of nutrition to health and
points to the possibility of gearing social policy to objectively
established scientific standards with beneficial effects upon the
economic mechanism as a whole.
What is the explanation of these larger and newer aspects
of the problem ? The answer lies in two simultaneous developments which have taken place during recent years. On the one
hand, science has during the past two decades or so made great
progress in elucidating the nutritive basis of health and has
disclosed the specific and even minute food elements on which
the vitality and energy of the body depend. On the other hand,
1

For a detailed survey of the history of the question see Appendix I.

W O E K E E S ' NTJTBITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

the enormous progress in the technology of production has
impressed upon the public mind everywhere the idea that there
is no longer any economic necessity why all members of society
should not enjoy the material needs for good health and social
well-being.
Destructive and painful as it was, the recent industrial depression may have resulted in at least one positive gain to the
extent to which it popularised the paradox of poverty amidst
plenty. The dramatisation of this paradox gave further impetus
to the idea that the two developments referred to above, of
nutritive science and of productive technology, present a challenge
to modern society, which may be stated as follows : may not the
application of the new scientific knowledge on nutrition to the
promotion of health supply a principle of social policy which
would help to reorient in the proper direction our economic activities ? The present study is an attempt to state as clearly as
possible the questions implied in this challenge.

I. — T H E SCOPE OF THE REPOET

However, the scope and character of the Report presented
here have been determined not only by this general idea, but by
certain limiting factors which had to be taken into account, such
as the shortness of time available, the paucity of existing data,
and the general objectives which guide the work of the International Labour Office. It will help to place this Report in its proper
setting if these limiting factors are briefly reviewed and the nature
of the following chapters indicated.
To begin with, it is not the intention to present in this Report
a picture either of conditions of famine or of starvation. That
many areas and large sections of the world population outside
Western Europe and America are still subject to the devastating
effects of periodic famines and of chronic starvation is only too
vividly realised. That there are also countries in Europe and on
the American continents which su fer from a chronic state of
under-nourishment is also kept in "mind "here. There is no need
either to hide these facts or in any way to minimise the challenge
which they present to the civilisation of the twentieth century.
It is taken for granted that not until this challenge is met and
not until every country of the world has been freed from exposure
to the risk of periodic famine and to the intolerable condition of

NATURE AKD SCOPE OF THE REPORT

chronic starvation of large masses of the people will modern
civilisation have deserved the right to be designated as a civilisation and as modern.
Neither is any attempt made in this Report to survey the
condition of insufficient or incorrect nourishment which exists
among the population as a whole, even in advanced industrial
countries. Thus, investigations made in recent years in such
countries have revealed unsatisfactory conditions of nutrition
among large numbers of children, even of the middle classes.
That such conditions have an important bearing upon the general
problem considered here is clear. The destiny of mankind is
moulded in the cradle and in the school. Also, the supply and
quality of labour are obviously determined not merely by the
numbers of the growing generation, but also by their health and
physical development. The children of to-day are the workers of
to-morrow upon whom industry must depend for its capacity and
efficacy. The question of the kind and type of worker that industry
may expect is thus closely related to the question of the nutrition
and health of the children. There is no particular need of
emphasising here the obligation resting upon modern society in
relation to its children whose nutrition falls below standards
established by modern science. This obligation has definitely been
recognised and is part of the consciousness of the modern world.
That the problem continues to persist is merely another illustration
of the difficulties which the modern world finds in putting into
effect the ideas and principles which it has established in theory
and the validity of which it fully admits.
A consideration of the nutrition of children would therefore
be within the limits and scope of an International Labour Office
report on the assumption that the earning capacity and the whole
standard of living of adult workers are to a large extent determined
by the conditions to which they are subjected in their infancy
and childhood. Similarly, an examination of the nutrition of
expectant and nursing mothers in workers' families, would logically fall within the province of any extensive and comprehensive
Report upon the subject. But the issues which would have been
involved in such an extension of the Report are sui generis and
call for special methods of investigation. All that can be done
here is to indicate that these facts be kept in mind as one of the
backgrounds against which this Report must be read.
This study is thus largely concerned, as the title indicates,
with the nutrition of workers and their families. This limitation,

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

however, is to a large extent nominal for, after all, the workers
in most countries constitute a majority of the population.
Industrial workers, salaried employees, agricultural labourers,
professional workers — all those people who obtain their income
primarily from the labour of their hands and brains and not
from property, are the bulk of the people for whose benefit social
policies are conceived and put into practice.

II.

—

MALNUTRITION,
AND

MALNOURISHMENT

UNDER-NOURISHMENT

A great deal of the current discussion on widespread " malnutrition " among the working people and their families in many
countries obviously depends upon a definition of terms. It may
be conducive to clearness of discussion if we distinguish between
three separate concepts — malnutrition, malnourishment and
undernourishment.
The word malnutrition might best be reserved to indicate the
state of ill-health of a population or of any group of a population
in so far as that state is caused either by malnourishment or
under-nourishment. It is thus to a large extent a medical term
or a term for public health purposes. Students of public health
are showing a tendency to use that term in such a sense more
consistently. The existence of malnutrition is revealed in various
morbid states, and it is measurable in terms of indices which
are medical, anthropological or biostatistical (such as height,
weight, special diseases, etc.).
Malnourishment refers to an actual condition of diets in which
not the quantity but the quality of foodstuffs is involved. According to present knowledge, a diet must supply some 30 or more
nutrients in order to provide the proteins of high quality, as
well as energy-yielding food. Fortunately many of these substances
are so widely distributed in common foods that there is little
danger of shortage in diets freely chosen with adequate incomes,
but some are,very unevenly distributed, and unless care is taken
in food selection, they will be meagrely supplied. As a result,
a population or a group of a population may be malnourished,
even if it is able to use and is in the habit of using a sufficient
quantity of energy-yielding foodstuffs, but if it is either unable
or unaccustomed to maintain a balanced diet including all the
proper nutritive elements in correct proportions.

NATURE AND SCOPE OF THE REPORT

The term under-nourishment, on the other hand, expresses a
dietary condition, largely among working people, in which there
is an actual insufficiency both in quantity and in quality of the
nutritive elements needed for health and well-being.
A good deal of the controversy which is going on now with
reference to nutrition and health is based upon a lack of discrimination between these three concepts. The facts brought to light
so far undoubtedly indicate that there is widespread malnutrition
among various sections of the population of different countries.
Such malnutrition, however, is not always an indication either
of poverty or of ignorance. I t may be the result of carelessness
or indifference. I t is also obvious t h a t in some of the more advanced
countries a large part of malnutrition is not due to a shortage
of food b u t to malnourishment, t h a t is, to the fact t h a t the foods
consumed, while adequate in quantity, are inadequate in quality
or in vitamin and mineral content. Such inadequacy may be the
result either of inability to purchase the protective foodstuffs
because of their higher expense, or it may be due to ignorance of
food values or to other causes. But it is also a fact, and the
most important fact which is to be stressed in this Report, t h a t a
large element in the malnutrition of to-day is the result of undernourishment, which is primarily and essentially caused by insufficiency of the means for acquiring the necessary foodstuffs.
III.

—

T H E LONDON STANDARDS

However, a study of workers' nutrition carries us even beyond
the points indicated above. The worker faces problems which
are different from those of any other group of the population.
The minute subdivision of labour which characterises modern
industry may have more signifiance from the point of view of
its effects upon health than has so far been realised. The technical
conditions of a modern mine, mill, factory or shop affect physiological processes in a profound way. They influence food habits,
the appetite of the worker, his craving for special kinds of food,
his need for more calorific energy, the time distribution of his
meals, and so on. The rules and regulations by which an average
person of the population may be guided in selecting his foods and
in organising his daily consumption may be of little value to
the different groups and classes of workers in an industrial plant.
Had it been possible, this line of approach to the problem
would have been followed much farther in this Report. This does

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

not imply any intention to treat workers' nutrition merely as a
phase of industrial efficiency. No such "robot" conception is
entertained here. The worker does not eat merely in order that
he may work. As with every other member of society, the worker's
problem of nutrition is one of maintaining a condition of good
health not only in order to work, but in order to enjoy life.
Nevertheless, the worker's nutrition problem is complicated by
the needs of occupational efficiency, and that calls for special
consideration.
Unfortunately, however, this phase of the subject is still in
its very beginnings. While the human requirements in general
for the maintenance of perfect health have not yet been clearly
defined, the special requirements of various types and groups of
workers are still less known. One need not minimise the importance and the extent of the progress of the physiological sciences
so far achieved, while being conscious of the gaps in our knowledge and of the problems still to be attacked.
It is because of these gaps in our knowledge that no definite or
final standards of nutrition for different classes and groups of
workers are set up in Chapter I I of this Report. In November 1935,
a Technical Commission of the Health Committee of the League
of Nations, at a meeting in London, laid down a certain number
of nutritive requirements for an adequate diet. These requirements
are reproduced in Appendix I I of this Report. The significant
items in the London statement are : (1) that a minimum of 2,400
net calories are essential for the maintenance of health of the
average person not engaged in manual labour in countries of
temperate climate; (2) that additional increments of calories
must be supplied for various kinds of labour ranging from 50
calories per hour for light work to 100 or more calories for heavy
work ; (3) that the number of calories must be supplied by a
variety of foodstuffs, including about 70 grs. of protein a day for
persons weighing an average of 70 kgs. and that a part of.
such proteins must be of animal origin, and (4) that a sufficient
quantity of minerals and vitamins must be contained in the
diet, and that, such vitamins and minerals can be obtained
most easily and in best form by the consumption of the so-called
protective foodstuffs — eggs, milk, vegetables and lean meat.
This London statement represents a great advance in the
formulation of a physiological basis for dietary budgets, but it
has two major limitations. First, it is primarily a Euro-American
standard, and second, the London statement leaves the problem

NATURE AND SCOPE OE THE REPORT

of the relationship between diet and specific kinds of occupations
still unsolved. In Chapter I I of this Report, the results of
various investigations upon this particular relationship are
brought together. They indicate the great difficulties of the problem and the vast need for further studies. All that can be said
on the basis of studies so far made is that no definite standards
for particular occupations have as yet been set up which may
be regarded as having general validity and acceptability.

IV.

—

WHAT THE WORKERS EAT

In view of the limitations of our knowledge of nutrition standards, it would be impossible to evaluate the food consumption
of workers even if we had complete data on what they eat. As a
matter of fact, the gaps also in this field are extremely wide.
Few studies have been made of the actual foods consumed by
workers in different occupations in different countries. Most
of our data are family budget studies which give the foods purchased and presumably consumed by the workers and their families, without separating the amounts allocated to different members of the family.
The data on workers' diets are also limited in another way.
Had it been possible, Chapter I I I on Workers' Diets would have
been extended to the study of workers' nutrition not only in the
countries selected, but in a number of other countries. Special
consideration was given, in outlining this study, to the possibility
of including the workers of the Far East, and of some of the
tropical countries of Africa. However, such a widening of the
study proved to be impossible in view of the present state of
our data. In the first place, the studies of the nutrition sciences
have not as yet proceeded far enough with respect to the influence
of differences of climate, race and environmental conditions.
There is but little information as yet on the basis of which an
evaluation of the customary diets of workers in countries of Asia,
Africa or South America could be made with regard to their
adequacy or inadequacy, either for general health or for productive
work. Second, though a number of interesting studies of workers'
budgets have been made in some of the countries, e. g. Japan,
these studies have been based upon methods which do not make
them easily comparable with the studies surveyed in this Report.
Most of the studies of Japanese family budgets, for instance, are

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

made in terms of expenditures for various foodstuffs. I t is not
entirely impossible to translate some of the data obtained in
these studies into indications of the composition of diet by
different foodstuffs. Such a study, however, would have required
more time than was at the disposal of the Office in the preparation
of this Report.
However, the data we do have are significant enough. The
family budget studies brought together here indicate two important
facts. First, t h a t the consumption of protective foodstuffs increases
greatly with increasing income, whereas the consumption of cereals
remains stationary and t h a t of other products declines. Workers'
families with low incomes evidently find the protective foods too
expensive and cannot afford them. The question of income is
thus at the root of the nutrition problem.
Second, an. examination of the diets of the different income
groups among workers shows that, on the basis of the London
standards, the average diet in the lower income groups is
inadequate for good health. The inference is t h a t among such
groups especially, there is both malnourishment and undernourishment.
I t is also necessary to point out t h a t the data surveyed in thisReport refer to the better situated groups of workers in the more
advanced industrial countries. The evidence on workers' nutrition
presented in this Report is thus to some extent an under-statement
of the situation which cannot but be more serious for the workers
as a whole. There would seem to be sufficient reason, therefore,
to accept some of the startling statements made within recent
months by people in various countries of the wide extent and
the serious character of the nutrition problem among the working
population. And if the problem is serious with regard to workers
at v'orlc, how much more serious must it be for large groups of
unemployed workers.

—

ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL ASPECTS,

B u t the question may be asked whether such a condition is
not t h e inevitable result of technical incapacity to supply "the
needs indicated by scientific investigation. That is the question
which is raised in the chapter on agricultural production. The
answer to the question, as given in t h a t chapter, prepared by the
International Institute of Agriculture in Rome, on the basis of
the best available materials, is certainly reassuring. Agriculture

NATURE AND SCOPE OF THE BEPOBT

has not only kept in step with the demand for its products, b u t
in some respects has outstripped such demand. True, the information on the subject is far from complete. I t is also clear from
available data that many of the protective foodstuffs especially
stressed by nutritive science are still produced in quantities deficient to meet even minimum needs. Nevertheless, the outstanding
and important fact which emerges from a study of the data is
t h a t technically agriculture is in a position to meet the requirements for foodstuffs for an adequate diet. Revolutionary advances
in the production, transport, storage and distribution of foodstuffs have made potentially possible a much higher level of nutrition for all of us.
The problem thus becomes clearly a n economic one. If we
have to-day widespread malnutrition due to under-nourishment,
we must trace t h a t fact in large measure to our incapacity to
use technical and human resources to the best advantage for the
purpose of maintaining all the people in a condition of good health
and well-being. The economic and social issues involved are certainly not simple. The problem of nutrition touches upon every
phase of economic and social organisation, upon questions of
price, standards of living, income, monetary and credit policy,
taxation, etc. No attempt is made in this Report to present an
answer jto these questions. Obviously, it would lead far beyond
the scope of this Report. B u t these questions are formulated in
Chapter V in such a way as to indicate their particular relation
to the central problem of nutrition. Also some of the effects of
economic policy on the condition of workers' nutrition are briefly
examined and illustrated.
If the automatic working of economic forces produced the
desired results with regard to the distribution of income and to
the fulfilment of the wants of different groups of the population,
there would be no need for special social policies. B u t in view
of the failure of the economic system to fulfil this function, social
policies must be devised, either for humanitarian or political
reasons, to alleviate some of the shortcomings of the economic
system.
Being merely a subordinate instrument in the hands of
Governments for rectifying economic effects, social policies have
been guided b y limited conceptions of the needs of the population
with regard to health and well-being. However, we do find attempts
in modern legislation to consider such needs to some extent either
directly or indirectly. These attempts are surveyed in two chapters

.'!

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

of this Report. In one of these chapters, present-day social legislation is examined with a view to indicating the attention given
to requirements of workers' nutrition in formulating policies
of social insurance, minimum wages, family allowances, maternity
assistance, etc. In the other chapter, various governmental and
private agencies and the measures taken by them to promote
higher levels of nutrition are examined.
VI.

—

EDUCATION AND INCOME

With regard to the main methods of improving levels of nutrition, the Report considers the relative importance of education
and of increasing wage incomes. Objections have been made
to a study of workers' nutrition on the ground that it means that
experts are proposing to tell the workers what and how to eat.
Certainly, such is not the case. But the fact is that a proper, diet
cannot be obtained unless one has traditional or scientific knowledge
of the nutritive values of different foods. That calls for education
and for the application of science to the hygienic needs of the
individual.
There are those who would object to the concept of applying
science to nutrition. Science, it has been said, has already taken
much of the romance out of living. Is there not danger that it
will take more pleasure out of life by regimenting and regulating
our habits of eating ? Despite the desire to enjoy good health,
no one wishes to make the process of eating merely a mechanical
function of supplying a certain number of calories and nutritive
elements to the body.
No such prospect need be feared. It is not so long ago that
all attempts at giving people the benefits of hygienic studies and
of developing programmes of public health were decried as interference with personal liberty. That state of mind has happily
passed. The teachings and precepts of the hygienists and of the
public health services are now gladly accepted. A similar attitude
cannot but develop in relation to nutrition. As a matter of fact,
the impact of science on food habits and on national food supplies
has already been felt all along the line in "recent' years; In so far
as incomes permit, consumers' preferences have swung over with
startling rapidity through scientific research and advice from
a coarse heavy diet to a more varied and lighter one in which
milk, butter, eggs, fruit and vegetables have been playing a larger
part. Tastes and preferences will always remain an important

NATURE AND SCOPE OE THE REPORT

factor in the selection of foods. But they can be guided by the
gradual education of the public to an understanding of the teachings
of physiological science.
While thus stressing the need of education in the selection,
use, and preparation of foods, the Report still makes it clear that
far more important than education for the improving of nutrition
levels is the provision of sufficient income. When purchasing
power is provided for the workers through employment and
•adequate wages, the workers themselves tend to select the better
and more nutritive foodstuffs and are more amenable to the
influence of education. I t is, therefore, the persistence of lowincome groups in the population even of the most advanced
countries which is the most important factor determining the
existence of malnutrition.
*

Such, then, are the character and scope of this Report. The
latter, as already indicated, is in the nature of a preliminary or
interim report. Its primary purpose is to bring together the data
already available on the subject and to elucidate the issues involved.
The relative balances of the different chapters is due to the
fact that the various subjects of this Report have had to be
treated in accordance with the degree to which material was
available.
Regardless of its limitations, it is believed, this Report will
serve a useful purpose. First, it summarises the scientific facts
showing the close relation between the kind of food we eat and
health in general, and productive efficiency in particular. Second,
it brings together the data available on workers' consumption and
the materials which may be further studied. It should be noted
that the statistical tables in the Appendices are especially important for further analysis and study. Third, the very indication
of large gaps in our knowledge of the subject is of great importance
in directing further thought and research.
It is with the above observations in mind that the chapters
which follow should be read.

CHAPTER II

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

The human body has long been compared to a machine — a
combustion engine would be a better simile — in the sense t h a t
it derives from foodstuffs ingested the energy it requires, just as
the locomotive derives its energy from the combustion of coal.
The analogy, however goes no further, for the human machine
must be studied from a physiological and not from a thermodynamic
point of vew. I n fact, one may introduce into a machine a n y
fuel whatsoever provided it burns. In the human machine, on
the other hand, the fuel introduced — namely, foodstuffs —
not only liberates heat in the course of combustion ; it must also
be assimilated and transformed by the cells. I t is a case, as Claude
Bernard has said, " of a-machine in perpetual process of renewal ".
T h a t is not all, however. The wear and tear of the human
motor is not limited, as in the case of the locomotive, to the motor
organs only. I t affects all other functions. Another simile may
be drawn from industrial life b y comparing the human system
to a large factory receiving power for its numerous machines
from a single distributing station, or, better still, from numerous
boilers distributed throughout various workrooms, the function
of the boilers being to prepare and transmit to the machines a
stream of energy with a view to providing them with the requisite
temperature or the force necessary for transformation into
electrical, mechanical and chemical energy. The machines also
possess the highly important faculty of being able to accumulate
energy and to regulate its output in accordance with requirements.
Hence the complexity of the whole system connecting the
different workrooms, the interdependence of the various parts,
and t h e solidarity., between ,the. various departments oíL „the . fac -.
tory a n d its power stations. 1
The same holds true of the body.' Already Menenius taught
us t h a t no organ and no system functions independently, b u t
as p a r t of a harmonious whole. I t has been stated, with reason,
1

TREVES, Z. : Fisiologia del Lavoro. Milan, 1908.

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

that this relationship is comparable to that existing between the
particles of a bronze bell which propagate throughout the bell
every vibration set up at any given point. This simile illustrates
the interdependence of "mechanical energy " and of manifestations
of organic energy, and shows how even limited or slight functional
changes of one part of the locomotor or of the nervous system
tend to spread more or less rapidly to the whole body and to
influence the functions of the vegetative system.
It is true that the body, complex, yet uniform, sensitive to
reactions, delicate, unstable in its equilibrium, is capable of reacting
and repairing rapidly its energy-reserve with a view to ensuring
its preservation. Nevertheless, in order that its energy-balance
should be maintained, it is obviously essential that the total
quantity of energy expended in various forms of life and activity
should correspond to that of the energy introduced, and it is only
on the basis of an equilibrium between intake and output that it
is possible to formulate concrete recommendations with regard
to nutrition and occupation.
Man demands from his food the energy requisite to cover
his daily needs, to assure generously the requirements of growth
(children and young persons), and to maintain his health and
working capacity (adults).
The foods used by the body as fuel constitute true reservoirs
of energy and the phenomena of combustion (oxidation) constitute
what is known as " nutrition ". These phenomena seem very
simple ; yet the transformation of foodstuffs in the body, subject
to a sufficient supply of oxygen, up to the final phase necessary
for their utilisation, involves highly complex and still very obscure
processes.
Yet despite the fact that this transformation of fuel in the
machine is a violent occurrence accompanied by the liberation of
flames and by intense heat, organic combustion is, on the other
hand, slow and occurs at a temperature of only about 37 degrees C.
In order to obtain its needed energy, the body has recourse
to the supply and transformation of " simple foodstuffs " which
may be classified under two heads : (1) foodstuffs of chemical
composition, identical with the composition of the tissues which
these foodstuffs have as their special task to build up (growth)
or to repair (daily wear and tear) : these constitute the plastic
or constituent foodstuffs (protein and fat substances) ; (2) the
foodstuffs which are best qualified to support the activity of the
human machine by the provision of thermal (calorific) and motor

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

(mechanical) energy : these are the so-called energy-producing
or " fuel " foodstuffs (fats and carbohydrates).
It is to the latter foodstuffs that the body has recourse in order
to constitute a reserve and it is from this reserve that the
body acquires the energy necessary for heat and work 1.
The quantity of potential energy of the foodstuffs consumed
is not always completely utilised by the body. In order to find
out the exact amount utilised it is necessary to analyse on the
one hand samples of the foodstuffs, and, on the other, the
" excreta " of the body.
The foods ingested by man are usually complex, but each
foodstuff presented for analysis has a composition peculiar to itself.
Here it is sufficient to recall that the nutritional principles which
enter into the composition of complex foodstuffs liberate, when
burned (in special apparatus in the scientists' laboratory) a
quantity of heat, that is to say, a given number of calories 2 per
gramme (combustion heat), practically equal to the number of
calories which they give on being oxidised in the body. But the
body can only utilise for its nutritional requirements a part of
these calories (calorific capacity) regulated by what is known as
the " coefficient of digestibility ". This explains why the rate of
the calorific capacity of foodstuffs ia in general inferior to the heat
of combustion.
The combustion values in the body of different nutritional
dements and of complex foodstuffs have been determined. The
average physiological heat value of the three classes of foodstuffs
universally adopted is as follows : 1 grm. protein = 4.1 calories ;
1 grm. fat = 9.3 calories ; 1 grm. carbohydrate = 4.1 calories.
In practice it suffices to calculate the gross calorific value of
the daily food supply, that is to say, the combustion heat derived
from the diet as ingested but not as actually furnished to the body
by digestive absorption. If account be taken of the quantity of
1
I t is not what is eaten at the moment that furnishes the energy utilised
for the physiological work of the body but the potential amount derived
from what has been eaten previously (CHAUVEAU, 1894).
2
As foodstuffs constitute matter when they*are irigestedr and energy
when they are digested — assimilated — utilised by the body, the diet
may be calculated either as matter (in grammes) or as energy (in calories).
This latter value is established by using coefficients corresponding to the
simple elements (proteins, fats, carbohydrates) and obtained experimentally.
The quantity of heat required to raise one degree C. (from 16-17° C.)
one kg. of water is known as the " large calorie " (C). The small calorie
is a thousand times smaller since it represents the quantity of heat necessary
to raise one grm. of water one degree C.

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

the nutritional element not utilised during the digestive process
(about 12 per cent, for proteins and fats and 5 to 6 per cent, for
carbohydrates), an idea of the net supply is obtained which is
often calculated in net calories at the following rates : proteins
= 3.68 calories ; fats = 8.65 calories ; carbohydrates = 3.88
calories.
I.

— THE PROBLEM OF FOOD RATIONS

The Standard Metabolism
The energy expenditure of the human body may be studied
as " static expenditure at rest " for the functions strictly requisite
to support life, or as " dynamic expenditure " or supplementary
expenditure requisite for work.
The energy required is furnished by foods which, as seen above,
undergo transformation in the body : " material metabolism "
when it is a case of chemical transformation of matter ; " energy
metabolism " when it is a case of the chemical or potential energy
of the foods being transformed into mechanical energy 1 and into
heat.
The minimum energy requisite for the simple maintenance
of life of a body completely at rest is known as its standard
metabolism (" dépense de fond " or " dépense minimum ") 2 ;
this involves, for an adult weighing 70 kgs. a requirement of
1,770 calories 3 per 24 hours (25.3 per kg. and per day.). The
standard metabolism of an adult is shown to vary slightly in
accordance with weight and build, but these variations are not
1
Mechanical work is measured in kilograrrumetres, 1 kgrm. being the
quantity of work represented in raising 1 kg. to a height of 1 metre. Experiment has proved that 425 kgrms. (actually 426.6) correspond to one large
calorie, with the result that when the work produced b y a man is known
it is easy to express it in calories. Heat is transformed into work and work
into heat in accordance with an absolute and constant ratio (Mayer's principle or the principle of equivalence). Mechanical equivalent of the calorie :
Work
= 425 = E (equivalence ratio).
Heat
2
The expression " basal metabolism " is to-day applied to express
the quantity of energy expended per hour and per square metre of the
surface of the body of a subject completely at rest and having fasted from
12 to 14 hours a t 16 degrees C. and sufficiently clothed to prevent reaction
to external cold.
3
According to various authors, the standard metabolism is said to
range from 1,450 to 1,721 net calories for an adult of 62.4 to 67.2 kgs.
(65 kgs. = 1,450 to 1,500). J. L. BOGABBT in Nutrition and Physical
Fitness. Philadelphia and London, 1932, gives 1,700 calories for a man,
and 1,400 for a woman.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

important : they diminish as the weight augments (heavier, taller
individuals) and increase in the case of slight individuals of small
build (since the smaller the individual the greater is the surface
of his body in proportion to its volume and weight). x The sex
factor is also negligible and the " constitution " factor slightly
less so (the spare muscular man expends more than the stout man).
More important, on the other hand, is the influence of age, expenditure being greater per m 2 of surface during adolescence than in
the case of adults, and greater again in the case of these than in
that of elderly people. Among physical agents, external temperature,
which plays a part also in the action of climate, exerts a marked
influence when it is above or below 15 to 16 degrees C. (clothed
subject).
The wearing of adequate clothing obviously modifies very
slightly the expenditure of energy, but if the clothing does not answer
to the surrounding conditions the standard metabolism increases
with a lower temperature and passes to a minimum with a rising
external temperature. 2 The same observation has been made
in regard to climate and season. Here again to the fairly constant
standard metabolism (in summer, in winter, in the temperate
climates and in the tropics), highly variable supplements are added.
The influence of light and altitude must also be taken into
account and especially of posture (seated, standing at rest or
standing at attention). 3
To the standard metabolism must be added that required for
work, due to the specific dynamic action of the foodstuffs ingested
and to the expenditure of muscular activity — the factor which
exerts the greatest influence on the expenditure of energy. This
chapter is limited to the problem of nutrition and diet in their
relation to human labour.
1
According to Lapicque, the metabolism per m 2 remains in spite of
considerable differences in weight in the neighbourhood of an average of
1,475 calories per 24 hours : (quoted by B. Lambling : Précis de biochimie.
Paris, 1921, p . 602.)

Weight (kgs.)
Gross calories
Calories per m 1
Japanese student (Tsuboi and Murato) . 46
2,355
1,430
Japanese soldier
59
2,578
1,380
Subject studied by Rubner
67
3,094
1,520
.Worker studied ,by Voit and Pettenkofer ,70 .... . _ _ . . _ , .3,054. ._ ____, .1,47.0...,.
Subject studied by Lapicque and Marette 73
§,027
1,420
Subject studied by Hirschfeld
73
3,318
1,560

2
Cold and wind stimulate metabolism ; high temperature reduces
metabolism, but if the surrounding atmosphere is unduly hot metabolism
increases, which proves that the relation between the external temperature
a n d 3 the heat regulating mechanism is not as simple as has been imagined.
There has been suggested an increase of 5 per cent, for the seated
position, of 10 per cent, for standing at ease, and of 14 per cent, for standing
a t attention.

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

The Qualitative and Quantitative

Problems of Foods

The phenomena of nutrition u p to the end of last century
were regarded almost exclusively from the point of view of energy,
a diet being judged sufficient when capable of providing an
adequate calorigenic value. This was the age of calorimetry and
isodynamic equivalence of foodstuffs.
The phenomena of
nutrition of the human machine were studied and calculated mathematically. A t present t h e results furnished by biochemical study
have tended to limit greatly these conceptions in the sense t h a t
a given ration does not satisfy all physiological requirements of
the body, unless it contains a minimum quantity of certain
chemical substances. I t has therefore become a problem of quality
rather than of quantity based principally on knowledge of chemical
processes which take place within the tissues and t h e cells.
Diet is constituted b y compound foodstuffs of animal and
vegetable origin in which t h e human subject finds t h e simple
elements of nutrition indispensable to him. The three large
categories of organic foodstuffs are : (1) proteins, fats, carbohydrates ; (2) mineral substances ; and (3) vitamins. * I t is n o t
the intention here to enter into a detailed study of t h e question 2 ,
yet it is necessary to direct attention to certain of its aspects.
The Organic Nutritional

Elements

Proteins represent a first class foodstuff which is quite irreplaceable. They alone are capable of furnishing t h e nitrogen
essential to the body. Nevertheless " proteins " and " nitrogenous substances " are n o t synonymous, and whilst man finds
nitrogen in various foodstuffs the nutritive value of these substances
from multiple sources is very different. On t h e other hand t h e
body has a total nitrogen requirement which must be satisfied in
the form of perfectly defined substances which biological chemistry
to-day identifies with t h e " amino acids " indispensable to growth
1
Proteid substances (proteins, proteids) of different qualities, of animal
origin : lean meat, white of egg, casein from milk, cheese, etc., or of vegetable origin : gluten from bread, legumin.
Fats (fats, lipids) of different qualities of animal origin : fat meat,
bacon fat, lard, yolk of egg, cream from milk, butter, etc., or of vegetable
origin : oil, vegetable fat, etc.
Carbohydrates (carbohydrates, glucides), starches, amylaceous substances
(bread, farinaceous and starchy substances) ; sugars (milk, honey, fruit,
sugar), cellulose, acids, etc.
2

For details as t o this important question see BTJBNBT a n d AYKROYD :

" Nutrition and Public Health " in the Quarterly Bulletin of the Hygiene Organisation, Volume IV., No. 2., June 1935, 155 pp., League of Nations, Geneva.
2

WOBKBKS' NUTBITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

and to the renewal of worn out cells. The animal organism is
however only capable of producing certain " amino acids " ;
others indispensable for the two important functions just referred
to must come from special foodstuffs. If the diet is defective in
the latter the body is in the position of a typesetter who whilst
possessing a great deal of type, lacks one letter : by reason of
which fact he will never be able to set a page. 1 The animal proteins
are complete in this respect whence arises the necessity that a
part of the proteins should be of animal origin. This explains
also why certain vegetable proteins, especially those provided by
maize, are inadequate : they are deficient in " amino acids ". In
the course of digestion the proteins become transformed into more
and more simple substances until they reach a soluble, easily
absorbed form, which on arriving in the tissues is used (by the
tissues) for the construction of the proteid molecules essential to
the vital processes. The utilisation of food is incomplete wherever
even a minimum part of the " amino acids " is lacking. As this
law is fundamental for other essential elements of nutrition
(carbohydrates, fats, vitamins, energy ions), it may be said that
the body is subject to the law of the minimum and of the limiting
factor rather than to that of isodynamic equivalence.
The daily minimum requirement öf protein has been fixed
at one grm. per kg. of body weight, despite the fact that the
nitrogen metabolism of the body may be maintained with smaller
quantities 2 provided the calorific value of the total diet is adequate.
It is difficult to approach this question ; for while it is true that
the body shows great elasticity in adapting itself to the most
varied quantities of protein, it must not be imagined that a
1

Bottazzi e Quagliarello : " Quello che attualmente in Italia si fa
in materia di ricerche sull'alimentazione dell'uomo", in Documenti per lo
studio dell'alimentazione, ecc. Consiglio naz. delle ricerche. Rome 1933.
2
Rubner, Klemperer, Siven, etc., have discovered the following figures
as representing the lower limits compatible with maintenance of health
in subjects weighing 70 kg., 0.539 = to 0.200 grms. per kg. but it must
be remembered that the cases in question represent experiments covering
3-8 days. Other authorities give a protein ration per kg. of 1-1.40 grms.
of which a minimum of 20 per cent, must be animal protein with an optimum
of 30-40 per cent. I n Japanese diet the protein rate is -very low (according
to Grey about 2.25 per kg. of body weight), t h a t of fats 0.45, and that
of carbohydrates 13.67 giving about 69.5 calories. The lower protein rate
is explained by two facts : the general vegetarian character of the diet,
and the very large consumption of rice — the cereal poorest in proteins
(in J a p a n , however, current opinion esteems the protein of rice as qualitatively superior to others ; it would be interesting according to Grey to
carry out thorough investigation in this connection, prior to acceptance
of this opinion).

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

prolonged supply of inadequate quantities will not have disastrous
results. It requires months or even years for the development
of injuries, but the latter nevertheless evolve in a slow and
inexorable manner.
It is agreed that the quantity of nitrogen adequate to repair
the rate of wear and tear of the body may be estimated at four
grms. corresponding to about 25 grms. of first class protein. In
practice it is obviously necessary to provide a slightly higher
amount to ensure that the daily requirement is really covered.
During the last few years, it is true, certain researches are said
to have proved that a smaller quantity of protein suffices to maintain constant the nitrogen balance, for in the question of the
protein minimum, the composition of the diet and in particular the
mineral salts and vitamins play an important part. Yet practice
has shown the inadequacy of low protein figures and has likewise
demonstrated the physiological and economic necessity of a suitable
quantity of proteid substances which are as nearly as possible
similar to the substance of the tissues rather than of proteids of
vegetable origin. On the other hand, an examination of the statistics
covering over five hundred million persons, belonging moreover
to different nationalities, has revealed the fact that the average
rate of proteins consumed is four to five times higher than the
accepted rate for wear and tear, that is to say 16 to 20 grms. of
nitrogen, approaching thus the quantity formerly proposed by
Voigt (100 to 120 grms. of protein, considered to-day as excessive).
It is true that in the discussion of nutrition unduly rigid
formulae are to be avoided. Practice does not always readily fit in
with the theories of the scientists which to the layman often
appear contradictory. It must however be confessed that it is
difficult to fix the minimum rate to which proteins may be allowed
to fall ; and whilst under normal conditions an insufficient supply
of protein is scarcely to be feared, this fear exists nevertheless
during abnormal periods and especially in the case of urban
workers who are restricted as to the amounts of protein they
can buy.
Laboratory research has established the fact that during work
the muscles yield to the blood groups of protein which are not
eliminated in the urine as waste products, but which are taken
up by other organs (the liver perhaps) and transformed into
substances capable of repairing the loss of nitrogen or of muscle.
If therefore the muscles during work yield globulins to the blood
in an amount which is greater the more intense the work, it

WOKKEBS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

follows that unduly heavy or unduly prolonged work causes in
the long run wasting of the muscular fibre in the absence of an
adequate supply of protein in the diet (Pugliese).
Various experts on the subject believe therefore that a rate
exceeding the average fixed by physiologists is indispensable to
workers as an offset to days with a low protein ration, even when
their diet is adequate as regards calories and carbohydrates. In
fact under-nourishment in protein, especially in animal protein, constitutes a danger more especially in. the case of young strong
workers subjected to muscular work.
Fats act as fuel capable of liberating a larger number of calories
per grm. than the proteins because they are richer in carbon.
Many authorities do not consider it necessary to fix an indispensable minimum for fats as in the case of proteins. On the
other hand experience proves that the percentage of fats in the
diet of different peoples varies greatly and that the influence of
climate, locality, habits', work, is very great so that it is impossible
to utilise one particular finding for general application. Nevertheless
a deficiency in fats in the diet has been frequently recognised in
practice ; it is just such deficiency which was the cause, for instance,
of serious digestive derangements amongst the civil population
of Germany during the war.
Fats also exert a histogenic rôle. Further, the proportion of
fats not utilised by the organism is stored and consumed
gradually in response to intense or prolonged muscular effort
especially in the case of a diminished food supply.
Despite the fact that a corresponding quantity of carbohydrates
may compensate deficiency in fats — from the calorific point of
view only — it is advisable that the daily ration of an average
man should comprise 50-80 grnis. of fats per day in order to furnish
him with 20-25 per cent, of his total calories.
Carbohydrates constitute the largest part of vegetable foodstuffs
and represent even more so than fats the combustible material
requisite for heat production and for muscular work, being readily
transformed and transported, in the body to the point at which
energy and vital force are required.
From the nutritive point of view the various types of sugar
may be compared with glucose ; whether they belong to the monosaccharide group (glucose) or di-saccharide (saccharose, maltose)
or the poly-saccharides (dextrin, cellulose, starch) all these sugars,
only in so far as they are transformed into glucose, serve as the

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

principal fuel of the human machine, in the mobile form of carbohydrates requisite to the tissues and of which glycogen (the result of
transformation of mono-saccharides) represents the fixed form.
It is difficult to determine the daily quantity of carbohydrates
essential to the body. Here again physiologists do not provide an
indispensable minimum weight, though below about 60 grms. of
carbohydrates the body becomes a prey to serious injury. In
practice, the more difficult the work to be effected, the greater
the quantity of carbohydrates and fats which should be included
in the diet.
Here arises the question of " sugar " considered as the most
suitable element for furnishing muscular work and characterised
as the " physiological foodstuff " of workers and athletes. It is
known that the body can utilise sugar which it obtains from proteins
(either those which contain the carbohydrate group already formed
in their molecules — or by synthesis of certain disintegration —
products — from those which to not contain it) but especially
from the carbohydrates. In fact fats require carbohydrates for
their complete combustion ; it is to these again that recourse is
had for a reserve foodstuff more efficacious than fats and
proteins. Experience has taught also that whilst it is impossible
to live on sugar, it is likewise impossible to live without sugar.
Inorganic Nutritional Elements
These elements comprise water and the mineral salts the
importance of which in the diet is well known. In general a mixed
diet suffices to provide an adequate amount of mineral salts which
the body requires.
The accessory nutritional elements — or vitamins — are
still the subject of numerous and highly interesting researches.
They are not, however, true foodstuffs in the sense of those which
repair the wear and tear of the tissues. Neither are they an
energy-supplying foodstuff. They are rather a dynamic element
of nutrition capable of influencing the development and assimilation of foodstuffs in the body.
It is for this reason that they are qualitatively more essential
during growth than for adults (apart from certain functions of a
eugenic character).
* * *
While laboratory research has proved that muscle at work
utilises for its metabolism the three organic nutritional elements

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

referred to above, it has also been demonstrated t h a t none of
these elements may be indifferently replaced even as regards
quantity.
In fact proteins may theoretically satisfy all demands of the
body, b u t all the disadvantages and dangers — even leaving
aside t h e question of cost — of an excessive meat diet are well
known. On the other hand, a deficiency of fats or of carbohydrates
gives rise to well-known injury to the body ; finally an exclusively
vegetable diet may cause a series of derangements connected with
the larger volume of foods ingested and to the consequent liberation
of gas in the digestive passages causing in its t u r n discomfort,
reduced efficiency and, in the long run, under-nourishment due to
an insufficient supply of protein. This is amply proved by popular
experience which tends to favour a mixed diet as the only one
capable of furnishing, in adequate quantity, the nutritional
elements necessary for health and working capacity.
Popular
instinct is aware t h a t no one of the three nutritional elements may
serve exclusively as the source of energy, t h a t carbohydrates
constitute t h e best fuel for the muscular machine, and t h a t the
body while a t work utilises only the most economical form of
energy.
II.

—

E N E R G Y REQUIREMENTS OF THE W O R K E R

I t has been said t h a t with the destruction of foodstuffs as
effected in the body there is liberated the chemical energy accumulated in them which becomes transformed into heat. Physiology
and hygiene demand an understanding of the total energy exchange,
t h a t is to say, of the total supply and expenditure of energy under
its different forms.
The requirements of the adult male or female living an ordinary
everyday life in a temperate climate and not engaged in manual
work have been estimated a t 2,400 net calories per d a y . 1
Can this figure be said to be universal and invariable ì
One
would not think so, though the national diets of different peoples
using different types of foodstuffs — the outcome of custom and
experience and the guarantee of a healthy life — p r e s e n t s as
regards composition a n identical value, within moderate limits
of variation.
1
Report on the Physiological Bases of Nutrition. Technical Commission
of the League of Nations Health Committee. London, November 1935.
See Appendix I I .

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

Variations in energy requirements for muscular work and consequently in the supply of the requisite calories provided by
foodstuffs are subject to those factors already discussed in regard
to standard metabolism. The expenditure of muscular energy
increases more especially with the amount of mechanical work
done. Once again it is necessary to stress the fact t h a t the
muscular capacity of a man is a variable quantity since the
methods and duration of human activity are highly variable.
For this reason the 2,400 basic calories 1 must be augmented
by the following hourly supplements :
Light muscular work
Moderate
„
„
Heavy
„
„
Very heavy „
„

Up
50
100
200

to 50 calories
per hour
to 100
„
„
to 200
calories and over
„

By pursuing the study of phenomena which take place during
muscular work it has been observed t h a t such work exerts a marked
influence on metabolism, on all the reactions of the cells — the
intensity of which is increased — and consequently on body heat
(body temperature). I t has further been noted t h a t muscular work
does not increase the elimination of nitrogenous substances, b u t
rather increases the consumption of oxygen and the production
of CO2, t h a t is to say, gives rise to increased consumption of
substances having no nitrogen in their molecules (i. e. sugars and
fats). I t is because of this t h a t the carbohydrates constitute the
best foodstuff for workers, while meat is a fuel of poor efficiency.
Nevertheless, as has been seen, when work is heavy or when there
is a deficiency of carbohydrates, there occurs a greater destruction
of the proteid substances in the body, whence the necessity for a
minimum of protein.
Where work is carried on in the open air a t a low temperature,the energy requirement is naturally higher, and the more so the
more difficult the work and the colder the climate. 2 I n hot climates,
the energy requirement diminishes (to 2,500 calories), with a
supplement, in the case of heavy work, of 400-600 calories.
The calculation in Jcgrms. of the work effected by a good worker
represents a very difficult problem for which no acceptable and
practical general solution has so far been found. Though it may
1

Ibid.
Under these conditions, man has recourse to a larger quantity of
fats, which, at equal weight, are the most exothermic, and therefore the
most economical foodstuffs.
2

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

be agreed that this is a matter of slight importance for the average
individual such is not the case when the problem is one affecting
masses of workers.
It is generally admitted that the average daily output of the
average worker amounts to between 80,000 and 100,000 kgrms.
which corresponds to 230 large calories.1 If an attempt were
made to limit the diet of such a worker to cover only these
230 calories it would involve the assumption of 100 per cent.
efficiency, and it is known on the other hand that under satisfactory
conditions of work and diet man only utilises 20 to 25 per cent.
of the potential energy of the food he eats. Even admitting that
this " mechanical " efficiency (if such a term may be applied to
the human machine) might be higher for certain forms of activity,
it is only prudent to leave a margin of safety in the calculations
and to base these on an efficiency of 20 per cent, which means,
in other words, furnishing the worker with a diet amounting to
five times as much (230 X 5) which will only cover the expenditure
necessary for his work. The daily diet however must satisfy the
requisite energy requirement in the course of the 24 hours for
the ordinary maintenance of life (which has been determined by
experiment) and for other forms of activity and work : utilisation
of leisure, walking, etc. If the old division of the day into three
equal parts be respected (eight hours' rest, eight hours' work and
eight hours' leisure—for which one-fifth of the requirement for the
eight hours' work is calculated) the amount estimated for the
average worker would necessitate a higher supply in the case of
trying work, though in this case it may be imagined that expenditure during leisure would be reduced. The calculation, according.
to Cathcart 2, will then be as follows :
8 hours' rest
8
„
leisure 544 + (46 x 5) . .
8
„
work 544 + (230 X 5) . .

=
=
=

496 calories (net)
774
1,694
2,964 calories.

or approximately 3,000 calories to which it would be necessary
to add 10 per cent, to compensate for waste.
If the working week is one of 48 hours this would give :
-—•»•»

3,472 calories for 56 hours' rest
10,164 •->-,-, '-- ¿ , 4 8
v,
work
6,192
„
„ 64
„
leisure

•—

-----

which with the 10 per cent, for waste would give 3,100 calories
per day. 3
1
2
5

See note 1, page 15.
See CATHCABT, B. P . : The Human Factor in Industry.
See Appendix I I I , tables I-III.

London, 1928.

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

The efficiency of the human machine varies considerably in
accordance with the conditions under which muscular contraction
takes place (duration, frequency, etc.). When a muscle is merely
called upon to support a load (supporting a weight at the same
height), the contraction is static and the work produced negative.
There is no true mechanical work, but physiologically the muscle
consumes chemical energy and is therefore subject to fatigue.
When the load is to be displaced (lifting a load) the muscular
contraction is dynamic and the work produced jjositive. The
physiological task is then greater when, for instance, the load
must be lowered. In positive work the intra-organic combustion
is more active than in the case of negative work.
Nor is it necessary to underline the importance of the part
played by other external factors : temperature, humidity, the
surroundings, technical organisation of the industry, rapid or
physical work, monotony, etc. ; reference to which will be made
later in this Report. But it is chiefly the problem of muscular
fatigue which dominates and governs the activity of the human
machine. Similarly, mental fatigue, though invisible in its effects,
is nevertheless a definite fact, and is capable of producing on the
system the effects of exhaustion. It is true that it has not so far
been possible to measure in calories the consumption of energy
required for intellectual work, even of the most intense type. Yet
certain experts are of the opinion that a small matter of degrees
separates the two types of work as regards fatigue. Further, at
the present time there are hardly any occupations where muscular
exertion is entirely independent of nervous exertion. The quantitative and qualitative production of the worker depends increasingly
on attention rather than on the muscular capacity to furnish
brute force.
Taking the quantity of energy in calorie hours for an average
man of 70 kgs. at rest and in a seated position 1 as equal to 100
(65 during sleep, 77 awake and lying down), then the quantity of
energy required for very light work is equal to 135 (V-/3 times
the standard metabolism) ; for light work to 170 (l 3 / 4 times) ;
for moderate work to 290 (3 times) ; for heavy work to 450
(4% times) and for very heavy work to 600 (6 times). It has
further been estimated that for the standing position with relaxed
1
If 100 be taken as the energy expenditure of a seated subject t h a t
of a standing subject leaning on the hip would be 103, at ease 106 and in
the normal position 125.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

muscles the quantity of energy is equal.to 105, the same amount
corresponding to reading aloud, whilst for sewing by hand it is
111 ; for knitting (23 stitches a minute) 116 ; and for singing 122,
etc. i
Under these conditions the amount of work accomplished —
muscular and nervous — while varying from one occupation to
another, necessarily affects the energy expenditure and in
consequence the food requirement.
What is then the total energy expenditure for work ? 2
What variation in the diet does such energy expenditure demand
in order that man may preserve his good health and his working
capacity ?
What finally is the place of each of the organic nutritional
elements in the energy expenditure demanded by work ? 3
These are difficult questions to which it is not possible to
furnish accurate replies.
1

See Appendix III, table IV.
* Further occupational supplements to metabolism in calorie hours :
based on experimental studies are given by Atzler and others as follows.
•i

Atzler, 1930 Becker-Hämalainen
Typing
—
24
Writing
49.1
—
Hand sewing
4—33.4
6
Sewing (professional by machine)
24—49.6
24—57
Drawing (standing)
52.7
—
Lithography
73.1
—
Bookbinding (man)
81.5
81
Tailoring
45 ,
—
Shoèmaking
77—122
90
Domestic work
•.
81—157
—
Washing
124—214
124—214
Mechanical work
92.3
—
Metal trades
137—145
141
Carpentering
—
116—164
Painting
143—146
145
Stone working
286—319
—
Timber sawing
370—406
' 378
I n J a p a n t h e a v e r a g e figures for s t a n d a r d m e t a b o l i s m for various
categories of w o r k e r s (policemen, t e a c h e r s , t r a m w a y c o n d u c t o r s , chauffeurs,
f a c t o r y w o r k e r s , s t u d e n t s , shopkeepers, office clerks) w e r e found t o v a r y
from + 5.84 t o •—• 6.84 a n d w e r e relatively h i g h e r for t a l l e r subjects, y o u n g
persons, a n d workers.
A s s u m i n g a n e n e r g y r e q u i r e m e n t e q u i v a l e n t t o 100 for t h e a v e r a g e
m a n s t a n d i n g , t h e figures of 330 were found for finishing, 400 for furnace
w o r k , 469 for b l a c k s m i t h ' s w o r k , a n d 487 for a furnace s t o k e r . F o r
w o m e n ' s w o r k (100 c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o t h e r e q u i r e m e n t of t h e a v e r a g e w o m a n
s t a n d i n g ) t h e .figures
d e r s , _...
156 for
s a n..,d ^178 for
piecers.
. . . . w. e .r e. 110
-.. for w i n.,,,.,
..__,, w. e. .a v e r......
3
The energy expenditure of workers in several industries has been
studied in 1935 in the U. S. S. B. I t was found, for example, t h a t during
24 hours calculated for a man weighing 70 kgs. the expenditure was : for
turners, milling machinists, winders, planers, from 3,200 to 3,400 calories ;
for ironworkers, 3,700 ; in rolling mills, 3,800 to 3,900 ; in a foundry
4,000 t o 4,200 ; in a chemical products factory, for makers of apparatus,
3,250 to 3,400 ; for furnace workers — those working at the top of the

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

The static expenditure of a man at rest with moderate activity
(that required for instance for eating, reading, writing, making
a bed, changing clothes) may be estimated on an average at 32.56
calories per 24 hours and per kg. x Thus at 20 degrees C. an adult
weighing 70 kgs. has a static expenditure of 32.56 x 70 = approximately 2,280 calories per day. As seen above, this expenditure
diminishes rapidly (to about 1,500) during sleep when energy is
strictly confined to the internal work of the organs of life. It has
also been pointed out that energy metabolism grows in proportion
to the increase of the mechanical work done. The conclusion to be
drawn from this is that when the output of a worker increases,
his diet should also be increased.
furnace, 3,800, t h o s e w o r k i n g below, 4,100 ; a s s i s t a n t s (loading ore), 4,500 ;
i n t h e building i n d u s t r y , c a r p e n t e r s , 4,500 ;
workers carrying bricks,
5,300, m a s o n s 4,000 ; electricians, 4,000 ; r a i l w a y s — engine d r i v e r s ,
locksmiths for carriages, 3,000 ; h a r d p h y s i c a l w o r k , 3,000 t o 4,500 ; similar
work effected b y s t o k e r s and m e n r e p a i r i n g t h e p e r m a n e n t w a y a n d u n l o a d i n g
coal, 4,000 t o 4,500 ; i n a g r i c u l t u r e , d r i v e r s of t r a c t o r s , 3,000 ; p l o u g h m e n ,
5,000 ; m e n p l a n t i n g v e g e t a b l e s , 4,100 t o 4,800 ; r e a p e r s , 7,000 ; b i n d e r s ,
5,600 ; t h r e s h i n g m a c h i n e w o r k e r s , 5,300 — 5,900. (See O. P . M O L T C H A NOVA : ,XV I n t e r n a t i o n a l Congress of Physiology, L e n i n g r a d , 1935.)
A s t u d y m a d e i n 1935 of t h e e n e r g y r e q u i r e m e n t s of c e r t a i n categories
of m i n e r s furnishes t h e following a v e r a g e figures : c o a l g e t t e r 3,189.4 ;
t i m b e r m a n , 3,897.6 ; b o r e r a n d m a c h i n e w o r k e r , 3,257.
T h e chemical composition of t h e d a i l y d i e t a d e q u a t e for t h e s e t h r e e
categories of w o r k e r s w a s said t o b e as follows (diet i n g r m s . of digestible
substance) :
Borers and
Coaigetters
Timbermen
machine-workers
Animal protein
69.03
69.03
69.03
Vegetable protein
70.58
86.54
56.82
Fats
95.17
105.54
94.39
Carbohydrates
603.94
720.78
513.56
Calories
3,934
4,575
3,495
T h e r e p o r t also gives a list of t h e foods c o n t a i n e d in t h e d i e t .
M A I S E L S a n d o t h e r collaborators i n Probleme der Ernährung.
Moscow,
1935.
1
The amount of muscular or nervous work varies from one occupation
to another and this variation necessarily affects the expenditure of energy
and the diet.
I n a freely chosen diet it has been found that the maintenance ration
at rest is 1.57 per kg.-hour (1.60 Gautier, 1.53 Hirn, 1.32 American experts
— at 20 degrees C ) . Average under ordinary conditions 1.50.
The total expenditure during work varies from one subject to
another. Enquiries have revealed very different coefficients. Nevertheless,
whilst Atwater finds an energy expenditure (at 20 degrees C.) of 1.36 per
kg. for persons of leisure, there has been found 1.50 (at 14-15 degrees C.),
(Gautier 1.65, Lapicque in Abyssinia and Malaya 1.60, Mori and Tuhara
in Japan 1.65, but here the diet was very rich in rice and vegetables).
The difference between 1.65 and 1.50 represents the dynamic expenditure
per kg.-hour in ordinary life. For a subject weighing 65 kgs. and for ten
hours the expenditure would be 97.5 calories, or in accordance with an
average output of 25 per cent., light work of approximately 10,400 kgrms.
For work of 70,000 kgrms. Atwater and Amar found 1.90.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

The Material Requirement

(Foods)

The fairly important differences in the calorie figures given
b y different authors to meet the energy expenditure due to work
have already been referred to. The explanation of these differences
is to b e sought in several causes : extremely personal appreciation
of t h e work done with the result t h a t the same work is at
times designated light, very light, average or moderate, tiring
or intense, very tiring or very intense, with calorie values for
these distinctive designations varying from one author to
another ; or again the figures given are based on different methods
such a s laboratory experiments, usually of inadequate duration
and affecting a very restricted number of subjects — sometimes
a single person, more rarely a few persons a t work.
The same is true of diet sheets studied under similar conditions
or more frequently on the basis of ' statistical enquiries taking
account of the total quantity of each foodstuff consumed during
a given period either by a few subjects or b y a group of persons
under, observation.
Diet sheets are essentially particular in
character since they are individual and are influenced by the
different varieties of foodstuffs which enter into the diet.
Attention has been drawn on several occasions to the fact that
calculation of the nutritive v a l u e 1 of food products depends
on the method of analysis adopted and especially on the quality
of the substances themselves which varies from district to district
and from year- to year.
An examination of Rumanian wheat
continued for six years led to the discovery of variations in the
rate of protein amounting to 2.5 times the minimum rate, of
fats u p to 1.5 times, and of cellulose and ash u p to 2.5 times.
The same might be said of other products, such as meat (which
depends on methods of fattening the animals) milk and dairy
produce.
I n Shanghai analysis has revealed very considerable differences
in t h e chemical composition of the food products according to
whether they came from Northern China, J a p a n or the United
States. These differences were found to affect chiefly the proportion
of mineral salts. I n Japan, analysis of 25 qualities of rice of
different origin (northern provinces, Siam, etc.) showed the
1
Authors do not always state whether it is a case of " gross " or " net "
calories, which may involve a difference of about 10 per cent.

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

following quantitative variations : water from 10.8 to 14.9
proteins (N x 6.25), 6.3 to 10.2 (total nitrogen : 0.960 to 1.625)
fats from 0.14 to 2.38 ; carbohydrates from 72.7 to 79.9
phosphorus dioxide from 0.316 to 0.886; calories 346 to 367 1 .
There must also be taken into account the highly varied results
obtained according as to which of the family coefficients is
adopted (for estimation of the energy requirements), the consequent
variations amounting to from 1 to 23 per cent. It would therefore
seem unwise to make generalisations concerning the average
values. With this qualification in mind, the distribution of the
nutritive elements, obtained from foods consumed per day as
found amongst certain peoples is as follows :

DISTRIBUTION OF THE NUTRITIONAL ELEMENTS
AMONGST CERTAIN PEOPLES
CarboProteins
Fats
hydrates
(Grammes) (Grammes) (Grammes) Calories
Europeans in B a t a v i a . . .
Malayans
Javanese 1
Neapolitans
Japanese
I n h a b i t a n t s of Greenland
I n h a b i t a n t s of h o t climates

65 kgs.
50 „
51 k g s .
51 „
. . . .

100
73
9
70
90
44
100

84
30
8

32
14
48
45

246
472
83
369
456
8
425

2,470
2,512

—

2,098
2,369
3,000
2,500 »

• In percentage.
Add 400 to 600 for heavy work.

Experimental Data
In dealing with groups of workers subjected to light or
moderate work such as : badly paid dressmakers (London) ;
University professors with little physical exercise (Munich) ;
adequately fed tailors (England) ; officials or employees (Germany (1920-1930), it is found that the amount of proteins
in the diet varied from 53 (dressmakers) to 131 grms. (adequately
fed tailors) ; the amount of fats from 33 (dressmakers) to 109
(German officials) ; carbohydrates, from 240 (University professors)
1

See A p p e n d i x I I I , t a b l e V.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

to 525 grms (adequately fed tailors) ; the total number of
calories ranging from 1,820 (dressmakers) to 3,081 (German
officials)l.
Finally, a survey of statistics collected by various authorities
between 1877 and 1914 in different countries (Germany, Russia,
Sweden, thè United States, France, Finland, Italy, Belgium,
Switzerland and Japan) and comprising workers subjected to
moderate or heavy work (in. factories) shows the distribution
of nutritional elements (see table opposite.)
As may be seen from the above, the energy value of the diet
generally diminishes in passing from the category of moderate
muscular to heavy muscular work. Here one is faced once again
with the paradox that heavy work is mostly the lot of unskilled
workers who receive the least wages, yet the diet increases more
frequently in passing to very hard work.
Similarly the diets studied in the case of subjects employed
in different countries at these three types of muscular work show
highly varied values for proteins (97 to 184 grms.), fats (70 to 177),
or for carbohydrates (344 to 876), the minimum energy supply
1

I n China an enquiry effected in 1935 by the Institute of Medical
Research in Shanghai deals with the diet of apprentices of 8 to 17 years
of age (age of the maximum energy requirement) under bad working
conditions. The British energy standard fixed for an average man of
70 kg. and for average muscular work was calculated on the basis of the
average weight of the Shanghai adults (55 kgs.) and in consequence
showed a total for calories of 2,360—2,670 (2,043 at rest).
The nutritive value of the diet was 2,667 to 2,904 calories.
JTGTJBBB? FOR T>TSTTtTBTTTION TNTO THE NUTRITIVE ELEMENTS OF THE D I E T
Proteins
Average
(Grammes)
63.6
British standard (Ministry
of Health: 70 kg.) . . .
British standard adapted to
the weight of 65 kg.

100
78.6

Animal
9.3
37
29.1

Carbohydrates
(Grammes)

Calories

46.7

498

2,660

100

400

3,000

78.6

314

2,360

Fats
(Grammes)

Workers engaged in chrome plating (active muscular work) only
'received a ration of 43.8 calories per kg. ; whilst printers working in a
seated position received 41.2, which is slightly below standard.
These figures would not be of great importance were it not that the
diet was defective in other elements : poor in phosphorus, deficient in
vitamins B l and C. Foods of animal origin were very rare in the diet
of these workers : one sixth only of t h a t received by the American worker.
Three quarters of the energy was furnished by rice, and proteins and fats
were as far as possible supplied by soya beans.

NUTKITION AND OCCUPATION

EXPERIMENTAL DATA RELATIVE TO THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE
NUTRITIONAL ELEMENTS (ON THE BASIS OF LIGHT, MODERATE, OR
HEAVY WORK) AMONGST DIFFERENT P E O P L E S 1
Proteins
Fats
(Grammes) (Grammes)

Carbohydrates
(Grammes)

Calories

Germany :
A v e r a g e w o r k . 100—118 50—56 400—500 2,515-3,054
H e a v y w o r k . 135—140
Russia :
A v e r a g e w o r k . 131.8
Sweden :
A v e r a g e w o r k . 134.4
Heavy work.
United States :
Average work.
H e a v y work.
Finland :
Average work.

80—100 450—500 3,344-3,347.5
583.8

3,675.2

79.4

522

3,436

K ö n i g , 1904
Voit, 1877
id.(1881)

188.6

110.1

714.4

4,726.2

Erismann,
1889
Hultgren,
1891
id.

150
175

150
250

550
560

4,060
5,705

Atwater
id.

124

105

380

3,017

153

584

4,378

Sundstrom,
1907
id.

53.3

450

2,764

Albertoni

105.8

392

3,023

Slosse,

1910

94.2

450

3,157

Gigon,

1914

560—600 2,800-3,000

H e a v y w o r k . 167
Italy :
Heavy work
72.8
(agricultural)
Belgium :
A v e r a g e w o r k . 104.6
Switzerland :
A v e r a g e w o r k 206.7
Japan :
A v e r a g e w o r k . 90—95
( m a n of 55-60 k g .

79.7

Authors

I n a t a , 1912

1
It would be interesting to compare the values given In this table with those of diets voluntarily
chosen by workers. There will be found in Appendix III, tables VI-XII a few such values
which unfortunately are not of very recent date. In the U. S. S. B. however, the National
Nutrition Institute has recently laid down standards of nutritional requirements on the basis
of fairly prolonged observation of factory workers choosing their own diet. It may be said
that these standards are approximately 15 per cent, higher than those admitted in Western
Europe or in the United States. Thus the maximum for very heavy work is 4,300 calories
and the average figure for an adult 3,644 (proteins 120 ; fats 108 ; carbohydrates 525). In
the country the average for an adult is 3,800 calories (proteins 115 ; fats 96 ; carbohydrates 592).
It should be noted that for workers working in very high temperatures the quantity of proteins
provided ranges from 130 to 150 gnna. In central Asia, it was found that in the case of
workers working in excessive heat the protein requirement increased, and that where the
metabolism was experimentally assessed as 3,600 calories, 130 gnns. of digestible protein chiefly
of vegetable origin did not cover the requirement ; the nitrogen balance was negative, but
became positive with the addition of 25 gnns. of protein from milk to the diet.
In the Union of South Africa in 1935 the Gold Producer's Committee recommended to all
mines that the Native worker should be given a nutritious morning meal, as a safeguard for his
health and to promote efficiency. Recommendations have been made in particular with regard
to the composition of this meal, suggestions consisting of meat stew, mealies, beans cooked in fat,
sausages and, as a supplement, sweetened coffee or cocoa. An inquiry is in progress (Dec. 1935)
comprising an attempt to fix the value of vitamins of certain foodstuffs as well as correlation
of Native diet to the work done, to the climatic conditions, seasons and individuals belonging
to different Native races. In general the diet of these workers, based mostly on cereals and
vegetables, is deficient in food of animal origin.
Contrary to the opinion of certain authorities that the quantity of proteins specially of
animal origin should be reduced in the diet of workers in hot countries (which is also true of
workers in temperate climates working in surroundings with a high temperature), South African
authorities consider that such is not the case in regard to the workers in the gold mines. It
is true that the almost exclusively vegetable diets of these peoples appear to give good results,
but where they are subjected to work which is at times heavy It is open to doubt whether this
state of things may be continued without, in the long run, endangering the individual and also
the race.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

from the diet being noted amongst urban workers (2,810) and
the maximum (4,696) in t h e case of a German farm labourer. 1
I t is obviously impossible to draw positive conclusions from
such data. The diet is influenced especially by motor activity,
a s h a s already been seen; it is in proportion to the mass of the
body and shows a parallel increase. I t is influenced by external
surroundings : since man is continually regulating his temperature
in order t h a t it may remain almost constant, with an external
atmosphere gradually growing colder the loss will increase and
demand therefore a gradual and constant compensating expenditure ; this explains what in practice may be called a winter
a,nd a summer diet.
Experiments made in the calorimetrie
chamber were shown to be always consistent in the calculation
of t h e energy expenditure in calories with a mixed diet.
ENERGY EXPENDITURE IN CALORIES
Static expenditure

Body weight

65 kgs.
70

„

/
\

Calculated

Measured

2,119
2,279
2,305

2,133
2,283
2,337

Dynamic expenditure

Calculated

Measured

3,559

3,544

3^892

3,861

These diets are certainly open to the criticism of the physiologist, who would state t h a t instinct is a very bad guide in the
oase of the workers affected, t h a t the diet is luxurious, and even
-allege t h a t there is waste and harmful combustion in the body.
Yet t h e fact remains t h a t the peoples in the end adopt a diet
which exceeds the amount essential for their work and seek to
attain, to maintain and even to exceed, the number of daily calories established b y experts. I t might even be said t h a t the peoples
.are n o t convinced by the advice of the physiologists and health
experts, more especially as regards the protein ration, for not
only do they exceed the" amounts recommended as soon as their
income permits, but they can only with great difficulty be
brought back to a rational average. W h a t 4s of special-importa n c e for all is t h a t there exists a minimum in so far as proteins
or fats are concerned, below which the state of health practically
ceases to be normal. Ultimately the problem to be faced is not
t h a t of ascertaining the energy furnished by a worker with a
1

Tyszka.

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

minimum protein rate but rather of ensuring that such a worker
enjoys an adequate diet, containing the quantity and quality
indispensable to enable him to furnish a given amount of work.
Light, Moderate and Heavy Work
As far back as thirty years ago it was stated that, in the
absence of accurate data relative to the quantity of work produced
by man in the various occupations, it was impossible to determine
in each particular case the quantity of energy which should be
furnished by the diet. Yet it is a fact that diet varies in accordance
with occupation and even varies amongst individuals in the same
occupation furnishing the same amount of work. I t would therefore
be wrong to seek to draw up rigid rules, even though it is necessary,
according to certain experts on the subject, to take into account
the force of adaptation, which is astonishing at times. It would
therefore appear preferable to fix a limit to the diet below which
the body would become exposed — after more or less prolonged
delay — to serious injury.
Another aspect of the problem not less difficult or complicated
is the classification of occupations and processes in accordance
with the amount of muscular energy expended. Without doubt,
in the absence of objective tests, personal estimation plays a
very large part in this task of classification. Results obtained
in the laboratory cannot be directly applied to industrial practice
and many experts, on the other hand, fear, rightly or wrongly,
that classification involves the risk that all processes will be,
labelled " heavy ".
Attempts have been made — as is shown below — to translate
into figures the energy expenditure of factory workers, but
obviously such attempts encounter obstacles which must not
be overlooked.
First of all there are the difficulties involved in the designation
of occupational categories : the same name for different operations ;
a different name for the same processes ; the same work executed
by very different machines or tools. Is it possible, for instance,
to compare at the present time the work of the shoemaker or
tailor working at home in the traditional manner, with the same
work effected in a boot or clothing factory in accordance with
modern technique ? Further, how can the effect of fatigue be
expressed in figures ? Or again how can there be taken into
account : static work which, though it costs but little physiolo^
3

•'

WORKERS' NTTTRITIOST AND SOCIAL POLICY

gically, is nevertheless trying and tiring, or industrial organisation
(duration of the shift, more or less lengthy rest periods, working
r h y t h m , monotony, speed, posture, attitude, etc., imposed on
the worker by the industrial process, factory conditions such as
ventilation, temperature, humidity, dust, etc.) ?
How is it
possible to estimate finally all those almost imponderable influences
of a psychological order, which so often complicate the worker's
life a n d weigh heavily in the balance of his energy expenditure,
and indirectly diminish his appetite and decrease the amount
of food indispensable to cover his expenditure ?
There is given below a short account of the most important
óf t h e classifications of industrial operations and processes
suggested by different experts on the subject. The first —• not
in chronological order b u t because it has been established on a
physiological basis — is t h a t of Amar, 1 which classifies mechanical
work into three groups : (1) work involving a group or several
groups of active muscles (arms, legs, fingers) ; (2) total weight
of the body ; and (3) complicated occupational processes.
On this basis there m a y be distinguished the following three
groups of occupational processes :
1. Those in which the weight of the body only is called into
play (quarryman working).
2. Those bringing into play the muscles of the arms (work
a t a windlass, capstan or with a hammer or file) ;
3. Those bringing into play the action of the legs : (various
operations).
I n all these occupations, account must be taken of the fact
t h a t t h e work in question is often work demanding " strength "
or work demanding " speed ".
Another classification is t h a t which divides the occupations
into 16 occupational groups presented under the three usual
headings, the limits of which are fixed by the amounts in kilograms of the mechanical work done in 8 hours :
Moderate :
Heavy :
Very heavy :

100,000 kgrms. of which 50 to 60,000 are effective
220,000
„
„
80 to 100,000 „
340,000a : ,, ' ™ 7Í " 1 2 0 to 150,000 — „ •
„

Whilst accepting these figures (50—150,000 kgrms), other
authorities are of the opinion t h a t " exceptional or prolonged
2

'AMAB, J. : Le Moteur Humain, Paris, 1923.
There have even been recorded amounts reaching 400,000 kgrms.

NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

muscular work " may attain 200,000 kgrms. and consider that the
total daily work of a good workman up to the point of exhaustion
may be estimated at 270,000 kgrms. ; that a good workman in
an eight to ten hours' day subject to constant but not excessive
work may furnish a useful quantity of energy amounting to 80,000100,000 kgrms. (about 25 to 65 per cent.) according to the nature
of his work and the machine involved. Here there comes into
play the influence of training and the specific qualities of a good
worker, which explain a lesser expenditure of energy for efficiency
which is at times greater.
In his investigations affecting workers with an average body
weight of 70 kgs. engaged in mechanical work, Wohlpert found
an hourly figure of 900 kgrms. in the case of a woman engaged
in sewing by hand ; 1,600 in that of a writer ; 1,700 in the case
of a tailor ; 2,000 in that of a lithographer ; 2,800 in that of a woman
worker sewing by machine ; 4,000 in the case of a draughtsman ;
4,100 in that of a mechanic and 8,000 in that of a shoemaker.
Another classification of occupations based on figures expressed
in kilograms (for a period of ten hours' work) is given as follows :
Mechanical
work
(kgrms.)

Calories

Maintenance
ration

50,000

118

2,400

80-100,000

190

2,400

900-950

3,300

120-150,000

350-360

2,400

1,400-1,500

3,800-4,000

Occupational
supplement
400

Total
(calories)
2,800

Occupations
Small trades ;
tailors ; c o p y ists ;
dressmakers.
Heavier mechanical w o r k ;
shoemaking
by hand.
Work demanding strength:
Excavation ;
quarrying
;
w o r k i n docks.

Above 150,000 kgrms. the diet is proportionately increased.
I t is considered that a great number of workers are engaged
on work represented by 100,000 to 120,000 kgrms. (on a ten-hour
day).
Yet another classification distinguishes sedentary work,
muscular work seated, moderate muscular work, considerable
muscular work, heavy muscular work and very heavy muscular
work, which other authorities classify as : sedentary work (3,333),
semi-manual work (3,295) and manual (3,095). (See Appendix III,
table XIII.)

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

* * *
The d a t a just presented involve great difficulties of interpretation, t h e more so since the total number of calories attributed
to each occupation varies from one author to another, within
limits which are a t times considerable. Thus it is found that
work lasting eight hours implies for a stenographer an expenditure
of approximately 2,420 calories (occupational requirement : 1,040)
or as much as t h a t allowed for machine workers, shoemakers,
tailors, bookbinders, lithographers ; or again t h a t moderate
work such as filing, hammering, carpenters', locksmiths', weavers'
or dyers' work requires about 3,300 calories (occupational requirement : 1,920) ; or t h a t heavy work such as t h a t of a mason,
a miner, a docker and in general all occupations requiring physical
force demand about 4,600 calories (3,200 for the occupational
requirement).
W o r k to-day, however, is infinitely more complex ! Moderate
work accomplished in an intense fashion (with a chronometer)
may in reality be heavy ; heavy work executed a t a limited
hourly speed may again a t times be considered moderate. From
the point of view of the " calories ", work which demands 3,000
is n o t essentially heavy, yet certain work, on t h e other hand,
demanding only 2,000 calories may, under certain conditions,
be heavy.
I t is thus seen t h a t t h e problem of diet, appropriate to these
varying categories of work must be recognised as being in reality
a higly complex one, and the calculation of an adequate diet is
extremely difficult to determine, on the rigid basis of values found,
without taking into consideration the special circumstances attaching to particular cases.

CHAPTER III
FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

I. — STATISTICAL EVALUATION OF NUTRITION STANDARDS

The preceding chapter surveyed the main facts of the relation
of diet to occupation. Its purpose was to examine what the
workers should eat, and it was shown that the answer to this
question is not simple. It was brought out that specific occupations in a given environment impose special requirements in so
far as the need for energy-yielding food elements is concerned.
But the need for other nutritive elements such as minerals and
vitamins is not influenced in the same way by the character of
the occupation. In this chapter, therefore, the actual diets of
workers are examined and evaluated, not with regard to the
additional requirements imposed by occupation, but from the
comprehensive point of view of an optimum diet based on all
the nutritive elements necessary to satisfy human requirements.
The concept of an optimum diet in itself is necessarily somewhat vague, not only because of the lack of physiological knowledge,
but also because it involves to some extent general implications
as to the type of human being which we should like to encourage.
In the absence of universally valid standards, we must be content
with less certain and more relative criteria. The Technical Committee of the Health Section of the League of Nations, meeting
in London, laid down standards of adequate nutrition in a rather
broad manner. It cannot be said that diets falling below the
London standards are necessarily inadequate under all conditions,
or that from other points of view higher standards are not desirable,
or that such higher standards would involve harmful over-feeding.
All that may be said is that diets which do not reach the London
standard over a period of time may be regarded in the light of
our present knowledge as inadequate for the maintenance of a
" desirable " level of " health and efficiency ". These qualifications must be kept in mind in order to avoid hasty or absolute
conclusions.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

The main purpose of the present chapter is to examine what
the workers actually do eat. But an evaluation of actual consumption habits is no less difficult a task than that of setting up nutrition standards. The need for food is not a simple one to be satisfied
by means of a single foodstuff. Variety is a criterion of any physiologically sound diet, and satisfactory diets should contain a number
of different nutritive elements. But foodstuffs — within certain
limits — are interchangeable. Diets having essentially the same
physiological value may be composed in different ways and it
is impossible to say that any given combination of foodstuffs is
inherently superior to others. Even assuming that the energy
requirements are known (in fact, there exist a number of different
calorific scales), the need for other nutritive elements such as
animal and vegetable proteins, fats, mineral salts, vitamins,
etc., may be filled — within the same calorific framework —
by a great many combinations of different foodstuffs. Thus,
while it is at least theoretically possible to lay down standard
requirements for protein, fats, etc., there is no possibility of
determining standard requirements for individual foodstuffs,
such as beef, milk, potatoes or oranges. Hence, the important
practical conclusion that the study of nutrition should build, on
information of consumption in the aggregate, i.e. of groups of
related foodstuffs.
Strict limitations are thereby imposed on statistical methods
of approach. In order to understand what this means, it is necessary
to recall that there are, in principle, two methods which can be
used to ascertain quantities of food consumed. The first method
is that of estimating thé total national consumption of various
foodstuffs and dividing these quantities by the number of persons1
in the population. Figures calculated on this basis are hereafter
called figures of national consumption. The second method consists
in ascertaining the quantities of foodstuffs consumed — or more
correctly purchased — by a certain number of selected families
during a given period of time. These figures are hereafter referred
to as family budget data or, more simply, budget data.
It is. difficult in practice to obtain national consumption data
for more than a few foods, and it is impossible to decide, on the
basis of such data, whether or not nutrition is inadequate. A
low consumption of one foodstuff may well bè compensated
for by a high consumption of some other foodstuff. Figures of
1

Or by " consumption units " .

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

national consumption alone cannot be used, therefore, as a basis
for conclusions on the state of nutrition of a given population,
particularly as these data have other serious limitations. Thus,
to take cereals and root crops as an illustration, it is difficult
to know how large a part of the quantities available during a
period (production + imports — exports + changes in available
stocks) are actually used for human consumption and how much
for other purposes : feeding of animals, seed, industrial production,
etc. I t is also difficult to know how large a part is lost in distribution. Furthermore, the figures obtained are broad averages and
relate to the whole of the population. Even if such averages should
show a satisfactory condition of nutrition, it would not follow
that malnourishment and under-nourishment were not present.
Some sections of the population might be well above the standard,
while other sections are below. General averages of this nature
which cannot be broken down are of comparatively little value
in trying to determine the actual standards of consumption of
the workers. These figures are therefore used in this chapter
merely to supplement and reinforce the data obtained by the
budget method and mainly for the purpose of indicating trends
of consumption.
The method which gives a concrete idea of the actual consumption of social groups is the budget method, and in the following
pages data obtained by this method are used as our main source
of information. I t is necessary, however, to discuss briefly some
of the main characteristics of these data, in order to indicate their
limitations and usefulness. For a more detailed review of the
general problems connected with family budget enquiries the
reader is referred to another study of the Office.1
Family budget enquiries give information on quantities of
food purchased, not quantities actually consumed. A certain
waste is unavoidable in the preparation of food and a certain
amount is left over or spoiled in keeping and is thrown away.
The percentage of waste varies from case to case ; it is likely
that the percentage is higher in well-to-do families than in poor
families. The proportion also depends on the ability and interest
of the housewife. I t changes with the composition of the diet ;
the waste of root vegetables, for instance, is generally higher
than of muscle meat ; higher for fish than for bread, and so on.
1

INTERNATIONAL LABOTJB OFFICE : Methods of Conducting Family

Enquiries, Studies and Reports, Series N., No. 9. Geneva, 1926.

Budget

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Generally a flat rate of 5 per cent, is considered sufficient to account
for t h e waste among working people ; in view of the approximate
nature of the data available, the factor of waste is hardly of great
practical importance. I t should also be added t h a t it is often
difficult to ascertain the true weights of quantities of food purchased. Poorer people often buy food in small units of currency,
pennyworths, sixpennyworths, cents, etc., and the housewife does
not always know the weight of the food she buys. Similarly,
the weights given b y dealers are not always the correct ones.
The quantities given in the enquiries are therefore often approximate and too great importance should not be attached to minor
differences in the quantities registered.
A further general difficulty should be discussed here. Family
budget enquiries give information concerning the quantities of
food purchased per family. They give no direct evidence concerning
individual consumption. I t is obvious that a large family needs
more food than a small family ; also that the composition of the
family with respect to sex, age and occupation affects its needs ;
hence, as long as the enquiries relate to families which are different
in size and composition the quantities consumed per family do
not permit of conclusions as to the actual state of nutrition. From
the very beginning of family budget studies, attempts have been
made t o break down the family into some smaller and more stable
unit of consumption. This is not the place for reviewing this
question, which is one of the most complicated in social statistics ;
and one which so far has not been satisfactorily solved. Generally,
however, the various family members are converted into units
of an " adult male ", b u t a great number of different scales of
conversion is actually used. They are all based on the idea t h a t
the need for food is proportionate to the need for calories ; no
allowance is made for the fact t h a t calories of a different kind are
needed for persons of different sex, age and occupation ; the scales
apply t o food requirements as a whole and not to individual foods.
Unsatisfactory, therefore, as this procedure m a y be, it is a t the
present time used in pratically all family budget enquiries, and if
it is wished to undertake a study of food consumption a t all, this
procedure has to be accepted. I t should be kept in mind, however,
in interpreting the data, t h a t the device of the consumption unit
introduces a further element of uncertainty, removing the results
a step further away from concrete reality. The use of different
scales of consumption units in the various enquiries renders international comparison still more difficult.

FACTS ON WOBKEES' DIETS

Owing to t h e importance attaching to t h e question of consumption
units in international comparisons of food-consumption, i t has been
deemed useful to t r y t o give here a n idea of the order of magnitude of
the error introduced in t h e comparison b y t h e use of different scales of
conversion found in t h e main enquiries analysed below : t h e U. S. scale
(U. S. A. (Detroit), Finland, Norway and Sweden) ; t h e combined U. S.
and Lusk scales (Germany) ; t h e Quel scale (Belgium and Bulgaria) ;
the Peller scale (Austria) ; t h e old German scale (Czechoslovakia) ; Poland
applies a scale resembling t h e Atwater scale. As data on t h e age distribution of the families covered are generally not available t h e various scales
have been applied to three family types (I-III). I t can be assumed t h a t
type I I (husband, wife and three small children) in most cases roughly
corresponds to actual conditions, as most enquiries attempt t o cover
" n o r m a l " families composed of husband, wife and two or three small
children. The figures have been indexed on t h e basis of the U. S. scale =
100, as it is t h e most commonly used. For purposes of comparison t h e
League of Nations scale is added.

GERMANY

CZECHOSLOVAKIA

AUSTRIA

BELGIUM,
BULGARIA

POLAND

I.
2 y e a r s . 2.05 100 2.40 117 1.90 93 2.10 102 2.2

Index

Consumption units

Index

Consumption units

Index

Consumption units

Index

o
•e

Consumption units

Index

Husband,
wife, plus
following
children (age)

Consumption units

NORWAY

League
of Nations
scale

Index

DETROIT,
FINLAND,
SWEDEN,

Consumption units

Family
type

107 2.25 110 2.10 102

II.
2, 5 a n d 10
y e a r s . . 3.20 100 3.65 114 2.50

78 3.26 102 3.20 100 3.35 105 3.20 100

III.
2,5,8,10 and
14 y e a r s . 4.85 100 5.15 106 3.30

68 4.66

96 4.40

91 4.80

99 4.80

Taking type I I as a predominant type of family, it will be seen
that t h e numbers of consumption units (apart from other reservations
to which t h e figures are subject) are comparable in U. S. A., Sweden,
Norway and Finland ; t h e figures for Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria and
Poland do n o t vary considerably from t h e U. S. A. scale and can
be compared with relative safety with t h e above countries. On t h e other
hand, t h e number of consumption units is considerably higher (10-20
per cent.) according to t h e German than the U.S. scale ; the consumption
figures for Germany, therefore, will throughout appear lower t h a n if
they had been recalculated on a common scale ; t h e contrary holds true
of Czechoslovakia where t h e figures would appear t o be some 20 per
cent, higher t h a n if calculated on a common scale. I n conclusion, therefore
with the exception of Germany and Czechoslovakia, t h e fact t h a t different
scales of conversion are used would not appear to be of great practical
importance. What has been said above should be kept in mind, therefore,
in particular when interpreting the figures for these countries.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

I t has further to be borne in mind t h a t the consumption of
foods actually recorded in family budgets relates to the family
as such and represents the total consumption of the family. I t
would have been highly desirable to study the question of nutrition
in relation to the special food requirements of the individual
worker with respect to his occupation, for, as pointed out in the
foregoing chapter, these requirements change considerably with
the character of t h e work performed — light, moderate or heavy
— t h e climate in which the worker is living, etc. Such a study is
impossible on the basis of family consumption, particularly as
no technique has been developed for measuring the portions of the
common consumption allotted to the various members of the
family. 1
This omission, however, is practically less important
than 'prima facie appears. The " London standards " are, as
pointed out above, in the nature of broad averages, and allowances
can be made for the fact t h a t in a given population there are groups
of workers having different needs for food according to the character
of their occupation. If a homogeneous population reaches a certain
energy standard (e.g. 3,000 calories per d a y per consumption
unit) a n d in other respects satisfies the London standards it can
be assumed t h a t the component parts of the population are on
the whole satisfactorily provided for with regard to food. Moreover,
if regard is had to the total consumption of a family, the extra
allowance called for owing to extra heavy work of the head of
the family is relatively small. However, though the question
of individual food requirements may be omitted without great
practical inconvenience in this first general survey, whose aim
is to map out the general problem, the question in itself is of
great significance, and should be the subject of special research.
I n addition to the difficulties discussed above, further limitations
connected with the practical shortcomings of family budget
enquiries should be taken into account. I t is shown in the following
pages, in connection with the data of national consumption,
t h a t although habits of food-consumption are relatively stable
1
As indicated in Chapter I I and in Appendix I I I , certain data exist
on t h e subject of the' food consumption of . various professional groups.
Broadly speaking, however, "they either relate t o ' s o few workers, ór tó
such distant periods, or to special groups of workers, t h a t their representative
value is too low to justify their inclusion in a general survey of this character.
Moreover, in many cases the information does not relate to actual consumption b u t to regulations laid down by various authorities for the preparation
of the food of soldiers, sailors, inmates of institutions, etc. There is no
information on points such as whether the quantities prescribed are actually
those consumed, and whether the quantities are calculated as purchased
or as actually served, etc.

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

they may be considerably modified over long periods of time.
I n any study, therefore, intended to give a picture of the existing
habits, material greatly out of date must be excluded. I t would
have been desirable to limit the present survey to enquiries
undertaken during the last few years, b u t for practical reasons
the survey has been extended to cover enquiries undertaken
during the last ten years, and those undertaken before, during or
immediately after the period of the great war are excluded.
Although the number of countries covered is thereby somewhat
restricted, the results obtained become less heterogeneous and
of greater practical value.
I n order to yield significant results, it is also necessary t h a t
the enquiries should cover an adequate number of families. Often
they cover a small sample only, and frequently do not clearly
indicate the principles on which the sample was chosen. Enquiries
covering only a few families have been excluded from this chapter.
Moreover, in some enquiries greater attention has been paid
to expenditure than to quantities consumed. Owing to the great
variations in prices (both absolute and relative) of the same foodstuffs in various countries, expenditure figures are of no direct
value in judging the nutritive character of various budgets. 1
As a number of enquiries (the successive Japanese enquiries undertaken during the years 1926-1-934 being outstanding examples)
do not cover quantities of food consumed, the material a t our
disposal is still further restricted.
With regard, finally, to the countries which have in fact been
covered in this analysis of family budget material, two general
reservations should be noted. I n the first place, the majority of
these belong to the more highly industrialised countries. Second,
in each country the material relates primarily to the better-paid
and more educated family-groups. The number of families covered
is, with few exceptions, too small, particularly in the lower income
groups, to permit definite conclusions to be drawn. I n most cases,
the data have value more as illustrations of conditions of certain
limited groups of labour rather than as conclusive evidence of
the conditions among the working class as a whole.
1
I t should be pointed out that in certain conditions expenditure on
various foods may give useful indications on the composition or quantities
consumed. An analysis of this character, however, is rather complicated
and would in any case give very uncertain and approximate results. I t
has not been judged advisable to use material of this nature in the present
study.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

I n view of all these limitations, the existing material on workers'
consumption should be interpreted with all necessary care and
should be used mainly as illustrating certain broad tendencies.
However, in spite of all the shortcomings of the material, conclusions
in certain directions can be drawn with a fair degree of safety.
As already pointed out, the family budget data relate on the whole
to t h e better-paid section of t h e industrial workers of the world
and i t may be assumed without risk of undue generalisation
t h a t among the rest of the workers conditions are not in any
case more satisfactory. If it is shown, therefore, t h a t conditions
even among the better-paid workers are in many respects unsatisfactory, this conclusion applies a fortiori to the rest.
I n order to facilitate the task of the reader, the basic statistical
tables are printed as appendices. Throughout, -the quantities
consumed are given in kilograms per unit of
consumption.
The consumption units are those adopted in each national
enquiry ;
the necessary data for recalculating them on
a common basis are n o t available. The foodstuffs are arranged
in major groups such as bread and cereals, etc., 1 in order to minimise a s far as possible the difficulties of comparison arising from
minor differences in tastes and habits of consumption. Thus bread
and cereals are given together ; so also are meat and fish, fruits
and vegetables, etc. So far as possible, the analysis is concerned
with these major groups of food, though necessarily also with
individual foodstuffs. Attention is centred on six main aspects
of the problem :
(1)
(2)
(3)
(4)
(5)
(6)

National differences in the workers' food consumption.
Variations in food consumption according to family income.
Nutritive values of workers' food budgets.
National consumption of various foods.
The question of malnutrition.
Special groups of workers.

See Appendix IV, Part A.

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

II. — NATIONAL DIFFÉRENCES IN WORKERS' FOOD CONSUMPTION

The detailed data on food consumption by workers' households
in different countries, obtained through recent family budget
enquiries, are presented in Appendix IV. 1 As these enquiries were
carried out at different periods, international comparisons give
rise to many difficulties, the importance of which can hardly be
overestimated. Nevertheless, such comparisons are less dangerous
than might appear, owing to certain special features of the data.
The enquiries relate mostly to the better situated part of the
working class,2 and their lack of representativeness with regard to
the workers as a whole does not preclude their being used for international comparisons of the sections of the working class concerned.
Though the enquiries relate to different dates, fundamental habits
of consumption are relatively slow to change. Further, though
all the countries covered have been affected by the depression,
the enquiries relate to people at work, at any rate during most
of the enquiry, and the real incomes of such persons have not
been so much affected by the depression as is often assumed.
Finally, many of the errors tend to balance each other.
In view of all this, it is believed that in spite of all the difficulties, the data give an approximate idea of the main kinds.
of differences in workers' consumption from country to country.
Particularly as regards the composition of diets the budgets
give valuable indications. In table I are reproduced the main
results of an international comparison of workers' consumption
by main groups of foodstuffs. These results are illustrated in
fig. I (a). Table II shows comparative figures for a selected
number of individual foodstuffs. The tables contain on the one
hand absolute quantities (kgs.) consumed per consumption unit
and on the other hand relative figures comparing the quantities
1
For a discussion of the source, scope, methods of compilation, main
results, etc., of these enquiries, cf. the International Labour Review, No. 5,
Nov. 1933 : "Recent Family Budget Enquiries"; Vol. X X X , No. 1, July 1934 :
" The Belgian Family Budget Enquiry of 1928-1929 " ; No. 2, Aug. 1934 :
" T h e Finnish Family Budget Enquiry of 1928" ; No. 6, Dec. 1934 : "Expenditure of Working-Class Families of Merseyside, England, 1929-1931 " ;
Vol. X X X , No. 3, March 1935 : " The Czechoslovak Family Budget Enquiry
of 1929-1930 " ; No. 6, June 1935 : " The Swedish Family Budget Enquiry
of 1933 " ; Vol. X X X I I , No. 1, Aug. 1935 : " The Shanghai Family Budget
Enquiry of 1929-1930 " ; Vol. X X X I I , No. 5, Nov. 1935 : " Family Budget
Enquiries in Japan, 1926 to 1934 " ; Vol. X X X I H , No. 2, Feb. 1936 :
" Recent Family Budget Enquiries in Latin America " (Argentina, Brazil
and Mexico).
2
Cf. International Labour Review, p. 672, November 1933.

TABLE I .

QUANTITIES (KGS.) OF THE MAIN GROUPS OF FOODSTUFF
-

IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES PER YEAR P E R UNIT

Country

SWIÏDEN

GERMANY

BELGIUM

Number of families

610

896

809

Cereals a n d .bread
Meat, fish, e t c .
M a r g a r i n e , fats, ¡etc
Milk, m i l k p r o d u c t s a n d eggs .
Vegetables a n d .fruits . . . .
Sugar . . . . ' •

106.5
64.9
12.3
284.1
160.0
37.5

134.0
52.9
16.3
174.0
227.2
16.6

Cereals a n d b r e a d
Meat, fish, e t c . ;
M a r g a r i n e , fats, ; e t c
Milk, m i l k p r o d u c t s a n d eggs
Vegetables a n d fruits . . . .
Sugar . . . . Ì

100
100
100
100
100
100

126
82
133
61
142
44

BULGARIA

NORW

135

A . — Ab
218.38 290.46 1
144.
60.67
38.68"
87.
4
10.67
24.
9.77
189.06
43.73
225.
295.67 119.65«
123.
15.22
23.
9.60
B . — Indexes
2731
205
60 3
93
4
79
87
15
67
75"
185
41
• 26

¡Avera
135
135
200
79
77
63

1
Excluding cakes, biscuits, pastries. — • Excluding fish. — ' Excluding poultry. — ' Excludi
cabbages, melons, watermelons, pumpkins, lemons, oranges, etc. — ' Data relating to peas and beans
potatoes only.
•

TABLE H .

QUANTITIES (KGS.) OF SELECTED FOODSTUFFS CONSUMED BY
COUNTRIES PER YEAR PER UNIT OF CONSU
Country

SWEDEN

GERMANY

BELGIUM

BULGARIA

Number of families

610

896

809

39.2
56.5
6.7
6.4
14.7
17.1
11.4
249.2
11.4
6.1
12.9
1.8
108.6
31.5
37.5

106.0
14.7
7.1
10.5
11.5
6.6
9.7
154.4
5.9
4.8
8.7
2.7
153.6
27.4
16.6

202.97
7.42
4.53
22.19
17.46
9.20
4.97
154.10
18.13
5.49
11.34
3.15
227.15
13.93
15.22

218.45
52.06
19.95

100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100
100

270
26
106
164
78
39
85
62
52
79
67
150
141
87
44

518
13
68
347
119
54
44
62
159
90
88
175
209
44
41

Bef.
No.

1, 2
4
5
6
7, 10
13
14
17—19
21
22
23
24
25
27
31

Flour
Beef
Pork, ham and bacon
Fish
Milk
Cheese

Wheat bread and rye bread
Beef
Fish
Margarine
Milk

Peas and beans (dried)

135

—
—

3.95
32.70
0.53
6.39
4.11
11.85
19.65
19.94 '
9.60
B.

1, 2
4
5
6
7, 10
13
14
17—19
21
22
23
24
25
27
31

NORWA

A. A
114.95
18.12
5.17
9.19
7.81
46.66
23.89
201.04
2.56
8.12
7.82
2.24
88.53
16.3
23.65

Indexes (Av

557
92
298

—
—
23
—
13

5
105
32
658
18
63»
26

293
32
77
144
53
273
210
81
22
133
61
124
82
52
63

Including preserved meat. — * Excluding melons, water melons, pumpkins, tangerines, lemons,

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY
TIG. I. ( « ) .

I N B E X E S OF QUANTITIES O ï ÏOODSTOTFS CONSUMED

I N D I F F B B E N T COUNTBIES, P E B UNIT OF CONSUMPTION

(Sweden = 100)
Cereals and bread
2SO
270
260

2 SO
240

2 SO

Margarine, fats, etc.

220
200

2IO
200

ICO

190

ISO

2 IO

I70

>70
IÓO

Meat, fish, etc.

ISO

100
150
I40

I40

•«o

ISO

I20

120

IIO

IOO

«0

ÔO
70
60
SO
40
SO
20

a'S 5

S«

lÎffilHîI

mimi WM
Vegetables and fruits
I0O

Milk, milk products
and eggs
ISO
120

IOO
ISO
ISO
I20
110

00
. 70
60

"50

so
20

¡sugar
no
IOO

ICO
90
eo

- * =

PACTS ON WORKERS ' DIETS

consumed in each country with those consumed in Sweden, which
is taken as a basis ( = 100) in view of the fact t h a t t h e Swedish
budget (in t h e aggregate) is considered t o be physiologically
relatively satisfactory. 1
I n order to facilitate t h e understanding of t h e material, a
graph (fig. I (b)) has been added showing t h e percentages of total
income spent on food in t h e countries concerned. Although these
percentages cannot show a direct or precise correlation t o standard
of living, owing to the great number of circumstances influencing
them, they are nevertheless useful in suggesting, in a n approximate
way, some general relationships between the type of food consumption on the one hand a n d the standards of consumption, etc.,
on t h e other hand! A full enquiry into t h e p a r t played by international differences in standard of living as a determining factor
of food consumption would obviously have to use eleborate methods
involving, inter alia, the elimination of t h e influence of differences
in tastes, habits, etc. F o r a discussion of these matters, however,
the reader is referred to another publication of the Office. 3
Bread and cereals. — As m a y be seen from t h e tables, great
differences exist internationally as to t h e quantities of bread
and cereals consumed b y workers. I n Sweden the total quantity
amounts to a little more than 100 kgs. p e r consumption unit
per year, while in Bulgaria i t is almost three times as high. The
consumption is relatively low in t h e Scandinavian countries,
Germany and the United States, and increases considerably in
Czechoslovakia, Belgium, Poland and Bulgaria. Broadly speaking,
and allowing for differences in national tastes and habits, t h e
quantities of cereals consumed stand in inverse relation to t h e
general level of consumption in various countries.
The consumption of individual cereals fluctuates more widely
under the influence of such factors as individual tastes, habits, etc.
Noticeable, for instance, is the relatively large purchase of
flour in the Scandinavian countries and the relatively small
consumption of baker's bread.

Cf. table XrV.

INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE : International

Comparisons

of Cost

of Living. Studies and Reports, Series, N (Statistics), No. 20, Geneva, 1934.
i

WORKERS'

NUTRITION

Meat and fish. — T h e quantities of meat and fish consumed
are, roughly speaking, in inverse
proportion to the quantities of
cereals and bread.
I t should
be noted, however, t h a t the
consumption of meat is related
to t h e consumption of fats a n d
dairy products ; a low consumption of meat . can p a r t l y be
compensated for by a high consumption of articles belonging to
these other groups and vice versa.
Norway, for instance, has a high
meat consumption, b u t the consumption of dairy products is
low a s compared with Sweden

AND

SOCIAL

POLICY

ITC. I (6)
E X P E N D I T U E E ON POOD
AS PERCENTAGE OF
TOTAL E X P E N D I T U R E
60

«anumilili

and Finland, countries with otherwise similar food habits. With
such reservations it is interesting, however, to note t h a t meat
consumption is low in Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Finland and
Poland ; moderately high in Germany, the United States and
Belgium ; high in Sweden, Austria and Norway.
T h e differences in different countries with regard to the
individual foodstuffs in this group are of secondary interest here.
I t m a y be pointed out, however, t h a t the consumption of fish
is relatively high in the Scandinavian countries, and low in the
inland countries of Europe.
Margarine and fats. — The absolute quantities of foodstuffs
in this group consumed by workers are small, and i t is therefore
n a t u r a l t h a t the differences in relative consumption between
countries should be considerable ; it is difficult also to discern
a definite trend of development. Countries like the United States
and Sweden which have a high general level of consumption have
a moderate consumption of fats and margarine,„while.high.figures .
are found in Germany, Czechoslovakia, Austria and Norway ;
low figures are found in Poland, Finland and Bulgari». j.Tj.argariiic
is perhaps the most important single item in this group of foods ;
it is, however, in direct competition with butter, and low figures for
margarine and fats are partially compensated for by the consumption of butter. Thus, t h e low Finnish figure in this group of

FACTS ON WORKERS ' DIETS

foods is partly explained b y the high consumption of milk and
milk products, while the high figure for Germany should be
viewed in the light of a relatively lower consumption of butter.
Milk, milk products, eggs. — This group is particularly important
because of the great physiological value of the foodstuffs it contains.
As may be seen from the figure on page 48, the quantities consumed
by workers' households differ much from country to country.
The consumption is particularly high in Finland and Sweden,
moderately high in the Central European countries and in the
United States, and low in Poland and Bulgaria. Broadly speaking,
the consumption of this group of foods would appear to be positively
correlated with the general standard of consumption.
The consumption of milk reaches in Sweden 250 litres per
year per unit of consumption and in Bulgaria only 30 litres. The
consumption of butter is about 11 kgs. in Sweden, 9 kgs. in the
United States, 6 kgs. in Germany and is practically nil in Bulgaria.
About the same relative condition is shown b y the consumption
of eggs.
Vegetables and fruit. — This group is quantitatively important
owing to the bulky nature of most of the items of which it is
composed. The quantities consumed are also influenced by
climate and local marketing conditions and it is difficult to trace
a more direct relationship between the general standard of
consumption and quantities consumed. Consumption figures
are low in Finland, Norway and Czechoslovakia, moderately
high in Austria, Sweden, Germany and the United States and
very high in Poland and Belgium. A glance a t table I I indicating
the level of consumption of selected individual foodstuffs, however,
is sufficient to show t h a t the composition of the group is different
in the different countries. Thus, the consumption of potatoes
is absolutely high in Belgium and Poland, while that of fruit is
specially high in the United States.
Miscellaneous foods. — Owing to the heterogeneous composition
of this group, it would have little meaning to cite sums of quantities
consumed. B u t to illustrate the tendency of consumption in this
group, sugar 1 may be used as typical of the group. Consumption
of sugar is particularly high in Sweden and Czechoslovakia and
low in Belgium, Bulgaria and Germany. Other countries fall
in between.
1

Purchased as such.

WOBKEKS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

, Summary.
— Although incomplete in m a n y respects, the
material presented above shows t h a t the various countries exhibit
great differences in quantities of foodstuffs consumed and in
dietary habits generally. Broadly speaking, the consumption of
bread and cereals is high in less prosperous countries and tends to
decrease as one proceeds towards countries with higher standards.
On t h e other hand, the important groups of meat and
fish a n d milk, milk products and eggs show an opposite tendency.
The minor group — fats and margarine — shows no definite
tendency ; the same applies to fruit and vegetables, although
in the latter case the consumption of fresh fruit generally increases
in countries with higher standards.

III.

— VARIATIONS I N F O O D CONSUMPTION ACCORDING TO
FAMILY INCOME

I n order to evaluate the composition and adequacy of diets
a t different income levels of a given population, two sets of data
are required. First, the distribution of family incomes, and second,
family budget enquiries for each income level. I t would then be
possible to estimate, on the one hand (by reference to accepted
nutritive standards), the amount of malnourishment and undernourishment, and, on the other hand (accepting the tastes and
habits of people as expressed in family budget enquiries), the
a m o u n t of the various foodstuffs required to reach the desired
nutritive standard. Owing to the lack of relevant data on the
distribution of family incomes, as well as of sufficiently representative budget data, this ideal programme is not possible of
attainment a t the present time. To the best knowledge of the
Office, only in the United Kingdom and in the United States of
America have attempts been made to carry out such investigations. 1
I t is highly desirable t h a t other countries should follow suit, as
studies of this kind are indispensable as a basis for a n y rational
social policy of nutrition.
I n t h e meantime, one has to be content with the approximate
information supplied by existing family budget enquiries. As it
is impossible to decide to what extent the income classification
1
Cf. Sir John OEK : Food, Health and Income. London, 1936 ; and
STTEBLIKG and WARD : " Diets a t Four Levels of Nutritive Content and
C o s t " , U.S.A.
Department of Agriculture Circular' No. 296, Washington,
1933.

PACTS ON WOBKEBS' DIETS

in these enquiries is representative of the distribution of income
within the entire population, quantitative conclusions as to the
state of nutrition should be avoided. The enquiries are significant
mainly in that they illustrate the condition in different countries
of persons living at different income levels, and, as indicated
above, the majority of the families studied in existing enquiries
belong to the better-paid sections of the working classes, it is
reasonable to assume that the figures given in these studies for
the lower income groups are more representative of the whole
working class than are the figures for the higher income groups.
In any case, the general averages are not likely to give an
exaggerated idea of the extent of malnourishment and undernourishment.
The basic figures of quantities of different foodstuffs consumed
at different income levels are given in Appendix IV, Part B,
both for individual items and for main groups of foodstuffs. These
basic data have been indexed, the quantities consumed in the
highest income-group in each case being taken as the base = 100.
The indices for the main groups of foodstuffs and for selected
foods belonging to these groups are reproduced in tables in this
chapter. For further details, as well as for a description of the
income groups, the reader is referred to Appendix IV, Part C. x
The text here gives a summary only of the main facts,
which follow from an analysis of the tables in the appendices.
Moreover, owing to the composite character of diets and to the
interchangeability of foodstuffs, it is not advisable in this general
survey to lay stress on figures for individual foodstuffs. In the
following pages, therefore, emphasis is on the fluctuations of
the main groups of foodstuffs rather than on fluctuations of
individual foods.
1
I t is necessary to sound a note of warning to those who would interpret
these figures. The absolute strength of the tendency of consumption to
fluctuate as income changes depends not only on the actual conditions in
the countries studied, but also on the method of formation of incomegroups. This important question has been neglected in most family
budget enquiries ; no uniform or scientifically sound rules of procedure
have so far been developed. The number of income-groups chosen, and
their range, have been left mainly to chance ; if the enquiry is narrow
in scope, the range of the income-groups becomes correspondingly restricted.
If the enquiries had been wider in scope, the income-groups adopted
would have been different, and consequently the relative figures of
consumption. Too much importance should not therefore be attached
to the absolute level of the figures ; their main value is in showing general
tendencies.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Bread and cereals. — This group supplies, as already indicated,
in the cheapest way the calories necessary for the maintenance
of life. Broadly speaking, the poorer a class or a country, the
greater proportion of the total number of calories consumed is
supplied by foods belonging to this group.
TABLE in.

CONSUMPTION OP CEREALS A N D BREAD. PER UNIT OP
CONSUMPTION PER YEAR, B Y INCOME-GROUPS
Quantity (kgs.)

Country

Index
Income-groups

•

Germany

. . .

139 137 135 128. 132

105 104 103

Belgium

. . . .

226 217 219 204 —

110 106 107 100 —

97 100

Sweden

. . . .

113 106 102 —

Poland

. . . .

199 222 229 213 —

—
93 104 107 100 —

Norway

. . . .

150 143 147 140 —

•107 102 105 100 —

Czechoslovakia .
United Kingdom
United States

198 196 .177 —

•

111 104 100 —

—

112 111 100 — ' —

113 113 112 108 100

98 109 —

—

100 100
80

—

90 100 —

—

1
Per capita consumption. The lowest income-group excluded for the U. K. in this and the
following tables. — * North Atlantic cities.
.

I n Germany, Czechoslovakia, Belgium and Sweden, the
absolute amount of cereals and bread • consumed decreases with
advancing income. I n Poland, on the other hand, the quantities
consumed first increase as income- advances and then decrease.
I t m a y be assumed t h a t the lowest income-groups are so poor
t h a t they are not even able to satisfy their needs of cheap
calories, and a n increase of income, therefore, brings about an
increase in calorific intake by way of cereals. I t is likely, however,
t h a t t h e need for and the total human consumption of cereals
in most West European countries would on the whole decrease
with advancing income.
The composition of
income, as is shown b y
advancing income the
whilst t h a t of rye bread
is less certain.

the cereal group is also influenced by
table TV, I t is generally found t h a t with
consumption of wheat bread increases
falls. The tendency with respect to flour

PACTS ON WORKERS

DIETS

TABLE IV.
INDEXES OE CONSUMPTION OP INDIVIDUAL
POODS BELONGING TO THE CEREAL AND BREAD GROUP,
BY INCOME GROUPS
Country

Czechoslovakia....

United S t a l e s 1 . . . .
(North Atlantic
cities)
1

Per capita consumption.

Income
groups

Wheat
bread

Bye bread

Hour

Other
cereals

135
127
119
105

97
100
103
104
100

1
2
3
4

56
65
75
85

100

100 .

95
97
101
95
100

1
2

46
77

93
95

147
124

90
92

100

123
116

102
112

135
115

100

1
2
3
1
2
3

52
48
78

113
127
114

65
72
115

56
80
87

100

1
2
3

107
94
115

121
103
105

70
111
92

82
125
114

100

1
2

60
76

129
113

92
98

100

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Meat, fish, etc. — Meat, and particularly fish, are as a rule
relatively expensive per calorie. Strict economy in the poorer
income groups is therefore as a rule necessary for foods belonging
to this group, and the budget figures actually show considerable
expansion in the consumption of foodstuffs in this group with
advancing income.

TABLE V. — CONSUMPTION OF MEAT, FISH, ETC., P E R UNIT OF
CONSUMPTION P E R YEAR, BY INCOME GROUPS
Quantity (kgs.)
Country
3

'57

—

100

. . . .

— '
—
—
—
—

.75

. . .

Belgium

. . . .

Sweden.

. . . .

Poland
Norway

Germany

Index
Income . groups
3

100

'—
—
100 —
100 __
— —

91 100

—

. . . .

.76

95 102

Czechoslovakia .

—

100

United Kingdom 1

100

108

—

—•.

100

.—

—

United States

1 2

Per cavita consumption.
* North Atlantic cities.

Table VI gives an analysis of the changes in this group by
individual foods. As is to be expected, the increase in consumption
is particularly marked for the relatively expensive meats such
as veal.

PACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

TABLE VI. — INDEXES OP CONSUMPTION OP INDIVIDUAL POODS
BELONGING TO THE MEAT GROUP, BY INCOME GROUPS
Country

Czechoslovakia....

United Kingdom

. .

United States 2 . . . .
(North
Atlantic
cities)
1

Income
groups

Beef

Pork

1
2
3
4

52
65
78
86

Mutton

Veal

Hah

60
66
78
88

50
50
50
70

19
25
41
63

75
72
77
86

100

1
2

87
93

72
92

20
50

50
78

66
87

100

1
2

78
94

61
88

37
81

41
56

—

100

—

1
2
3

31
47
61

36
77
71

14
28
30

100

11
36
8
100

100

156
122
85
100

1
2
3

56
73
86

31
53
78

51
78
105

24
47
44

96
94
98

100

1
2
3

53
66
86

46
78
102

—

23
50
80

71
64
91

100

—

100

1
2
3
4

771
911
100 1
103 1

—

41
52
68
83

100 1

—

100

1
2

75
971

29
43

5
14

100 1

100

Including veal. — s Per capita consumption.

—
—
-

—

41
61
77
90
100
32
67
100

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Margarine, fats, etc. — This group, which is in close relation
to the meat group on the one hand and to the milk group on
the other, supplies fats at a relatively cheap price per calorie.
The consumption of foodstuffs in this group is relatively high
at lower income levels and decreases with income. Poland offers
an exception ; the consumption of this group of foodstuffs in
that country increases absolutely and relatively. . The explanation
of this fact — which probably recurs in most countries having
lower standards of food consumption — is evidently the same
as that given for the bread and cereal group. At a very low
income level consumption is concentrated on bread, etc., and
with increasing income, consumption is increased at first by
cheap fats and meat; when the standard of living is further
improved, more expensive foodstuffs — such as butter — are
consumed.
TABLE VU.
CONSUMPTION OF MARGARINE, FATS, ETC., PER UNIT
OE CONSUMPTION PER YEAR, BY INCOME GROUPS
Quantity (lfgs.)

Country

Index
Inco me groups

. . .

131

127

119

116

100

Belgium

. . . .

107

100

. . . .

—

120

115

100

—

—
—

Poland

. . . .

—
—
4 —

132

Sweden

•7.7

100

—

Norway

100

Germany

105

103

120

—

140

149

100

—

—
—

148

139

132

123

100

—

100

132

100

—

United Kingdom1

United States

—
—

. . . .

Czechoslovakia .

, 4

—

1
Per capita consumption.
' North Atlantic cities.

Table VIII gives an analysis of changes in consumntion bv
individual foods. I t is interesting to observe that the consumption
of margarine seems on the whole more sensitive to changes in
income than is that of fat or lard.

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

TABLE VU!.

I N D E X E S OF CONSUMPTION OF INDIVIDUAL FOODS
BELONGING TO THE MARGARINE, FAT, ETC.,
GROUP, BY INCOME GROUPS
Country

Belgium

United Stales 1
( N o r t h A t l a n t i c cities)

Income
groups

Margarine

Fat
and lard

Vegetable

1
2
3
4

166
152
137
137

112
117
110
102

65
73
85
81

100

1
2

122
115

100
112

—

100

—

1
2

201
168

124
144

—

100

—

1
2
3

65
100
125

35
69
89

153
194
170

100

1
2
3

106
104
121

59
83
107

—

100

1
2
3

215
153
96

91
84
85

100

1
2
3
4

274
195
153
126

102
119
125
121

100

—
—
—

1
2

—.
—
—

137
172
100

73
71
100

3
Per capita consumption.

OÜ

—
—
—
—
—
—

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Milk, milk products and eggs. — This group plays an important
part in practically all budgets both from the point of view of
quantity and expenditure. It supplies, together with the fruit
and vegetable group, the bulk of the protective foodstuffs. The
price per calorie of items belonging to this group is relatively
high. It is natural to find, therefore, that the quantities
consumed show high correlation with income ; also the difference
between the higher and lower income groups is greater in relatively
poor countries.

TABLE IX. — CONSUMPTION OF MILK, MILK PRODUCTS AND EGGS
PER CONSUMPTION UNIT, PER YEAR, BY INCOME GROUPS
Index

Quantity (kgs.)
Country

Income groups
1

124 158 Ì77

194 203

161 192 204 229
243 285 316

•

. .

95 100

89 100

90 100

79. 100

188 225 251 265

95 100

Czechoslovakia . . . 191 224 271
^llll/CU ii.lllgU.UHl

85 109 137

U n i t e d S t a t e s 1 2.

102

119 137 170 211

105 156 192

83 100

' 57

5 '

81 100

Per capita consumption.
• North Atlantic cities.

With regard to the individual foods in this group, it is shown
in table X that the increase in almost all countries is particularly
marked for eggs, butter and cream.

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

TABLE X. — INDEXES OF CONSUMPTION OP INDIVIDUAL FOODS
BELONGING TO THE MILK, ETC., GROUP, BY INCOME GROUPS
Country

Czechoslovakia....

Income
groups

United States 2 . . . .
(North
Atlantic
cities.)

1
2

Milk, unskimmed.
Per capita consumption.

Butter

Cheese

Eggs

1
2
3
4

641
821
911
981

17
17
33
50

27
43
52
73

58
69
74
84

34
57
65
75

lOOi

100

1
2

76
911

29
73

49
73

78
92

59
86

lOOi

100

1
2

71
82

—

54
74

—

62
96

100

—

100

—

100

1
2
3

38
60
77

38
71
74

36
49
81

82
68
89

22
29
54

100

28
64
82

18
29
43

59
72
90

34
53
86

1
2
3

United Kingdom 2 . .

Cream

Milk

67
751
891

100

1
2
3

77
86
87

—

44
78
100

52
72
93

43
72
91

100

—

100

1
2
3
4

38
47
56
76

59
69
77
86

97
121
139
139

46
57
71
80

100

—

100

1
2

58
89

6
176

53
78

19
36

29
53

100

—

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Vegetables and fruits. — This group, while containing some
of the most important protective foodstuffs — especially fresh
fruits and green vegetables — also contains some of the most
bulky energy-producing foods like potatoes and certain other
rootcrops. The total quantities consumed, therefore, as given
in table XI, are of relatively minor importance. I t is of interest,
however, to note that the importance of this group of foods in
the diet generally increases with income, indicating that, as
economic pressure decreases, people prefer to fill their need for
energy by foods belonging to this group rather than by cereals.
The consumption of potatoes, and of other root crops, is at higher
income levels in direct competition with the consumption of
cereals.
TABLE X I . — CONSUMPTION OF VEGETABLES AND FRUITS, PER
CONSUMPTION UNIT P E R YEAR, BY INCOME GROUPS
Quantity (kgs.)
Country

Index
Income groups

91 100

. . . .

197 222 228 231 253

. . . . .

278 298 302 322

90 100

—.
—- —
86 100 —

Norway

—
—
214 274 264 307 —
108 117 136 152 -—

—

89 100

Czechoslovakia

122 121

62 100

Germany
Belgium
Sweden

135 160 179

Poland

. .

United Kingdom 1 .
United States

1 2

. •.

94 100

—

152 171 178 185 196
154 221 356

—

•

95 100

—

1
Per capita consumption.
' North Atlantic cities.

With regard to individual foods in this group, some interesting
; conclusions .may be drawn from table jXIL. The consumption
of dried peas and beans either decreases with an increase in income
or remains relatively stable. The reason is that these foods
supply cheap vegetable proteins, and with increasing income
and increasing meat consumption the need for these products
decreases. Notable exceptions are offered by Belgium and Norway.
Consumption of potatoes, on the other hand, shows generally

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

TABLE X n .
INDEXES OP CONSUMPTION OF INDIVIDUAL FOODS
BELONGING TO THE VEGETABLE AND FRUIT GROUP, BY INCOME
GROUPS
Income
groups

Country

Czechoslovakia....

United Kingdom

. .

United States 1 . . . . .
(North Atlantic
cities)
1

Peas and
beans Potatoes Cabbage
(dried)

Boot
crops
(inc.
onions)

Fresh
fruits

Marmalade, jam

1
2
3
4

112
119
104
92

99
107
104
99

83
81
94
98

71
83
86
91

28
43
55
68

86
100
114
100

100

1
2

105
95

91
98

28
62

52
73

51
77

—

100

—

1
2

137
122

175
174

—

130
143

100

—

100

1
2
3

108
103
125

80
98
88

41
67
89

71
79
88

31
47
71

—

100

—

1
2
3

64
80
79

84
85
92

48
59
79

65
80
89

33
52
86

117
130
126

100

1
2
3

51
75
78

101
100
96

—

31
62
82

64
86
96

100

—

100

1
2
3
4

104
107
106
106

55
66
71
78

—

100

—

100

96
95
99
106
100

1
2

—
68
— • 86
100
—

—.
—
—

—
—
—

27
53
100

—
—
—

—

Per capita consumption.

the opposite tendency and increases moderately with advancing
income ; an exception is Czechoslovakia. The consumption
of cabbage, which represents green vegetables in cheap form,
shows a marked increase as income advances. The same applies
even more markedly to fresh fruits.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

TABLE

XDX — INDEXES OP CONSUMPTION OB" INDIVIDUAL
POODS BELONGING TO THE MISCELLANEOUS GROUP,
BY INCOME GROUPS
Income
groups

Country

Sugar1

United Kingdom

United States . . . .
(North Atlantic
cities)

Tea

Cocoa

Condiments

Beverages

1
2
3
4

80
96
90
99

27
41
50
77

100
100
100
100

125
125
125
100

69
79
82
90

100

24
37
57
72
100

80
93

63
81 2

60
60

100
125

83
94

60
95

100

1002

100

1
2
3

109
112

81
124

—

127
134

100

—

100

71
145
100

1
2
3

52
70
83

27
39
67

71
62
67

50
75
15

—

100

64
70
75
100

—.

38
32
50

1
2
3
Czechoslovakia....

Coffee
(beans)

—

1
2
3
4

79
91
98

79
101 2
111 2

50
50
79

—

100

1002

100

—

100

1
2
3

67
82
84

58
80
92

—

69
77
84

—

100

—

100

—

100
107
110
107

1
2
3
4
5
1
.2
3

76
86
92
97
100
71
86
100

—

100

—

—.

36*
55*
100*

—

60
60

44
35

—

100

—
—
420
170
100
"

3
4

Purchased as such.
Including substitutes.
Per capita consumption.
Including tea.

•

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

Miscellaneous foods. — Owing to the greatly varying character
and value of the items entering into this group, sums of total
quantities consumed have no meaning and attention should be
given entirely to the consumption of individual foods.
The most important single item is sugar. With the exception
of Czechoslovakia, the consumption of sugar increases everywhere
with increasing income ; the same applies to coffee, tea and
cocoa, condiments and beverages.
Summary. — Family budget enquiries, as already pointed
out, do not permit of the calculation in exact numerical terms
of the relation between consumption and income. They suggest,
however, broad tendencies in the development of quantities
consumed as income increases and even some qualitative changes
in consumption (for example, certain foods are consumed in certain
income groups which are not consumed in others, etc.). In order
to bring out these tendencies more clearly, fig. I I has been prepared.
The following important conclusions may be drawn :
As income increases, the consumption of bread and cereals
tends to decrease ; the tendency with respect to fats is less
certain, although, broadly speaking, the consumption of fats,
particularly of margarine, appears to fall with increasing income.
The consumption of meat and fish, milk and milk products, and
fruits and vegetables, on the other hand, increases consistently
with an increase in income.
A striking feature of these results is their high degree of
concordance. In spite of all differences in race, habits and
climate of the populations studied, and in spite of all differences
in the value and representativeness of the enquiries used, the
same main tendencies are found practically in all countries. 1
1
The conclusions reached on the basis of a study of the relations
between income and consumption are in the main confirmed b y an analysis
of the consumption of different social classes. Available material showing
the dietary habits of workers', salaried employees' and "middle-class"
households is reproduced in Appendix IV, Parts B and D. In all classes cereal
consumption decreases with improving social status. Meat consumption
increases while, as a rule, the quantities of margarine and fats decrease.
(Finland is a noteworthy exception to this rule, owing to the increased
margarine consumption among the middle classes.) The consumption of
milk and milk products generally increases with social status ; it should be
observed, however, t h a t in Finland and Norway (countries where workers'
consumption of these items is high), the figures of consumption decrease
in non-workers' families. This is probably connected with the fact t h a t a
certain " saturation " of the need for these foods is reached at a relatively
low social level. The consumption of fruits and vegetables shows, as is to
be expected, a less clear tendency : on the whole, however, the consumption,
particularly of fresh fruits, increases, while t h a t of potatoes decreases.
Consumption of sugar increases (except in Czechoslovakia) in the higher
social groups.

WORKERS'

FIG. I I .

NUTRITION

AND

SOCIAL

POLICY

QUANTITIES OF FOODS CONSUMED IN D I F F E B E N T INCOME GBOUPS

(Consumption in the highest income groups in each case = 100)
Meat and fish, etc.

Cereals and bread

Margarine, fats, etc.
Vegetables and fruits

^
**

=.-^—2^7
- ^
»>'

•

Milk, milk products and eggs
no

Sugar

^r^S Sr

^**Zs

^.—

y^-

" "^•*""""
/
,'
...'''

. / • ^

J^f^*

***'

/
y
'

•

v
n
H
i
i
_
Note. — The roman figures indicate income groups.

s
Germany
_ Belgium
Sweden
_ Poland

i
Norway
'.
Czechoslovak.
• TJ.S.A.
_ _ _ _ Unit. Kingdom

PACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

IV. — NUTRITIVE VALUES OF WORKERS' FOOD BUDGETS

It has been emphasised above that to judge the nutritive
adequacy of a budget it is necessary to analyse it on the basis
of the aggregate groups of foods which it supplies. Few family
budget enquiries provide such an analysis ; the data on quantities
of foods given in such enquiries cannot be analysed ex post owing
to lack of necessary qualitative specifications ; thus, the quality
of bread differs widely, which means variations in its calorific
value, its content of mineral salts, etc. ; the same applies to
meat, vegetables and so on. 1 The present section must therefore
be limited to summarising the scanty information on the subject
which is contained in the original enquiries. No attempt has
been made here to render the data internationally comparable,
and the warning issued above against drawing far-reaching
conclusions from the budget material in general applies also to
the present section.
Calorific content. — As already indicated, a main function
of diet is to supply the body with the necessary fuel, and the
energy value of foods is measured in calories. The Technical
Committee of the Health Committee of the League of Nations,
to which reference has already been made, considered that an
allowance of 2,400 calories net per day is adequate to meet the
requirements of an adult male not engaged in manual work and
conducting an ordinary everyday life in a temperate climate.
Certain allowances, reckoned in calories per hour of work of different
kinds, are to be added to this basic need. It follows that it is
difficult, or impossible, to say what is the need for food on the
average of a heterogeneous group of people living under different
conditions and engaged in different kinds of work. Generally
speaking, however, about 3,000 calories is considered by many
1
To obtain an idea of the difficulty offered by such an analysis ex post
it suffices to consult any standard table of calorie values. While, for
instance, the Austrian enquiry for 1925 (see Appendix I) gives a calorific
value of 210 for 100 grammes of meat, a further analysis will show t h a t
various cuts of meat have a greatly varying value.
Thus, in the tables
given by the British Medical Association in " Report of Committee on
Nutrition " (London 1933) it is shown t h a t corresponding figures for ox
liver are 267, mutton 810 and corned beef 581. For fish, the calorific
content increases from 125 in codfish to 430 in salted herrings. Cheese
made of full milk (hard) contains 914 calories and cheese made of skim
milk 573. I t is thus easy to understand t h a t general averages of " m e a t " ,
" fish ", or " cheese " cannot be converted into calories without the
qualities of the items consumed being known in detail.

TABLE XIV.

ANALYSIS OP NUTRITIVE PROPERTIES OF WORKERS' DIET
BY INCOME GROUPS

Country

}

dories

2,530
895
1,635

{

Average

2; 771 2,888
1,036 1,104
1;735 1,764

2,966
1,219
1,747

3,193
1,313
1,880

2,866
1,118
1,748

3,266
1,379
. 1,887

3,156

3,37

82
43
39

87
49
38

95
51
40

82
43
39

94
53
41

78
34
44

—

— j

129

—

—
—

—

402

510

Income groups

Protein total ( g r a m m e s ) . . . . 1 69
Animal
\ ^„¿„¡J,,
/
35
Vegetable) P r o t e l f
\ -.38

77
38
39

—
—- —

Carbohydrates (grammes) . . .

POLAND

Country ji
1

Income groups
Total calories (gross) . . . . .
vÄ,e}caloriei....,<!
k

Protein total (grammes). . . . |

Ä } ^
Carbohydrates (grammes) . . .
Net calories.

2,247 2,707
409
566
1,838 2,141

. 3

8
•

NORWAY '
4

Ave1 rage

2,990 3,143
887
742
2,248 .2,256

2,785
638
2,147

64
27
37

73
33
40

83
44
39

68
. 30
38

415

485

510

515

487

{ ti

Fats (grammes) . ¡,

UZECH

(1929)

2,763
1,280
1,483

3,047
1,471
1,578

3,375
1,733
1,642

4 '
3,459
1,813
1,646

3
1
1

* The total number of calories increases with income ; it is 2,366 in the lowes

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

physiologists as a safe average allowance for an adequate diet.
Considerable data on calorie consumption by workers in different
countries are brought together in table XIV ; a striking feature
of the table is to show the great variations in calorific content
of different budgets in different countries and at different income
levels.
The number of calories consumed per day fer unit of consumption
increases on an average from less than 2,500 in Palestine to nearly
3,500 in Sweden. Of other countries for which data are available,
figures below 3,000 are found in Germany, Finland, Italy and
Poland. It should be recalled, however, that these results, inter
alia, are affected by the consumption unit scales adopted. 1 I t
is impossible to draw from these averages conclusions as to the
physiological adequacy of the budgets with respect to calories ;
it should be noted, however that in many countries the average
budgets actually allow of a daily supply of more than 3,000 calories, and that in most other countries the supply is still generally
well above the 2,400 calories (net) laid down by the London
standards as a basic requirement.
Considering the development within each country, the calorific
content of the budgets increases progressively as one passes from
groups with low incomes to groups with higher incomes. Thus,
in Poland, the allowance increases from 2,200 in the lowest to
3,140 calories in the highest income group. In the United States
the lowest income group has a still lower figure (2,130 calories)
and in Germany the calorie intake ranges between 2,530 and
3,190 ; in Sweden the variations take place on a higher level
(between 3,120 and 3,480 calories). In general, and disregarding
the question of physiological adequacy, it may be concluded that
the consumption of calories continues to increase, even in
industrially advanced countries, as the workers become better off
economically. This, again, indicates that there is a considerable
potential quantitative demand for food, which would materialise in
effective demand if the necessary purchasing power were put at
the command of the groups concerned. In the lowest income groups
it even appears that the number of calories is inadequate to satisfy
the bare physiological requirements.

1
The German consumption figures appear comparatively too low,
as a result of the conversion scale adopted. The Finnish data refer to net
calories.

WORKERS'

NUTRITION

AND

SOCIAL

POLICY

Table XIV also reveals that differences between different
income groups are greater for calories derived from animal than
from vegetable foodstuffs. The percentage of calories of animal
origin is less than one-fourth in Poland, about 40 per cent, in
Germany and Austria and about half in Norway. With respect
to the development within each country, it is interesting to
observe that the number of calories of vegetable origin increases
slowly with increasing income *; the number of calories of animal
origin, on the other hand, increases rapidly.
Content in 'proteins, fat, etc. — In practice, as stated in the
London resolutions, " t h e protein intake for all adults should
not fall below 1 gramme of protein per kilogram of body
weight. The protein should be derived from a variety of sources,
and it is desirable that a part of the protein should be of animal
origin ". For children, pregnant and nursing women the need
for proteins per kilogram of body weight is estimated at considerably higher figures.
It was said above that the units of consumption employed
in family budget enquiries are constructed on the basis of the
relative need in calories of persons of different age and sex. As
the need for proteins is not proportionate to the need for calories,
the adult male, usually taken as a basis of calculations, is a highly
unsatisfactory physiological measure of protein needs. The
conclusions which may be drawn from available data are entirely
approximate ; the usual allowance of 70 grammes per day per
adult male is probably too low to serve as a unit of measurement,
as too little weight is given to nursing or pregnant women and
children ; a " protein " unit of consumption should rightly give
greater weight to the latter categories. What has been said,
however, may perhaps serve as a rough guide in judging the
figures of protein intake reproduced in table XIV, and in fig. III.
I t will be seen that variations in total protein intake are relatively
small, varying roughly between 70 grammes per day in Poland
and 95 grammes in Sweden and in the United States. Particularly
in East European countries lower figures may be found.
Consumption of first-cläss, or animal protein, fluctuates in general
in the same way as total protein consumption. It increases from
about 30 grammes in Poland to about 60 grammes in Sweden.
The data suggest that the proportion of animal protein increases
1
Although as shown above the composition of the diet changes from
energy-bearing cereals to vegetables, fruits, root crops, etc., of higher
" protective " value.

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

as the total protein consumption — and thus the standard of
consumption — increases. Within each country consumption of
animal proteins stands in a positive correlation to income, whilst
intake of vegetable proteins is relatively stable. Intake of protein
at least in lower income groups falls below the London standard.
Little is known at present about the requirements of the
human organism for fats, and figures on fat consumption • are
also relatively scarce. Such as exist, however, indicate considerable differences ; the daily intake varies from some 35 grammes
in the poorest Polish families to 150 in the highest Swedish income
group. The figures show a positive correlation with income.

FIG. I I I .

QUANTITIES (IN GRAMMES)

OF ANIMAL AND VEGETABLE PBOTEINS
P E B DAY P E B CONSUMPTION UNIT
Shaded staples represent animal

proteins.

Figures of the consumption of carbohydrates are given in a
few budget enquiries. Countries with a high general standard of
living, such as Sweden, show a relatively stable consumption
of carbohydrates at different income-levels, while in other cases
such consumption increases with income. The very low consumption of carbohydrates in the poorest American budgets is noteworthy.
An analysis of the content of vitamins or of mineral salts
in the diets studied is not available. Nor is it easy to lay down
definite standard norms of physiological requirements in this
respect. According to our present knowledge, a mixed diet,
sufficient in quantity, would with few exceptions, appear to
guarantee a sufficient supply also of these elements. In order
to arrive at any definite conclusions on this point, however,
further studies of the quantities of individual foodstuffs consumed
are needed.

WOEKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

V. — NATIONAL CONSUMPTION O P VARIOUS FOODS

I t was emphasised in the first section of this chapter t h a t
for a number of reasons figures of national consumption cannot
be used as a basis for an analysis of the state of nutrition of a
population as a whole, and still less of special groups of the
population. These figures, however, are of interest, used as
supplementary data, to indicate international differences in
consumption in a general way. Their main value, however, is
in making it possible to follow, in some cases, the trend of
consumption over a series of years. The budget material relates,
as a rule, to different years in the various countries ; by means
of the consumption data, it is possible to some extent to link
these d a t a together in time.
Figures of national consumption for important foodstuffs and
for groups of foods are given in Appendix IV, P a r t E. I t should be
emphasised t h a t these data are compiled b y different methods
and are of greatly varying value. The figures do not all relate
to human consumption, and even the definition of this term
differs from case to case ; and the collection of material does not
claim t o be in any way complete or exhaustive. I t should also
be remarked t h a t the figures are given per capita and not per
unit of consumption ; as the age and sex distribution differs
from country to country, the comparability of the figures is
further decreased. For these reasons, the figures should be
regarded as being in the nature of rough approximations, and
should be used mainly as indicative of broad tendencies of
development.
Cereals. — Owing to the difficulty of determining the p a r t
of cereals devoted to human consumption and the p a r t used
for other purposes, comparisons of the level of human consumption
of cereals in different countries are not generally advisable. As far
as possible comparisons should be restricted to flour, which is the
main item of actual consumption. With these reservations, however,
the figures given in the appendix «show- the trend of^development.
Table I I of Appendix IV, P a r t È, indicates that in comparison
with pre-war standards, consumption of wheat flour has in most
of the more industrially advanced countries decreased in a marked
degree. To mention a few examples : the figures for Germany
fell from 52 kgs. (1909/1910-1913/1914) to 43 kgs. (1932/19331934/1935) ; corresponding figures for Canada are 99 and 76 ;

FACTS OK WORKERS' DIETS

for the United States 94 and 71 ; for France 149 and 128 ; for
Great Britain (including the Irish Free State) 105 and 93. On
the other hand, certain other countries show the opposite tendency.
The preceding table shows that, broadly speaking, the same
tendency appears to have characterised developments during the
recent economic depression. Thus, the consumption of wheat
flour in Germany decreased from 57 kgs. per head in 1928 to
a little over 44 in 1932 ; similarly, the consumption in the
United States appears to have decreased slightly during the
depression, while in other cases it remained more or less stable.
The material, however, is in this case too fragmentary and
heterogeneous to permit of definite conclusions.
Information for other cereals than wheat is very scarce. To
judge from such scattered data as it has been possible to bring
together, hardly any changes appear to have taken place during
the depression. In conclusion, therefore, it can be said t h a t
the figures of cereal consumption do not reveal any striking
changes in the quantities consumed during the depression.
Meat. — Detailed figures of meat consumption, as far as
available, are given in tables I I I - V I of Appendix IV, P a r t E . The
tables show t h a t there are great differences in the level of meat
consumption in different countries. I n Australia, for instance,
meat consumption amounted in 1932 to nearly 100 kgs. per head
of the population ; in France, it was less than a third of this
figure. Such material as is available indicates t h a t the figures
for East European countries are considerably lower ; in the
Far East consumption of meat is practically nil. Even with
regard to the composition of the meat group, the table indicates
interesting differences between the countries.
Beef and veal are the main items in Great Britain and the
British Dominions ; the use of pork, ham, etc., dominates in
Germany and the United States. Mutton is consumed mainly
in the British countries.
With respect to the total consumption, the figures show
surprisingly great stability in time. The decrease during the
depression amounts to a small percentage only, and the most
important changes have taken place in the sub-group, beef and
veal.
Margarine. — Figures are available for comparatively few
countries ; b u t consumption is particularly high in agricultural
Denmark, where in 1929 it amounted to some 23 kgs. per head ;

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

moderately high (6-9 kgs.) in Great Britain, Germany and the
Netherlands, and low in the United States. In all casés where
figures are available consumption has decreased considerably
during the depression.
Butter. — I t is difficult to get reliable estimates of the
consumption of butter over a series of years, for a considerable
number of countries. Estimates for the year 1932, however,
show t h a t very great differences exist in the national levels of
consumption. For 1932 the highest level is recorded in New
Zealand (16-17 kgs. per person per year) ; other countries in the
order of consumption are as follows : Canada (13.8), Australia
(13.3), Belgium (11.0), Great Britain (9.8), Finland (9.5 in 1935)
Sweden (9.2), the Netherlands (8.7), Denmark (8.5), the United
States (8.2), Germany (7.3), France (7.1), Switzerland (6.4), Norway
(6.0 in 1935), Austria (2.8 in 1935) and Italy (1.2). I t is highly
significant to note t h a t the quantities of butter consumed have
increased, rather than decreased, during the depression. In
Germany, the figure was 6.9 in 1928 and 7.3 in 1934 ; the figures
in Great Britain were 8.0 in 1929 and 11.4 in 1934 ; in Denmark
5.9 and 9.0 ; in the Netherlands 5.9 and 7.3, while they remained
practically stationary in Australia and in the United States.
Müh. — I n view of the very great importance of milk as
a food, it is to be deplored t h a t figures of milk consumption are
extremely scarce and unsatisfactory. Particular difficulties arise,
for instance, in knowing what portion, is consumed in the form
of liquid milk and what portion is used for the manufacture of
butter or cheese, the feeding of animals, etc. Such material
as exists, however, would indicate t h a t consumption is high in
the Scandinavian countries, Canada and Austria, moderately
high in Germany, France and in the United States, and low in
Great Britain and Belgium. Figures for Germany and t h e United
States suggest t h a t the consumption of milk has been little, if a t
all, reduced during the crisis.
Eggs. — F i g u r e s are available for a few countries only ; but
-such as exist seem to indicate t h a t the influence of the depression
on consumption has been rather negligible.
Sugar. — The figures of sugar consumption are fairly reliable,
a t least when compared with most other figures of national
consumption, although it should be remembered t h a t international comparisons are often difficult owing to the different

FACTS ON WOBKERS' DIETS

degree of refinement of sugar. High figures of consumption
(above 40 kgs. per head per year) are found in Australia, Denmark,
Great Britain, Sweden and the United States ; moderately high
(between 20 and 40) in Germany, Belgium, Finland, France,
the Netherlands, Norway and Czechoslovakia ; low figures (below
20) in Italy, Hungary and Poland.
In most cases, the consumption of sugar appears to show a
tendency toward contraction during the depression, but examples
of the contrary tendency are also found. Definite conclusions
are therefore difficult to draw from the material available.
Other foods. — Certain data are available for other foods,
such as potatoes. Owing to the difficulty of ascertaining the
portion going for human consumption and that used for other
purposes, they have not. been included here. Likewise, figures
for coffee, tea, alcoholic drinks, etc., which are not foods properly
speaking, have been left out of account.
Summary. — The national consumption figures appear to
confirm, as far as they go, the conclusions reached on the basis
of the budget material. It should be recalled, however, that
the national consumption figures, as a rule, relate to the most
advanced countries, and that the picture would certainly be
modified if figures were available for other countries. The
consumption of meat, butter, eggs and sugar stands in relation to
the economic status of the various countries. The consumption of
these foods is high in the Scandinavian countries, the United States,
Great Britain and the British Dominions, and low in eastern
Europe, whilst the central European countries hold an intermediate
position. Definite conclusions as to cereals and other mainly
energy-producing foods are difficult to draw owing to the lack
of data and in view of the uncertainty of the portions of these
foods used for human consumption and for other purposes. There
is some evidence, however, that the reverse tendency holds true
for these foodstuffs.
The greatest interest, however, is not offered by international
comparisons, but by comparisons in time in the same country.
It is unavoidable that variations in national and world crops
and economic upheavals such as the recent depression should
bring about variations in consumption, both relatively and
absolutely. The material available certainly shows traces of
such influences. It is striking, however, that in spite of far-reaching
economic changes, food consumption shows a high degree of

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

stability. From the material available (different results may, of
course, be obtained on the basis of more complete data), national
food consumption does not appear to have been affected nearly
as much as might have been expected, considering the disturbances
in international trade, prices and industrial production.
VI. — T H E QUESTION OP MALNUTRITION

Lack of statistical material and difficulties of a methodological
character make' it impossible to draw here definite conclusions
on the state of nutrition of a country. However, as the material
presented in the preceding pages, with few exceptions, relates
to industrially advanced countries and as the groups covered
in each country belong to the better-paid portion of the workingclasses, it can be assumed that the conditions brought to light
above are generally more satisfactory than those of the majority
of workers,, both in the countries studied and in the world as
a whole. The results obtained thus have value in suggesting the
scope of the problem, as even the limited privileged stratum of
the working population has- generally a considerable distance to
go to attain all the London standards. ,
Although in the countries studied the quantitative aspect
of nutrition is not the dominating one, widespread deficiencies
must by implication be supposed to exist- even with respect to
quantities of food consumed. The lowest income groups — even
in the United States and Germany — are insufficiently supplied
with calories according to London standards. The same must
a fortiori apply to countries which are less advanced industrially
and economically, and in the world as a whole the deficiencies
must thus be considerable. This conclusion is corroborated by
the generally observed tendency that the . number of calories
increase as income advances. With respect to the composition
of the budgets, still greater deficiencies are obvious. I t can be
safely said that in so far as proteins are concerned, only the
richest countries and the highest income groups attain the London
standards. The majority of the workers of the world can be
„ „assumed to • fall-short of •- this ideal."' In"general,"""the' workers'
budgets show not only quantitative deficiencies but also and
above all a low consumption of protective foods. Even if one
accepts the consumption of the more advanced countries as
roughly adequate, great increases in consumption, particularly
of the "protective" foods, are required to bring the majority
of other countries into line.

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

If one compares conditions within the same country over the
period of time covered in the budget enquiries used here, one
must note the fact t h a t neither consumption habits nor quantities
of individual foodstuffs consumed have been fundamentally
affected by the industrial depression. I t even appears in many
cases t h a t the consumption of protective foodstuffs has increased,
whilst t h a t of energy-producing cereals has decreased, thus
indicating on the whole a trend towards better national nutritional
standards. An increase or decrease in average national consumption, however, does not mean t h a t the consumption of all population groups has changed in the same way. Thus, in many countries, owing to an increase in real wages, as a result of falling prices,
the consumption of families of workers at work may have improved,
while the consumption of the unemployed decreased, particularly
as regards the protective foodstuffs. Warning must thus be given
against drawing conclusions as to the extent of malnourishment
and under-nourishment on the basis of general averages, as it is
possible t h a t the extent of acute malnutrition of some groups
increases at the same time as the average level of food consumption
is improving.
Last, b u t not least, it is clear that the workers themselves,
when economic pressure becomes less, change their consumption
from cheap calories supplied by cereals, to more palatable, and
from a nutritive standpoint more valuable, calories supplied by
meat, milk, milk products, eggs, fruit and vegetables.
Such
changes are in accordance with the recommendations of modern
nutritionists. This suggests t h a t the problem of improving diets
is not so much a question of propaganda as of economic conditions. 1
The workers, following their own tastes and instincts, seem to
bring about desirable changes in dietary habits, when given the
opportunity.
VII.

—

SPECIAL GROUPS OF W O R K E R S

The preceding sections have dealt with the conditions of
nutrition of industrial workers at work and their families. The
material available bearing almost entirely on countries of Western
civilisation, while limited, was such as to permit of a more detailed
analysis in some respects. Groups of workers, such as agricultural
labourers, Native labour, unemployed workers, etc., fall entirely
1

For more detailed discussion see Chapter V.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

outside the scope of the preceding survey. The importance of
these groups, however, is such that some consideration of the
nutrition problem as it affects these workers is indispensable.
Agricultural workers. — With respect to agricultural workers,
the Office disposes of a certain amount of extremely heterogeneous
information. Family budget data exist only for a few countries
(Sweden, U.S.A., etc.), and are insufficient for the purpose of
an international survey. At the present stage of the studies of
the International Labour Office on nutrition, it has not been
deemed possible to make,use of this scattered material.
An analysis of the nutrition of rural workers involves problems
not met with in dealing with the dietary standards of urban
families. It is essential to find out what part of an agricultural
worker's diet is composed of wages received in kind and of homeproduced items. The nature of these foodstuffs again depends
on the natural conditions of farming in the region under consideration. The nutrition of a rural population is generally much
more limited by the nature of local production than is the case
of the urban population in the same region. The fact that it is
more economic to consume the products of the farm directly,
instead of selling them and purchasing all foodstuffs, as does the
urban population, makes the rural population dependent on
local production in the composition of its diet, and this dependence
becomes still more pronounced in farming areas which tend
towards monoculture. In regions where, for example, the production of milk, meat or vegetables is restricted, such products
will be used for sale, and the population will depend for consumption mostly on foodstuffs of which there is a relative abundance.
The poorer the population, the more this tendency will be pronounced. The result is an insufficient variety in the diet and,
as a matter of fact, a standard of nutrition based on cereal crops
and lacking in protective foodstuffs.
A systematic study of the whole problem has still to be made.
Nevertheless there is already sufficient evidence to state that
the problem of the nutrition of agricultural-workers is as serious
as that of industrial workers. Over wide regions the nutritional
standard of rural workers is, even as regards the number of calories,
below an adequate level in view of the trying work these workers
have to perform, and the composition of the diet is too unilateral
to ensure the maintenance of a good standard of health
throughout life. In this connection it may be worth while to

FACTS ON WORKERS' DIETS

recall the fact that students of common diseases due to malnutrition, at least in the more advanced countries, generally choose
the rural population as the object of their investigations.
Native labour. — Some of the special aspects of the nutrition
problem of agricultural workers characterise also the nutrition
of Native labour, and in accentuated form. The monotony of
the food of Natives is often very pronounced, and this may
contribute to explain the fact that the constitution of Native
populations is extremely vulnerable to disease. The rapid transport
of Native labour to districts differing entirely from their own,
and the daily work — at times very trying — are alleged to
explain the rapid occurrence among Native workers of incapacity
for work or of fatal diseases. Close attention is now being paid
to this problem. In 1932 the Academy of Medicine in Paris
submitted to a special commission a resolution adopted by the
Society of Commercial Geography which requested it to engage
in " the study of the problem of the habitual nutrition of Natives
in its relation to demographic development of populations in
the Colonies ", and to stimulate " the study of the composition
in organic substances, such as salt and vitamines, of the principal
diets, and notably of certain elements specially resorted to in
certain colonies ".
With a view to assembling precise date as regards the possibility of under-nourishment among Native workers in South
Africa, an enquiry is in progress to fix the value in vitamines
of certain foodstuffs, as well as to correlate Native diets to climatic
conditions and seasons and to the work done by individuals
belonging to different Native races.
Legislation in force in most colonies regulating diets of Native
workers boarded by the employer is considered in the chapter
on " Social Legislation and Nutrition ".
Unemployed workers. — It is but reasonable to assume that
workers out of work and their families, subjected to a loss of all
or a part of their income, would have less to spend on food and
would fare worse with regard to proper dietary standards than
workers in employment. Such would most likely be the effects
of more or less prolonged unemployment even in " normal "
times in most countries, but particularly so in times of industrial
depression. Of particular interest in current discussion is the
question whether, and to what extent, the great depression
which began in 1929-1930, and during which workers the world

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

over were thrown out of employment in large members, resulted in
lowered diets and impaired nutrition of the unemployed and
their families.
Unfortunately, the materials at present available upon which
a satisfactory answer to this question could be based are meagre,
and of unequal quality and reliability. What surveys have been
conducted by governmental and private agencies have been
limited in scope, and the methods of calculation employed, as
well as the degree of statistical validity attained, have differed
from enquiry to enquiry. The results of these enquiries are not
generally comparable with the data obtained by family budget
studies.
Nevertheless, in view of the great interest in the subject, the
main results of some of these enquiries on the diets of unemployed
workers and their families are briefly summarised in Appendix V.
These data refer to Germany, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary,
the United States, Poland and the United Kingdom, and would
seem to indicate that the effect of unemployment is to deteriorate
the quantity and" quality of the diet of the workers thrown out
of work and of their families. The enquiries, however, also reveal
that the effects in some countries have been minimised in greater
or less degree as a result of relief policies and of the social services
developed. This fact raises a number of related problems of great
social importance which are touched upon briefly in the chapter
on " Social Legislation and Nutrition ".

CHAPTER IV
AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD
CONSUMPTION
From the two preceding chapters there emerges the fact of
a wide discrepancy between scientifically established optimum
standards of nutrition and the actual food consumption of large
sections of the working population. It would seem clear that
any attempt to bring workers' dietaries into conformity with
adequate nutrition standards involves questions of the technical
capacity of agriculture to meet the increased demand for the
necessary foodstuffs and a number of problems of an economic
and social character. In the present chapter the first issue,
namely, that of the capacity of agriculture to readjust itself to
changing demands for foodstuffs, is considered both historically
and analytically. In the first part of the chapter prepared by
the International Institute of Agriculture the development of
the production of various foodstuffs is presented statistically.
In the second part of the chapter some of the problems involved
in the process of agricultural readjustment to changing demand
are considered.
I.

— WORLD FOOD PRODUCTION 1

The problem of world food production is almost as wide as
that of world agricultural production, for although the crops
that provide the raw materials of industry vary in importance
according to country, together they cover only a comparatively
small proportion of the land used for agriculture. Similarly,
the supplying of foodstuffs plays a preponderant part in stockraising. Quite apart from the difficulty of obtaining sufficiently
complete data for certain, countries, a detailed study aiming at
determining the state and movement of food production in the
different countries of the world would have to be undertaken on a
scale far exceeding the limits and purposes of this report.
1
This section has been prepared by the International Institute of Agriculture.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

For the present, therefore, it would seem to be sufficient to
consider the tendencies of the production of the more important
foodstuffs in those parts of the world which are of more general
interest and have the most uniform conditions as regards nutrition
and, as a rule, the fullest statistics, namely, Europe, North America,
some South American countries and Australasia. The problems
of food production, like those of nutrition, it should be added,
are of a special nature in most African and Asiatic countries,
and have perhaps a less close connection with the general situation
of world economy. This is one more reason to leave them out
of account in a necessarily limited study such as the present,
which will be confined to the world zones indicated above.
Cereals
The cultivation of cereals takes up a large proportion, in fact
over half, of the cultivable land in all the countries considered
here.
The area under the principal cereals (wheat, rye, barley, oats,
maize and rice) is shown below, an average being given for the
periods 1909 to 1913, 1920 to 1924 and 1925 to 1929, and the
actual figures for each of the years 1930 to 1934.
AREA UNDER CEREALS
(In thousand hectares)
Europe
1909-1 91 3
1920-1 92 i
1925-1 92 9
1930
1931
1932
1933
1934

• 89,370
80,330
86,240
88,770
88,960
88,390
89,410
89,130

Canada and
United States

Argentina

Australia

Total

90.820
104,180
103,110
107,630
106,250
109,710
99,130
85,900

10.900
10,260
12,870
14,020
11,960
12,870
12,940
14,760

3,580
4,610
5,920
8,080
6,660
7,080
6,910
6,030

194,670
199'380
208,140
218,500
213,830
218,050
208,390
195,820

In Europe the cultivation of cereals fell substantially in the
years immediately after the.war, and in the period 1925 to 1929
covered an area which was still below that for the period 1909
to 1913. In recent years, however, the pre-war figure has almost
been recovered. In the four principal oversea producing countries
the cultivation of cereals, which had been encouraged owing to
the reduction of European production, continued to increase
after the revival of the latter, and the average area under cereals

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

in these four countries during the three years 1930 to 1932 was
22 per cent, above that for the period 1909 to 1913. Subsequently,
in 1933 and even more in 1934, there was a heavy decline in the
cultivation of cereals in Canada and the United States, due largely
to unfavourable weather conditions, which hampered sowing
and destroyed seed over a widespread area.
If instead of considering the totals for all the cereals in question
the separate data are taken for the different crops, it will be found
that the growth of area relates chiefly to that under wheat. The
following figures show the average area under each crop for the
periods 1909 to 1913, 1920 to 1924, 1925 to 1929 and 1930 to
1934.
AREA
(In t h o u s a n d hectares)

1909-1913
1920-1924
1925-1929
1930-1934

.
.
.
.

Wheat

Eye

Barley

Oats

Maize

Elee

Total

63,460
69,010
74,360
76,130

19,500
17,890
18,940
18,640

14,760
14,970
17,510
18,180

40,060
42,590
41,180
39,330

56,400
54,320
55,560
58,050

490
600
590
580

194,670
199,380
208,140
210,910

There was thus an increase of about 20 per cent, in the average
area under wheat during the last five-year period as compared
with the pre-war figure, whereas for all the other cereals together
the increase was insignificant, being under 3 per cent.
The expansion in the cultivation of wheat may be observed in
all the zones considered here, although it varied in amount.
AREA UNDER WHEAT
(In t h o u s a n d hectares)

1909-1 91 3
1920-1 92 Í
1925-1 92 9
1930
1931
1932
1933
1934 93 Í
1930-1

Europe

Canada and
United
States

Argentina

Australia

Total

29,340
26,050
28,540
29,800
30,740
30,500
31,530
31,430
30,800

24,540
32,820
32,940
35,430
33,770
34,110
29,920
26,800
32,000

6,500
6,180
7,700
7,900
6,490
7,200
7,300
6,940
7,170

3,080
3,960
5,180
7,350
5,970
6,380
6,030
5,080
6,160

63,460
69,010
74,360
80,480
76,970
78,190
74,780
70,250
76,130

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Besides the more widespread cultivation of wheat, there has
been a marked increase in output in Europe and Argentina ;
probably the total production of wheat in the most recent period
would have increased even more rapidly than actually shown
by the area under wheat if weather conditions in 1933 and 1934
had not been so unfavourable to the Canadian and United States
crops and had not heavily reduced output in these two countries.
PRODUCTION OF WHEAT
(In million quintals)

1909-1913
1920-1924
1925-1929
Ï930 . .
1931 . .
1932 . .
1933 . .
1934 . .
1930-1934

Europe

Canada
and
United
State*

Argentina

370.6
300.1
367.8
370.3
390.9.
405.4
475.8
421.4
412.8

241.4
316.1
341.1
356.6
341.2
323.6
220.7
210.3
290.5

40.0
53.4
66.1
63.2
59.8
65;6
77.9
65.5
66.4

Australia

Total

24.6 . 676.5
36.7
706.3
37:0
812.0
58.1
848.2
51.9
843.8
58.2
' 852.8
48.3
822.7
36.3
733.5
50.6
820.3

The final result is that from the period before the war to the
period 1930 to 1934 the total annual production of wheat increased
on an average in about the same ratio as the area under wheat,
or by 20 per cent.
Meat
The situation of meat production and stock-raising tendencies.
with regard to such production can be determined only approximately, since the statistical material is here much less complete
and accurate than that available for grain cultivation.
Cattle. -— Immediately after the world war the quantity of
livestock in Europe had been heavily reduced. A comparison
between the pre-war figures and those for more recent years is
not possible for every country owing to the territorial changes
that have taken place in the interval, and further owing to the
fact that in some countries the statistics are compiled onlv at
long intervals. The figures for the countries shown in the table
helow, which possess nearly nine-tenths of the cattle in Europe,
suggest certain conclusions, however, that can probably be applied
to the Continent as a whole.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

HEAD OP CATTLE

(In thousands)

Czechoslovakia . .
Denmark
. . . .
Estonia

Great Britain and
Northern Ireland.
Irish Free State
Lithuania
Netherlands

Switzerland
TOTAL

. . . .
. . .

. . .
.

1913

1922

1926

1930

1934

2,219i
1,849
4,596i
2,254 6
478 6
l,606i
15,338
18,474

2,162=
1,517
4,3913
2,525
527
1,844
13,376
16,316

1,712
4,6914
2,838
599
1,860
14,482
17,221

2,313
1,759
4,458
3,057
627
1,810
15,467
18,470

2,349
1,840
4,305
3,062
676
1,767
14,704
19,198

7,726
2,150'
4,134
912
918
2,097
1,1341
8.664
2,723
1,443'

7,700
1,828
4,326
811
1,021
2,063 8
1,131 s
8,063 s
2,736 3
1,425 8

78,715

73,762

8,117
1,839
3,947
955
1,397
1,200
8,601
2,899»
1,587
78,300"

7,759
1,778
4,038
1,026
1,034
2,366
1,251
9,400
3,060
l,609 l °
81,282

8,742
1,672
4,086
1,158
1,158
2,830
1,294
9,258
2,893
1,659
83,651

1
1910. — ' 1923. — 3 1920. — « 1925. — ' Pre-war territory : 1909. — • 1914. — ' 1911.
— 8 1928. — * 1927. — " 1931. — " Approximate figure calculated with reference to the
probable figures for Austria and the Netherlands.

The table shows that for all the countries considered the number
of cattle in 1922 was still well below the pre-war figure, but that
subsequently the reconstitution of livestock went on rapidly,
so that by 1926 the 1913 figure had again been reached. Since
then the tendency to growth has continued, though more slowly.
The final result is that the number of head of cattle in 1934 exceeded
that in 1913 by about 6 per cent.
The fluctuations in these figures clearly cannot give an exact
idea of the fluctuations in the production of meat, which depends
not only on the number of head of cattle but also on the composition of the livestock. The production of meat may be considerably affected by changes in the proportion of animals of different
ages and in the relative number of animals intended for draught
purposes, the production of milk, and fattening respectively.
An exact statement of the production of meat could be obtained
only by recourse to complete and comparable statistics of slaughtering, showing, in addition to the number of slaughtered animals,
the quantity of meat derived from them. Such complete statistics
are available only for a few countries, most countries giving only

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

the number of animals slaughtered, and then often in an inadequate manner, while others give no regular information at all.
i In spite of the inadequacy of the statistics, the available data
concerning slaughtering appear to confirm that, taken as a whole,
the production of beef and veal in the European countries has
tended to grow side by side with the increase in the number of
cattle and even more rapidly. The available figures show that
the average number of animals slaughtered per year in some
twenty countries during the period 1930 to 1934 exceeded the
corresponding figures for 1926 by about 6 per cent, in the case
of full-grown animals and about 10 per cent, in the case of calves.
In the United States the production of beef and veal grew
steadily up to 1927, rising from 30.2 million quintals a year on an
average during the period 1910 to 1914 to 35.3 million quintals
for the period 1921 to 1927 ; but it fell again to 31.2 million quintals
during the period 1928 to 1932. The considerable revival of stockraising which began in 1928, and in particular the difficulties of
cattle-feeding due to small harvests in 1933 and 1934, led subse-,
quently to a further increase in slaughtering, which was especially
marked in 1934.
In Canada, too, the production of beef and veal probably
increased considerably as compared with the pre-war figures.
It remained fairly constant from 1925 to 1929, declined from
1930 to 1933, and rose again markedly in 1934, reaching the
highest figure for the last ten years.
In South America the figures available for Argentina and
Uruguay show that the number of animals slaughtered in 1926
had more than doubled as compared with the pre-war figures.
From 1927 onwards there was a gradual decline in the production
of meat, in consequence of which production in 1932 was 20 per
cent, below the level reached in 1926. In 1933 and 1934 there
was again a revival.
In Australia the production of beef and veal, which before
the war had been growing markedly, reached a maximum in
1924/1925. The number of head of cattle slaughtered in that
year exceeded the pre-war average by 50. per cent. After .that
and up to 1931/1932 there was a steady fall in the number of
animals slaughtered, bringing the production of meat to a level
fairly close to that prevailing before the war. Since then there
has been a rather rapid increase in the number of animals
slaughtered, which in 1933/1934 again exceeded the average of
1909/1913 by 40 per cent.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

The movement in New Zealand was rather similar. The number
of animals slaughtered in 1924/1925 was almost double the prewar figure. From 1924/1925 to 1931/1932 the production of
meat fell by one-third. An increase began again in 1932/1933,
and by 1934/1935 the number of animals slaughtered had more
or less reached the 1924/1925 level.
Pigs. — In Europe, pig breeding, which declined markedly
in the years immediately after the war, subsequently revived
considerably, and has developed markedly during the last few
years.
Taking the countries for which a pre-war comparison is possible,
which possess nearly four-fifths of the total number of pigs in
Europe, and adding the figures together, the situation in 1913,
1922, 1926, 1930, and 1934 is seen to be as follows :
NUMBER OP PIGS
(In thousands)

Czechoslovakia . .
Denmark
. . . •.

Great Britain and
Northern Ireland.
Irish Free State

Lithuania
. . . .
Netherlands . . .

Switzerland
TOTAL

. . .
.

1913

1922

1926

1.8401
1,412
2.5161
1,468*6
275
422 1
7,529
22,533

1.4732
1,139
2,058»
1,899
272
378
5,196
14,678
2,567
2,473
919
402
1,514
1,519'
237*
5,287'
1,011»
640'
43,662

1,144
2,539"
3,122
333
391
5,777
19,424
2,504
2,520
884
521
1,441
303
6,3298s
1,369
637
52,700"

2,400
3,822«
895
557
1,358
1,350
3341
5,487
978
570
55,746

1930

1,965
1,250
2,776
4,872
290
395
6,329
23,442
2,670
2,362
1,052
523
1,207
2,018
339
6,047
1,761
926
60,224

1934

2,823
1,258
3,032
3,061
282
496
7,044
23,170
3,907
2,502
968
686
1,237
2,082
550
7,091
1,595
62,786
1,002

1
1910. — • 1923. — " 1928. — ' Pre-war territory. — • 1914. — « 1911. — ' 1921.
— ' 1927. — • 1920. — " 1931. — " Approximate figure calculated with reference to the
probable figures for Austria and the Netherlands.

There is reason to believe that the increase in the production
of meat from pigs was bigger than that indicated by the growth
in the number of pigs, owing to the improved methods of raising
and feeding the animals. In any case, this is suggested by the
statistics of pigs slaughtered, which are published more or less

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

fully for some twenty countries. They show that the annual
average number of pigs slaughtered during the period 1930 to
1934 exceeded the 1926 figures by about one-third.
In the United States, too, the production of meat from pigs
grew substantially. The annual average quantities for the period
1910 to 1914 were exceeded by 34 per cent, during the period
1921 to 1927 and by 42 per cent, during the next period, from
1928 to 1932. A further very marked increase took place in 1933,
and it was only in 1934 that pig-breeding and the production of
meat from pigs suffered a heavy fall owing to the combined effect
of a small maize harvest and Government action for restoring
sound conditions on the market.
Sheep. — Although the production of mutton also plays an
important part in the agricultural economy of certain European
countries and the United States, it is of interest chiefly to South
America and Australasia.
Output has remained almost at pre-war level in the United
Kingdom ; but in most other European countries, especially the
industrial countries of Western Europe, the number of sheep
and the production of mutton have declined markedly, and the
decline bas as a rule continued during the last few years.
In the United States the average production for the period
1921 to 1925 was also lower than that for the period 1910to 1914
by nearly 20 per cent. ; but since then there has been á marked
revival of sheep-breeding and the average production for the
years 1930 to 1933 exceeded the pre-war level by 20 per cent.
In South America and Australasia the production of mutton,
which in 1924 was still nearly equal to the pre-war figure,
increased steadily until 1930, when the figure reached was about
40 per cent, above that for 1924 and before the war. After 1930
there was a decline in South American production, but it has
been more or less compensated by a later increase in the production of Australasia, so that from 1930 to 1934 the total production
of the two continents underwent no important changes.
..„__,._ Milk- and Dairy-Produce- ---—--~ -- - •-— -•-—Milk production has grown substantially during the last ten
years in most European countries.
The increase in the number of milch cows has been very general.
The following statistics show for a certain number of countries
where milk production is an important branch of agricultural

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND POOD CONSUMPTION

sconomy the fluctuations in the number of milch cows (or, if these
ire not available, in the total number of cows) from 1923 to 1934.
NUMBER OF MILCH COWS
(In thousands)
1923

821
1,369 2
320
1,278
7,304
8,308
2,911
1,231
580
1,086 3
776
1,607 a
7473
28,338

Finland1
Great Britain and Northern Ireland

TOTAL
1

Total number of cows.

—

. . . .
1924.

—

1921.

—

1934

1930

926
1,608
416
1,269
8,288
9,410
2,954
1,225
728
1,299
763
2,033
845

963
1,718
407
1,260
8,653
10,120
3,254
1,309
807
1,434
793
1,931
920

31,764

33,569

« IS 19.

Taken altogether, therefore, the number of cows in the countries
in question increased by 6 per cent, from 1930 to 1934 and by
18 per cent, from 1923 to 1934.
The increase in the production of milk is due not only to this
increase in the number of cows but also to the rise in the average
output of milk per cow. The figures of the progress made in this
respect in certain countries give some idea of the importance
of the yield factor.
AVERAGE ANNUAL OUTPUT OF MILK PER C O W
( I n hectolitres)

Denmark
E n g l a n d and Wales . . .

1909-1913

1920-1924

1925-1929

1930-1933

25.95

25.53

—
—

—

29.27
18.91 1
23.19
24.91
20.84
32.33

30.76
21.OO2
24.98
25.98
23.62
35.11

20.86 4
22.00

—
> 1924/25. — * 1930/31.
ubject to supervision.

s Average

1923/24.

20.15
20.20

—

32.13 3
—

« 1913.

—

Output

cows

Unfortunately, regular statistics of the total production of
nilk are available only for a small number of countries, and then
:
or recent years alone in some cases. In Germany the production

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

of cows' milk increased from 1929 to 1934 by 14 per cent., and
from 1925 to 1934 by 36 per cent. ; in Belgium, from 1927 to 1934,
by 7 per cent. ; in Denmark it almost doubled from 1923 to 1933 ;
in England and Wales it increased from 1924/25 to 1933/34 by
23 per cent. ; in Estonia from 1929 to 1933/34 by 23 per cent. ;
and in Switzerland from 1929 to 1934 by 7 per cent and from 1923
to 1934 by 17 per cent.
An indirect indication of the heavy increase in milk production
is given for certain other countries by the figures of butter and
cheese production. In the Netherlands from 1923 to 1934 the
production of butter increased by 40 per cent, and of cheese by
nearly 20 per cent. In Finland the production of butter and cheese
in the dairies doubled from 1923 to 1934. In Sweden during the
same period the production of butter doubled and that of cheese
increased by over 50 per cent.
As regards the production of butter and cheese, it may be
added that certain of the principal producing countries publish
statistical series which, although not exactly comparable, throw
light on the great development of the dairy industry. In most
exporting countries, in spite of the arrested progress, and sometimes even of the setback, observed since 1930, the available
data, reproduced in the following tables, taken together show
for butter an increase of 13 per cent, between 1930 and 1934,
and about 75 per cent, between 1923 and 1934, and for cheese
an increase of about 4 per cent, between 1930 and 1934 and
about 40 per cent, between 1923 and 1934. Obviously these
percentages cannot be considered to hold for Europe as a whole,
but they go to prove that the growth of the dairy produce
industry and the production of milk has been very great.
PRODUCTION OP BUTTER
(In thousand quintals)

Belgium
Denmark .
F i n l a n d 1 . ..
Germany .
Latvia3 . .
Netherlands
Norway1 .
Sweden . .
Switzerland
1

.1923

1930

1934

1,320
-127
2.070 2
70 4
646 5
27
290 6
135 s

608
1,900
= 268
3,450
191
872
39
547
160

674
1,830
244
4,250
165
905
92
620
290

Production of dairies. — * 1924. — » Production subject to supervision.

' 1925.

« 1922.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

PRODUCTION OF CHEESE

(In thousand quintals)

Denmarkl .
Finland
.
Germany .
Netherlands
Norway 1 .
Sweden . .
Switzerland
1

Production of dairies.

1924.

1922.

1923

1930

1934

30
2,120 2
977 3
141*
168

265
47
3,000
1,370
146
254
564

275
67
3,450
1,164
160
268 5
502

1925.

—

1933.

In Canada the number of milch cows rose from 2,740,000
in 1913 to 3,659,000 in 1923, 3,683,000 in 1930, and 3,864,000
in 1934. The total production of milk, which in 1910 was about
44.5 million quintals, reached an annual average of 66 million
quintals during the period 1925 to 1929 and 72 million quintals
during the period 1930 to 1934. The production of butter increased
heavily, rising from 914,000 quintals in 1910 to an annual average
of 1,207,000 quintals in 1925 to 1929, and 1,453,000 quintals
in 1930, while the figure for 1934 was as high as 1,564,000 quintals.
On the other hand, the production of cheese fell steadily from
913,000 quintals in 1910 to an average of 683,000 quintals in
1925 to 1929 and of 516,000 quintals in 1930 to 1934, the figure
for 1934 being as low as 455,000 quintals.
In the United States the number of milch cows increased from
18,526,000 in 1913 to 22,099,000 in 1923, 23,106,000 in 1930,
and 27,059,000 in 1934. At the same time the average production
of milk per cow rose from 13.70 hectolitres in 1909 to 16.66 hectolitres in 1924 and 19.80 hectolitres in 1930. The total production
of milk, estimated in connection with the censuses, rose by 23 per
cent, from 1909 to 1924 and by 20 per cent, from 1924 to 1929.
The total production of butter, which was 7,356,300 quintals
in 1909, amounted to 9,509,000 quintals in 1924 and 9,787,000
quintals in 1929. The production of dairy butter, for which annual
data are available, rose by a further 10 per cent, from 1929 to
1933, and fell slightly in 1934. The production of cheese of all
kinds in cheese factories rose from 1,411,000 quintals in 1909 to
2,247,000 quintals in 1926, 2,713,000 quintals in 1930, and 3,095,000
quintals in 1934.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

I n Argentina, where the number of milch cows rose from
2,500,000 in 1910 to 3,740,000 in 1934, the dairy industry has
developed considerably since the pre-war period. The quantity
of milk worked up in t h e dairies increased from an average of
2,850,000 hectolitres during the period 1909 to 1912 to 10,600,000
hectolitres during the period 1925 to 1929 and 12,075,000 hectolitres during t h e period 1930 to Ï934. At t h e same time the
production of butter and cheese in the dairies increased as
follows :
AVERAGE ANNUAL PRODUCTION

(In thousand quintals)

1909-1913
1925-1929
1930-1934

. . . . . .
'.

Butter,

Cheese

84
311
338

40
158
,188

I t should be observed, however, t h a t after reaching the máxima
for t h e period 1925 to 1934 in 1932 for butter (369,000 quintals)
and i n 1933 for cheese (233,000, quintals), production declined,
and t h a t in 1934 it amounted to only 293,000 quintals for butter
and 222,000 quintals for cheese.
T h e continent where the dairy industry has increased most
markedly is Australasia.
I n New Zealand there was a large increase in t h e number
ui rtiiicn u u w i , vvmuii TuSe i r u u i oo*,uuu i n ±»±± to i;z>*»,uuu in

1923, 1,390,000 in 1930, and 1,816,000 in 1934. In Australia the
n u m b e r rose from 2,036,000 in 1913 to 2,420,000 in 1923, 2,523,000
in 1931 and 3,226,000 in 1934. At the same time t h e average
output per cow increased very markedly.
AVERAGE ANNUAL OUTPUT P E R COW
.. , „ ._..„ ,._. ..,,,.. .J.-....„ „ . . . „ , . . ; ; :,

1909-1913
1925-1929
1930-1933

Australia

New Zealand

Milk in hectolitres

Fat content of milk
in kilograms

12.38
16.00
17.31

66.70
90.91
94.90

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

The greater part of the milk is intended for the production
of butter and cheese, and the following figures give some idea
of the enormous increase in dairy production.

PRODUCTION
(In thousand

quintals)
Butter

Australia

1909/1913
. . . .
1920/1921-1924/1925
1925/1926-1929/1930
1930/1931
. . . .
1931/1932
. . . .
1932/1933
. . . .
1933/1934
. . . .
1934/1935
. . . .

857
1,135
1,265
1,589
1,772
1,904
2,045
2,135

Cheese

New Zealand Australia

274
685
953
1,190
1,259
1,511
1,645
1,604

77
125
134
150
142
168
175

New Zealand

272
671
833
944
905
1,052
1,085
973

For the two countries together, the production of 1933/1934
exceeded the average for the period 1925/1926 to 1929/1930 by
60 per cent, in the case of butter and 30 per cent, in that of cheese,
while the total had increased three-fold as compared with the
pre-war period.

Poultry and Eggs
Although regular statistics of the number of fowl are lacking
in many countries, the available data show that there has been
a general and very marked tendency to develop poultry breeding.
For seven of the countries shown in the table below, for which
figures for 1926 and 1934 are available, the total number of hens
in 1934 exceeded the 1926 figure by 40 per cent., and for five
of these countries the 1926 total exceeded the 1913 figure by
18 per cent. It seems, however, that in general the increase was
retarded in 1932. The figures for 1933 and 1934 are much the
same, showing a slight increase, or, more often, a slight decrease.
This increase in numbers has naturally led to an increase
in the production of poultry meat and eggs.

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

NUMBER OF HENS
(In millions)
1913

Austria
Belgium
Denmark
Germany . . . . . . . .
Great Britain and
Northern Ireland . . .
Irish Free State
. . . .
Netherlands
Yugoslavia
1

1910. —

' 1929. —

» 1914.

1928

1930

1934

5.7

8.7

18.6
67.8

5.9
18.22
22.P
88.1

26.6*
85.9

38.3
14.2
9.8 1

48.3
16.5
15.0"
13.7

61.9
18.2
24.6
16.3

78.5
16.0
28.0
17.9

1933.

1912.

12.1 1
15.0s
64.05

1924.

For Germany it is estimated that the production of poultrymeat rose from 670,000 quintals in 1913 to an annual average
of 725,000 quintals for the period 1930 to 1934. For the United
Kingdom the total production of poultry and game is said to
have risen from an average of 410,000 quintals for the period
1909 to 1913 to 780,000 quintals in 1934. In Switzerland the
proportion of poultry meat increased from 17,600 quintals in
1911 to 28,100 quintals in 1926 and 36,700 quintals in 1933.
But the heaviest increase took place in the production of
eggs, which was all the greater in that as a rule the number of
eggs per laying hen has tended to rise. It is estimated that from
1913 to 1934 the average annual output per hen rose from 80 to 90
eggs in Germany, from 80 to 115 in Belgium, from 75 to 120 in
England and Wales, and from 100 to 124 in the Irish Free State.
For some countries the available figures of the total production of eggs at different dates give an indication of the increase
since the war and in recent years.
PRODUCTION OF EGGS
(In millions)
1913

Belgium
England and Wales
Northern Ireland

1926

1934

2,070 a
2,354 1
"""
"'
9 2 9 " " " 1,356
""' *796'
6,200
5,000 !
4,100
3 105
1,527
944
"'414
215
177
528
412
1,136
816
1,159 1
203
440 3
295
960

AGRICUIiTUBAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSTTMPTION

For the Netherlands (where the production of eggs during
the last few years is estimated at about 2,000 millions) figures
for the preceding years are not available, but an indirect indication
of the increase may be obtained from the export figures, which
rose from an annual average of 200,000 quintals of eggs for the
period 1909 to 1913 to 664,000 quintals in 1925 to 1929, and
745,000 quintals in 1930 to 1934.
The North American figures too show a vigorous development
of poultry breeding.
In the United States the number of hens rose from 280.3
million in 1910 to 424.5 million in 1926, and after reaching the
maximum of 470 million in 1930 the figure was 455.2 million
in 1934. In Canada the number of hens rose from 29.8 million in
1911 to 46.1 million in 1926, and after reaching a maximum of
61.3 million in 1931, the figure for 1934 was 55.4 million.
At the same time the number of eggs produced rose in the
united States from 18,900 million in 1909 to 30,148 million in
1926 and 33,529 million in 1930 ; the figure for 1934 was 31,006
million. In Canada production rose from 1,480 million eggs in
1910 to 2,846 million in 1931 ; the figure for 1934 was below
this maximum, being 2,677 million.
Potatoes, Vegetables and Fruit
Potatoes. — In Europe, which is the principal continent for
the cultivation of this crop, the production of potatoes in the
period 1920 to 1924 was still well below the pre-war level. Afterwards it gradually rose, and the average crops from 1930 to 1934
exceeded the average for the preceding five years by 14 per cent.
and the average for 1909 to 1913 by 24 per cent.
This increase was due partly to the larger areas under potatoes,
but also to the fact that the output per unit of area has risen
during the last few years.
Production in Canada and the United States, on the contrary,
increased in the years after the war and subsequently fell to about
the pre-war level in spite of a slight reduction in the area devoted
to potato crops.

WOBKEKS NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY
CULTIVATION OF POTATOES
1909-1913

1920-1924

1925-1929

1930-1934

Area (in thousand hectares)
Europe
. . . . . . . .
Canada and the United
States
Europe
Canada and the United
States
.

10,350

9,915

. 10,580

11,048

1,457
1,684
1,543
1,809
Production (in million quintals)
1,138
1,055
1,237
1,412
119

140

115

117

Vegetables. — The statistical information on thé production
of vegetables is very incomplete. D a t a are available only for a
certain number of countries and certain products, and often
they refer only to open field cultivation, market gardening crops
being left out of account. Yet it is the latter, apparently, that
have contributed most to the development of vegetable production. The information t h a t can be given is therefore fragmentary,
b u t i t seems to justify the usually accepted view of a general
comparatively great increase in the cultivation of vegetables.
I n Germany the area under market gardens rose from 116,000
hectares in 1913 to 137,000 hectares in 1927 and 158,000 hectares
in 1934. I n England and Wales the area devoted to vegetables
rose from 74,540 hectares in 1925 to 92,550 in 1930/1931, an
increase of about 25 per cent. I n France market garden crops
covered 325,000 hectares in 1927 and 371,000 hectares in 1934.
I n t h e Netherlands the total area of family allotments and of
m a r k e t gardens producing for sale increased from 49,740 hectares
in 1913 to 62,185 hectares in 1926 and 67,620 hectares in 1934.
I n the United States the area under vegetable crops for sale
doubled from 1919 to 1929, rising from 576,390.hectares to 1,137,870
hectares.
, ...,Indirect,J^ormatipn, such as,.the_ figures of the quantities
delivered in certain consuming centres, also seems to indicate a
considerable increase in the production of vegetables. Progress
in t h e means of transport has certainly tended very much to
extend the radius of the area from which large urban centres
can obtain their supplies and thus to encourage the extension
of market gardening.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

Chapes. — In spite of the difficulty of collecting complete
statistics on the production of grapes, it is possible to obtain a
sufficient amount of information to give a general and fairly
exact idea of the amount and growth of world production.
The cultivation of grapes for the table has in recent years
developed considerably in most vine-growing countries, especially
Italy, France, Greece, the Danubian and Central European countries, Turkey, Iran, and the North African countries.
The average annual Italian production for the three years
1932 to 1934 exceeded the average for the two years 1929 and
1930 by nearly 1.2 million quintals, or 50 per cent., and this is
all the more remarkable in t h a t the increase coincided with unfavourable weather conditions leading to a decline in the production of wine, a marked diminution in exports, and a considerable
rise in the quantity of grapes from wine-producing vineyards
which were consumed as fruit.
The development of French production is undoubted, b u t
difficult to estimate, for the statistics relate only to specialised
cultivation, and the criterion for defining such cultivation seems
somewhat uncertain as well as variable from year to year. However
this may be, the official statistics show t h a t the production in
1934 reached an absolute maximum of 1.7 million quintals and
that the average for the last five years, 1930 to 1934, exceeded
the average for the preceding five years, 1925 to 1929, by nearly
12 per cent.
Spanish production has undergone fluctuations in accordance
with the general conditions of viticulture, b u t taken as a whole,
there has been a fairly marked increase, amounting to 9 per cent.
if the five-yearly averages for 1930 to 1934 and 1925 to 1929 are
compared.
For Greece the increase has been more regular and relatively
much greater. The average production for the two years 1933
and 1934 exceeded t h a t for the period 1925 to 1929 by 180 per
cent.
The Danubian countries, too, have all or nearly all increased
their production of grapes for the table. This is particularly
evident for Hungary, where the total quantity of grapes consumed
as fruit rose from 60,000 quintals in 1927 to 400,000 quintals
in 1932. I n spite of t h e marked decline in 1933 and 1934, the
average for the last five years is nevertheless 140 per cent, above
the average for the three years 1927 to 1929. For Bulgaria data
of production are almost completely lacking, apart from an estimate
7

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

of 460,000 quintals for 1932 ; but it is known that this country
exports nearly all its high-grade production and that the quantity
exported rose from an average of 7,600 quintals for the period
1925 to 1929 to 105,000 quintals in 1933 and 193,000 quintals
in 1934. Rumanian and Yugoslav exports have also increased
in recent years, especially the former, and although they are not
in direct proportion to production, it may similarly be asserted,
in spite of the absence of complete statistics, that there has been
a considerable increase in production.
In Austria the production of grapes for the table has increased
more than ten-fold in the last few years ; in Czechoslovakia
there has been a substantial rise ; in Germany the national production appears to have increased ; and in the Netherlands the
production of hot-house grapes more than doubled between 1929
and 1934.
In Asia, Turkish production certainly doubled during the
last three years, and that of Iran, Syria and the Lebanon also
increased markedly.
On the other hand, the United States is almost the only country
where there has apparently been a heavy decline in the production
of grapes for the table. The decline for California, which comprises
three-quarters of the North American vineyards, was 28 per cent.
if the five-yearly averages for 1930 to 1934 and 1925 to 1929 are
compared. It should be noted that the decline — which, it may
be added, was held up in 1934 and 1935 — coincided with a marked
increase in the production of grapes for wine during the last three
years, 1932 to 1934.
Taken altogether, it may be estimated that the world production of grapes for the table increased by about 24 per cent, between
the period 1925 to 1934 and the following five-year period, when
it averaged 22 million quintals. During this latter period, production rose steadily, amounting in 1934 to 25.5 million quintals
or nearly 22 per cent, above the figure for 1930.
It should be added that the quantity of grapes grown for
wine but consumed as fruit has .also increased heavily. -Comparing
the annual averages for the two five-year periods 1930 to 1934
and 1925 to 1929, the increase in Italy and some other countries
was 50 per cent. In the United States, on the other hand, there
was a decline of over 30 per cent.
Raisins. — The production of raisins fell markedly in Spain,
Italy, and the United States ; it remained more or less constant

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

in Greece, and increased heavily in the Asiatic countries — Turkey
and Iran — and slightly in Australia.
Taken altogether, the average annual world production in the
period 1930 to 1934 remained a t about the same level as the
annual average for the preceding five-year period, or 5.4 million
quintals. There was, however, a marked decline in 1929, 1930
and 1931, after which a fairly high average, of about 5.9 million
quintals, was recorded for the following three years.
Other fruit. — For most countries the statistical information
is not sufficient to allow of an estimate of the growth of fruit
production.
I n a general way there appears to have been a tendency to
increase production in this branch of agriculture too ; the amount
produced a t present is well above the pre-war level and the increase
has continued down to the last few years.
I n some ten European countries which compile regular statistics
of fruit production, the annual average production of pears and
apples during the period 1930 to 1934 was about 8 per cent, above
that for the period 1925 to 1929. There has also been an increase
in the production of peaches, apricots and cherries in the last
few years in the few European countries which give information
on this point.
I n Canada the production of apples for sale increased by
28 per cent, between 1925 to 1929 and 1930 to 1934. I n the United
States, on the contrary, the apple harvests of the last five years
have been rather less abundant than those of the preceding five
years, b u t the production of pears, apricots and cherries has
increased substantially.
As an example of a new country which has made much progress
in the cultivation of fruit, reference may be made to Australia,
where the production of apples increased by about 30 per cent.
between the periods 1925 to 1929 and 1930 to 1934.
For citrous fruits, the great rise in production is shown by
the fact t h a t the principal producing countries, while augmenting
their home consumption, have also been able to export increasingly
large quantities. Their average annual exports of oranges during
the periods 1909 to 1913, 1925 to 1929 and 1930 to 1934 were as
follows :

100

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY
EXPORTS OF ORANGES
(In thousand quintals)

Spain
Italy
Turkey, Palestine, Syria
United States . .. . . •
Brazil
Union of South Africa .
TOTAL

1909-1913

1925-1929

1930-1934

5,079
1,201.
501
330
1

7,407
1,215
975
1,162
155
233
11,147

9,366
1,096
1,257
1,198
664
586

7,112

14,167

In the United States the number of orange trees increased
from 1920 to 1930 by over 50 per cent. (31,958,000 in 1930 as
against 19,667,000 in 1920).
There has also been a very large increase in the production
òf bananas. The quantity of this fruit recorded in international
trade has almost doubled as compared with the pre-war figures,
and the quantity exported from the producing countries rose
from an annual average of 12,300,000 quintals for the period
1909 to 1913 to about 21 million'quintals for the period 1930 to
1934.

II.

—

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND THE POSSIBILITY
OP IMPROVING STANDARDS OP NUTRITION

The insufficiency of national statistics of agricultural production
makes it impossible to present a complete statement on the evolution of world agriculture. Nevertheless, a study of the very interesting material at the disposal of the International Institute of
Agriculture permits certain general conclusions to be drawn
concerning the trend of food production, and also raises certain
questions, such as the power of agriculture to adapt itself to
changes in consumers' demand for foodstuffs and its capacity
to meet the needs of a definitely higher standard of popular
nutrition.
From the information furnished by the International institute
of Agriculture, which forms the first part of this chapter, it seems
possible to conclude that the general trend of agricultural production since the war has not differed from that of the pre-war period ;
that is to say, the agricultural industry has continued to expand,
and all forms of agricultural production have increased steadily and

AGRICÜLTUBAI, PBODTJCTIOK AND FOOD CQgrSTTMPTIOJST

101

even more rapidly than before. This increase in production is not
only due to an extension of the areas under cultivation and of
the quantity of livestock raised, but is also the result of the technical
progress of the industry which has made possible a higher output
in agriculture proper and in animal husbandry. I n this record
of general progress there is perhaps also evidence t h a t the production of certain foodstuffs has recently developed more quickly
than that of other products. This would appear to be the case
with regard to milk, poultry, eggs, vegetables and fruit.
This development has, of course, not always followed the
same rhythm throughout the whole post-war period. The progress
made in agriculture proper has gone further than t h a t of animal
husbandry. A certain oscillation is also to be observed in the
general trend of production, which includes also periods of
retrogression.
The present situation is characterised by a relative overproduction, which made itself felt first as regards cereals and
sugar and later also with regard to many other products. This
surplus production and the collapse of prices have given an acute
character to the question of agricultural surpluses so as even
to make this appear to some people as the central problem in
the relation of agriculture to nutrition.
I n any case, the recent evolution of agricultural production
has been fully sufficient to ensure the nutrition of populations
in a way hitherto considered normal and customary.
This fact, however, furnishes no information on the essential
questions from the point of view of an improved standard of
nutrition, such as to what extent does the evolution of consumers'
demand for foodstuffs exercise through the price system a direct
influence on the development of agricultural production ? Have
the conditions under which agriculture works allowed it to turn
rapidly to raising products for which there is an increased
demand, or has such adaptation encountered difficulties due to
the complexity of agricultural production and the interdependence
of its numerous elements which have finally made adaptation
impossible or incomplete ? Is it primarily on the technical
development of agricultural production t h a t the changes in the
customary diet of populations depend % In other words, what
are the relative roles played by economic and by technical factors ?
These questions are equally important from the point of view
of agriculture and from that of nutrition.

102

WOEKEBS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Of course agriculture is not without power to modify its system
of production. I t s history itself furnishes the proof. But no general
or precise answer can be given as to the conditions under which
such a n adaptation can take place. As the International Institute
of Agriculture states in another communication to the Office,
" the adaptation of production to consumption is easier in a
period of economic expansion than in a period of depression.
Thus, the change which took place in European agriculture
during the last p a r t of the nineteenth century was greatly facilitated
b y the fact t h a t world economy was then in full development
and t h a t the demand of the increasing industrial populations
was expanding. The increase in the purchasing power of the
populations during this period of expansion lasting up to the
world war permitted European agriculture to a d a p t itself more
easily to the conditions of competition with oversea products.
I t was possible to develop the production of foodstuffs of animal
origin, vegetables, fruit, etc., a t the expense of the cultivation
of cereal crops. I n basing their food supply on a combination of
foodstuffs which could not be transported over long distances
and were produced in the country itself and of cereals and other
easily transported products which were imported from agricultural
countries, the industrial States of Europe succeeded not only in
solving more or less satisfactorily ' the problem of adapting
production to demand, b u t also in improving to a very considerable
extent the diet of their populations.
" I n fact, in the course of the last pre-war decades, the consumption of dairy produce, meat, vegetables, fruit, etc., t h a t
is, of products whose special importance from the health point
of view is generally recognised, increased greatly in the industrial
countries, and not only among the better-off classes of the population. "
To-day, however, in face of an agricultural depression which
first appeared in the production of cereals, it may be questioned
whether this adaptation to a change in consumption was in fact
as real a s it seemed to be a t the time when it took place. Viewed
as a whole, agriculture depends on" natural conditions which fix
certain limits to the relative proportions for the production of
different groups of foods and, above all, to the proportion
between vegetable and animal production.
This state of affairs is also reflected in each individual farm,
for its economic and technical organisation, once established,
tends t o make changes in production-planning difficult. I t is

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

103

not always possible to undertake such changes without profound
and at the same time expensive modifications in the organisation
of the agricultural undertaking. Sometimes such modifications
react on the structure of national agriculture itself, the value
of which is never measured exclusively by purely economic
criteria.
Even during the period to which reference was made above
it was difficult for certain categories of agricultural undertakings
in European countries to adapt themselves to the changes demanded
by the new situation, and pre-war agricultural policy showed
numerous examples of measures taken by Governments to protect
national agriculture in its existing form measures certainly
not without repercussions on the improvement of the nutrition
standards of the population.
During the post-war period, when the stimulation of general
economic expansion preceding agricultural progress was lacking,
the task of establishing an optimum equilibrium between the
consumption and production of foodstuffs became much more
difficult. Such a task made necessary the modification of the
general lines of agricultural production. The economic and
other reasons on account of which Governments felt bound to
take steps to maintain the existing agricultural structure of their
countries intact became much stronger and more imperative.
In cases where an exclusively defensive policy was not possible,
measures of economic control and planning set up by the State,
contrary to all the traditions of agrarian policy, became essential
as the only means of recovery for the agricultural industry.
Agriculture was incapable of solving by itself the problem of
surpluses and relative over-production.
It is in the double light of the continued expansion of
agricultural production and of the friction which is encountered
when attempts are made to adapt agricultural production to
consumption, and not vice versa, that the possibility of realising
a genuine improvement in the nutrition standards of the
population must be studied.
It must also be realised that the problem becomes more
complicated when it is decided to intervene by direct means,
and not to depend exclusively on the free play of economic
forces resulting from an increase in the purchasing power of the
masses.
In theory, agriculture is certainly able to respond to the
increased demand for a real improvement in nutrition standards.

104

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Such an improvement would no doubt tend to diminish if not
eliminate the present problem of surpluses and over-production,
and a considerable increase in production might even become
necessary. Calculations made by the United States Bureau of
Home Economics show t h a t an average area of 1.9 acres per
consumption unit which, from 1927 to 1931, was cultivated
in order to provide the nutrition of the population of the
United States, was only sufficient to ensure an adequate diet
a t moderate cost ; while a liberal diet, corresponding to ' the
standard of living of skilled workers and commercial and professional employees, which allowed above all for a much greater
consumption of lean meat, fish, eggs, fresh vegetables and fruit,
would have necessitated a cultivated area of 2.1 acres per consumption unit, or an increase of 10 per cent, in the area cultivated.
The importance of these figures can be understood only when
it is remembered t h a t they are averages for the whole population
and t h a t , in fact, the majority of families have to be content
with a diet considerably below the level of an adequate diet at
moderate cost. Again, supposing that, even in the case of improved
nutrition standards, the relative proportions between the diets
of the different social classes remained the same, the increase in
the cultivated area necessary to secure the diet of a skilled
worker for the great majority of the American population may
be estimated a t about 25 per cent., instead of 10 per cent.
F r o m a technical point of view, such increases in production,
which would probably have to be even larger in other countries,
do n o t present any insurmountable difficulty for agriculture.
Reference may again be made to the International Institute
of Agriculture, which estimates t h a t " in view of the modern
conditions of agricultural knowledge, the possibilities of agricultural
production are very great. Taking the world as a whole, the
limits of these possibilities may practically be left out of consideration altogether. With regard to individual countries, with the
exception of certain regions which are undoubtedly over-populated
in relation to their productive capacity, such limits are generally
far from being reached. "
_ _ . . , . .
On the practical side of the problem, it is much more difficult
to come to a conclusion. A general movement for raising the
nutrition standard of populations has become prominent. There is,
however, still inadequate information as to the measures which
should be taken to realise this aim or the policy which ought to be
followed. The results will not be uniformly satisfactory if, while

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION AND FOOD CONSUMPTION

105

taking steps to give consumers a clearer notion of appropriate
diet and to provide it, assistance is not simultaneously granted
to agriculture to facilitate the necessary changes in production.
An improvement in nutrition standards cannot be brought about
rationally by unilateral measures alone, directed either to the
consumer or to the producer of foodstuffs, but only by close collaboration between all the parties concerned and by co-ordinated
action treating the problem as a whole.
The problem of the relation between the production and
consumption of foodstuffs is in its essentiels an economic problem.
On the one hand it is a question of increasing, quantitatively
and qualitatively the agricultural output of society, and on
the other, it is one of organising its distribution in such a way
as to secure a proper diet for the largest possible number of
persons. Stated in this way, the question forms part of the
general social economic problem of nutrition considered in the
following chapter.

CHAPTER V
SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF NUTRITION

The preceding chapters have brought together the main facts
on the basis of which the problem of nutrition may be defined
in its social-economic aspects. It was shown, first, that in the light
of the objective standards of rational nutrition which the science
of dietetics lays down, large masses of the population in all countries
are inadequately or improperly nourished ; and that while many
persons with sufficient incomes to nourish themselves adequately
are malnourished, either through ignorance or indifference, the
working masses show a clear tendency to improve the quantity
and quality of their.diet as income increases, which means that
the greater part of under-nourishment is the result of inadequate
purchasing power.
Second, it was indicated that taking the modern world as a
whole there would seem to be enough potential agricultural
capacity to produce much larger amounts of both energy-yielding
and protective foodstuffs. At the same time, however, it is found
that existing capacity is in part unused, in part misapplied,
resulting in serious maladjustments not only between the demand
for and supply of foodstuffs, but also between the amounts and
kinds of foods produced and those that might and could be
produced in response to the requirements for a rational diet as
determined by scientific research.
These facts give rise to three major questions of a socialeconomic character. First, what are the social-economic conditions
which account for the discrepancy between ideal dietary requirements and actual consumption on the one hand, and between
potential productive capacity and actual output of foodstuffs
on the other ? Second, what effects are changes in dietary habits
induced by scientific research likely to have on the .production.
and distribution of foodstuffs, and consequently on agriculture
and on the economic structure of different countries ? And third,
taking the standards of rational nutrition established by medical
and dietetical experts as given, what are the main economic and
social factors involved in the realisation of these standards and
what are the various policies which might promote such realisation 1

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OP NUTRITION

107

Obviously, these three questions are closely interrelated. But
for the purposes of this Report it will be more expedient to centre
attention on the third question. The present chapter thus aims
to indicate in a rather general way, without entering into details,
the scope and nature of the social-economic issues raised by the
problem of rational nutrition for all the people.
I. — FOOD

CONSUMPTION

AND

PURCHASING

POWER

Consumers' purchases of foodstuffs, as of all other commodities,
are governed by two main types of factors, subjective and objective.
The subjective factors are those which help to build up the
consumer's wants and preferences, his relative valuations of
different goods in terms of satisfaction or of social standards.
The objective factors are those which determine not the
consumer's desire, but his capacity to purchase, and which
express themselves through the medium of prices and incomes.
Of the two sets of factors, the objective is the more significant.
Prices and income constitute the limits within which the consumer
can give rein to his subjective preferences and wants. In simple
terms, to secure an adequate diet, it is not enough to have a desire
for it : the most important thing is to have the means wherewith
to obtain it. It cannot be too often repeated that the main ground
for inadequate nutrition is not so much an ineffective use of
existing incomes, as the insufficiency of the incomes themselves,
however wisely spent, to provide food of the kinds and in the
quantities prescribed by nutrition experts as essential for the
maintenance of health and energy. The objective factors will,
therefore, be considered first.
Purchasing power in general depends on the relation of money
income to the prices of commodities ; purchasing power will be
increased if income increases or if prices fall, and will be decreased
if income decreases or if prices rise. Thus, in regard to the consumer,
prices and incomes are in some respects only two sides of the same
phenomenon, that of purchasing power.
But there are important differences in the effects which changes
in prices and incomes may have on consumption. When the
consumer's purchasing power increases either through a rise in
income or a fall in prices, he tends to expand his consumption
all along the line. If all prices increase or decrease proportionately,
the effect on purchasing power will be exactly the same as if incomes
decreased or increased in the same ratio. But as general price
movements are accompanied by changes in the relative prices

108

WORKEBS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

of different commodities, the effect on the distribution of the
new purchasing power is likely to be different from the effects
which a corresponding change in money incomes would have.
Thus, measures taken to reduce the prices of foodstuffs will increase
their consumption even if, owing to a simultaneous rise in other
prices, purchasing power as a whole is unchanged. Because of
this, and also owing to the fact that measures taken to influence
purchasing power through prices are quite distinct from those
which may affect incomes, these two factors are considered here
separately.
Prices
Relatively low prices of foodstuffs are a basic factor in expanding
the capacity of consumers in general and of workers' families in
particular to buy the foods which they regard as indispensable
and desirable. Any suggestion of lower prices of agricultural
commodities may sound ironical when one thinks of the catastrophic
collapse in agricultural prices during 1929-1932 and of the havoc it
wrought in the economic position of the farming community and
in world economy generally. But the problems of price relationships
created in such a depression are of a special character. It is clear
that agricultural prices may present quite different and even
conflicting aspects to consumers and producers respectively. For
the consumers, lower food prices mean increased purchasing power
and a higher standard of living ; while for the producer lower
food prices, if costs are unchanged, mean lower incomes and
therefore a reduction in purchasing power and in the standard of
living. It is even possible, as during the recent depression, that
the reduced purchasing power of agricultural producers may lead
to. a cumulative depression of incomes and of the standard of
living of the rest of the community.
The problem thus is to seek methods of lowering food prices
which do not reduce producers' incomes. For this purpose it is
necessary to consider what are the main factors determining such
prices, on the supply side. 1 These factors may be classed under
the main heads of costs of. production and distribution, the organisation of the market and commercial policy, and the effects of
government fiscal measures — influences from the side of technicians, entrepreneurs and the State respectively.
1
The influences on the demand side — wants and money incomes
— determine consumption more directly and are discussed later in the
chapter.

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF NUTRITION

109

Production Costs
Prices of foodstuffs may be reduced by lowering their costs
of production through increasing the efficiency of agricultural
production. Increased efficiency must be clearly distinguished
from a mere increase in output, which may or may not be achieved
a t lower costs, and which was dealt with in the preceding chapter.
Normally, where technique is unchanged an increase in
agricultural output is possible only under increasing costs of
production ; b u t in fact technique has n o t remained unchanged,
and the steady progress of agricultural science has, during the
last generation, stimulated a simultaneous increase in production
capacity and efficiency and has also opened up possibilities for
the direct reduction of costs of production.
I n view of past achievements, the scope for reducing prices
through increased efficiency may be considerable. Research and
experimental work are likely to continue to p u t still higher yielding
seeds a t the disposal of agriculture and to improve the breeding
of livestock of all kinds. Agricultural schools and. extension work
promise to make farmers more familiar with the conquests of
science, and to train them for more rational and economic farming.
The agricultural machinery industry is likely to permit of still
further mechanisation of farming, etc.
Some of the driving factors towards increased efficiency, such
as agricultural schools and experimental stations, are generally
paid for by public authorities, and in other cases also financial
and other forms of assistance may be given to farmers to accelerate
the transition to new and improved methods. Such assistance
is specially important in order to further permanent improvements
t h e cost of which is often beyond t h e means of the farmer. National
schemes for such improvements, for closer settlement on extensively
cultivated large estates, and for the resettlement of populations
now on submarginai land are being undertaken at present in
Germany, Italy, the United States and other countries.
The adaptation of agricultural production to a changing
demand involves many difficulties, which were discussed in the
preceding chapter and which complicate the problem of increasing productive efficiency in agriculture. Thus, for instance,
although specialised single crop farming may result in lower
production costs, it m a y be undesirable for other reasons such
a,s the concentration of risk and the instability of market conditions to which it gives rise. The difficulties arising from single
•crop production are exemplified particularly in Cuba, Brazil

110

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

and the " Cotton Belt " of the United States. Another problemi
which arises in the case of improvements in efficiency due to
mechanisation is that of dealing with the displaced labour. It was|
estimated that the technical improvements in agriculture introduced in the United States between 1919 and 1927 were sufficienti
to have displaced two and a half million workers, supposing the
volume of output had remained unchanged. 1 Other methods
of improving efficiency may involve changes in' the scale of farms
which could not be introduced without serious upheavals in the
legal forms of land ownership, or even in the system of private
property itself.
Market Organisation and Distribution Costs
A second important element in determining the prices of
foodstuffs is the organisation "of food markets. In markets
characterised by a high degree of. competition, the tendency will
be for reduced costs of production to be reflected in lower retail
prices. In markets characterised by monopoly or quasi-monopoly,
the prices paid by consumers may be far above the costs of production, and a monopoly position of middlemen may be exploited
either against farmers in lowering producers' prices, or against
consumers in raising selling prices.
The organisation of food markets is extremely complex. The
production side has traditionally been fairly competitive. On
the supply side there is usually a large number of independent
and unorganised producers, each having too small a share of the
total production to affect prices perceptibly by his individual
action. But between these producers and the numerous individual
households which constitute the consuming public (a competitive
and an unorganised aggregate) are the various groups of middlemen — processors, wholesale merchants, retail distributors —
sometimes organised competitively, sometimes organised on a
monopolistic basis. Where the middlemen act competitively
there is nothing to obstruct retail prices from reflecting primary
costs of .production. But where middlemen are organised more
or less monopolistically — as in the meat and milk trades in some
- countries —-retail foodprices "may be forced to high levels while
returns to the farmer may be unreasonably depressed.
Apart from potential economies in the process of production
itself, there is thus considerable scope for price reduction in the
1
Dr.' Harry JEROME in Mechanisation
of Economic Research, 1934.

in Industry.

National Bureau

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF NUTRITION

111

later stages of the preparation of foods for consumption. Improvements and economies may be introduced in methods and costs
of distribution, in marketing organisation, in grading, labelling,
packing, preservation, transportation and retailing of agricultural
commodities. An important step in the direction of such economies
may be further made by reducing the spread between the prices
to producers and consumers through voluntary co-operative or
state-assisted schemes of buying and selling.
Recently, however, even the independence of agricultural
producers and the competitive character of the productive side
of agriculture have been considerably diminished. Owing to the
disproportionate fall in agricultural prices during the depression
and the consequent distress among the farming population, many
Governments have taken steps to create a situation in favour of
farmers by an organised restriction or stabilisation of output.
Measures have been taken by the State to reduce production of
basic crops or to destroy surplus stocks. In some cases where
national production was not a sufficient proportion of world
production to enable a single country to influence substantially
the world price, international agreements for the control of
output have been attempted, e.g. wheat and sugar.
It may be reasonably argued that the worldwide crisis in
agriculture justified such emergency measures. A long-range
policy, however, which would combine assistance to agriculture
with provisions for adequate popular nutrition, has at its disposal
other measures, such as direct subsidies, financial encouragement
to reduce production costs, elimination of unnecessary middleman spreads, etc. In general, while the methods of State control
of output combined with guaranteed prices are understandable
in terms of an emergency situation, they tend to " freeze " an
unsatisfactory status quo ante by preventing possible cost reductions, both through removing the stimulus to avoid losses as well
as through excluding the entry of new and more efficient producers.
Commercial Policy
Where agricultural production is destined for home consumption and not for export, a price-raising policy has to be reinforced
sometimes by means of protection of the home market against
imports. This is illustrated by the development of agricultural
protection in recent years which has undoubtedly had the effect
of raising food prices. The motives for such a policy have been
various. In the first place it has been a necessary element in the

1]2

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

programme for assisting the domestic producers by means of
output control. A second motive has been the tendency towards
•economic self-sufficiency, mostly with a view to the possibility
of war. This implies the deliberate choice of high food prices as a
form of insurance premium against the risk of even higher food
prices and acute food shortage in the eventuality of a war. The
motive for such a policy would of course be much reduced by
any improvement in the international political situation which
diminished the risk of war.
In the third place agricultural protection is sometimes introduced as part of a general protectionist policy for maintaining
the stability of the currency. Where the level of internal prices
relatively to world prices is such that a chronic import surplus
has developed and gold and foreign exchange reserves are becoming depleted, the State may decide to penalise . the import of
foodstuffs in order to preserve the gold value of the currency.
There are several alternative courses open in such a. situation which
would diminish the deleterious effects on nutrition : if imports
have to be restricted, the restrictions may be limited to goods
of a non-nutritive value, or the internal value of the currency
may be raised to its external value by means of a domestic price
deflation, or, finally, the policy of maintaining an overvalued
currency can be abandoned by means of devaluing the currency.
Finally, a further motive for agricultural protection, where it
takes the form of tariffs, may be the collection of revenue. Here
it is clear that, other methods of collecting revenue, such as progressive direct taxation, can be devised which do not conflict
in the same way with the requirements of adequate nutrition.
The effects of agricultural protection in raising food prices
•occur in two ways. The industrial countries which for practical
•or other reasons attempt to foster home agriculture by means of
tariffs, quotas and similar measures have to pay higher prices
for home produced food than they would have had to pay for
food imported from oversea countries producing with lower agricultural costs. At the same time, the export surplus countries
themselves, in the attempt to overcome the obstacles created
by the policies of their former customers, are often constrained
to subsidise exports by imposing higher food prices on domestic
•consumers.
A striking example of the effects of agricultural protection
is shown by the varying price at which butter is sold in the domestic
markets of different, countries. The " world price " of butter

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OP NUTRITION

113

in the year 1934 was 1.72 Swiss francs per kilogram. In Italy,
the price was 3.03 Swiss francs ; in France, 3.55 Swiss francs ; in
Germany, 3.79 Swiss francs ; and in Switzerland, 4.75 Swiss
francs. The differences between these national prices and the
world price of 1.72 Swiss francs must be attributed to the effects
of tariffs, quotas and other restrictions.
Not only does agricultural protection reduce the quantities
of food consumed (by raising prices), b u t in addition it tends to
restrict variety, which is generally an important element in nutritive
diets. As stated in the League of Nations Report on Nutrition
and Public Health : " I n an era when great benefits might be
derived from an unimpeded distribution of foodstuffs, nations
are retiring into voluntary isolation and falling back on their
own resources. Transport is perfected within countries b u t paralysed between them. " 1
Fiscal Policy
Superimposed upon the price-forming influences of the costs
of production and the organisation of the market, indirect taxation
may have a further effect in raising prices. There is always a certain
temptation for the State to raise revenue by indirect taxes on
necessities of life, since in the first place indirect taxes attract
less attention and thus arouse less opposition than direct taxes,
and in the second place the elasticity of demand for such necessities
is so slight that a large revenue can be obtained from a proportionately not very high tax. Nevertheless, in spite of possible
practical advantages from the point of view of the Exchequer,
this policy would be undesirable from the point of view of public
health and of social justice. I t would curtail the consumption
of those commodities which are particularly necessary for the
advancement of the health of the community and weighs unduly
heavily on the lower income classes, a larger proportion of whose
expenditure is devoted to the purchase of the commodities taxed.
Although necessities of life have a low elasticity of demand
in general, they probably have a relatively smaller elasticity
compared to the demand for other commodities in the case of
lower than in that of higher income classes. The objects of expenditure of those with small incomes are nearly all in some degree
necessities. Therefore taxes which increase the prices of foodstuffs are likely to have serious repercussions on food consumpX
E . B U R N E T a n d W . R . A Y K R O Y D : Nutrition
L e a g u e of N a t i o n s .

and Public

Health,

p . 49.
8

114

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

tion. This point gains additional significance when it is remembered t h a t many of the workers' expenditures, other than for
food, a r e usually of a type t h a t cannot be lowered or shelved.
P a y m e n t for housing accommodation in particular is a large and
often irreducible item. 1 I n many cases, also, customary pleasures
or cultural activities (sports, cinema, tobacco, dues to various
associations, newspapers, annual excursion) will be continued so
long a s actual starvation can be avoided. Taxes raising the prices
of commodities of nutritional importance are thus likely to lead,
not t o a retrenchment in other- lines of expenditure, but rather
to a reduction in quantity or, more often, in quality of the food
consumed.
Lower Prices and Better Nutrition
The possibility of improving nutrition standards by means
of price policy thus involves action on one or more of the above
factors — to increase technical efficiency, to improve market
organisation, to remove trade barriers, or to eliminate indirect
taxation, particularly on commodities constituting the prime
necessities of life.
To determine t h e scope for improving nutrition by means of
reducing food prices and t h e social cost involved it would be
necessary to ascertain the elasticity of demand for the various
foodstuffs in response to price changes a t different income levels.
- The difference between t h e lowest actual consumption of the
various foodstuffs and t h e standards set b y nutrition experts
would give t h e extent t o which consumption required to be
expanded, a n d the statistically determined elasticity coefficients
would indicate t h e degree of price reduction called for.
Incomes
Capacity to purchase and to consume is determined not only
by prices, b u t a t the same time and equally b y t h e size of money
incomes.
National consumption and consequently nutrition
and health standards are affected both by the size and by the
distribution of the total national" income. The size of the national
1
" The effect of high rent in reducing food expenditure has been
emphasised b y Crowden, McGonigle and Rogers. This factor operates
most strongly in large cities. I t has been suggested t h a t t h e removal
of families from slum areas to new housing estates where the rent is high
may actually lower health standards, because t h e proportion of income

available for food is diminished."

Nutrition

(B." BTOUSTET and W. R. AYKBOYD :

and Public Health, p . 63. League of Nations, Geneva, 1935.)

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF NUTRITION

115

income depends on various influences : the available supply of
productive factors (capital, labour and natural resources), the
state of technical knowledge, the degree to which the economic
system functions efficiently, in particular the fluctuations of the
business cycle. The distribution of the national income depends
again on many fundamental factors, on the social and political
organisation of the economy, on public finance, on social and
health insurance measures, on the state of business activity, and
in fact to some extent on every element in the whole economic
system.
FIG. r v .

INCOME
5%

IO%

OF FAMILIES
15%

1ST T H E UNITED

20%

25%

STATES, 1 9 2 9

30%
327,000 families
$17,914 million income
3,161,000 families
$19,964 million income
7,632,000 families

mz^mmmmxxiwxxsmmm®',
immamt^wmmmtimmmim^

$20,974 million income

I^TSTIS^STTTTITTTTO'Ï^TTTÎJ
^3^^iTT^.^3ri3^.T^^^^'*^T'T3'1'^'^'^'T!.'^:

16,354,000 families

[TOIfflfMMtmMll
C*

IO%

1 % of total
families

15%

20%

25%

$18,264 million income

30%

™ 1 % of total national income going
t y to families

SotrBCE : THE BKOOKINGS INSTITUTION:

America's Capacity to Consume, Washington, 1934.

An illustration may be given from the United States to show
the distribution of the total national income among families and
the movement of total income and labour income during the
recent depression. Analogous results might be obtained in other
countries, but the United States have been selected here on
account of the relative superiority of the statistical data which
they furnish.
As indicated in fig. IV, the total income in the United
States going to families may be divided into four approximately
equal parts. In 1929 the first of these parts — some 18 milliard
dollars — went to slightly over 1 per cent, of the richest families,

116

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

viz. those with an income in excess of $15,000 a year. The second
p a r t went to the 12 per cent, of families Math incomes ranging
between $4,000 and $15,000 a year. The third part was divided
among the 27 per cent, of families with a yearly income of $2,000
to $4,000. The fourth part went to the remaining 60 per cent.
of the families getting $2,000 a year or less. This poorest section
of the population included over 2 million families in receipt of
incomes not exceeding $500 a year.
FIG,

y. —

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

lOOt
90
.

80
70 •
60
50 ••
« > • •

30
20
10
0

1929

1930 1931

^ | Payrolls

1932

1933 I93<, 1935

Real payrolls

SOURCES : Federal Reserve Bulletin; Monthly Bulletin of Statistics (League of Nations).

This was in 1929. Figure V indicates the effect upon the
wage-earning population of the industrial depression of 19291933. By 1932 total payrolls in terms of money had sunk
to some 40 per cent, of the 1929 total ; while " real " payrolls
(i.e. with account taken of the accompanying fall in the cost
of living) were only 50 per cent, of what they had been. In other
words, the total income (expressed in actual commodities) going
to the wage-earning population in return for work done was cut
in half. I t must be remembered, moreover, t h a t this reduction
in income was by no means equally spread over the whole labouring
population. The decline in real labour income implied not merely
a general reduction in living standards but a vast increase in the
number of families with incomes of $500 a year and less. In
short, the threat of destitution which was the lot of some two
million families even in 1929 was extended to about a quarter
of the whole population in 1932.

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF STUTBITION

117

To influence consumption by increasing the national income
involves a stimulation of productive efficiency and a successful
general business cycle policy. At the same time great scope for
improving nutrition standards even within the limits of the existing
national income is offered by policies tending towards its redistribution in favour of lower income classes. Various methods
of such redistribution have been used, differing mainly in the
sources of the money to be distributed — credit expansion, the
printing press, taxation of various kinds, etc. — and in the form
in which the distribution may take place — relief, wage subsidies,
pensions, bonuses, etc. With regard to the source of the money,
it is desirable that it should neither be derived from other income
classes lying near or beneath the borderline of under-nourishment
(in particular not from indirect or regressive direct taxation)
nor act in any way as a deterrent to production or the full use of
productive resources. With regard to the form of distribution,
those forms might be chosen which react as favourably as possible
on the general economic situation and on the total national production (e.g. wage subsidies which increase employment, or useful
public works — such as housing — which are directed towards
increasing the standard of living).
Some of the measures indicated above are in the nature of
organised relief, particularly justifiable during a period of industrial depression. These measures are being to a considerable
extent supplemented or superseded in the more advanced countries by social insurance. Such contingencies as unemployment,
ill-health, old-age and similar causes of destitution are provided
against on an actuarial basis with the participation of the State.
These measures of relief and social insurance, by doing something
towards eliminating the most acute cases of inequality and
irregularity of income, are factors of the utmost importance from
the point of view of adequate nutrition. 1
Adjustments of income act to some extent less directly on
nutrition standards than measures affecting food prices. In order
to induce consumers to purchase sufficient food and of the right
kind to avoid nutritive deficiencies, incomes would have to be
raised by far more than the mere cost of the additional food
required, since under a system of free choices every increase in
income is likely to be distributed over all types of consumption.
1
The degree to which nutrition standards are taken into account in
the legislation dealing with wage regulation, social insurance, and other
forms of labour protection are considered in Chapter VI.

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WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

A consumer may, under the stimulus of increased income, desire
to increase his consumption of clothes, travel, house room,"etc.
to a considerable degree, before voluntarily purchasing the quantity
and quality of food prescribed by dietetical experts as necessary
for adequate nutrition. The extent to which income must be
increased in order to induce a desired increase in the consumption
of any specified food — the elasticity of its consumption in terms
of income changes — can be investigated on the basis of family
budget data on different income levels.
The cost of promoting increased consumption through income
adjustments would necessarily vary from country to country.
Sir John Orr recently estimated that for England the lowest
income at which serious nutrition deficiencies are avoided was
£1 per week per head, while £1 5s. Od. was the lowest at which
a fully satisfactory diet was consumed. The cost of raising
all consumption up to these standard levels was estimated to
involve an increased food consumption valued at £100,000,000
and £200,000,000 à year respectively/
Apart from attempts to influence nutrition indirectly by
means of acting on prices or incomes, the State may approach the
problem more directly by simply providing the required food
to those who are found to be under-nourished. Such methods may
take the form of the provision of milk to schoolchildren and nursing
mothers, the distribution of unemployment relief in kind or by
means of food cards, etc.
Such policy would doubtless be less expensive than the indirect
methods, in that in the first place nutritive diets could be provided
at minimum cost (cheaper than those actually selected by
consumers), and in the second place efforts could be concentrated
on increasing the consumption of the particular articles whose
consumption has been found to be inadequate.

II. — NUTRITION STANDARDS AND CONSUMPTION HABITS

In addition to the objective factors operating through prices
and incomes;; consumers' püréhasés of foodstuffs are determined
by the subjective factors of wants and preferences which form
consumption habits. The part played by food in the " want
system. " of the consumer is a complex one. To some extent it is
1

" The Economics of Diet ",. Address by Sir J O H N BOYD O R B , British
Association. Meeting, 10 Sept. 1935.

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF NUTRITION-

119

determined by the primitive instincts of stilling hunger and of
self-preservation ; but beyond this, food is desired also for many
less primary and more subtle purposes such as pleasing the palate,
developing special physical capacities, or establishing certain
social standards. The primary demand for food for the purpose
of maintaining life is necessarily highly rigid and inelastic ; b u t
the difference between merely maintaining life and being adequately nourished is considerable, and the demand for the additional
nutrition which makes u p this difference belongs to a more elastic
sphere where it begins to compete with other forms of not absolutely
essential requirements of a social and aesthetic kind.
I t is only these more elastic types of demand which it is possible
to influence or change to an appreciable extent, and one of the
objects of nutrition policy should be to promote and educate
the desire for adequate nutrition so t h a t it takes a prominent
part in the objectives which immediately succeed those of mere
life preservation.
I t has been stated by nutrition experts t h a t members of the
lower income groups often fail to obtain as high a nutritive value
from their incomes as would be possible b y better directed methods
of expenditure. This may arise from two grounds. Consumers
may desire to purchase a satisfactory nutritive diet, but may
be too ignorant of the essential principles of nutrition to be able
to carry out their intentions successfully. They may actually
spend more money on food than is necessary to obtain adequate
nourishment and yet through purchasing the wrong types of
foods still remain under-nourished or malnourished. For such
cases, education in the principles of dietetics can, of course, achieve
much. On the other hand, there may also be consumers who are
not interested in or aware of the importance of adequate nutrition.
Their instincts may look after the provision of such food as satisfies
the minimum requirements of life, but beyond t h a t they m a y
prefer to spend their remaining income either not on food a t all,
or else on foods which mainly serve other than nutritive purposes.
Here again education can be of some help, especially if it enables
consumers to take longer-run views into consideration in the
disposal of their incomes.
There is abundant evidence in many countries that education,
properly applied, can serve to reshape popular dietary habits
along the lines of more rational nutrition. The widespread tendency
in recent years towards increased consumption of milk, fresh
fruits, fresh vegetables and other protective foods is a case in

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WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

point. In countries where this tendency has developed, it is closely
associated with the educational and propaganda work of the
various public, semi-public and private agencies for improved /
nutrition which are discussed in Chapter VII. That nutritional
habits may be improved more generally if public authorities
continue to devote energy to education and propaganda on
behalf of rational dietaries, seems an unescapable conclusion.
Finally, it should be noted that habits of food consumption,
as shown in Chapter III, are closely related to general standards
of living. Thus educational activities aiming at improved dietary
habits cannot successfully be carried on independently of other
measures which aim to reorient the concepts of different social
groups with regard to economic values and to the improvement
of living standards generally.
III.

— NUTRITION AND THE STATE

For the main part, the economic and social factors and policies
considered above are such as may be presumed to exist and work
through the present economic system, based substantially on
free consumers' choices and free enterprise. A considerable degree
of government intervention, of the type already widely in force,
has been taken for granted, but not such as to involve any fundamental changes in the system itself.
However, the present tendency, in all the fields affecting
consumption and nutrition, is for the State to play a more positive
and controlling part than ever before. The argument in,favour
of governmental intervention for the adequate production and
distribution of the most essential foodstuffs is that the provision
of such commodities is " affected with public importance " and
should be dealt with as a public utility. There is also growing
support for the proposal that State provision for the adequate
nutrition of special groups of the population such as infants,
schoolchildren, expectant and nursing mothers, upon whose
well-being the future of society depends, should be treated as a
social obligation akin to that of public education.
An evaluation of the various policies to be pursued in order to
provide adequate nutrition for all the people cannot but depend
in large measure on the general social-economic views one holds.
Those who still believe that all economic problems might best
be solved by giving free play to the direct action of the free market
will regard with regret the trend towards increased government

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF NUTRITION

121

intervention in matters of nutrition. They would solve the problem
of workers' nutrition by going back to laisser faire and trying to
recapture the equilibrium of a bygone day. On the other hand
are those who are convinced that, owing to the changes which have
taken place in recent years in technology and economic structure,
our economic order can no longer be a self-regulating mechanism,
but must be consciously and completely directed. They would
regard the present State measures for improving nutrition as
inadequate and would favour a policy of comprehensive economic
planning, on a national and international scale, with a view to
increasing income and to raising workers' standards of living.
Between the two extremes are those who see that further
social control of the processes of profit-seeking enterprise is
necessary to achieve adequate nutrition for the people, but who
do not think that all forms of social control are equally desirable.
In their opinion, the practical problem is what specific social
controls may be gradually applied to release forces which will
increase economic activity throughout the world so as to provide
the workers with employment at adequate wages and thus give
the working masses the opportunity to raise their levels of nutrition
of their own free will and by their own means.
At the present time, the progress in improving workers' nutrition is proceeding with the aid of the State in definite directions.
In the following chapters what is already being done by the State
to promote higher levels of nutrition through labour legislation
and by other methods will be surveyed, and some of the possibilities
of further progress will be considered.

CHAPTER VI
SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTRITION

In the preceding chapter some of the major economic issues
involved in the problem of workers' nutrition were outlined.
It was also pointed out that in no country has any attempt been
made to consider general economic policies from the point of
view of adequate nutrition. However, separate efforts have
been made in many countries to provide for improved workers'
nutrition either directly or indirectly. While these efforts may
be classified in different ways, it is thought most convenient,
for the purposes of this Report, to consider separately all those
measures which may be grouped under the heading of Social
and Labour Legislation. These measures are considered in the
present chapter. All other methods dealing with the improvement
of nutrition are considered in Chapter VII.
The purpose of present day social legislation is to protect
and improve the well-being of the workers in any field where
State intervention and organised assistance may be of value.
Inevitably, therefore, much of present day social legislation' is
concerned, directly or indirectly, with the problem of workers'
nutrition.
In some cases, the legislative measures may be immediately
inspired by the motive of obtaining a minimum standard of
nutrition for a particular group of workers. In other cases,
the legislative measures may aim at objectives the attainment
of which would be materially facilitated by the existence of
minimum nutritional standards. At the present stage of the
International Labour Office's studies of the problem, it would
be of little use to undertake a critical comparison by laying
legislative provisions concerned with workers' nutrition side by
side with the standards and rules of nutritional science. The
present chapter is intended to serve merely as a preliminary
and rapid survey of social legislation in its relation to nutrition
problems. It will serve its purpose if it brings out the major
questions involved and the procedure by which the solution of
these questions has been attempted.

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTRITION

123

The problems at issue may be arranged, for convenience of
analysis, into four groups. First, the question of the workers'
income (on which his standard of nutrition fundamentally depends)
as affected b y legislation concerned with regulating the payment
of wages. Second, the question of the workers' income during
periods of inactivity, so far a s it may be assured b y insurance
benefits or relief allowances in case of unemployment, ill health,
invalidity, old-age, etc. Third, the question of working conditions
proper, as they affect the periods allowed for taking meals during
the work day, and the circumstances under which such meals
are taken. Fourth, questions raised by arrangements under
which the employer is fully or partially responsible for the
worker's board. 1
I.

—

WAGES

As already brought out in the present Report, there exists
a close and direct relationship between the worker's income and
the standard of nutrition he and his family can attain. Thus
all labour legislation which aims a t fixing wage rates or income
levels for workers and their families bears immediately upon
standards of nutrition.
Methods for regulating wages and income include such various
devices as free collective bargaining between trade unions and
employers ; official recognition and support of such bargaining
by agencies of conciliation and arbitration ; the compulsory
application of the terms of collective agreements to workers and
employers n o t parties thereto ; the fixing of minimum rates
of pay by public authorities who may or may not receive assistance
and advice from representatives of the workers and employers
concerned, and so on.
All systems for regulating wages of the kind described above
aim a t securing to the worker a t least a minimum income sufficient
to cover his indispensable needs for food, clothing and shelter.
The minimum wage-fixing machinery established in certain
industries and trades has aimed a t such a n objective with specific
consciousness of purpose. As examples might be cited the wagefixing machinery, in many countries, for home industries where
in the absence of trade unions and collective bargaining, wages
would be exceptionally low without State intervention.
1
This last question, in fact, forms part of the wage problem as a
whole, but there are practical advantages in dealing with it separately.

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WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

W h a t , then, are the criteria used to establish the indispensable
needs of t h e workers concerned, and t h e minimum standard
of living which i t is desired that they should be able to maintain ?
The Recommendation concerning Minimum Wage-Fixing
Machinery adopted b y t h e International Labour Conference in
1928 urged that, for t h e purpose of determining the minimum
rates of wages t o be fixed, t h e wage-fixing body should in all
cases take into account t h e necessity of enabling the workers
concerned t o maintain a suitable standard of living. For this
purpose, regard should primarily be had t o wage rates being paid
pursuant to collective agreements in effect ; otherwise, t o t h e
general level of wages prevailing in t h e country. The text of
this Recommendation reflects t h e difficulties of reconciling t h e
specific ways of measuring wages which differ from country t o
country with a general code of principles on an international basis.
I n a number of countries, legislation authorises t h e wagefixing body to fix minimum wages in accordance with any principles
or canons i t considers satisfactory under the given circumstances. 1
Other laws, in contrast, specify t h e base t o be used. Among
the different bases in use, t h e living wage is the most interesting
from t h e nutritional point of view.
The idea of t h e living wage has been given its widest and
most detailed application by wage-fixing bodies in Australia,
New Zealand, t h e United States and Canada. Thus, t h e laws
of New South Wales require the Industrial Commission to declare
from time t o time what shall be the " living wages " paid to
adult male employees and to adult female employees in the State.
For adult male workers, t h e living wage must be based on t h e
requirements of a m a n with a wife and two children under 14
years of age. The laws of several other Australian States contain
similar provisions.
Given t h e terms of such laws, t h e problem a t once emerges :
what are the requirements of a married man with two dependent
children ? I n some cases, t h e laws attempt to give guidance
to the wage-fixing body b y defining the requirements in question.
Thus, i n Queensland, the minimum wage for an adult male worker
must be sufficient to provide a " fair average standard of comfort "
havinfir regard tn thf> nnnHitinna of livinsr Drevailinff among
employees in t h e occupation. I n South Australia, the minimum
1

Cf.

INTERNATIONAL

LABOUR

OFFICE

Minimum

Wage-Fixing

Machinery
: An International
Study of Legislation
and Practice.
Studies
a n d R e p o r t s , Series D ( W a g e s a n d H o u r s of W o r k ) , N o . 17. G e n e v a , 1927.

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTRITION

125

wage must be sufficient for " normal and reasonable needs ".
In Western Australia, it should enable the average worker to
live in " reasonable comfort " having regard to any domestic
obligations to which such worker would ordinarily be subject.
Where attempts have been made to give practical effect to
the living wage principle, two main methods of procedure have
been used. The first method is to draw up a budget of commodities
considered necessary, and then to determine the cost of that
budget at prevailing prices. This method necessarily entails
considerable discussion with regard to the commodities to be
included as " necessary ". The discussions are usually resolved
by conducting enquiries into the quantities of different commodities
actually consumed by a number of representative families. The
second method of procedure — ordinarily a variation of the first —
bases the living wage on wages actually paid in a number of
representative industries. Common to both methods is the
hypothesis that existing consumption habits and prevailing
standards of living may be taken as norms without bringing in
theoretical rules of nutrition laid down by scientists.
In the early days of collective bargaining, wage rates were
characteristically fixed by trial and error. Where, however, the
collective bargaining system has become firmly established and
is based on long tradition, wage rates are now fixed more with
a view to exact canons and precise standards. From the point
of view of nutrition, the most significant achievement would seem
to be the raising or lowering of wage scales in accordance with
the movements of cost-of-living index figures. Its value, however,
for nutrition is open to the same objections that might be raised
against the methods of determination employed by minimum
wage-fixing bodies. Although the use of a cost-of-living index
may enable the worker to maintain a standard of nutrition already
achieved, it throws no light on the question of what foodstuffs,
and how much of each, ideal standards of nutrition should include.
It may be objected, of course, that it would be useless to
establish wage rates on the basis of strictly scientific nutritional
analysis. There would be no guarantee of the workers' using
their wages to buy foodstuffs in accordance with the standard.
In the first place, the degree of skill in purchasing and using
foodstuffs varies considerably from household to household.
Second, the worker must above all be allowed to be free to spend
his income as he likes. No direct interference with his rights
in this respect is to be assumed.

126

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

I t is, nevertheless, pertinent to observe t h a t in spite of all
individual variations, custom and t h e size of t h e income itself
impose actual and substantial • limitations upon the worker's
theoretical freedom to spend his money as he likes. Studies of
family budgets almost invariably show a high degree of stability
in t h e relative expenditures on t h e various items which comprise
t h e budgets of workers' families. I n fact, t h e materials gathered
in family budget enquiries make it possible to speak of certain
laws governing the expenditure of family incomes. Under such
circumstances, attempts to fix wage rates in relation to fixed
nutritional standards would appear to be of considerable practical
value.
Family Allowances. — All the proposals and measures dealing
with wage regulation mentioned above are based on the hypothesis
of a standard family of average size. I t is evident t h a t minimum
wages sufficient for standard families must prove insufficient to
assure adequate nutrition to families larger t h a n t h e average.
To meet this difficulty, t h e family allowance system has been
developed.
Under the special conditions of the world war, the family
allowance system extended rapidly in many countries. The chief
cause of its growth was t h e increase in t h e cost of living, reducing
real wages, which caused great hardships, especially among
workers with large families. Because war-time price conditions
were considered temporary in character, t h e practice arose of
adding a cost-of-living bonus to the basic wage. I n a number
of countries, when determining this bonus, account was taken of
the size of the family which the worker had to maintain.
W i t h t h e return t o t h e price conditions characteristic of peace,
the family allowance system was largely discarded in a number
of countries. I n other countries, however, it began to develop
anew, particularly where increased birth rates were held to be
an essential aim of national policy.
Whatever t h e object in view, t h e allowances paid under the
family allowance system are ordinarily so small t h a t no calculation
is needed-to show t h a t they fall below t h e additional food expenses
of a family which exceeds average size, n o t to speak of the cost
of providing a rational diet for such a family. 1
1

Cf.

INTERNATIONAL

LABOUR

OFFICE :

Family

Allowances :

The

Remuneration of Labour According to Need.- Studies and Reports, Series D
(Wages and Hours of Work), No. 13. Geneva, 1924.

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTRITION

127

Safeguarded payment of wages. — That wage earners depend
primarily on their wages for their daily bread has induced most
countries to strengthen wage claims with special safeguards.
Only two examples can be given here : laws providing for periodic
payments, and laws prohibiting or regulating payment of wages
in kind.
In many countries, there are legislative measures which prescribe
maximum intervals of a week, a fortnight, or a month between the
payment of wages. Such legislation aims at ensuring that wages
shall be paid regularly and at reasonably brief intervals. Unless
his receipt of income were thus safeguarded, the worker would
hardly be in a position to manage his household budget in a
rational manner.
Prohibitions of the " truck system " are particularly important
from the nutritional point of view. According to legislation
in force in many countries, the employer is obliged to pay wages
in cash, and may not substitute for cash goods supplied to the
workers on credit. The worker, for his part, may not be required
to accept goods against his will, or to make his purchases in shops
operated or specified by the employer. There are even some
laws which forbid any and all payments in kind, unless allowed
as a specific exception.
Experience has shown that where such regulation of the
truck system is non-existent, the worker is exposed to the risk
of being defrauded of part of the fruits of his labour. Furthermore, the worker may be kept, by the employer in a state
of continued dependence which constrains him to purchase his
food requirements at exorbitant prices from specified vendors
to the detriment of his own nutrition and that of his family.
It is not only that prices may be exorbitant and rates of interest
for credit extortionate ; provisions of inferior quality may be
forced upon the worker without any possibility of refusal.
Legislation prohibiting or severely restricting the " truck
system. " does not, as a rule, apply to agriculture. On the contrary,
there is widespread acceptance of the custom that a large part
of the agricultural worker's wages should be paid in kind.
Such legislative control as does exist with regard to agricultural
workers would seem to be limited to a few countries in Central
Europe. Here the control consists exclusively of laws which
prescribe that wages in kind must be delivered in crop products
of " average quality " or be of " satisfactory " or " unobjection-

128

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

able " quality. It might also be mentioned that most collective
agreements in agriculture seek to define the quality of payments
in kind and the rights of control to be exercised by the workers
.themselves.
II.

—

SOCIAL INSURANCE AND ASSISTANCE

Social insurance touches upon the nutrition problem at many
points. Cash benefits under social insurance are intended to
assure, or to contribute toward assuring, a certain standard of
living in the eventualities of unemployment, sickness, invalidity,
old age, etc.
In fact, however, empiricism with regard to nutrition requirements characterises also the calculation of the benefits allowed
under social insurance plans. Almost invariably, the cash
benefits are established at a fixed rate, or at some fixed
percentage of the daily or weekly wages (generally one-half,
more rarely two-thirds) earned by the insured worker. In case
of permanent incapacity, payments are allowed either at fixed
rates or on the basis of the number and amount of the contributions
paid in. These contributions are ordinarily proportional to the
wages earned by the insured worker. Thus, invalidity pensions
vary from 15 to 30 per cent, of insured wages under the legislation
of most countries, and in some rare cases come to 40 per cent.
Nevertheless, most social insurance plans make it clear that
the purpose of the cash benefits is to cover the indispensable
needs of the insured worker and of his family. Invalidity annuities
and sickness allowances are raised or lowered according to the
number of dependents in the insured worker's family. Daily
family allowances are paid in cases where the insured worker
receives free treatment and board in a clinic.
As a rule, social insurance cash benefits are very modest.
It could hardly be argued that they were fixed, in any countries,
by taking genuine account of the costs of a minimum standard
of living. The amounts of benefit paid in various countries
• represent a compromise between the maximum financial obligations
it was not desired to exceed and the actual benefits it would
have been desirable to give. Thus it cannot be maintained,
as a general proposition, that the cash benefits payable under
social insurance plans provide sufficient and rational nutrition
for insured workers and their families. At the same time, the
fact must be faced that for many workers — e.g. sick persons

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTBITION

129

and invalids — such benefits constitute the principal, or even
exclusive source of income. I n fixing the amount of these benefits,
it would be desirable to take account of the minimum cost of
existence and more particularly the minimum cost of a sufficient
and rational dietary.
I n fact, in some cases where relief is paid to unemployed
workers who have exhausted their rights to insurance benefits
(and where it may be assumed t h a t relief payments are the one
and only source of family income) a working alliance between
medical science and relief administration seems to be in course
of establishment. One outstanding example warrants being
described in some detail.
On 12 April 1933, the British Medical Association appointed
a Committee on Nutrition to determine whether or n o t unemployed
and low income workers were, in fact, suffering from malnutrition ;
and, if so, whether or not their purchasing power was sufficient
to procure adequate food for their households. The Committee
issued a report on 24 November 1933. In this report it is
estimated t h a t the food requirements of a family with three
dependent children would cost 20s. O 1 / ^ . weekly (on the basis
of data supplied by Medical Officers of Health), and 16s. 5 1 / 4 d.
weekly (on the basis of average weekly prices in a North Country
town for a two year period). An Advisory Committee of the
Ministry of Health subsequently issued a report which declared
t h a t the food standards laid down in a previous memorandum
wera based on a calory allowance deemed to be sufficient, although
lower than the allowance of the British Medical Association's
Committee on Nutrition. A Joint Conference of representatives
of both committees later established the constituents of a
physiologically desirable diet as a proposed basis for estimates
of minimum expenditure.
The results of these investigations were brought to the
attention of the House of Commons a t the time when the new
Unemployment Act — which became law on 28 J u n e 1934, was
being discussed. The Unemployment Assistance Board set up
under the Act, thereafter proposed regulations for the payment
of relief allowances which were approved by the House of Commons
on 19 December 1934. These proposed allowances gave rise to
widespread criticism. A report, issued by the Children's Minimum
Campaign Committee, was widely quoted. The report pointed
out that, for families with two or more children, the scales would
not permit an expenditure sufficient to satisfy the food standards
9

130

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

laid down by the British Medical Association. The regulations
were then temporarily suspended. New scales are still under
consideration by the Government.
It is not only from the point of view of benefits to be paid
that nutritional standards bear upon social insurance. Insufficient
or irrational nutrition among the community at large creates
part of the problems to overcome which social insurance has
been instituted ; thus, the rational nutrition of workers may
be thought of as a general preventive measure. As such a measure,
it may be expected to diminish the risks of sickness and invalidity
and to lighten the financial burden caused thereby.
Many social insurance agencies in different countries maintain
nursing services and health visitors who call regularly on the
sick at their homes. These health visitors not only offer advice
on the nourishment of the sick, but also on the rational nourishment
of the whole family. In other countries, especially in Central
Europe, many larga social insurance agencies carry on propaganda
for a rational diet among the insured population by means of
films, conferences, pamphlets, fly-sheets, etc.
Finally, it may be added that nutrition standards are
necessarily taken into account by social insurance systems when
benefits in kind as well as medical benefits include treatment
and a dietetic regime adapted to the illness treated. Nutrition
standards are also necessarily taken into account in cases where
social insurance agencies own and operate preventoria, convalescent
homes, sanatoria, etc.
Maternity Insurance. — At least one form of social insurance
or assistance is directly concerned with, nutritional standards
on the strictly scientific plane. This form is maternity insurance
or assistance in favour of expectant mothers and unborn children.
In view of the special importance which attaches to the rational
feeding of the new generation, the legislation in point merits
more detailed examination.
Many Governmental regulations and measures aim at providing
infants, from the time of birth, with sufficient nourishment to
ensure normal physical, development., These regulations, and
measures assume a variety of forms. Some are directly concerned
with the infant's nutrition, while others relate to the mother
alone. There are, as well, measures which aim at increasing
the financial resources available for adequate diet, and measures
which provide wage-earning mothers with facilities for nursing
their infants.

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTRITION

131

Most Governments include, in the relief accorded to indigent
persons, assistance to expectant mothers. In certain countries,
however (e.g. Denmark, France and Germany), special legislation
provides maternity grants to indigent women, and sometimes
also (e.g. France) additional grants to mothers nursing their
infants. In a few cases maternity grants are given not only
to indigent women, but also to women with limited resources.
Such grants are authorised, for example, by the Australian Law
of 1912 on Maternity Allowances,1 by the Danish Factory Act
of 1913 and the Public Assistance Act of 1933 ; and by the
Swedish Order of 26 June 1931 on Maternity Benefits.
Still more important are the various allowances granted to
mothers through social insurance. 2 There are, first, maternity
benefits granted directly to insured persons, that is to say, to
women normally employed in an insurable occupation. These
allowances, given to a mother in lieu of wages during legally
prescribed absences, must, by the terms of the Childbirth
Convention adopted by the International Labour Conference
in Washington in 1919, s be " sufficient for the full and healthy
maintenance of herself and her child ". Second, insurance
legislation, frequently stipulates the payment of maternity
allowances directly to the wife of an insured worker.
Labour legislation, as distinct from social insurance, sometimes
requires the employer to pay maternity allowances. Such
requirements prevail in the Provinces of Bombay and Madras
and in the Central Provinces of India, where Maternity Benefit
Acts are in force. Again, in various districts of the Netherlands
Indies, where female agricultural workers are lodged by their
employers, the latter are obliged to furnish subsistence in kind
to mothers and their dependants during confinement.
Besides maternity benefits proper, many social insurance
laws stipulate that special grants of varying duration shall be
paid to nursing mothers. 4 The period is generally twelve weeks,
1
This law went so far as to establish the right of all Australian women
to maternity benefits, whatever their income. I t is only since 1934 t h a t
a maximum income has been fixed for beneficiaries under the Act.
2

INTEBNATIONAI, LABOUR OFFICE : Women's Work under Labour

Law.

Studies and Reports, Series I, No. 2. Geneva, 1932.
8
This Convention has now been ratified by sixteen States, i.e.
Argentine, Brazil, Bulgaria, Chile, Colombia, Cuba, Germany, Greece,
Hungary, Latvia, Luxemburg, Nicaragua, Rumania, Spain, Uruguay and
Yugoslavia.
1
Namely, in Austria, Chile, Cuba, Czechoslovakia, France, Germany,
Greece, Hungary, Lithuania, Luxemburg, Poland, Rumania, Spain,
Switzerland, U. S. S. R. and Yugoslavia.

132

WOKKEBS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

sometimes shorter ;, while in certain cases it may extend from
twenty to twenty-six weeks, or, even nine months (U. S. S. R..).
The amount of the grant, also variable among different countries,
usually runs from one-eighth t o , one-half of the basic wage.
Unfortunately, the depression has been responsible for frequent
reductions in the amount and duration of such grants during
recent years.
. In principle, cash grants,are payable only to mothers nursing
their infants a t the breast. The insurance legislation of certain
countries, however (e.g. France and Yugoslavia), provides for
allowances of food (in. kind) or for milk vouchers in favour of
mothers not able to nurse their infants a t the breast.
The .legislation of Denmark, France and Italy, prescribes
that, in factories where the number of women employed exceeds
t h e exempted minimum, the employer must set aside rooms
where mothers can nurse their children. I n fourteen other
countries legislation goes even further, demanding the maintenance
of crèches proper. I t may be added t h a t the International
Convention adopted in .1919, as well as a large number of national
laws, oblige the employer to grant a t least two half-hour. rest
pauses in the course of the working day to employees nursing
their infants a t the breast.
III.

—

WORKING

CONDITIONS

An important aspect of the nutrition problem are thé provisions to permit workers to take meals during working hours.
The most appropriate dietetic arrangements for the main
break i n the working d a y m a y conflict with the best arrangement
from the point of view of allowing the workers maximum
consecutive leisure.
Half-an-hour's pause for lunch, a common rule in Government
bureaux, commercial enterprises and even many industrial undertakings (Northern Europe, Central Europe, North America), is
generally regarded as insufficient by dietetic authorities. Cases
might be cited of increased morbidity among workers directly
attributable to an excessive shortening of the midday break
in an eight-hour working day. Experience has also shown t h a t
a break of a t least one hour for lunch tends to increase
man-hour output, not only because the worker is refreshed by
the pause, b u t also because the pause is long enough to allow
the digestion, under favourable conditions,. of the full amount

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTBITION

133

of foodstuffs needed for new energy. Too short a midday rest
causes bad digestion, exposes workers to nervous fatigue, a n d
thus promotes low productivity and accidents 1 . The problem,
of course, takes on a different aspect if the length of the working
day is considerably less t h a n eight hours.
Most of the laws for regulating the length of the work day
also fix rest pauses of specified durations. In many cases, it
is specifically enacted t h a t the main pause is intended for the
taking of meals by t h e workers. Some individual examples of
such general rules are summarised below :
Australia (Western Australia), (Factory and Shops Act 1920,
paragraph 34) : A rest of three-quarters of an hour for a meal shall
be given between the hours of noon and 3 p.m. and also between 5
and 8 p.m. No worker shall be deprived of either of such meal times
or be obliged to work more than five hours without such a meal time.
Brazil (Hours of Work, Industry, Act 1932, paragraph 8) : The hours
of actual work shall be interrupted by a break for rest and a meal of
not less than half an hour.
Bulgaria (Act respecting Hygiene and Safety in Employment, as
amended in 1932, paragraph 19) : The break for dinner shall amount
to not less than one hour.
Chile (Industrial Act, 1931, paragraph 130), (Salaried Employees) :
An interval of not less t h a n two hours must be allowed for the midday
meal.
Germany (Hours of Work Order, 1934, paragraph 21) : Employees
whose working hours exceed six in the day or whose work continues
after 4 p . m. shall enjoy a break of not less t h a n one and a half hours
if they take their principal meals outside t h e working premises.
Great Britain (Factory and Workshops Act, 1901, paragraph 24) :
Breaks for meals amounting to one and a half hours shall be provided,
the principal break occurring after n o t more t h a n five consecutive hours'
work, and before 3 p . m.
Greece (Eight-Hour D a y Decree, 1932, paragraph 14) : The break
for the midday meal shall not exceed two hours in the winter and three
hours in the summer and shall not in any case be less than one hour.
Latvia (Hours of Work Act, 1922, paragraph 14) : Time for a meal
shall be granted after four consecutive hours' work.
New Zealand (Factory and Shops Act, 1922, paragraph 17) : A male
worker shall not be employed for more t h a n five hours continuously
without an interval of a t least three-quarters of an hour for a meal.
1
I n this connection, t h e following statement of t h e Secretary of t h e
Social Insurance Department of the Trade Union Congress of Great Britain
may be quoted : " Many accidents occur t o persons returning to work
after prolonged unemployment, under-nourished and less alert physically
and mentally than they ought to be. " (News Chronicle, 9 Nov. 1935.)
In the Annual Reports of the Rumanian Factory Inspectors for 1933,
malnutrition of the workers is definitely stated as causing accidents
(Buletin Muncii si Asiguarilor Sociale, No. 7-9, July-Sept. 1934, p . 387).

134

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Switzerland (Hours of Work and Factories Act, 1919, paragraph 42) :
About midday workers shall be granted a break fixed in accordance
with local custom and amounting to not less t h a n one hour. Canton
of Basle Town (Hours of Work Act, 1920, paragraph 11) : A break of
not less than one and a half hours shall be allowed about half way through
the working day ; if meals can be taken near the work place, the break
may b e reduced to one hour.
U. S. S. R. (Labour Code, 1922, paragraph 98) : Employees shall be
granted a break for rest and à meal during the normal hours of work.

Even when the laws do not expressly state that the purpose
of at least one break in the work day is to give workers the
opportunity of taking a meal, such an intention is made evident
by stipulations that where and when it is not practicable to allow
rest pauses, the workers shall nevertheless be permitted to take
a meal during working hours. Thus the Estonian Hours of Work
Act, 1931, paragraph 6, states that the break may be omitted
where work is carried on continuously in three shifts ; but in
this case, the employees shall be given an opportunity to take
a meal during their work. A similar rule is to be found in the
labour legislation of Finland. In Uruguay, the Eight-Hour Day
Decree, 1935, paragraph 18, states that in plants where employed
persons can replace one another during the time required for a
meal, work may go on without a break for eight hours, including
each worker's meal interval.
In a general sense, considerable attention has been paid in
almost all countries to the necessity of allowing workers to take
meals during working hours. Nevertheless, the specific rules
and regulations vary substantially from country to country.
They vary to such an extent that it would appear that the
questions of the time needed (a) to take a meal and (b) to
digest it under good conditions, have not been studied sufficiently
on a strictly scientific plane.
The Estonian Act referred to above declares, (in the paragraph
cited) that in large-scale undertakings, the employer shall put
at the free disposal of the workers taking their meals in the
factory, a clean room provided with an adequate • number of
tables and chairs. Similar requirements are found in the laws
by which many other countries aim to assure labour protection
and hygiene in work-places. These laws characteristically provide
that employers must put at the disposal of the workers pure
drinking water as well as a suitable room where food can be
prepared, heated, and eaten. Similar rules are often contained

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTRITION

135

in collective agreements, which sometimes go so far as to
contemplate the establishment of canteens.
Special regulations are applied to industries handling poisonous
substances such as lead, arsenic, phosphorus, etc. ; or in which
the work gives rise to a good deal of dust. Workers in such
industries are forbidden to take their meals in the work-places
and during work. Employers, for their part, must provide special
refectories distinctly separated from the place of work.

IV.

—

SPECIAL CATEGORIES OF WORKERS

Workers boarded by the employer. — When the employer boards
a worker, he is directly responsible for the latter's nutrition.
Such boarding is very frequent among agricultural workers,
especially on peasant and other small farms. I t is the ordinary
rule for all domestic servants and for most of the staff employed
in hotels, pensions, restaurants, etc. Finally, seamen and Native
labour are largely dependent on the food provided by their
employers.
Evidently, the question of boarding concerns large numbers
of workers in all countries of the world. The question becomes
still more important in that a great many of the workers involved
are young men and women. All this notwithstanding, most
legislation to date has dealt with the standard of board to be
required only in very general terms.
The Hungarian Farm Servants Act states that farm servants
must be given sufficient and wholesome food. When the employer
undertakes to board his harvest workers, the cash value of the
daily board must be stated in the contract. If the board is
inadequate or unsatisfactory, the authorities may compel the
employer, at the workers' request, to pay the cash value of the
board.
The Austrian Agricultural Labour Codes also apply to domestic
servants in the countryside and in smaller towns. The Codes
for Upper Austria and Salzburg and the Austrian State Employees
Act prescribe that the food of workers living in the employer's
household must be wholesome and sufficient in quantity. Other
Codes add that the food must be palatable and in accordance
with local custom. The number of meals and the time when
they are to be served are also to be fixed according to local
custom.

136

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

The Danish Master and Servant Act, which applies to domestic
as well as to farm servants, declares t h a t the master shall be
bound to provide good, wholesome and sufficient food. Every
servant, it is further provided, shall have his own knife, fork
and spoon.
For workers outside agriculture, domestic service and the
merchant marine, who receive part of their pay in food, board
regulations are to be found only in collective agreements. This
is the case in agreements which cover hotel, restaurant, and café
staffs. In Italy, for example, the national agreement states
t h a t t h e food supplied must be sufficient and of good quality.
In certain countries representatives of the staff are authorised
to lodge claims in case of non-observance of these rules.
Seamen. — Laws relating to the board of seamen are more
specific. The data and materials available to the Office indicate
t h a t t h e question of seamen's food is regulated by Acts, Orders,
ships' regulations, collective agreements, etc., in a t least twenty
countries, among them almost all of the important maritime
nations. I n Germany, Greece and Norway, the provisions require
t h a t a cook, or a man conversant with cooking, be carried on
board. In other countries this rule is limited to vessels above
a certain tonnage or engaged in certain trades (Australia, France,
Great Britain, Italy, New Zealand). The regulations of a number
of countries stipulate as to the quality of the provisions supplied
to seamen, requiring them to be fresh, sound and of good quality
(Chile, France, Norway, Sweden) ; of good nutrition and palatable
(Germany) ; or sound and fresh, well-preserved, or as preservable
as is possible to obtain in the port of provisioning (Denmark
and Italy).
Some regulations contain more or less detailed rules fixing
the total quantity of provisions required on board. Germany
and Rumania require the food supply to be adequate and
sufficient for the voyage. Denmark requires t h a t there, shall
be an abundant supply of food. Italy and France require t h a t
thé food supply shall be equivalent to the n a v y scale ; while the
regulations for Chile and Norway require t h a t a supply of food
be carried, sufficient not only for the ''immediate*voyage bùi "also
for a n additional period beyond.
Most of the regulatory measures specify in detail the quantity
of each kind of food to which the seamen are entitled. The
rations are laid down in lists and scales of provisions which usually
have to be posted in a conspicuous place in the crew's quarters.

137

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTRITION

In details, of course, the lists and scales vary considerably.
Certain regulations even stipulate the content of each separate
meal, suggest sample menus, or both. The scales in force in the
merchant marines of Great Britain and the United States specify
the rations for each day of the week and for the week as a whole,
while in the Swedish merchant marine the weekly rations are
laid down for a period of three weeks. As an example, the
scale of provisions for British ships is reproduced below.
SCALE OF PROVISIONS FOR BRITISH SHIPS
( F i r s t Schedule t o t h e M e r c h a n t S h i p p i n g A c t of 1906)
Sunday Monday
IWater (qts.)
Soft b r e a d (lb.)
. . . .
¡Biscuit (lb.)
Salt beef (lb.)
. . . .
Salt p o r k (lb.)
. . . .
P r e s e r v e d m e a t (lb.) . .
F i s h (lb.)
P o t a t o e s (lb.)
D r i e d or c o m p r e s s e d
v e g e t a b l e s (lb.) . . .
Peas, split (pt.) . . . .
Green p e a s ( p t . ) . . . .
Calavances or h a r i c o t
beans (pt.)
F l o u r (lb.)
B i c e (lb.)
O a t m e a l (oz.)
T e a (oz.)
Coffee (oz.)
S u g a r (lb.)
Milk (condensed) (lb.) .
B u t t e r (lb.)
M a r m a l a d e or j a m . (lb.)
S y r u p or molasses ( l b . ) .
S u e t (oz.)
P i c k l e s (pt.)
D r i e d fruit (oz.) . . . .
F i n e s a l t (oz.)
M u s t a r d (oz.)
P e p p e r (oz.)
C u r r y p o w d e r (oz.) . .
O n i o n s (oz.)

Tues- Wednes- Thurs- ïriday Satur- Weekly
day
day
day
day
4
1

4
1

i
i 1 /*

IV«

7«
V«

7«

28
3
4
3
2
2 1 /«
74
6

V.
73

V.
8

IV«
4

IV.
V.
l/.

V.
4

Va
5
2

V«
V«
V«
3

In a number of countries the regulations provide for cash
compensation if, during the voyage, the allowance of provisions
is reduced ; except when it is shown that food could not possibly
be procured in proper quantities, or for other reasons of force
majeure. The Acts and Orders of countries providing scales of

138

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

provisions generally contain, as well, a number of special rules
which regulate the distribution of the provisions throughout the
week in case no daily amounts are given, aim at supplying
variety to the menu ; which contemplate the special circumstances
of vessels sailing in tropical waters or on whaling expeditions, etc. ;
recommend the use of vegetables, and other protective foods.
and which are concerned with the daily distribution of
salt meat, fish, canned food, etc. In Denmark and Norway,
particularly, the nutrition of seamen has been much discussed
of late, the seamen holding that the present regulations are
inadequate in that they do not conform to modern dietetic
principles. The Danish regulations date from 1913, since which
time standards of living have risen and theories of food values
have changed.
The seamen therefore maintain that new
regulations should be promulgated, providing for a richer diet
of potatoes, green vegetables, milk, eggs and fruit. l
Native labour. — The nutrition of Native labour constitutes
a special case, of peculiar complexity and difficulty, which is
dealt with by the labour legislation of almost all colonial countries.
In very many cases the worker is employed at considerable
distances from his home and the employer has either to board
him or to see that food supplies are available. Native workers
are rarely, if ever, organised for collective bargaining ; at the
same time, the custom of boarding them at the employer's
expense or subjecting them to some variety of the truck system
is almost universal. Thus in the absence of protective legislation,
Native workers are peculiarly exposed to the risk of exploitation
by unscrupulous employers. In enacting such protective legislation, however, proper weight must be allowed to a large number
of conditioning factors : peculiar local customs of diet, climate,
food taboos, the specific nature of the labour upon which the
workers are engaged, etc.
Many colonial countries have laws which make the employer
of Native labour responsible for the feeding of such workers
in accordance with specified minimum standards (Belgian
Congo, Union of South Africa, Kepya, Tanganyika,. Ceylon,. French Dependencies, Portugese Colonies, etc.). In some colonial
countries, competent public authorities are authorised, as the
occasion may require, to promulgate scales of rations which shall
be binding upon employers of Native labour (Federated Malay
States, Netherlands Dependencies, etc.).
1

Cf. Fahlen, March 1935. Copenhagen.

SOCIAL LEGISLATION AND NUTRITION

139

As an ordinary rule, the specified standards and scales are
fairly detailed. It is quite common to find set forth, not only
the quantities of particular foods, but also the amount of calories. Naturally, the variations from colony to colony are considerable. They may best be appreciated by the citation of some
specific examples.
In the Congo-Kasai Province (Belgian Congo), a Provincial
Order of 12 August 1933 provides that the daily ration should
contain a minimum of 3,500 calories ; distributed, it is suggested,
somewhat as follows : 350 grammes of fresh meat or 180 grammes
of dried meat or dried fish ; 300 grammes of rice or 325 grammes
of cereal flour or 325 grammes of biscuits or 415 grammes of
dried bananas ; 350 grammes of manioc flour or 1,100 grammes
of fresh manioc or 1,600 grammes of fresh bananas ; 90 grammes of palm oil and 15 grammes of salt ; plus 1 kilogram
weekly of fresh vegetables or fruits.
Regulations in the Transvaal provide that Native workers
shall be provided with a minimum daily allowance consisting
of 24 ounces of meal, 6 ounces of bread, 5 ounces of fresh
vegetables, 3 ounces of beans or peas, 2 ounces of peanuts or
1
/2 ounce additional of animal or vegetable fat, and with a
minimum weekly allowance consisting of 3 pounds of meat, and
3
/4 of a pound of soup meat, coffee or cocoa, sugar and salt.
In Nigeria, when the employer has undertaken to supply
food, a minimum weekly ration scale is prescribed of 12 pounds
of grain, 2 pounds of beans or ground nuts, and 6 ounces of salt.
In Ceylon, under the Indian Labour Ordinances, estates are
required to issue monthly, without charge, one-eighth of a bushel
of rice to each male Indian, labourer, and to each Indian
widow with one or more children under ten years of age resident
on the estate.
The Ministerial Circular of 22 July 1924 which applies to
all French Possessions provides that the required scale of rations
shall be the same as that of Native military contingents subject
to approved variations in accordance with local conditions. In
Senegal, pursuant to French West Africa instructions of 1 August
1930, the prescribed daily scale consists of 1 kilogram of rice,
300 grammes of fresh meat, 20 grammes of salt and 30 grammes
of animal fat. Workers on the Brazzaville-Ocean Railway receive,
conformably to scales promulgated annually by the LieutenantGovernors of French Equatorial Africa, two loaves of manioc
bread weighing from 1 kilogram to 1.200 kilograms each

140

' WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

(or 700 grammes of rice) ; 150 grammes of salted fish ; 20
grammes of salt, and 40 grammes of palm oil daily, as well as
200 grammes of fresh meat twice a week. In Indo-China, the
Order of 25 October 1927 applicable to Native and foreign Asiatic
labour calls for a daily ration scale of a t least 3,200 calories,
including a proportion of fresh food, and comprising rice, meat
or fish, vegetables, salt, tea, etc.
(
In the Portuguese African Colonies the Portuguese Native
Labour Code of 1928 provides (section 231) t h a t Natives under
contract in a place other than their usual place of residence
are entitled to receive provisions, of good quality, including a
daily ration of 800 to 1,000 grammes of vegetable substances
as well as 250 grammes of meat or dried fish and salt, palm oil
or ground n u t oil.
V.

—

CONCLUSIONS

Three principal conclusions emerge out of the present survey
of the extent to which social legislation is concerned with nutrition :
First, the problem of workers' nutrition is an integral p a r t of
social and labour legislation. Second, except in the special cases
of seamen and Native labour, there have been few attempts to
a t t a c k the problem directly and in detail. Third, such efforts
as have been made to deal with nutrition, are based much more
on empirical than on scientific standards.
In view of the general and widespread attention now being
focussed on workers' nutrition, it m a y be reasonably expected
t h a t social and labour législation will deal in the future with
the questions a t issue more directly, in greater detail, and in a
more scientific way, than hitherto.

CHAPTER

VII

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

In most countries of the civilised world there exists to-day
a system of public and quasi-public agencies for the improvement
of popular nutrition. The organisation and activities of these
agencies are reviewed in the first section of the present chapter.
The second section summarises what has been done by workers
and employers to promote rational dietaries. Finally, the cooperative movement commands attention for its activity in this
field.
I.

—

P U B L I C AND QUASI-PUBLIC

AGENCIES

The work of public and quasi-public agencies in the field of
nutrition is now the subject of a n extended enquiry by the Mixed
Committee on Nutrition of the League of Nations. In view of
this fact the present Report is restricted to a brief sketch of the
organisation and activities of such agencies and of recent tendencies
in their work.
Organisation
In most countries the primary or exclusive public responsibility
for promoting rational nutrition is lodged with a particular executive
organ of the State ; e. g. the Ministry of Health in Great Britain,
the Department of Public Health in Mexico, or the Public Health
Service in Denmark.
I n some instances, usually with special
emphasis upon the nutrition of schoolchildren, the Ministry of
Public Education also shares in the responsibility (Great Britain,
Uruguay). In other instances, and with a particular view to the
nutrition of unemployed persons on relief, specialised agencies
of the State are a t work (e.g. The Labour Fund, in Poland ; the
Federal Emergency Relief Administration, in the United States
of America).
Sometimes the promotion of nutritional well-being falls within
the competence of the Ministry of the Interior (Italy) or of the
Ministry of Agriculture (Finland) or of the Ministry of Social
Assistance (Austria). And in a t least one country (United States

142

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

of America) nutritional problems are handled by a number of
federal establishments 1 , which act jointly with State and municipal bodies.
Regional, district and municipal authorities are also concerned with nutrition in close alliance with the central organs
of the State. These authorities include local boards of health,
school health inspection systems, bodies to regulate foodstuff
supplies and retail markets, school authorities to the extent
to which they are responsible for instruction in domestic
economy, etc. Organisations to disseminate information on the
consumption of particular foods — milk, butter, fruit, meat —
are also active. Institutes of nutrition research join in the work
by popularising the results of dietetic science.
No sharp line divides the public agencies for promoting rational
nutrition from the quasi-public agencies. By quasi-public agencies
in the present context are meant medical associations, the Red
Cross, missionary societies, social welfare services, organisations
to provide the poor with milk, etc. Where officiai public organs
exist, the two groups of bodies lend one another mutual aid and
support, for they seek the same ends by similar means. Where
no official public organs are in the field, the quasi-public agencies
carry forward on their own account.
Activities
Speaking broadly, the public and quasi-public agencies for
improving nutrition engage in three main types of activity. First,
they try to maintain the purity, soundness and wholesomeness
of the public food supplies and exercise supervision over retail
food markets. Second, they minister directly to the nutritional
needs of special groups of the population, such as expectant and
nursing mothers, infants, schoolchildren, and unemployed households. Third, they engage in education and propaganda with a
view to reshaping dietary habits along more rational lines.
,1. Food Supplies and Markets
There is no civilised^ country „which does.not possess,public
agencies charged with the duty, inter alia, of enforcing pure food
laws. The functions of these agencies consist in inspection, analysis,
condemnation, seizures, etc., and control is exercised over such
1
Bureaux and services attached to the Departments of Agriculture
and Labour ; the Federal Emergency Relief Administration ; the U. S.
Public Health Service, and others.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPBOVE NUTBITION

143

essential foodstuffs as milk, meat, fruit, vegetables, as well as
canned foods of all sorts. The International Institute of Agriculture
has, since its creation, followed closely the development and
extent of pure food legislation, and has put at the disposal of the
Office a survey of the subject which is reproduced in Appendix VI.
No attempt is made here to evaluate either the adequacy of
these laws or the success with which they are enforced.
In a few countries, some efforts have been made toward regulating retail food prices in the interest of consumers as well as
producers (e.g. Czechoslovakia, Great Britain). The spread in
prices between what the farmer receives and what the consumer
pays, has been the subject of innumerable official enquiries. Government organs to bring about lower food prices have been established
in a number of countries.
Municipal authorities everywhere have regarded it as their
duty to regulate outdoor markets, and to subject shops where
food is sold to sanitary control. In many communities, public
markets have been established. The regulation and establishment
of food markets have been in part inspired by the desire to keep
prices at reasonable levels, in part by the desire of assuring minimum standards of quality in the public food supplies.
2. Nutritional Aid to Special Groups
The protection of mothers and infants constitutes the basis
of nutritional hygiene in most countries. In most countries, the
nutritional needs of pregnant women, nursing mothers, and
infants are the special concern of public and quasi-public agencies.
The specific applications of the general principle vary from
country to country and from district to district, the emphasis
being either on maternity clinics, day nurseries and crèches ;
or on maternal canteens and milk dispensaries ; or on actually
providing food ; or on dietetic instruction 1 . Whatever the variations in its specific applications, the general principle always
remains the same : that economic factors should not be permitted
to endanger the health of the coming generation and that during
the most critical nutritional period at least, both mothers and
children must be rationally nourished.
1
Some of the countries where provision for the nutritional needs of
mothers and infants is most highly developed are : Belgium, France,
Italy, Great Britain, United States of America, Union of South Africa,
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Switzerland.

144

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

B y a natural transition, concern with t h e proper nutrition
of infants passes into concern with the proper nutrition of schoolchildren. School age, like infancy, is a critical phase in the nutritional life-history of human beings. If economic factors —, the.
income status of parents — were allowed free play during this
period, large numbers of the growing generation would suffer
in their physical and mental development. I n fact, the system
of agencies for ministering to the dietaries of schoolchildren is
much more extensive, in most countries, than t h a t for ministering
to t h e . dietaries of children of pre-school age. School meals are
one of the oldest of public health institutions.
I n most countries, it is the State itself, as a rule, which undertakes to meet the charges of providing school meals. Children
from very poor families are provided with their meal or meals
(breakfast frequently ; lunch almost always ; dinner in a few
cases) free of charge. Children from households with more ample
resources pay modest or even nominal charges. I n fact, the belief
is gradually making headway t h a t all children, irrespective of
their parents' economic status, should enjoy free meals a t school.
To justify this belief, it is argued t h a t the purpose of free school
meals is not to grant charity, but to promote health.
The distribution of fresh, pure milk to schoolchildren is the
simplest and most usual form of meals a t school (Great Britain,
the United States of America and Switzerland, among other
countries, are prominent in providing schoolchildren with milk,
either free of charge or a t nominal cost). Hot soup, meat, vegetables, bread, sweets, and fruits are also supplied. At schools where
the meal is elaborate, it is often served in school canteens or in
school kitchens (canteens and kitchens of this sort are highly
developed in many Swiss municipalities, and also in the large
cities of Belgium). I n all cases, the aim is not merely to provide
the children with something to eat, b u t rather to provide them
with protective foods (milk, fruit) and with well-balanced diets.
I t m a y further be noted that, in Oslo, Norway, experiments have
been carried out on a wide scale to find out what is the best type
of school meal. I n a certain number of r countries,„homes for apprentices have been set up b y State initiative, with a particular view
to t h e welfare of boys spending the time of their apprenticeship
far from the homes of their families. I n these homes special attention is.given to the diet of the apprentices accommodated.
Public and quasi-public agencies for improving the nutrition
of adults in general are not highly developed. Nevertheless it

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

145

may be noted t h a t Governments have been concerned in recent
years with improving t h e standards of nutrition of those groups
of the population whose feeding is provided collectively and a t
State expense. Foremost among such groups are the armed forces.
and considerable attention has been given recently to the problem
of establishing the dietary of soldiers upon a rational basis in
practically all countries.
Simple arrangements for furnishing regular or occasional
food supplies to the indigent poor are also a custom of long standing
in many countries. Thus there are agencies for distributing
Christmas baskets, for providing " Winter Aid ", for organising
soup kitchens, for maintaining transient shelters, etc. For the
most part, the work of such agencies is confined to very special
groups : the old, the feeble, t h e ill, the disabled, the homeless.
During recent years, however, and in response to the exigencies
of the world wide depression, a much more significant practice
has emerged. Public and quasi-public agencies have undertaken
to safeguard the nutrition of unemployed households on relief.
They have undertaken to do so by a variety of means : the regular
provision of food grants or of free meals ; the issuance of vouchers
good for the purchase of merchandise in grocers' or butchers'
stores ; dietary instruction in connection with cash relief, etc.
Speaking broadly, every relief payment to an unemployed
worker's household may be regarded as a grant in aid of his family's
nutrition. Among low income families, it is well known, very
high proportions of the total income have to be devoted to the
purchase of food. When income diminishes materially or ceases
entirely, the quantity, quality and diversity of the diet are likely
to suffer a t once. I n many countries, moreover, cash relief has
been supplemented b y food grants, or food grants substituted
in p a r t for cash. Thus directly and indirectly the relief organisations have functioned as agents for maintaining standards of
nutrition among the large masses of working class families who,
in all countries, have felt the impact of the depression with particular severity.
3.

Education, and

Propaganda

Education of the public in rational nutrition is the most
characteristic activity of the public and quasi-public agencies
considered here. From many points of view it is the most important single function t h a t they have to perform. Even the most
doctrinaire defenders of laisser faire in economics would not
10

146

WOBKBES' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

maintain t h a t the Government intervenes improperly when
it educates all consumers — workers, salaried employees, civil
servants, farmers, small entrepreneurs, and even persons higher
u p on t h e income scale — to understand the choice and preparation
of foodstuffs, the dietetic values of various nutriments, the most
frugal manner of budgeting family resources, the least wasteful
and destructive procedures of cooking and serving, the bad effects
of monotonous diets, of badly prepared meals, of hastily consumed
lunches and dinners, of insufficient quantities of calories, proteins
or the essential vitamins. Education in these matters merges into
propaganda, for it aims a t the positive reshaping of dietary habits.
Propaganda, in its turn, takes on the character of education ;
for it disseminates a considerable mass of knowledge.
Almost all agencies for improved nutrition engage in education
and propaganda ; sometimes as their main task, in other instances
as a subsidiary activity. Such educational and propaganda work
has assumed a diversity of forms. Books, pamphlets and guides
are published. The results of scientific research are popularised.
Public lectures and radio broadcasts are given ; conferences and
expositions are held. Domestic economy is taught in the primary
and secondary schools. Universities and colleges undertake the
professional education of dieticians and nutritionists. Nationwide campaigns to popularise the consumption of milk, fresh
fruit, or fruit juices are launched. Advisory services are attached
to hospitals, clinics and public welfare agencies.
I n five countries a t least, the machinery of education and
propaganda is particularly elaborate. These countries are the
United States of America, Italy, Great Britain, Switzerland and
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Belgium, Denmark,
France, J a p a n and Czechoslovakia are some of the other countries
where education and propaganda are being pursued extensively
and in an organised manner.
Recent

Developments

A variety of forces have been at work during recent years
to inultiply the number and increase the scope of public and
quasi-public agencies for improved nutrition.
First, continued unemployment has, in almost all countries,
focused public attention sharply on the standards of living and
of health which prevail among families a t the bottom of the income
scale.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

147

Second, public attention in popular nutrition has been rendered
still more intense by the paradox of abundant food supplies
on the one hand and widespread hunger on the other.
Third, the efforts of educators and propagandists have gradually stirred up a growing popular interest in the scientific aspects
of diet and nutrition.
Under the influence of these forces, not only have public and
quasi-public agencies for improved nutrition increased in number
and expanded in scope ; but there has developed a tendency in
some countries toward the evolution of co-ordinated national
systems for dealing with nutrition problems (e.g. Great Britain,
the United States of America, Italy, Mexico, Uruguay). One of
the most interesting manifestations of this tendency is the official
statement by the Government of France, on 22 February 1936,
announcing the creation of a National Committee for Nutrition
Research.
This Committee has since delegated the work of
preparing its studies to four expert committees : (1) a Scientific
Committee ; (2) a Committee on Teaching and Practice ; (3) an
Economic Committee ; and (4) a Committee on Food Control.

I I . — ACTIVITIES OE EMPLOYERS

Although few, if any, employers' organisations have concerned
themselves with improved nutrition — except in a general way
by supporting welfare schemes — many individual employers
have been concerned with the nutrition of their workers. A few
examples of such activity by individual employers will serve to
illustrate the movement. Most of the examples are drawn from
materials already gathered b y the International Labour Office
and published in the reports under the title of " Studies in Industrial
Relations ". For the rest, the instances cited are contained in
the Preparatory Documents of the First Session (10 February
1936) of the Mixed Committee on the Problem of Nutrition of the
League of Nations.
Canteens and restaurants operated by employers for the
benefit of workers are to be found quite frequently ; particularly
under circumstances under which it would be inexpedient for
workers to take their midday meals, or even their principal meals,
at home. Thus, a n enquiry by the International Labour Office
ascertained t h a t the London Traffic Combine, a group of transportation enterprises in London and its suburbs, maintains

148

WOBKEBS' NTJTBITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

forty-six canteens in as many depots and garages 1 . To rationalise
the operation of these canteens, which are not run for profit, a
central organisation for purchasing and distributing supplies has
been created. In certain instances the canteens or restaurants
assume the characteristics of clubs, where considerable stress is
laid on comfort. Such seems to be the case with the institutions
operated by " Arbed " (United Steel Works of Burbach—Eich—
Dudelange) for their enterprises in Luxemburg 2 .
In exceptional cases the meals are given free of cost ; in such
cases, most frequently, they are obligatory. This is true of the
great department stores of the Paris district. Their employees,
no matter what rank in the hierarchy they may occupy, are
required to take their midday meals at the store, special menus
being served to employees who must, for reasons of health, observe
regulated diets. As a general rule, the restaurants are operated by
the management ; if not, they are operated by employees' cooperatives, which receive subsidies from the management.
Of particular interest is the " Schweizerischer Verband für
Volksdienst ", which has been functioning in Switzerland since
the world war. This organisation, originally established to aid
mobilised soldiers, puts itself at the disposal of industrial and
commercial enterprises, to assure the functioning of staff restaurants and other services for the well-being of workers. Many
important enterprises, among which the best known are the
Tobler and Lindt chocolate factories, the Brown-Bo veri and
Oerlikon workshops, and the Swiss Viscose Company have made
use of the services of this organisation.
Without going so far as to assure the nutrition of their workers
either in whole or in part, many enterprises are engaged in services
which aim at facilitating the purchase of foodstuffs by workers
at low prices. In many cases such services assume the form of
establishment stores which must be differentiated from the
" truck system " under which the worker is obliged to purchase
his food supplies from the employer. In France, four of the big
railway companies had opened such stores long before the
"world war. Legislation "was, however,'introduced for the purpose
of abolishing employers' organisations suspected of leading to the
abuses of the truck system. Such organisations were prohibited
1

See I N T E R N A T I O N A L È A B O T J B O F F I C E : Studies

on Industrial

Relations,

V o l . I , p . 148 ; S t u d i e s a n d R e p o r t s , Series A, ( I n d u s t r i a l R e l a t i o n s ) N o . 5 3 .
2

See I D E M : Vol. I l l ,

182.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

149

under the law of 25 March 1910, b u t the ban was not absolute :
the railway companies concerned obtained permission to keep
their company stores on certain conditions ; the staff was n o t
compelled to buy a t the stores (in fact this had never been the
case) ; foodstuffs and other goods were n o t to be sold a t a profit
(none of the companies had ever thought of making profits in
this way) ; the company stores were to be managed under t h e
supervision of a committee consisting, as to a t least one-third,
of delegates elected by the company's employees, who were to be
consulted every five years as to whether they desired the stores
to be continued or abolished. Each of t h e five yearly referendums
has shown a big majority in favour of the maintenance of such
company stores, where the employees are able to obtain, generally
a t lower prices t h a n those current elsewhere, a large variety of
goods such as foodstuffs, clothes, footwear, coal, etc. Payment
is made either in cash or b y deducting the cost of his purchases
from the employee's monthly wage u p to a certain limit, which
varies according to the wages of those concerned.
To extend the benefits of these stores to the less populated
centres, travelling stores have been introduced.
The railway
companies also grant numerous advantages to a number of
consumers' co-operatives set u p b y their employees 1 .
Particular interest attaches to t h e study of the International
Labour Office, some years ago, of the arrangements in effect
at the Bat'a factories, a t Zlin, Czechoslovakia. I n order to diminish the cost of foodstuffs to its employees, the Bat'a enterprise
itself undertakes to produce the largest p a r t of the products
supplied. Thus the company operates farms which furnish the
milk, butter, eggs, and poultry supplies and a substantial amount
of the butcher's meat. The remaining essential foodstuffs are
purchased a t wholesale and sold to the employees a t purchase
cost plus transport and administrative expenses. " I t would
appear ", the E e p o r t 2 says, " t h a t in this way Bat'a has increased
his workers' purchasing power b y one-tenth, one-fifth, or one
fourth, according to the article, a t the same time supplying them
with wholesome food and well-chosen goods ".

1
I n this vConnectio.il it may be noted t h a t workers very frequently
operate factory canteens as co-operative enterprises.
2

See : INTERNATIONAL LABOUR OFFICE : Studies on Industrial

Relations,

Vol. I., p . 258. Studies and Reports. Series A. (Industrial Relations) No. 33.

150

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAIi POLICY

In view of the opposition of small shopkeepers to company
stores and commissaries, many employers have turned their
attention to providing workers with allotment gardens. In most
cases, the question of allotment gardens is tied up with that of
model low-cost housing. The development óf allotment gardens
has been particularly noteworthy in the North of France. Wherever
garden cities have been established, great care has been taken
to ensure that the houses shall be surrounded by a certain area
of cultivable land, to allow for the raising of vegetables,
fruit, poultry, eggs and rabbits, capable' of contributing materially
to the family resources. Thus the Lens mines provide each worker's
household with a garden covering 370 square metres, which produces annually (1930) the equivalent of 1,200 French francs in
vegetables and fruits. The houses and gardens are let to the workers
at modest rentals, and the gardening supplies furnished at nominal
prices or free of charge. The Philips factories go still further.
Their housing programme for the workers includes the purchase,
or the construction, of farms near Eindhoven, where the factories
are located. At the Fiat factories, which were the object of an
enquiry in 1930, the workers- have organised a gardeners' cooperative, which is furnished with the necessary land, free of
charge, by the company.
It is customary, in the Northern coal districts of France, that
the workers' houses should have gardens of two to five ares.
The Escarpelle mines have 150 hectares divided up into gardens ;
the Dourges mines, 218 hectares ; the Vicoigne-Nceux-Drocourt
mines 259.25 hectares ; the Anzin mines, 8,870 gardens and
3,310 " household plots " covering 450 hectares in all ; the Lens
mines, 10,018 gardens, with an average area of 370 square metres,
plus 5,573 plots of land ; the d'Aniche mines, 12,537 gardens,
with an area of 326 hectares, etc.
Employers also maintain courses of instruction in domestic
economy. Such courses are organised by practically all the mining
and railway companies in France. In the Pas de Calais coalfields
there are thirteen training centres in domestic economy with
126, pupils. In the .Département du Nord there are fourteen schools
with 398 pupils. The Compagnie des Mines d'Anzin has six such
schools. The mines at Lens, when visited by representatives of
the Office, were laying stress on instructing the daughters of mine
workers in domestic economy. Mention should also be made of
the courses in cooking (and dressmaking) organised • under the
auspices of the Office Familial Ménager of Paris.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

151

The examples mentioned above are b u t a few out of a large
number t h a t might be cited. Two observations are called for in
this connection. First, the enterprises described are primarily
concerned with supplying foodstuffs to workers a t lower prices.
While the foodstuffs supplied may be of better quality, there is
no evidence t h a t the composition of diets is in accord with scientific
standards or t h a t the money saved b y the workers is applied for
purposes of improving their nutrition or t h a t of their families.
Second, the employers' policies described above raise the question
of " welfare capitalism " which must be kept in mind but which
is outside the scope of this Report.

III.

— ACTIVITIES OF T R A D E U N I O N S

Very few trade unions, it would appear from the materials
which the International Labour Office has so far been able to
gather, concern themselves directly with the problem of nutritional
standards among workers. From the trade union point of view,
the problem of rational nutrition among workers is essentially a
problem of wages : if workers are paid low wages, they will be
under-nourished ; if they are paid well, they will feed themselves
adequately. Furthermore, the trade union movement is somewhat
suspicious of attempts to treat the nutrition problem on the
physiological and dietetic plane. In all such attempts, trade unions
perceive the danger of conclusions being drawn which would
justify pay cuts ; for example, the conclusion t h a t if workers'
households budgeted their diet on a rational basis, they could be
better fed on less expenditure for foodstuffs.
Statements by
members of the Workers' Group in the Governing Body illustrate
the trade union point of view on the subject (cf. Appendix I).
This does not mean t h a t the trade unions are not interested in the
problem of workers' nutrition. They are. B u t in so far as the
trade unions endeavour to improve workers' nutrition, they
tend to rely on the public agencies described above. Thus, in
reply to a n enquiry by the Office relating to t h e activities of trade
unions in the field of workers' nutrition, the President of the
American Federation of Labor stated in p a r t :
, " We have attempted to secure higher wages in order that we may
have a better standard of living and have used our unions as economic
agencies rather t h a n for formal educational work. We have looked to
our public schools, public health agencies, and other governmental
sources of information to deal with the subject of nutrition. "

152

WORKERS'

NUTRITION AND

SOCIAL

POLICY

I n response to the same enquiry, the General Secretary of
the Trades Union Congress General Council referred to a resolution
passed by the Weymouth Congress of the British Trade Unions
in 1934, which reads as follows :
" T h a t this Congress views with concern the effects of the prolonged
depression upon the nutrition of the people, ás evidenced b y the recent
report of the Nutrition Committee of the British Medical Association.
I n view of the serious effects of malnutrition upon the health and
physique of the next generation, this Congress urges t h a t every possible
step should be taken to remedy the situation, and particularly t h a t its
Worst effects should be mitigated b y :
(a) The extended provision of meals for schoolchildren ;
(b) the extended provision of meals for expectant and nursing
mothers. "

Not only in Great Britain, as shown by the Weymouth resolution of 1934, but in other countries workers' organisations have
supported efforts to-assure that schoolchildren, on the one hand,
and expectant and nursing mothers, on the other, shall be supplied
with adequate nourishment. The Dutch trade unions have followed
with close interest the publication of rational menus for workers'
families in " Het Volk ", daily organ of the Socialist Party of the
Netherlands. Before these menus began to appear, " Het Volk "
had published a series of articles by the Director of the Public
Health Service of the city, of Amsterdam, in which the different
aspects of the nutrition problem were explored from the workers'
point of view.
In Italy, finally, the Fascist Confederation of Agricultural
Labourers has instituted a special Section, attached to its National
Committee for the Study of. Agricultural Labour, which will
enquire into the diet and nutrition of the rural classes. This Section
is composed of trade union leaders, physiologists, public health
officers, economists, statisticians and other experts." It has already
launched a comprehensive programme of research to cover the
entire country and to include all groups of the agricultural population.
IV.

— THE CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT

A separate account must be given in this Report of the distributive and agricultural co-operative organisations, and this for
two reasons. In the first place, they exist in large numbers and
are to be found in nearly every country, affect the conditions
of life of numbers of people, and sometimes occupy an important position on the market for certain foodstuffs. Secondly,

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

153

their views and qualifications render them peculiarly fitted to
deal with problems of food supply, these views and qualifications
being the result of their special character as distinct from t h a t of
undertakings run for profit or of public bodies.
Distributive

Co-operative

Societies

From the point of view of the social categories to which their
members belong, their principal economic function, and t h e
progress they have made, the distributive co-operative organisations in many countries, and especially in Europe, may be regarded
as indeed institutions providing for popular nutrition.
Not only in industrial countries, b u t also in countries where
they have grown up in rural surroundings, their membership is
recruited mainly among the masses of the people, t h a t is to say
among workers, persons engaged more or less on their own account
in small undertakings in town and country, and lower-paid salaried
employees and officials. I n Germany, a t the time when these
societies were a t their highest point, 68.7 per cent, of their members were industrial workers. In 1933 in Sweden, a country where
the industrial population forms less than one-third of the occupied
population, 53 per cent, of the members of these societies were
wage-earners of various categories (28.3 per cent, were industrial
workers), 14.5 per cent, were small farmers, and 9.5 per cent.
low-paid salaried employees. I n 1934 in Buenos Aires the workers
represented about 60 per cent, and commercial and municipal
employees about 25 per cent, of the great consumers' co-operatives.
In Finland, a predominantly agricultural country, the membership
of the distributive co-operative societies affiliated to the Kulutusosuuskuntien
Keskusliitto
is divided almost entirely between
urban workers (54.7 per cent.) and farm labourers and small
farmers (28.2 per cent.). I n Poland, in 1934, workers, small farmers,
salaried employees and civil servants accounted for 32.5 per cent.,
35.3 per cent., and 12.8 per cent, respectively of the total membership of consumers' co-operatives.
As regards the economic function of the distributive co-operative societies, it was originally, and remains to-day, the supplying
of foodstuffs to members. This is true even of the most powerful
of the societies : the British, the Swedish, and the Swiss. The
example of the British co-operatives is characteristic. I n 1932
foodstuffs represented 75.9 per cent, of the total volume of their
sales.

154

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

According to the last edition of the International Directory
of Co-operative Organisations, just published 1 , the number of
distributive co-operative societies in the world, or rather of such
societies as were affiliated to central organisations, was 63,601
in 1934 2. The number of households they comprised was 90,045,158
and their aggregate sales amounted to 62,731,240,000 Swiss francs 3.
If the number of households grouped in distributive co-operative
societies is compared with the total number of households in the
population and each household is assumed to consist of an average
of four persons, it will be found that in Denmark,, for instance,
the fraction of the population affected by the activities of the
'societies is 44 per cent, in Switzerland 42 per cent., in Sweden
35 per cent., etc. 4.
It follows that the distributive co-operative societies already
play a very important part in the food trade of several countries.
The following examples may be given.
In Great Britain, Sweden, Switzerland, and Czechoslovakia
the distributive societies are the principal producers of flour.
The societies and their grain mills supply 22.5 per cent, of the
national demand for flour in Great Britain, 20 per cent, in Sweden,
and 10 per cent, in Switzerland. In Switzerland the distributive
1

B y the International Labour Office.
Including for the U. S. S. R. alone 45,764 societies with 72,000,000
members and aggregate sales amounting to 56,149,740,000 Swiss francs.
8
Distributive co-operative societies have naturally made most progress
in countries of more or less well established industrial traditions. The
figures below refer to 1934.
2

Country.

Denmark

Italy

(a •'
(b)
(e)
(i)

. . . . . . . .

Population (a)

Membership of
federations of
distributive
societies

Annual
trade
(in Swiss francs)

8,092,000
14,729,000
3,550,000
41,229,000
65,336,000
46,037,000
41,177,000
6,142,000
4,077,000

467,873
817,731 (b)
391,860
1,595,000
3,211,800
7,044,743
775,000
550,657
428,116 (d)

121,227,000
211,818,000 (e)
206;850,000
534,000,000
792,120,000 '
3,148,474,000
318,600,000
301,770,000
327,082,000 (d)

•

According to the Statistical Tear-Book of the League of Nations 193Ì-35.
This figure refers only to societies affiliated to six of the eight central organisations.
This figure refers only to societies affiliated to five of the eight central organisations.
These figures refer to societies affiliated not only to the Swiss Co-operative Union and the
Union of Swiss Co-operative Societies " Concordia " but also to those affiliated to the Union
of Co-operative Societies of Eastern Switzerland, which comprises mainly rural distributive
and
supply societies.
4

I n Great Britain the proportion would be as much as 61 per cent., but
it should be noted that in this' country several members of the same family
may belong to a distributive society.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

155

societies handle about 20 per cent, of the total butter consumption
of the country. During the last ten years the share of the national
milk consumption handled by the British co-operatives has risen
from 2.5 per cent, to 25 per cent. In Sweden the distributive
societies account for 15 per cent, of the country's supplies of fresh
fruit (20 per cent, for dried fruit), etc.
Agricultural Co-operative Societies
Agricultural co-operative societies were to be found in 55 countries in every part of the world in 1934. According to the 1936
edition of the International Directory of Co-opèrative Organisations
their number was 487,850 and their aggregate membership over
44,000,000. Those which include among their activities the
marketing of their members' products had total sales in 1934 of
over 7,000 million Swiss francs 1 .
I t is both possible and interesting to assess the position acquired
by agricultural co-operative societies in the production and
marketing of such articles as dairy produce, eggs, fruit and vegetables on home and foreign markets.
Taking only the federated societies covered b y the International
Directory of Co-operative Organisations, there were in 1934 22,034
co-operative dairies in thirty different countries, their known
membership aggregating 2,276,447 2, and their sales 2,828 million
Swiss francs 3 . They have made great progress in the following
countries, for instance, which together represent about 90 per cent.
1
T h e f o l l o w i n g figures m a y b e g i v e n f o r s o m e of t h e p r i n c i p a l c o u n t r i e s
c o n c e r n e d . T h e y r e l a t e t o 1934.

Federated agricultural
co-operative societies

Czechoslovakia ,
Denmark . .
Finland . . . ,
France . . . ,
Germany . . .
Hungary. . .
Japan . . . .
Netherlands . .
Poland . . . .
Sweden . . . .
Switzerland .
United States .
. . give in most cases the sales for a
(a)Yugoslavia
These figures
2
3

Number

Membership

11,583
5,261
2,917
27,518
36,768
1,438
13,237
2,231
9,055
2,240
6,661
5,653
7,955

1,945,406
609,996
505,049
1,412,000
3,598,855
448,492
6,229,120
425,973
2,338,038
454,741
362,927
1,844,174
318,806

Annual trade (a)
(in Swiss francs)

22,143,000
393,280,000

60,170,000
147,600,000
1,307,632,000
771,000
181,290,000
241,500,000
46,024,000
166,400,000
18,619,000
2,294,000,000

proportion only of the societies 2,750,000
in question

F o r t h e societies affiliated t o 39 c e n t r a l o r g a n i s a t i o n s o u t of 59.
F o r t h e societies affiliated t o 28 c e n t r a l organisations only.

156

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

of t h e world's net export trade in butter : Denmark, New Zealand,
Australia, Netherlands, Latvia, Irish Free State, Finland, Estonia,
Lithuania, Canada, and H u n g a r y 1 .
Three of these countries — Denmark, New Zealand, and
Australia — account for 62 per cent, of the total net exports
of butter. I n each of these countries dairy co-operatives handle
from 80 to 90 per cent, of the total national production. The
position is the same for the production of cheese in Australia and
New Zealand. I n the Netherlands the co-operative dairies account
for 60 to 65 per cent, of the total butter production. In Latvia
they produce 90 per cent, of the butter exports. I n Finland they
are responsible for 92 per cent, of the production and export of
b u t t e r and for 70 per cent, of the production and export of cheese.
I n Estonia and Lithuania their share in butter production runs
from 85 to 90 per cent. I n Hungary the Central Society of Cooperative Dairies accounts for 52 per cent, of the total' butter
exports.
W i t h regard to eggs, Denmark furnishes about one-seventh
of all the eggs which come upon the international market. A
quarter of this total is distributed by the Danish agricultural
co-operative societies. I n Bulgaria, Estonia, Finland, and the
Netherlands the export trade in eggs is handled by co-operative
societies in the proportion of 17.3 per cent., 23 per cent., 19 per
cent., and 50 per cent, respectively.
I n most of the great fruit and vegetable producing countries
of t h e world, in particular Australia, Canada, Brazil,. Estonia,
France, Hungary, Italy, Jamaica, New Zealand, Palestine, Turkey,
the Union of South Africa and the United States a substantial
proportion of the marketing of these products is established on
a co-operative basis. To take the federated societies only, there
were in 1934 1,024 co-operative societies grouping 94,420 producers
of fruit and vegetables. I n the United States a total of 504 marketing societies handled 10 per cent, of the national trade in fruit
and vegetables, a proportion t h a t was much higher for certain
kinds of fruit, e.g. 82 per cent, of the Californian walnut crop,
60 per.cent. of. the almond„crop,,60 to 70_per cent. of.the .California oranges and 35 to 40 per cent, of the Florida oranges, 90 per
«/>v>+

„f

«n:n;«»

T U „

Tn^„:

„„

T>„^J„

„„>

A „„„„¿„^„T.

markets 32 per cent, of the island's banana output. " Pardess ",
the great co-operative society of Palestine, exports 35 per cent.
1

Arranged in descending order of their net exports of butter in 1931.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

157

of the country's orange production, while the co-operative wine
presses process 80 per cent, of the grapes. In the Union of South
Africa from 70 to 75 per cent, of the producers of citrus fruits are
grouped in the South African Co-operative Citrus Exchange,
which in 1928 handled 45 per cent, of the exports of such fruits.
In Bulgaria two central co-operative organisations contributed
in 1935 21.5 per cent, of the 1935 total of grape exports.
' Special Features of Co-operative Organisations
It is impossible to describe the part played by co-operative
organisations in the field of nutrition without giving at least a
brief account of the principles and practical rules that govern
their activity and constitute their distinctive character.
For this purpose it will be sufficient to note that the essential
and distinctive feature of co-operative organisations is that they
are created and managed by their members in free association.
This feature, and its effects for the present purpose, may be more
closely indicated by reference to some of the points in an analysis
made by the first Director of the International Labour Office1 :
" I n agreement with most writers on this subject, and in order to
emphasise in turn the social and economic aspect of a co-operative
society, a distinction will first be made between (1) the association of
persons which constitutes the society, and (2) the undertaking in common
by which it carries out its objects.
(1) The association of persons. — (a) Persons associate of their own
free will in order to satisfy needs of a similar character by means of an
undertaking carried on in common, (b) The association is open without
restriction to all persons on whom it can confer a benefit,
(c) Its
constitution is democratic. (The general meeting is sovereign ; members
have equal votes.) (d) The needs which can be most effectively satisfied
by a common undertaking are those arising from the weakness of the
economic position of t h e majority of the members of the association.
(e) The association thus constituted, while endeavouring to strengthen
the economic independence of its members, also endeavours to establish
bonds of moral solidarity between all the members and to create a
common social Ufe based on development of personality (self-help) and
mutual aid.
(2) The undertaking in common. — . . . The conditions of its working
and management are not determined with a view to making the highest
profit, but to affording t h e best service.
In consequence (a) a co-operative undertaking will endeavour to
obtain the capital necessary from its members to ensure its working
(either in equal shares or in proportion to the services to be rendered
to each member) ; while endeavouring to encourage saving and having
1

Albert THOMAS : The Relation between the Different Forma of Co-operation. Report submitted to the Eleventh Congress of the International
Labour Co-operative Alliance, 1924.

158

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND

SOCIAL POLICY

recourse to such saving, such an undertaking will only pay on individual
capital a limited interest, independent of the financial results of the
undertaking, (b) The annual profits, if such exist, and in so far as they
are not allotted to the reserve fund or to capital expenditure of a general
interest, will be distributed among members in proportion to their
dealings with the undertaking ; that is, according to a practical rule
which aims at making up the difference between the payments effected
by members in the course of the financial year for services rendered
and the cost of rendering these services."

These few points make it easier to understand the p a r t played
by t h e co-operative movement in ' regard to the three following
problems :
(a) the problem of prices or purchasing power ;
(b) the problem of education ;
(c) the problem of quality.
The Contribution of the Co-operative Movement
to a Policy of Better Nutrition
Increased Purchasing Power
T h e whole economic activity of co-operative undertakings
m a y be held to result in increasing the earnings of their members
(agricultural marketing co-operatives) or in increasing the purchasing power of these earnings (distributive co-operatives).
In one form on another, the object is always to increase the
consuming capacity of the members x .
This result is achieved by the co-operative organisations in
two different ways. They either t r y to reduce the cost of the
economic services they render to a minimum, or they make the
price demanded for these services coincide as closely as possible
with their actual cost free from ail superfluous charges.
To reduce the cost of their services, the federal structure
of t h e organisations enables them and the small economic units
of which they are composed to benefit by financial, administrative,
and technical concentration in the same way as any large undertaking. In addition, they can make use of other methods t h a t
are special to the co-operative movement. 2
- , x I n addition, experience has shown that this advantage spreads,, although „•
to a smaller extent, to other members of the community ; for the regulating
influence t h a t the co-operative organisations can bring to bear on prices
tends t o maintain them, whether for producers or for consumers, at a level
which in practice is equivalent to an increase in the purchasing power of
the population as a whole.
2
Dr. G. FATJQUBT, in his book Le Secteur coopératif. Essai sur la place
de Vhomme dans les institutions coopératives et de celles-ci dans l'économie,
has used the term " co-operative rent " to describe the diSerential rent
or return derived from the co-operative character of the undertaking.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

159

The most usual, and in any case the most obvious, means
by which the price charged for the services rendered is made
to coincide with the actual cost is the refund of " surpluses ",
in whatever form this may take place. This method, in effect,
confers additional purchasing power on the members of distributive societies. x
By a process that need not be described here the savings
effected by the agricultural co-operative societies in their marketing activities result in higher prices for the products of the
farmers belonging to the societies. Thus farmers, who it should
be remembered are also consumers, find their earnings increased
and are able to get nearer to the best level of nutrition.
The method leading to this increase of purchasing power
also has certain other advantages to which attention may usefully
be drawn :
(a) The higher prices received by agricultural producers
are not obtained at the cost of buyers ; the lower prices paid
by buyers do not diminish the earnings of agricultural producers ;
(b) These advantages, which benefit the largest and least
well-to-do sections of the population, contribute towards an
economically favourable redistribution of the national income ;
(c) This additional purchasing power is created without
the financial assistance of the public authorities.
Inter-co-operative Relations
The advantages of co-operation are naturally strengthened
whenever direct economic relations are established between
distributive co-operative societies and agricultural marketing
societies. The requirements of the former with regard to supply
and of the latter with regard to marketing are brought into
relation with each other, and can be balanced and adjusted to
each other wherever possible, both qualitatively and quantitatively, thus eliminating yet other items of overhead expenditure
and waste.
Inter-co-operative relations of this kind may already be seen
in the national field, where they are fairly general, and in the
1
The addition is by no means negligible. I n Great Britain the dividends
distributed to members of distributive co-operative societies in 1934
amounted in all to £20,137,345. I t would be interesting to compare this
additional purchasing power with the part of the national income devoted
to expenditure on the main foodstuffs (groceries, meat, dairy products,
fruits, fish) ; in 1932 the total co-operative dividends. amounted to
£19,379,668, and the ratio in question was nearly 2 per cent.

160

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

international field, where, naturally, they meet with the same
obstacles as a n y other form of international economic exchange.
I n b o t h fields they are active primarily in regard to dairy produce,
and then eggs and fruit.
(a) National joint action. — I n Austria during recent years
the co-operative societies have supplied more than 62 per cent.
of the butter distributed b y the consumers' co-operatives. Agreements on points of principle have been concluded for the establishment of relations on a permanent basis. I n Bulgaria the central
co-operative distributive organisation " Napred " obtains almost
the whole of its supply of dairy products from1 the co-operative
•dairies. I n Czechoslovakia the distributive societies have agreed
to obtain their butter and other dairy products exclusively from
t h e co-operative dairies. I n addition, a very detailed agreement
between the Czechoslovak Co-operative Wholesale Society of
t h e Distributive Societies and the Purchasing Federation of the
Agricultural Co-operative Societies (Co-operativa) provides for
joint purchases on behalf of the two organisations, reciprocal
•deliveries, and such close collaboration between them as to involve
m u t u a l affiliation. I n Finland the butter requirements of the
societies affiliated to the central distributive co-operative organisation (K. K.) are covered as to one-fifth by their members and as
to most of the remainder b y the co-operative dairies and their
«entrai organ " Valio ". I n Hungary the central organisation
of t h e distributive co-operative societies " Hangya " obtains
its milk and other dairy products from the central society of
co-operative dairies. I n Sweden there are similar relations between
the agricultural co-operatives and local distributive co-operatives.
I n addition, the Stockholm distributive society and the " Västgö ta " co-operative society for exporting eggs are bound by a
contract for the delivery of u p to 800,000 kilogrammes of eggs a
year. At Malmö a joint enterprise, the " Central Dairy " associates consumers' and producers' co-operatives in providing the
city with milk and dairy products. I n Switzerland a similar joint
enterprise, the " Dairy Union ", managed jointly by agricultural
•associations and the distributive society^ performs -the same -function for the city of Geneva. Further, the Swiss Union of Distributive Co-operative Societies obtains a large and growing proportion
of its food supplies from the Swiss farmers' co-operatives.
(b) International action. — The statistics of the International
Co-operative Wholesale Society show t h a t Danish butter formed

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

161

68.8 per cent. (1930), 63.7 per cent. (1931), and 58 per cent. (1932)
of the total value of the butter bought abroad by the central
organisations of the distributive co-operative societies, and that
three countries alone, where the co-operative dairies provide
90 per cent, of the national production of butter, namely Denmark,
New Zealand, and Australia, together supplied 84.2 per cent.
(1930), 85.7 per cent. (1931), and 84.9 per cent. (1932) of the total
value of the butter imported by these organisations.
The central organ of the Hungarian co-operative dairies has
established relations for the sale of butter with the distributive
co-operatives of Germany and Italy and with the English Cooperative Wholesale Society. In Czechoslovakia the butter imports
of the consumers' co-operatives have been furnished exclusively
by the central agencies of the co-operative dairies of Denmark,
Estonia, Finland, Latvia, and Lithuania.
In the international field it is above all the English Co-operative Wholesale Society (together with the Scottish Co-operative
Wholesale Society) which is at the centre of a complex network
of inter-co-operative trading relationships. The butter purchases
of the English Co-operative Wholesale Society represent more
than a fifth of Denmark's total butter exports and about 30 per
cent, of Denmark's butter exports to Great Britain. Similar relations
have been established between the English Co-operative Wholesale
Society and the co-operative dairies of Finland. The English
Co-operative Wholesale Society and the Co-operative Association
for the Marketing of New Zealand Products have created at
London, and manage in common, a joint undertaking, the New
Zealand Produce Association, by means of which the two organisations buy and sell New Zealand dairy products and a certain
quantity of meat ; the total sales of this undertaking exceed
£1,000,000 a year. With regard to the fruit trade, the English
Co-operative Wholesale Society has established relations with
the great export co-operative " Pardess " for Palestine oranges
and with the Union of Farmers' Co-operative Marketing Societies
of Aydin (Turkey), which has supplied in recent years over 20 per
cent, of the dried figs and raisins imported. Similarly, the English
and Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Societies are in trading contact
with the great fruit marketing co-operatives of California and
with the joint agency (Overseas Farmers' Co-operative Federation,
Ltd.) set up in London by the majority of the fruit marketing
co-operatives of Australia, New Zealand, and the Union of South
Africa.
il

162

WORKEBS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

Education of Consumers
I n view of their responsibilities towards the households of
which they are composed and by which they are supervised, the
distributive co-operative societies are naturally interested in
questions of rational nutrition. This interest sometimes takes
practical shape in the establishment of specialised research services, 1
and nearly always in a more or less systematic effort to educate
consumers. I n this field their action is all the more effective in
that i t takes place within an already constituted social group.
Quite often this work of education begins with a school of
salesmanship. The study of merchandise is of course given an
important place and affords an opportunity of giving the pupils
an outline of the physiology of nutrition. I n Sweden, for example,
the instruction is planned with the object of enabling future sellers
to advise housewives how to make their purchases.
Apart from periodicals specialising in these subjects, the organs
of the co-operative press, and in particular those distributed to
the homes of all members, certainly give most attention to discussions on health and the hygiene of nutrition, the composition
of menus, advice on the best method of turning the full nutritive
value of food to account, etc. Use is also made of a number of
separate publications, such as cookery books, popular textbooks,
etc. 2 Finally, frequent meetings, cookery courses,," co-operative
women's evenings ", etc., are organised, a t which housewives
are given instruction concerning the manufacture of various
products and theirpreparation for the table. 3 I n Sweden a special
handbook on thé physiology of nutrition has even been published,
arranged in the form of questions and answers ; the members
of t h e societies. form discussion g r o u p s 4 to study the various
1
A single country may be mentioned by way of illustration : In Sweden,
since 1925, the Co-operative Union has employeda specialist who, together
with a few assistants, researches into vitamin problems. In 1932 it formed
a research fund, which on 1 January 1936 amounted to 396,370 kronor
and is t o be increased in the near future. The object of this fund is to subsidise scientific researches, especially into the question of nutrition.
2
Examples are : Traité de la Connaissance des Marchandises (treatise
on the study of merchandise), published by the Swiss Union of Distributive
Co-operative Societies ; Varukännedom för hemmet (the study of merchandise
for the home) ; Kost och kultur (diet and culture), and Rokost och räinläggning
(uncooked food as a diet and its preservation) published by the Swedish
Co-operative Union ; etc.
3
Last year the Stockholm distributive co-operative society, for instance,
organised lectures on the physiology of nutrition at all its local meetings,
and engaged the most eminent experts in Stockholm as lecturers.
4
There are about 300.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPROVE NUTRITION

163

questions put and send in answers to the Co-operative Union,
which checks them and gives explanations.
For the same reasons as inspire the distributive co-operativè
societies, agricultural societies, which are often very strongly
organised, may try to influence their own members in their capacity
of consumers.
Inspection of Quality
It is not sufficient to influence the relation between the prices
of foodstuffs and the purchasing power of consumers and to give
consumers information on what constitutes good nutrition. I t
is also essential that housewives should not be exposed to the
illusions of advertisements and run the risk of being deceived as
to the real quality of the articles they purchase.
In their effort to improve, define, control, and guarantee
the quality of the goods they market or distribute, the agricultural and distributive co-operative societies, being truly " service
undertakings ", have done considerable work, which has generally
preceded and often inspired similar action by the public authorities. It will be sufficient here to give two examples, one taken
from the Danish co-operative organisations and relating to the
production and export of butter, and the other from the Swiss
Union of Distributive Societies.
(a) The Danish agricultural co-operative organisations. — Beginning
with the care and feeding of stock, the upkeep of cattle sheds, etc., the
producers assume very strong obligations b y adhering to the rules and
regulations of the co-operative dairy to which they belong. B u t this
is not enough. The incessant improvement of the best methods must
rest on increasingly exact observations, 1 which call for special knowledge
and sometimes costly apparatus. Further, such observations must be
recorded and examined. All this constitutes a task for which producers
were not long in recognising t h a t they h a d neither time nor always the
necessary qualifications.
They therefore delegated it to " inspection
societies " , the first of which was founded in 1895. To-day there are
several hundred such societies, all created and financed on co-operative
principles b y the producers themselves. I t is thanks to these societies
t h a t it has been possible gradually t o eliminate diseased cattle, to select
the breeds and animals with the highest yield, to improve feeding stuffs,
etc. I n a general way, their activities, often closely combined with
those of the stock-breeding co-operative societies, have been and still are
decisive for all the technical progress of dairy production.
The milk thus produced in such carefully studied conditions is
subject, before and after arrival a t t h e co-operative dairy, to a further
series of regulations concerning the conditions of milking, treatment
1
E.g., weighing and testing the milk of each eow subject to control,
examination (by weight and nutrition value) of the fodder it consumes,
variations in its weight, calving, etc.

164

WORKERS' NVTSITION

AND SOCIAL POLICY

before delivery, etc. I t must, of course, be delivered fresh, pure, and
clean. Its fat content is measured, and the measure determines the
price t o be paid to the producer. 1 I t should be remembered t h a t all
t h e processes of pasteurisation, the utilisation of pure microbe cultures
t o initiate fermentation, the refrigeration of milk, etc. were studied,
perfected, and voluntarily applied in the Danish co-operative dairies
Before any legislative action was taken in this field.
T h e efforts of the Danish co-operative societies to produce butter
of higher and more uniform quality have also been stimulated by
competitions organised in each district and each province by the
co-operative dairies themselves and the Association of Co-operative
Dairy Managers. Their example has been followed by the public authorities, which now organise similar competitions.
Finally, t h e constant quality a n d reliability of the products are
guaranteed b y a national mark, Which was made official b y an Act of
1912. The initiative, however, was taken b y the co-operative dairies,
which, as far back as 1891, had without success caused a Bill to be
introduced in the Rigsdag for this purpose, and in 1900 h a d created a
special society for awarding this exclusive mark under certain strictly
defined conditions. When the 1912 Act was passed, nearly all the
co-operative dairies had for several years been voluntarily using the
m a r k , which thus received statutory confirmation.
Similarly, the more general of t h e rules and methods mentioned
above have since been embodied in a n d made compulsory by legislation.
I t is interesting t o note, however, t h a t all of t h e m were first worked
out a n d observed spontaneously b y the co-operative organisations,
a n d t h a t some of them are so detailed t h a t they would be considered
vexatious and intolerable if imposed b y outside authority.,
(b) The Swiss Union of Distributive Co-operative Societies. — I n
its analysing laboratory the Swiss Union undertakes a check of the
quality of the goods it distributes. The laboratory was founded in 1905,
t h a t is to say, at a time when the Federal Act on food products Was
still only in preparation.
T h e laboratory examines, analyses, and tastes all the goods bought
for supply to the affiliated societies. Special attention is paid to articles
sold under t h e m a r k of t h e Swiss Union of Distributive Co-operative
Societies itself. These are regularly examined from the point, of view
of t h e raw materials used, the methods of manufacture, and the composition and quality of the finished product. T h e examination goes further
t h a n t o see t h a t they comply with t h e statutory regulations, for it aims
at giving consumers a guarantee t h a t the articles carrying the mark
of t h e Union are reliable as to quality and price. Not only articles
produced by the Union itself are examined, b u t all those which carry
its m a r k and which are manufactured under its supervision.
The laboratory also undertakes t h e periodical examination of goods
stored b y the societies in order to determine whether, and if so, how
far, certain articles deteriorate during storage. The laboratory employs
two chemists responsible for the analyses; In-addition, the tasting of,
í The importance attached to this method of payment led in 1902 and
after to the creation of special " milk analysis " societies. The milk inspector
appointed by these societies has the duty- of making unexpected visits
to t h e affiliated co-operative dairies aiiä, in collaboration with their managers, to inspect the milk delivered to them. The results of each examination
are communicated to the producers concerned, together with any useful
advice and instructions.

AGENCIES AND METHODS TO IMPBOVE NUTRITION

the articles is always effected in
branch in question. From 4,000 to
and typical results are published in
the benefit of members, staffs, and

165

collaboration -with experts for the
5,000 analyses are made each year,
the annual reports of the Union for
managers of the societies.

In considering the position of the co-operative organisations
in relation to the nutrition problem^ attention should also be
drawn to the activities of the International Committee of Interco-operative Relations. Its aim is to promote the development
of moral and economic relations between agricultural and distributive co-operative societies and to form a link between the cooperative movement taken as a whole and international organisations. It has agreed to contribute to the work undertaken
for the study of the problem of nutrition. During recent years
it has already made enquiries into the part played by agricultural
and distributive co-operative societies and their joint institutions
in the trade in eggs and butter. At its session in March 1936, it
decided to undertake a similar enquiry into the trade in fruit
and another enquiry into the methods employed by agricultural
and distributive co-operative organisations for improving, inspecting and guaranteeing the quality of the goods they market
or distribute.

CHAPTER VIII
PROBLEMS OF POLICY

The facts presented in the preceding chapters give rise to
a number of practical problems which can be considered here
only briefly. But before sketching these problems, it may be
helpful to restate the main findings of this Report.
I.

—

SUMMARY OF FES-DINGS

The main findings òf this Report may be summarised as
follows :
First, large numbers of the working population not only in
impoverished or depressed areas but even in the most advanced
industrial countries are inadequately nourished. Such malnourishment and under-nourishment are not the result merely
of temporary dislocations due to an industrial depression, though
a depression usually has an aggravating influence; It is a
condition found among many employed workers in times of
normal business activity.
Second, inadequate and insufficient nourishment among workers
is due in some measure to an ineffective use of available income
owing to ignorance of nutritive values, inability of the poor
housewife to make the best use of her money, etc. But its
primary and most important cause is inability to buy the right
kinds of foods, especially protective foods, in the necessary
quantities. Low income or lack of purchasing power is thus
the root cause of the inadequate nutrition of large numbers of
workers and their families.
Third, the potential productive capacity of agriculture is
such as to .enable, producers i o jupply the foodstuffs necessary
to improve the dietaries of the working population in most
countries. The non-use of potential capacity and the. misuse
of some of thè existing capacity have undoubtedly been aggravated
by recent economic trends, but they are due essentially to deeper
maladjustments created by changes in agriculture and in world
economy sketched in Chapters IV and V.

PROBLEMS OF POLICY

167

Fourth, the realisation of standards of rational nutrition laid
down by medical and dietetical experts depends on social-economic
factors which affect the supply of and demand for food materials.
The most important factors are those which determine prices
and incomes. Relatively low prices for foodstuffs which would
not reduce producers' incomes involve measures for the reduction
of costs of production and marketing, for the removal of trade
barriers, for the elimination of undesirable forms of taxation, etc.
On the other hand, an active demand for better foodstuffs is
conditioned by the size of the national income and by its
distribution and can be influenced by various measures for
redistributing income such as relief, social insurance, direct
distribution of food to school children, etc.
Fifth, protective labour and social legislation has affected
workers' nutrition indirectly to the extent to which it has helped
to increase or maintain workers' income. But, except in a few
cases, such legislation makes no attempt to improve workers'
nutrition directly and in a systematic way.
Sixth, during the last decade or so, and especially since the
recent depression, there has been an increasing interest on the
part of public, semi-public and private agencies in improving
the nutrition levels of the working people. Much has been doné
to safeguard the health of the people, especially of children,
mothers and unemployed workers through relief measures, social
insurance, milk for school-children and otherwise. Much has
also been done to spread information about rational nutrition
and to reshape consumers' habits through education. But many
effective ways for improving popular nutrition which are open
to the modern State as well as to voluntary organisations are
still to be fully explored.
II.

—

RESEARCH AND EDUCATION

Each of the above generalisations suggests a number of
practical problems whose solution calls for special policies. To
begin with, there is need for further research and education.
Great as has been the progress of the nutritive sciences in recent
years, there is still a large amount of work to be done in this
field. The research called for branches out in various directions.
There is, for instance, the need for further studies of the influence
of soils and of soil treatment on the mineral content of the
foodstuffs grown. Further studies are necessary for the purpose
of investigating the vitamin and mineral content of various foods

168

WORKERS' NTJTRITTON AND SOCIAL POLICY

and the physiological effects of such food substances on the
h u m a n body. I t is necessary to study further the problems
of t h e utilisation and preparation of foods and of the effects
which such methods have upon their nutritive value, palatability
and utility. There is need for the physiologists and hygienists
of t h e different countries to translate the general standards of
diet into specific details of food consumption in accordance with
the customs and resources of their respective countries.
There is further t h e large field indicated in Chapter I I of
the relation between food requirements and specific occupations.
There are also the problems of statistical research raised in
Chapters I I I and V in connection with further studies of family
budgets and consumption habits a t different income levels, of
the effects of unemployment on nutrition, and of the possible
ways in which food habits of the people may be changed in
accordance with scientific standards.
These problems of research run along independent lines in
m a n y respects. Some fall within the field of the physical sciences,
others in the field of the biological and medical sciences,
still others in the field of economic and social studies. Nevertheless, co-ordination, in the various fields of research with a view
to answering some of the basic questions with regard to nutrition
is possible and desirable.
However, research to-day is tending to outrun the utilisation
of its findings. This makes education especially important.
While a great deal has been v done in recent years b y public and
private agencies to educate the people in general to a n understanding of nutrition values and dietary principles, still more
can a n d might be done ; There is still much need for instructing
housewives in the choice of foodstuffs, in the composition of
wholesome meals on economical lines and in the manner of
preparing the food selected. Though as indicated in various
parts of this Report consumers' knowledge of nutritive values
has increased greatly during the last decade or so, still greater
progress is necessary before a satisfactory condition is reached,
The various methods described in the preceding chapter, can. be
further developed and systematised. One method of education
which has been used only in a limited Way — that of demonstration
:— would seem to hold out much promise. The effectiveness of
education cannot be doubted, especially if it is accompanied by
favourable changes in the economic condition of the people who
are being educated.

PROBLEMS OF POLICY

III.

—

169

SOCIAL-ECONOMIC POLICY AND ORGANISATION

Next, there are the large questions of economic policy
examined in Chapter V. Obviously, all countries must advance
farther on the road to recovery in order to be able to promote
large programmes for improving popular nutrition. But, as
pointed out in Chapter V, various methods are available to the
Governments of the more advanced countries to influence prices
of foods and the level of workers' income now so as to bring
better dietaries within the reach of their working populations.
A proper nutrition policy promises to have beneficent economic
results. An improvement in popular nutrition means an increase
in the area of cultivation in order to meet the increased demand
for fruits, vegetables, etc. ; it means increasing the number of
livestock to supply larger quantities of milk, butter, meat, etc.
The possibilities have been indicated in more detail in Chapters IV
and V.
However, as also indicated in those chapters, changes in
agricultural activities in different countries as a result of dietary
changes are likely to be accompanied by complicating processes.
A readjustment of our economic and social system to higher
standards of nutrition must thus be guided so as to reconcile
the interests and needs of various elements of the population.
This is no easy task in view of the transitional stage in which
many countries are to-day and of the general trend towards a
reorganisation of world economy as a whole.
More could also be done in the near future in the field of
social policy. Concern for adequate nutrition offers a new and
fruitful approach to all other questions of social policy. In so
far as nutrition standards are set by scientific investigation,
they have an objectivity which cannot but make a strong appeal
to rational thinking. There are possibilities of utilising the
results of dietetic science in the determination of minimum
wages, in fixing benefits under social insurance systems, in
considering the problems of relief and unemployment assistance,
etc. Undoubtedly, the application of nutritional standards to
problems of social legislation presents many difficulties, and no
concrete illustrations of the application of such a method can
be offered here. Attention may be drawn again, however, to
the Resolutions adopted at the Santiago Conference reproduced

170

WOKKBKS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

in Appendix I, which indicate a specific method for utilising
the results of nutritional research for legislation on minimum
wages and social insurance.
Finally, there are the problems connected with perfecting
the organisations dealing with nutrition. The list of agencies
described briefly in the preceding chapter indicates that the
network is complex already. However, these agencies need further
development and especially greater co-ordination in all countries.
IV.

—

WIDER ASPECTS

As pointed out in Chapter I, the problem of workers' nutrition
is closely related to the general problem of nutrition. The
nutrition of the individual worker is bound up with the nutrition
of the family as a whole. Because of that, adequate nutrition
standards for the worker as such depend upon proper nutrition
policies for other members of the family. Also, as the health
of adult workers is determined to a large extent by environmental
conditions in infancy and childhood, measures for the workers'
physical well-being are closely linked up with policies for the,
provision of adequate nutrition to mothers, infants and children.
• This means that specific policies for improving workers'
nutrition, to be effective, must be part of a general nutrition
policy which aims at improving popular dietaries. The principles
on which such a general policy should be based and the methods
by which it may be effected are considered in detail in the
forthcoming report of the Mixed Committee on Nutrition of the
League of Nations.
The modern world is guided by the old ideal of a sound mind
in a sound body. All institutions to-day, political, economic,
charitable and religious, are directly or indirectly interested in
the building up of a healthy human race. Whatever the ideal
of a people may be, its attainment and promotion require a
healthy and vigorous population. It is the recognition of this
fact which gives meaning and force to the new crusade for a
general nutrition policy not only_ in times of depression but as
an element of national policy akin to and on a par with education,
housing and similar public policies.
From the point of view of labour protection, there is also
an advantage in singling out nutrition as a separate factor in
social policy, in the same way as social insurance, labour
legislation, maternity assistance, etc. For the development of

PROBLEMS OF POLICY

171

a special nutrition policy holds out the promise of shaping some
economic and social legislation in a more objective way on the
basis of standards obtained b y scientific research. And the
demand for adequate food for all the people may make clear
in a new and striking way the need for economic readjustment
and development in order to enable everybody to enjoy health
and well-being.

—

NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL ACTION

The policies outlined above call for action first on a national
scale. The various projects of research, of economic policy,
of education, of developing new organisations, must become
the concern of each country interested in improving the standards
of nutrition of its own people. There is, however, need also
for international action along three lines. I n the first place,
there is need for a n exchange of ideas a n d information between
nations on all matters concerning nutrition and nutrition policy.
Second, there is need for the co-ordination of research in different
countries, so t h a t the data obtained may be comparable. Third,
there is need for international co-operation in economic and
social policy if some of the measures for better nutrition are to
be carried out without further disturbing the economic relations
of the different countries.
For some of the international activities connected with a
general nutrition policy new agencies may be desirable. B u t no
special new agencies are needed for the activities involved in
the improvement of workers' nutrition on a n international scale.
A social nutrition policy is b u t another concrete application of
one of the general principles upon which the International Labour
Organisation is founded, namely, the need for the special protection of those groups of the population which because of poverty
or other reasons fall below socially desirable minimum standards.
I n brief, the measures needed to improve workers' dietaries are
part of the general programme of the International Labour
Organisation for raising living standards in all countries as a
condition sine qua non of social justice and peace.

APPENDICES

APPENDIX I

THE INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANISATION
AND THE PROBLEM OF WORKERS' NUTRITION

HISTORICAL SURVEY

1. I n his Report to the Nineteenth Session of the International
Labour Conference (Geneva, June 1935), the Director, when dealing
with future questions of general policy to which the Conference would
do well to allot a part of its time, referred to the problem of the relationship between adequate consumption and a proper standard of healthy
living, including the standard of nutrition. The Report continues :
" Though there is still considerable controversy among physiologists as to the miniraum needs for healthy subsistence and as to
the rations of calories, proteins, mineral salts and vitamins required
in different climatic conditions, it is not open t o dispute t h a t large
masses of people are at present underfed or wrongly fed. . . . Every
country is faced by a problem of this kind, b u t its exploration is
only just beginning. I t may be compared with the problem of medical
treatment and maternity care, for which much has already been
done wherever a sound system of health insurance has been established. . . . If the cure and prevention of disease is a communal affair,
housing and feeding, which are the primary requisites of healthy
living, are hardly less so. They were certainly not excluded from
the purview of the International Labour Organisation by the
Preamble to the Constitution, which lays down the 'provision of
an adequate living wage ' as one of its objectives and declares it
urgent to improve conditions of labour involving hardship and
privation.
" Looked at from another angle, it is evident t h a t a higher and
more variegated standard of food consumption would go far to
solve the problem of agricultural over-production. . . .
" This question of consumption is not only national but international in its scope. If it is agreed t h a t the only real solution of
the problem of economic balance is not through scaling down production but in levelling up consumption, then it follows t h a t the
best hope of finding a way out of the present troubles is to raise the
standards of the millions who are now underfed, underclothed and
under-equipped. The cares of the American, Argentine, Australian,
Canadian or. Eastern European farmer would be conjured away
if the urban populations of Europe and America could eat even a
little more bread, butter and meat per head. , . . When all other remedies have been clearly seen to fail, it is in this direction t h a t thought
will eventually be directed, unless a general regression towards

176

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

lower standards of living is accepted as the ironical but inevitable
outcome of a civilisation condemned to decline through the excess
of its own creative ingenuity and technical perfection. " *
2. A t the Seventh Session of the Mixed Advisory Agricultural Committee, a liaison body between the International Labour Office and the
International Institute of Agriculture, the President of the latter Institution, Mr. Acerbo, former Italian Minister of Agriculture, mentioned,
among new problems deserving special attention from thé Committee,
the question of over-production in agriculture as related to a rational
dietary standard.
Mr. McDougall, Economic Adviser to the Government of Australia,
attending the Session as an expert, moved t h a t an invitation be addressed
to the two Institutions to study the question of the consumption of
agricultural products b o t h from the point of view of the health of the
workers arid of the agricultural crisis. This suggestion was supported
by various members of the Committee and, in its report, the Committee
took cognisance of the communication made by Mr. McDougall and
stated t h a t it bebeved it to be of the utmost interest t h a t the two Institutions should continue their researches in this field, each from the point.
of view more particularly concerning it.
3. The Nineteenth Session of the International Labour Conference
(Geneva, J u n e 1935) had before it a resolution concerning the nutrition
of the workers submitted by Sir Frederick Stewart, Government Delegate
of Australia, and supported by Mr. Verschaffelt and Miss Ada Paterson,
Government Delegates of New Zealand.
Sir Frederick Stewart himself introduced the resolution 2 in the
plenary session of the Conference, a n d was supported b y Miss Paterson,
Government Delegate of New Zealand, and Miss Abbot, Government Delegate of the United States. Short interventions in favour of the resolution
were made b y Dr. Riddell, Government Delegate of Canada, Mr. Brenta,
Employers' Adviser, Argentine Republic, Miss Hesselgren, Government
Delegate, Sweden, Mr. Roman, Government ' Delegate, Rumania, and
Mr. Jules Gautier, Government Delegate, France. The resolution, which
was adopted unanimously, runs as follows :
" Seeing t h a t nutrition adequate both in quantity and in quality
is essential.to the health and wellbeing of the workers and their
families ;
" And seeing t h a t in various countries evidence has been brought
forward t o show t h a t large numbers of persons b o t h in town and
country are not sufficiently or suitably nourished ;
" Seeing, moreover, t h a t an increase in the consumption of agricultural foodstuffs would help to raise standards of life and relieve
t h e existing depression in agriculture :
" The Conference welcomes the attention drawn by the Director
in his Report t o the problem of nutrition and requests the Governing
Body t o instruct the Office t o continue its investigation of the pro,. blem, „particularly in its social, aspects,~in collaboration with the
health and economic organisations of the League of Nations, the
International Institute of Agriculture and .other bodies capable of
contributing to its solution, with a view to presenting a report on
the subject to the 1936 Session of the Conference. "
1
INTERNATIONAL LABOUR CONFERENCE (XlXth Session, Geneva; 1935) : Report of the Director,
pp. 83-84.
• * IDEM : Record of Proceedings, pp. 426-438.

APPENDIX

177

4. During the Sixteenth Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the
League of Nations, the Delegates of the Argentine Republic, Australia,
Austria, the United Kingdom, Canada, Chile, Denmark, France, Italy,
New Zealand, Poland and Sweden addressed a letter to the President
of the Assembly asking t h a t the question of the relationship of nutrition
to the health of the population, which had become a social and economic
problem of widely accepted significance and was recognised as having
a n important bearing on world agricultural problems, should be placed
on the agenda of the current session of the Assembly.
In the discussion of the report on the work of the League of Nations
since the Fifteenth Assembly, the Right Honourable S. M. Bruce (Australia) spoke a t length on this subject, b u t the main discussion took
place in the Second Committee, to which the question was referred.
In this Committee Mr. Bruce moved a resolution asking for further study
of the question of nutrition in relation to public health and of the agricultural and economic effects of improved nutrition. This suggestion was
supported by eighteen States.
The Assembly approved of the draft resolution which was submitted
to it in the report from the Second Committee, and which runs as follows :
" The Assembly,
" Having considered the subject of nutrition in relation to public
health and of the effects of improved nutrition on the consumption
of agricultural products, urges Governments to examine the practical
.means of securing better nutrition and requests the Council :
" (1) To invite the Health Organisation of the League of Nations
to continue and extend its work on nutrition in relation to public
health ;
" (2) To instruct the technical organisations of the League of
Nations, in consultation with the International Labour Office and
the International Institute of Agriculture, to collect, summarise
and publish information on the measures taken in all countries for
securing improved nutrition and,
" (3) To appoint a Committee, including agricultural, economic
and health experts, instructed to submit a general report on the
whole question, in its health and economic aspects, to the next
Assembly, after taking into consideration, inter alia, the progress
of the work carried out in accordance with paragraphs (1) and (2)
above. "
As a result of t h a t decision, the Council of the League of Nations, on
t h e proposal of the President, agreed at its meeting of 28 September
1935 to the constitution of the Committee referred to in paragraph 3
of the Assembly resolution. The Council authorised the President
himself to nominate the persons of whom the Committee Was to be
composed. In addition to experts on health and economic questions,
representatives of the International Labour Organisation, chosen from
experts on the social aspects of the nutrition problem, were to be appointed.
5. On 8 October 1935, the International Committee for InterCo-operative Relations, which is a private liaison body between agricultural
co-operatives and consumers' co-operatives and which is presided over
b y the Director of the International Labour Office, met in Geneva for
its ninth session. The second item on the agenda was : " Contribution
•of the Committee to the studies and researches to be made on the problem
•of nutrition ". A discussion took place on the practical Ways in which
the Committee could contribute to those aspects of the study to be
12

178

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

undertaken by the Office with which it was specially concerned. The
Committee agreed that a certain number of questions bearing on various
aspects of the problem of nutrition, and particularly those which are
of direct interest to the co-operative movement, should be studied by
each of the two organisations, or b y persons agreed upon by the two
organisations, and should further be studied b y the Committee itself.
6. When examining, during its Seventy-third Session (October
1935), the effect to be given to the resolutions adopted by the International Labour Conference, the Governing Body had before it the following
indications of the Director with regard to the handling of the resolution
concerning the nutrition of workers.
The Office would have to submit a report on the social aspects of
the problem to the next session of the Conference. In view of the short
time a t its disposal, the Office felt t h a t the report should only cover the
known facts of the case and the data already available. In order to
carry out the difficult studies involved, it would be most useful if the
Office set up a temporary committee of experts composed of five' to six
members and a chairman. The members should be experts on workers'
consumption, on the standard of nutrition in relation to the effort required,
and on the standard of living and family budgets.
The Governing Body decided t o set up a Temporary Committee
of Experts on Nutrition Questions, and to include in the Committee
three representatives of the Governing Body, one from each Group.
During the discussion, members of the Workers' Group made statements regarding the principles involved in the question of workers'
nutrition.
M. Jouhaux (France) said :
The measures to be taken to improve the nutrition of the
workers might be considered under two aspects. On the one hand
t h e r e were the workers who were referred to as Native workers,
who lived in countries where nutrition was obviously quite different
from what was generally regarded as normal. On the other hand,
if it was proposed to consider conditions of nutrition in other
countries, it was not the nature of the food which should be studied,
b u t purchasing power. I n France, for instance, it would be quite
unnecessary for experts to tell the workers what to eat. If any
workers were undernourished, it was merely because they had
n o t the means of purchasing proper food.
The question was thus really one of consuming capacity, which was
closely bound up with Wages. If the Committee's discussions turned
in t h a t direction, it would perhaps be well to show t h a t insufficient
wages not only impeded the development of national and international economy, but also the physical and physiological development
of the person concerned. When the question was p u t in t h a t way,
. immediate opposition arose from the representatives of the Governments and employers. When it had been suggested, in connection
w i t h Native labour questions, t h a t the question of improving and
increasing the nutrition of Native workers should be considered,
a large number of Government representatives had said t h a t such
a proposal ran counter to the whole spirit of colonisation as it was
a t present applied, and t h a t it would give rise to social problems
t h e consequences of which could not be foreseen.
The Governing Body and the Office must follow a logical course,
a n d avoid giving the impression t h a t the principle of increasing
consumption and raising the nutrition standards of t h e workers

APPENDIX

179

•was regarded in theory as a condition for the development of civilisation, b u t t h a t in practice the application of the principle was opposed
in the case of any particular country. l
Mr. Hayday (Great Britain) declared :
The question of nutrition was one of t h e most important with
which the International Labour Organisation h a d been called upon
to deal for many years. He felt t h a t the workers ought to be intimately associated with t h e investigations, and t h a t they should not
be carried on exclusively b y scientific experts who h a d no practical
experience of the subject. If t h e question were discussed solely
from the theoretical point of view of the amount of various kinds
of foodstuffs required to maintain a working-class family, it was
probable t h a t wrong conclusions would be reached. Most of t h e
representatives whom it was proposed t o appoint t o the Committee
were scientific men, and it was desirable t h a t the International
Labour Organisation should appoint persons who could deal with
the effect of nutrition questions on t h e living conditions of t h e
workers. H e was not sure t h a t it would be sufficient to a d d one
workers' representative and one employers' representative t o t h e
Committee. He had himself h a d experience of a case in which a n
employer h a d given his workers advice on how t o make a nutritious
meal a t a very small cost, and h a d subsequently suggested t h a t
this would enable the workers t o agree to a reduction in wages. *
7. In accordance with the decision of the Governing Body, the
Committee of Experts on Workers' Nutrition has been constituted as
follows :
Chairman : Mr. C. V. BBAMSNAES, formerly Chairman of t h e Governing
Body of the International Labour Office, Copenhagen.
Representatives of the Governing Body :
Government Group :
Mr. S. YOSHISAKA, Japanese Government representative.
Employers' Group :
Mr. G. OLIVETTI, Member of Parliament (Italy).
Substitute :
Mr. D. S. EBTJLKAB, Chairman of the Indian Chamber of Commerce
in Great Britain, London.
Workers' Group :
Mr. A. HAYDAY, J.P., Nottingham.

Substitute :
Mr. C. SCHÜBCH, Secretary of the Swiss Federation of Trades Unions,
Berne.
Expert Members :
Mr. E . P . CATHCART, Eegius Professor of Physiology, University of
Glasgow.
Mr. R. DTJKIG, Professor, Physiological Institute, University of Vienna.
Mr. M. HALBWACHS, Professor a t the Sorbonne, Paris.
Mr. JAEGGI, Chairman of the Supervisory Committee of the Swiss Union
of Consumers' Co-operative Societies, Basle.
Miss Faith WTT.TTAMS, Chief, Cost of living Division, Department of
Labor, Washington, D.C.
1
Cf. INTEBNATIOITAL LABOUR OFITCE : Minutes of the Seventy-third Session of the Governing
Body. Geneva, 24-28 October 1935, pp. 70-71.
'Idem, pp. 72-73.

180

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

The Committee of Experts met in Geneva 2-5 December 1935 and
examined carefully the plan drawn up by the Office for the report to
be submitted to the next session of the Conference.
At the suggestion of the Committee the Officers of the Governing
Body appointed Mr. Bramsnaes and Miss F a i t h Williams (with M. Halbwachs as substitute) to represent the International Labour Organisation
on the Mixed Committee on the Problem of Nutrition set up b y the Council
of the League of Nations (cf. under 4).
8. The Labour Conference of the American States which are members
of t h e International Labour Organisation, meeting at Santiago, Chile,
in J a n u a r y 1936 passed two resolutions on the question of popular nutrition,
the texts of which are reproduced below :
" Resolution concerning popular nutrition, submitted b y the Government
delegation of Chile.
" Considering t h a t , other biological factors apart, nutrition
is a factor of-capital importance in determining the physical productive power of the worker ;
" Considering that technical bodies such as the technical organisation of the League of Nations, the British Ministry of Health,
the Consultative Committee on Nutrition of the Royal Society
of Medicine of Great Britain, the Department of Health of the United
States of America and the Tokio Institute of Nutrition and experts
such as Tizka, von Norden, Starling, Bottazzi, Saiki, Aykroyd,
Burnet, etc., are in agreement t h a t the daily nutrition requirements
of a working adult amount to about 3,000 calories per day, that
is to say foodstuffs productive of 3,000 calories distributed according
t o the following principles of nutrition :,
" 100 grs. of proteins of which approximately one third should
be of animal origin (meat and milk) ;
" 70 to 80 grs. of fat chiefly of animal origin in order to ensure
t h a t it contains Vitamin D (fat, butter, margarine, etc.),
and 500 grs. of hydrorcarbon consisting chiefly of starch
(cereals, bread, vegetables, fruit, green vegetables) ;
" the ration should also include the following indispensable
mineral substances : Calcium, 0.70. grs. ; Phosphorus,
2.10 grs. ; Iron, 0.015 grs., and also Vitamins A, B, C,
and D.
" Considering t h a t these fundamental requirements, indispensable
in the daily ration, are ajl met b y the following ration compiled
on biological principles :
125 grs Meat
350 grs Milk
100 grs Cereals
100 grs Vegetables
400 grs Bread
200 . Rrs Potatoes
200 grs GreenVegetablès*and Fruit*~ - " - - - - - - - ••..-•
30 grs to 40 grs. F a t ;
" Considering t h a t the cost óf such a ration implies the devotion
thereto of an important part of the indispensable wages of the individual and t h a t this part should not amount to more t h a n about
50 per cent, of such wages if other necessary expenses such as housing
and clothing are to be covered with the remainder without any
encroachment on the part reserved for nutrition ;

APPENDIX

181

" Considering it to be evident t h a t the present world crisis has
had a serious repercussion on the nutrition of the working-class
families owing to the effects of unemployment and the failure of
wages to increase proportionately to the increase in the cost of foodstuffs ;
" Considering t h a t the conditions of production, transport and
exchange of foodstuffs which are of primary necessity have a manifest
influence upon their cost ;
" Considering t h a t the problem of popular nutrition, viewed
from the social angle, is aggravated by popular ignorance of the
fundamental principles of rational nutrition which makes it difficult
to secure concentration upon the most necessary foodstuffs and
the best use of the part of wages devoted to nutrition ;
" The Labour Conference of American States which are Members
of the International Labour Organisation ;
" Requests the Governing Body of the International Labour
Office:
" (a) to transmit to the technical organs of the League of Nations
its desire t h a t they will continue their scientific work in
this branch of social medicine ; and
" (b) to include in the agenda of an early session of the International Labour Conference the question of popular nutrition.
" The Conference also notes the following as possible bases for
a policy intended to bring about an improvement in nutrition ;
" (a) The periodical determination in each country of the
average cost of a ration of 3,000 calories composed of a variety of
products fulfilling the conditions described above ;
" (b) The determination within each country and in the light
of its economic characteristics of the percentage of the indispensable
minimum wage which this ration should represent, it being understood
t h a t this percentage be fixed at about 50 per cent, of the wage ;
" (c) The fixing by each State of maximum prices for the
foodstuffs which are the basis of popular nutrition, it being essential
to include among these, on account of their absolute necessity,
meat, milk, and bread ;
" (d) The establishment of popular restaurants t o supply
adequate foodstuffs at moderate prices, under the control of Health
Authorities ;
" (e) The establishment in each country of organs or Technical
Commissions to assist the Government with measures of nutrition
policy ; to co-ordinate investigations on the subject and direct
the educational campaign which ought to be undertaken in connection
with the matter, etc.
" (f) The orientation of the economic policy of States in such
manner as to take account of the primordial character of biological
necessities in the sense of subordinating production, transport and
distribution, both national and international, of foodstuffs of primary
necessity to the nutrition requirements of the population ;
" (g) The adoption in so far as possible of international health
legislation on nutrition questions. "

182

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND

SOCIAL POLICY

" Resolution concerning popular nutrition, drafted on the basis of texts
submitted b y Mr. Manuel B. LLOSA, Government Delegate, Peru,
and Mr. S o u s , Workers' Delegate, Chile.
" T h e Labour Conference of the American States which are Members
of the International Labour Organisation, recommends the Governing
Body of the International Labour Office :
" 1. To instruct the Office :
" (a) to take steps, in collaboration with the countries concerned
and by methods such as the distribution to them of standard
forms or instructions, to achieve the greatest possible
measure of uniformity in the methods of investigation
into the conditions and costs of the nutrition of workers
in the different countries, both in urban and rural areas ;
" (b) to consider the desirability of collecting information with
a view to subsequent action concerning the provision of
food for workers and the utilisation of holiday camps,
school meals, popular restaurants, and similar establishments as a basis for the study of nutrition and a means
of educating the workers in matters of hygiene.
" 2. To invite the Members of the Organisation :
" (a) to communicate to the Office the results of their investigations into conditions and costs of nutrition with a view
to the formulation of a common policy on the subject ;
" (b) to put such a common policy into force, in so far ás possible,
by means of commercial treaties under which States with
an abundance of certain foodstuffs would place them at
the disposal of other States which lack them.
" The Conference further recommends :
" 1. That the method of investigation employed should be
t h a t of enquiries covering a large number of families in various
milieux and parts of the country a t different seasons of the year,
t h e data being noted daily over a certain period and including the
resources of the family and a detailed account of the quantity,
quality aüu cost OJL an loou \ similar uata shouid be conecten concerning the nutrition of children in crèches, in other similar institutions and in schools, a comparison being made between scholars in
• varying economic situations : special attention should also be given
t o t h e study of disease due to malnutrition, such as rickets, etc. ;
" 2. That the method adopted in these enquiries should follow
as closely as possible t h a t proposed by the Chilean Delegation, and
t h a t the collaboration of the technical organisations of the League
of Nations be invited ;
" 3. That the examination of the results of the enquiries and
investigations should,bring put whether the. defects of nutrition
are due to insufficient remuneration ; if so, the State should agree
to take all necessary steps to ensure t h a t wages are such t h a t the
workers can provide healthy and adequate food for themselves
and their families. "

184

WORKERS'

NUTRITION AND

SOCIAL

POLICY

2. Protein Requirements
I n practice, the protein intake for all adults should not fall below 1
gramme of protein per kilogram of bodyweight. The protein should
be derived from a variety of sources, and it is desirable that a part of
ifeê'¡îSFOtein should be of animal origin.
D u ï i o ë growth, pregnancy and lactation, some animal protein is
essentia^! a ° d in t n e growing period it should form a large proportion
of the to^al protein.
4.
FaV\Re,luirements
F a t musri ° e a constituent of the normal diet, b u t the data at present
available d o l n o t suffice to permit a precise statement of the quantity
required.
.
5. The ¡influence of Climate on Dietary Requirements
I n cold clf l m a t e s > t n e energy-content of the diet should be increased.

PART II
M I N E R A L AND VITAMIN

:
REQUIREMENTS

6. The Kommission recognises the fact t h a t the deficiencies of modern
diets are usually in the protective foods (foods rich in minerals and vitamins)
rather thanji 0 - more strictly energy-bearing foods (rich in calories). Among
'».he f o r m e r / a r e ' &TSt a n ( i most important, milk and milk products, eggs
anôî^glanoAl'Iar tissues ; then green-leaf vegetables, fruit, fat fish and
meat (musclejk Among the energy-bearing foods of little or no protective
power are sugai\r, milled cereals and certain fats.
Of energy-skiving foods, unmilled cereals are not rich in protective
nutrients and ttfhe more they are refined the less is their protective power.
Many fats, especially when refined, possess little or no protective constituents. Refined sugar is of value only as a source of energy ; it is entirely
devoid of mimerais and vitamins. The increasing habit of large sugar
consumption/tends to lessen the amount of protective foods in the diet
and is to be/ regarded with concern.
12. General Recommendations
.'&. Although a simplified diet may be so constituted from a few
¡protective foods as to be satisfactory, it is a general principle t h a t variety
¡in diet tends to safety, provided it contains a sufficiency of the protective
' types of food materials.
B . White flour in the process of milling is deprived of important
nutritive elements. Its use should be decreased and partial substitution
b y lightly milled cereals and especially b y potatoes is recommended. The
consumption of an excessive amount of sugar is to be condemned, and
in this case also partial replacement by potatoes is urged.
C. Milk should form a conspicuous element of the diet at all ages.
The Commission commends the tendency manifested in some countries
to increase the daily intake up to one litre per day for pregnant and
nursing women, as well as to provide an abundant supply for infants,
children of all ages and adolescents. The practice of providing milk
either free or at a reduced price to these is highly recommended.

APPENDIX II

THE PHYSIOLOGICAL BASES OF NUTRITION
Extract from the Report of the Technical Commission /appointed
by the Health Committee, League of Nations
(Meeting held in London, 25-29 November 1935J)

Introduction
The Commission is in agreement with the conclusions off the Burnet
and Ayfcroyd Report 1 t h a t deficiencies in important nutrients a».e a common
feature of modern diets and t h a t these deficiencies usually &Ccur in the
protective foods (foods rich in minerals and vitamins) rather ¡than in the
energy-giving foods (proteins, fats and carbohydrates). The (Commission
has set out its findings in two parts : P a r t I dealing with t h e reWùrernents
of energy-giving foods ; Part I I with mineral and vitamin reqj u i reI ruraí,!i¿'

PAitT I :
ENERGY, PROTEIN AND FAT REQUIREMENTS
1. Calorìe Requirements
'(a) An adult, male or female, living an ordinary everyday life
in a temperate climate and not engaged in manual work is takeai as the
basis on which the needs of other age-groups are reckoned. An allowance
of 2,400 calories net per day is considered adequate to meet.the requirements of such an individual.
(b) The following supplements for muscular activity should be
added to the basic requirements in (a) :
Light work :
up to
50 calories per hour of work,
Moderate work :
„
50-100
i„
„
Hard work :
„ 100-200
„
„
Very hard work :
„ 200 calories and upwards perjhour of work.
(c) .
Allowance must also be made for women engaged in household duties,
whether pregnant or not ; these have to be reckoned as equivalent t o
light work for eight hours daily.
1
BDRNKT and AYKROYD : "Nutrition and Public Health", published to the Quarterly Bulletin
of the Health Organisation of the League of Nations, Vol. IV, No. 2, June 1935.

APPENDIX III

SUPPLEMENTARY STATISTICS TO CHAPTER U :
NUTRITION AND OCCUPATION

TABLE I .

NUMBER OP CALORIES AVAILABLE FOR OCCUPATIONAL
WORK I N FOUR DIFFERENT TYPES OF DIETS
Types of diet

Absorption of calories per day . . . .

2,400
240

3,500
350

4,500
450

5,500
550

2,160

3,150

4,050

4,950

1,680

480

1,470

2,370

3,270

Maintenance expenditure a t rest
(70 calories per hour), in 24 hours .
Calories available for daily muscular
Expenditure during 8 hours' leisure
(expenditure required a t rest :
Calories available for work : 8 hours .

(280) 1

560

200
25

910
114

1,810
226

2,710
339

1
In the case of the least well nourished subject (diet a), the rate (560) would in this case
be higher than the number of calories available (280). The expenditure for leisure may however
be reduced to 280 in order to conform with the amount available (280).

(LEHMANN, G. : "Physiologie der Arbeit", in
GIESE : Handwörterbuch der Arbeitswissenschalt, Vol. II, pp. 3519—3543. Halle
(Saale), 1930.)

APPENDIX I I

185

The Commission desires to draw attention to the high nutritive value
of skimmed and separated milk, which, although deprived of its vitamin A
through removal of the fat, retains t h e protein, the B and C vitamins,
the calcium and other mineral elements. The Commission deplores the
large wastage in many countries of this valuable food.
D. Fresh, vegetables and/or fruit should always be constituents
of the normal mixed diet. Adequate provision of the vitamins other
t h a n vitamin D can be readily accomplished by inclusion in the diet
of optimum amounts of protective foods. Where these are not available,
only such vitamin preparations as are officially controlled and approved
should be permitted.
E. The Commission emphasises the need for provision of extra
vitamin D, either as cod-liver oil or as irradiated products, wherever
and whenever sunshine is not abundant, especially in the period of growth
and during pregnancy.

APPENDIX

TABLE H .

—

187

irr

ENEEGY EXPENDITTJBE I N N E T AND GEOSS CALOBIES
TTNDEB D U T E E E N T LIVING CONDITIONS
Expenditure in net
calories per kg. of
body weight

Living conditions

Absolute rest (deep s l e e p ) . . . .
Fasting, at rest, but awake . . .
Awake, with ordinary food . . .
With moderate work (50,000 kgrms.)
(intellectual work, seated) . . .
With work (100,000 kgrms.)
(carpenter, peasant, mason) . .

per hr.

per 24 hrs.

1.000
1.236
1.429

24.000
30.312
34.296

1.786

1,848
2,332
2,640

42.857

2,400
600
3,000

3,300

51.428

2,400
+ 1,200
3,600

3,960

60.000

2,400
+ 1,800
4,200

4,620

78.571

2,400
+ 2,400
4,800

5,280

With work (150,000 kgrms.)
2.500

2.857

1,680
2,120
2,400
+

2.142

With heavy or continuous physical
work (200,000 kgrms. and over)

Expenditure for a
m a n of 70 kgs.
per 24 hrs.
I n gross
In net
calories
calories

(BOITAZZI : quoted by MAEOIUESTJ, in Trattalo
d'Igiene of D. OTTOLENOHI, Vol. I I , Part I .
p. 24. Milan, 1933.)

188

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

TABLE H I .
QUANTITATIVE DAILY EXPENDITURE OF ENERGY
OF AN AVERAGE ADULT MAN WEIGHING 7 0 KGS.
Work
Number of calories
required per hour
(experimental data)
General requirements :
8 h o u r s ' sleep i n b e d . . . .
5 h o u r s ' r e l a t i v e r e s t (seated)
2 hours'relativerest (standing)
1 h o u r cycling (going t o a n d
r e t u r n i n g from w o r k ) .

Requirements

60 !
100
113,

Light Moderate Heavy
Number of calories

480
500
230

170 .
170
(200 for w a l k i n g
' 1,380
a t a slow pacef

480
500
230
170

170

1,380

for work :
130

8 hours' metal

work

1,040

(filing,
240
400

Total

480
500
230

energy requirements

1,920
3,200

. .

2,420
2,400
34

3,300
3,300
47

4,580
4,600
66

Standard metabolism 1,440 calories in 24 hours.
(ALQT/IER, J. : " Quelques considérations pratiques
et sociales d'une alimentation basée sur des
principes scientifiques ", Bull. Soc. Scient.
d'Hyg. Aliment., No. 4-5, 1920. Paris.)

TABLE IV.

ENERGY EXPENDITURE' REQUIRED
DI DIFFERENT OCCUPATIONS
Number of calories per hour

Occupations,

According to Kose
(subject of 70 kgs.)

H a n d sewing . .
Tailoring . . . .
Rapid stenography
Bookbinding . . .
Carpentering. . .
Metal working . .
Industrial painting
Stone cutting . .
Timber sawing. .

7 ; 33.4
46.5'; 44

Ill
135
' 140
170
-.*• --"-'—•;

180-1-

240
240
240
400
480

According to Wohlpert,
Ilzhofer, etc.

79 ; 63 ( w o m a n )
~77î2r-122:2 r - 8 9 — « 93.2
143
164; 3 1 9 ;
406

286;

300

(Quoted by SHERMAN: Chemistry of Food and
Nutrition, p. 614. New York, 1933.)

189

APPENDIX in

TABLE V.

ANALYSES OP THE NUTRITIVE AND CALORIFIC VALUES
OP DIFFERENT POODS
(Pei • 100 grms.)
Nitrogen Proteins
(in
(in
grms.) grms.)

Carbo- Number
Fats
hydrates
(in
of
(in
grms.)
calories
grms.)

7.7
8.0
18.3
24.8
36
49
26
20
3
2.8
3
8
3.4
3.7
3.5
4.0
11
11
10.4
9.3
0.5
0.4
0.9
1.3
0.9
0.1
0.1
0.1
0.1
trace
0.16
0.3

FoodstuffB

Beef (semi-fat)

. . . .

Beef (cooked)

3.1

—
—

. . . <

' 4

—
-

1f 3.3
—

Veal (lean)

—
B r e a s t of veal

. . . .

—

0.5

—
—
—

Cows' milk . . . . <
(full m i l k )

2.1

H e n s ' eggs

. . . . . .
'

Wheaten bread

. . .

.—
—
—

0.2

(

0.25

20
19
13.7
12.5
25
48
23.3
24.8
21
20
5.6
15.3
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.3
13
12
12.3
11.9
7.5
7.0
6.9
9.2
8.4
1.1
2.1
1.3
1.8
1.4
1.6
2.2

0.4

—
—
—
—.
—
—
—
—
0.4

—
—

4.7
4.8
4.8
4.9

—

0.7

—
—.

57
57
52.7
53.1
53.1
21
21
15
14.7
2
1.5
3.5

156
150
219
278
420
316
291
272
111
124
50
139
63
68
64
69
150
165
142
131
240
265
247
261
254
56-62
79
67
67
10
15
25

Analyses of

König
Rubner
Alquier
Sherman
Rubner
König
Alquier
Sherman
Rubner
König
Alquier
Sherman
Rubner
König
Alquier
Sherman
Rubner
König
Alquier
Sherman
Rubner
König
Alquier
Sherman
de W e y e r
Rubner
König
Alquier
Sherman
Rubner
König
Alquier

(Quoted by von TYSZKA in Klinische Wochenschrift, 27 April 1935, p. 597 [tabi. 6].)

190

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

TABLE VI. —
DAILY ENERGY REQUIREMENTS, I N CALORIES, OF
YOUNG AND MIDDLE-AGED ADULTS OF AVERAGE HEIGHT AND WEIGHT
AT VARIOUS DEGREES OF ACTIVITY
Number of calories

Sedentary w o r k involving little movement
L i g h t , exercise, s i t t i n g a t w o r k . . .
M o d e r a t e exercise, s t a n d i n g or w a l k i n g
at work
Active work involving muscular
strength
.
Very active muscular work
V e r y severe m u s c u l a r w o r k . . . . .

Men

Women

2,100—2,500
2,500—2,800

1,800—2,100
2,100—2,400

2,800—3,100

2,400—2,700

3,100—3,500
3,500^-4,500
4,500—6,000

2,700—3,000

(Quoted by STIBBBMNO and WAED iii Diets at Four Levels
of Nutritive Content and Cost, U.S. Dept. of Agr.,
Circular No. 296, Washington, 1933.)
TABLE VII.
STANDARDS OF NUTRITION PROPOSED FOR A MAN
OF AVERAGE WEIGHT DURING MODERATE WORK

Voit
British Committee

. .

Proteins
(in grins.)

Fats
(in grms.)

Carbohydrates
(in grms.)

Number
of calories

118
127
125
100 >•
119
80—100 2

56
52
125
100
51,
60^-80

500
509
450
400
531
500

3,055
3,092
3,520
3,000
3,140
3,000

Of which 37 grammes "flrst-class proteins" (animal).
* Of which 40 grammes "flrst-class proteins" (animal).
(Quoted by BÜRNET and AYKKOYD : "Nutrition and Public
Health", Quarterly Bulletin of the Health Organisation
of the League of Nations, Vol. IV, No. 5.)
TABLE V I H .

STANDARD DIET FOR A MAN WEIGHING 7 0 KGS.
Proteins
(in grms.)

Fats
(in grms.)
A.

Carbohydrates
, (in grms.)

Lig ht

Number
of calories

Work

Voit
123
-— 100- ---•
Voit

145
165
150

46
B.
Heavy
100
70
i

377
Work
500
565
i

2,445
2 s -7t)0—
3,574
3,362
4,150

Differences to complete the total calories.
(Quoted by I r a s : The Elements of Science and
Nutrition. Philadelphia and London, 1928.)

191

APPENDIX H I

TABLE IX.
DAILY REQUIREMENTS, I N CALORIES,
OF A CARPENTER WEIGHING ABOUT 7 0 K G S . .
Number of calories

520
340
1,920
600
3,380

8 hours' sleep (75 calories per hour)
2 hours' light exercise (170 calories per hour) . . .
6 hours' rest seated (100 calories per hour)
Total requirements per 24 hours

. . . .

(According to ATKKOTD : Vitamine and other
Dietary Essentials, pp. 14-16.)

TABLE X.
DIFFERENCES I N DAILY REQUIREMENTS OF PROTEINS,
CARBOHYDRATES AND FATS ACCORDING TO OCCUPATION
Proteins

Carbohydrates

Pats

Grammes
Percentage
Grammes
Percentage

60—100
15
60—100
13

400
77
500
79

35—45
8
45—55
8

Grammes
Percentage

60—100
10

650
82

60—70
8

Grammes
Percentage

60—100
8

800
84

75—85
8

Occupations

Shopkeepers, office clerks,
teachers, tailors, etc.
II. Shoemakers,bookbinders,
mechanics (light engineering),postmen, conductors,
lorrydrivers, chauffeurs,
housekeepers.
I H . Metal workers in heavy
industry, painters, j oiners,
carpenters, masons, masons' labourers, agricultural workers.
IV. Soldiers in the field, porters, mountaineers, navvies, woodcutters.

(According to HESS : Praktische Ernährungslehre.
Zürich, 1934.)

TABLE X Í .

-4-

COMPOSITION OF DIETS, FOR WOMEN AND MEN ; MO

li
li

Energy value
of the diet
in calories

Proteins
Calories
from proteins
(in %)

Women (moderately active) :
Adequate diet; (moderate cost)

. . . . . .

2.335
2,634
2,638
2,570

11
12
12
13

3,127
3,469
3,474
3,479

11
12
11
12

Women (very active) :
Adequate diet (minimum cost)

- '.

•

Men (moderately active) :
Adequate diet (minimum cost)
Adequate diet, (moderate cost)

3,021
3,385
3,428
3,326

10
11
10
11

Men (very actiye) :.

!
. II

4,286
4,660
4,566
4,528

10
11
9
10

•

Pro
anim

APPENDIX

193

TABLE X I I . — DAILY REQUIREMENTS IN PROTEINS, FATS AND
CARBOHYDRATES ACCORDING TO DEGREE OF ACTIVITY
Proteins
(in
grms.)
Sedentary work (ca. 3,000 calories) :
E n q u i r y 1931 :
A b s o l u t e figures
P e r cent
E n q u i r y 1928 (men) :
A b s o l u t e figures
E n q u i r y 1918 :
A b s o l u t e figures
E n q u i r y 1918 (women) :
A b s o l u t e figures
Moderate work (ca. 3,500 calories) :
E n q u i r y 1931 :
A b s o l u t e figures
Per cent
E n q u i r y 1918 (men) :
A b s o l u t e figures
E n q u i r y 1931 :
A b s o l u t e figures
Per cent
E n q u i r y 1918 (women) :
A b s o l u t e figures
Heavy work (ca. 4,000 calories) :
E n q u i r y 1928 (men) :
A b s o l u t e figures
E n q u i r y 1931 :
A b s o l u t e figures
Per cent
E n q u i r y 1918 :
A b s o l u t e figures
E n q u i r y 1918 (women) :
A b s o l u t e figures
Very heavy work (5,000 calories
a n d over) :
E n q u i r y 1928 (men) :
A b s o l u t e figures
E n q u i r y 1928 (women) :
A b s o l u t e figures

89.3
11

CarboFats hydrates Number Deficit
in
(in
(in
of calories
calories
grms.) grms.)

140.4
39.2

407.6
49

3,333

480

2,800

48.7

61.6

221.3

1,680

1,320

54.5

234.1

1,890

1,110

87.7
11

129.8
36.8

420
52.2

3,279

61.7

63.5

306.3

2,099

93.1
11.4

80.3
22.3

543.4
66.3

3,342.5

57.8

76.5

255.4

1,995

1,401

1,505

100

660

4,000

83.2
11

111.1
33.4

421
55.6

3,095

66.9

64.3

340.2

2,268

1,732

64.3

77.5

297.9

2,205

1,795

100

160

760

5,000

570

3,400

(Results of enquiries by the Ministry of Munitions, Great Britain, 1918; Bode, Borinsky,
Lampe and Murschhauser, 1928 ; and
Cathcart and Murray, 1931.)

194

TABLE X I I I .

WORKERS' NUTRITION AND SOCIAL POLICY

—

CLASSIFICATION OF INDUSTRIES AND OCCUPATIONS
1. According