^
^

I N T E N T I O N A L LABOUR
N
OFFICE
Wr
GENEVA
3 May 1921.

The Programme and Organization
of the Christian Trade Unions of Germany
(Congress at Essen 20-24 November 1920)

CONTENTS
End of the Conflict between Confessional and Interconfessional
Trade Unions
Development of the Christian Trade Unions of Agricultural Workers,
Employees, and Public Officials
Foundation of the Berlin Christian Trade Union Office
National Questions
The Democratic Ideal of the Christian Trade Unions
The Social Programme
The Christian Trade Unions and Industrial Democracy
Religious Doctrine of the Christian Trade Unions : Speech by
Dr. Theodor Brauer

3
6
9
11
12
13
17
20

Appendices
Development of the Christian Trade Unions
Composition of the Deutscher Geiverhschaftsbund
Publications of the Christian Trade Unions

21
22
24

The congress held at Essen on 21 November 1920
by the unions of Christian workers of Germany marks
a new epoch in the history of these unions. The last ordinary
congress was held at Dresden before the war, on 6
October 1912. A period of eight years, therefore, separates
the two congresses. In the course of this long period, important
events had happened, tending to define and even to modify
the evolution of the Christian trade unions of Germany.
It is essential to analyse the character and indicate the
consequences of these events before showing from the
speeches and ¿iscussions at Essen the present programme of
the Christian trade unions.
IL0-SR/A21
ECTGL
COP. 2

— 2 —

It is well known that the Christian trade unions of
Germany are combined in a vast association bearing the
name of The General Association of Christian Trade Unions
of Germany ( Gesamtverband der Christlichen Gewerkschaften
Deutschlands). The Association has its seat at Cologne
(Venloerwall) ; its President, Adam Stegerwald, is at present
Minister of Welfare in the Prussian Cabinet. It is hardly
possible in this brief study to describe the origin of the
Christian organizations or the evolution which they have
undergone from the time of their foundation until the Congress
of Dresden in 1912. Suffice it to say that the most important
Christian unions — particularly the Miners' Union — were
founded during the year 1894, and that the Christian trade
union movement has from its origin had its principal centre
at Essen. The first congress was held in 1899 at Mainz.
At that time the General Association of Christian Trade
Unions already numbered about 80,000 members. Since
then, its development has proceeded regularly. 1
The principal events which have exercised a powerful
influence on the programme and organization of the Christian
unions since the Congress of Dresden, and more particularly
since the war and the German revolution, appear to be the
following:—
1. The end of the conflct between the Christian trade
unions and the Catholic (confessional) trade unions;
2. The development, since the Eevolution, of the union of
agricultural workers and the unions of employees and public
officials ;
3. The importance progressively acquired by the Office
of Christian Trade Unions established at Berlin during the
war.
We will examine successively, with the assistance of the
information furnished in the report presented by the
committee to the Congress, each of these facts, and see what
influence they have exercised on the organization and the
programme of the Christian trade unions.
(1) The reader will find all necessary particulars of the origin and the
development of the Christian social movement, or, more precisely, of the
Christian labour movement, in the second yolume of Die Berufsvereine,
by W. Kulemann (Jena, 1908). This volume also contains a very complete
bibliography (page 196). Kulemann distinguishes two periods in the
history of the Christian labour movement. The first, which he calls the
religious and patriarchal period, is marked by the creation of Catholic
associations—for men, for workmen, for young men, for journeymen.
The first of these associations, a journeymen's association ( Gesellenverein)
was founded by Father Kolping at Elberfeld on 6 November 1846. The
second period, which Kulemann calls the period of emancipation, saw tha
rise of the Christian trade unions ; the first of these, the German Union
of Railwaymen (Verband deutscher Eisenbalinhandwerlc.è\ und
Arbeiter),
was formed at Treves on 1 May 1894.

The End of the Conflict between Confessional and
Interconfessional Trade Unions
I t is impossible to relate in detail the history of the conflict
between the Christian trade unions of Cologne and the
Catholic trade unions of Berlin. The pamphlet published
by the General Association of- Christian Trade Unions, The
Trade Union TÂbel Action of Cologne, supplies Ine most complete
information on this important episode in the history of
Christian trade unionism. We will confine ourselves to
quoting certain dates and facts :—
The origin of the conflict between Berlin and Cologne
goes back to the year 1899. . At that time a certain number
of German Catholics opposed the creation of Christian workers'
unions, and advocated the organization of craft sections
(Fachabteilungen) within the workers' Catholic associations,
which had been organized, under the direction of the clergy,
throughout Germany. They complained of the admission
into their ranks by the Christian unions not only of Catholic
workers but also of Protestant workers. They also reproached
them with admitting into their programme the right to strike,
which did not appear to them to be compatible with the
principles of Christian doctrine.
War was therefore declared against the Christian trade
unions. The conflict Avas carried on by the Union of
Catholic Workers' Associations of Berlin ( Verband der Katolischen Arbeitervereine,
Berlin).
This body did not
confine its action to the Berlin district only, but possessed
Avorkers' branches throughout Germany, principally in the
Dioceses of Treves and Breslau. The Berlin Union Avas not
content with an opposition of principle—it proceeded to act.
At Whitsun 1902 it decided to organize craft sections
(Faehabteilungen) Avithin its associations.
The other unions of catholic Avorkers' associations did
not folloAV this example, but on the contrary assured the
Christian trade unions of their support.
These Unions
were : the Union of Catholic Workers' Associations of Western
Germany, with its seat at München-Gladbach ; the Union
of Catholic Workers' Associations of South Germany, having
its centre at Munich; and lastly, the Union of Catholic
Workers' Associations of Eastern Germany, organized from
Breslau. Each of these Unions also possessed workers'
branches, but, unlike the Berlin Union, they had only created
these branches in the districts in which they carried on their
activities.
The conflict betAveen Berlin and Cologne reached its
culminating point at the end of the autumn of 1912. On
24 September 1912 Pope Pius X. addressed to Cardinal
Kopp, Bishop of Breslau, and to all the Bishops and Archbishops of Germany, his famous encyclical : Singulari (madam.

^_ 4 —
A certain number of passages in this encyclical were capable
of being interpreted by the Catholic population of Germany
against the Christian trade unions. The latter, without losing
time, convened a great Extraordinary Congress, which was
held at Essen on 26 November 1912. After an energetic
speech by Mr. Adam Stegerwald, the Congress passed a
resolution in the following terms :
Nothing will be changed in the character, form of organization, and
future activity of the Christian trade unions. We shall continue to work
as in the past.

The Christian trade unions therefore maintained their
programme. But the conflict was not appeased.
It
gave rise during the year 1913 to violent attacks both on the
part of the Catholic press and on the part of the Socialist
workers' organizations. The Christian trade unions, firmly
resolved to defend their cause, finally decided to bring a libel
action againt certain editors of Catholic and Socialist newspapers. The hearing of the action in Cologne lasted from
18 to 22 December 1913. I t ended in a judgment against
the journalists in question.
The war broke out in the following year, and afterwards,
in 1918, the Revolution. The opposition between confessional
and interconfessional trade unions still continued. In view
of the troubles which were then agitating Germany,
the Christian working class of that country felt the need of
combining its efforts. At the beginning of the year 1919,
the Christian unions and the Berlin Catholic unions entered into,
negotiations, and by 3 May 1919, a preliminary agreement
had been established. But an important point had still to
be settled. The Catholic Workers' Associations of Berlin
claimed for the Catholic workers the right to refuse, without
incurring penalties, to submit to certain trade union measures
when they regarded such measures as opposed to the
instructions of the ecclesiastical authorities.
Meanwhile, the annual conference of the German Bishops
took place at Fulda'in October 1919. In the course of this
conference the German episcopate passed the following
resolution :—
I t is desirable, with a view to the development of a good understanding
among German Catholics, and in the interest of the Catholic Workers,
that an agreement should be established between the Catholic Workers'
Associations of Berlin and the Christian trade unions, either in the form of an
amalgamation of the two organizations or in the form of an amicable
convention. The task of settling the terms of such agreement is left to
the two organizations.

Cardinal Hartmann, Archbishop of Cologne, communicated
this decision to the Berlin craft sections, notifyng them
at the same time that it was not necessary, in order to settle
the question finally, to consult the Pope again.

The intervention of the German Bishops resulted in the
resumption of the negotiations. Finally, on 19 October,
an agreement was concluded. Under this agreement the
members of the craft sections consent to enter the ranks
of the Christian trade unions on the following basis: —
1. In order to respond to the convictions of the Catholic workers, a
trade union organization must be of such a character as to leave to those
who belong to it the liberty of judging trade union questions from the
point of view of religion and morality, and of determining their own action
accordingly. In particular the members of the trade union organization
must not be placed under any disadvantage in the event of their being
prevented, by conformity with the religions obligations imposed upon them
by the rules of the Church generally in force, from giving their approbation
to certain trade union measures.
2. From the point of view of morality there is no objection in principle
to the collective stoppage of work. Collective stoppage of work may,
however, be open to condemnation in view of the intentions which it
expresses, the circumstances in which it talces place, and the means which
it employs. Stoppage of work is in any case to be condemned when it has
recourse to the unjustified employment of force.
3. We are living in a period of industrial transformation. The creation
of autonomous industrial organizations constituted on a legal basis and
of free common associations of employers and employed will result in
uniting more closely the different parts of the German industrial system.
Such an evolution requires the establishment of conciliatory organs for
the regulation of the conditions of labour, and particularly of industrial
arbitration institutions provided with full powers. The development of
these organs is demanded both by the Catholic Workers' Associations and
the Christian trade unions.
4. The effective performance of the common task of the workers'
Associations and the trade unions will be secured by the creation of a
mixed committee composed of members of the two organizations.

The programme thus established has now been ratified
by the Congress Essen, and the as conflict between the
confessional workers' associations and the interconfessional
trade unions has thus ceased to exist. Catholic workers and
Protestant workers will henceforth be able without any
obstacle to participate equally in the Christian trade unions.
The victory of the interconfessional Christian trade
unions marks an important epoch in the evolution of the
Christian trade unions. I t will contribute to strengthen the
bonds, which existed from the time of the formation of the
first trade unions, between the Protestant working population
and the Catholic working population of Germany.
The Minister of Labour, Dr. Brauns, one of the members
of the German clergy who has done most- to promote the
Christian trade union movement, did not fail to point out in
his speech at the congress the national importance of this
close union between Cathoilc and Protestant workéis within

the Christian trade unions, and to emphasize afresh the
necessity imposed upon the Christian unions of ensuring
the most absolute equality of rights between the two confessions, as follows :
Essen is the cradle of the Miners' Christian Union. This Christian
Union was not the first to be founded, but it is the most typical
of our movement as a whole. Why then has it represented for us
from the beginning the model union? — Because it was able in
a remarkable way at its very origin to combine in the same group
Catholic and Protestant miners. The Miners' Christian Union did
not trouble to reckon what were the respective numbers of its
Protestant and Catholic members. I t immediately placed both on a
footing of absolute equality, and appointed 'its officers accordingly—one
half of them consisted of Protestants, and one half of Catholics. When
the president was a Catholic, the vice-president was a Protestant. Thus
from the very first day it clearly manifested its sincere desire to secure
confessional equality.
Today, when not only industrial life but the
edifice of the State itself has to be restored, this determination to work
in common, free from all prejudice of religion or of class, must be diffused
more and more among the German population.

The Development of the Christian Unions of Agricultural Workers,
Employees, and Public Officials
The development of the Christian unions of agricultural
workers, employees and public officials dates from the war,
but did not really become manifest until after the Revolution.
This development also we can only sketch here in its broad
outlines.
The German Revolution resulted at the very beginning
in the abolition of the old Royal Ordinance of 1810
relating to domestics (Gesinde Ordnung). By the Provisional
Order relating to agricultural labour of 2á January 1919,
the most complete freedom of association was guaranteed
to workers on the land. Unions of agricultural Avorkers, both
Socialist and Christian, immediately underwent a marvellous
development. The Central Union of (Christian) Agricultural
Workers (Zentralverband der Landarbeiter), which numbered only
about 3,000 members before the war, has today nearly 150,000
members. Unlike a certain number of Christian trade
unions, which draw the greater part of their adherents from
the Catholic regions of Westphalia and the Rhine, the agricultural union includes both workers on the great estates
of the old Prussian Protestant provinces and workers from
the Catholic regions of Western Germany. Its president,
Mr. Franz Behrens, is one of the best knoAvn and most
respected leaders of the Protestant Christian social movement.
In his speech at the first sitting of the congress, he expressed
his satisfaction that "the Christian agricultural workers were
for the first time represented at a Christian trade union
congress".

— 7 —

Most of the unions of employees which are found in
•Germany today were already in existence before the war,
and even at that time constituted powerful organizations.
Their character and their programme were, however, somewhat
different. Since the Revolution, in fact, the majority of
the German Unions of employees have been reconstituted
•on a more strictly trade union basis. At the same time
classification has taken place. The unions of employees
have been gradually divided into three distinct groups—
Socialist unions, Liberal unions, and Christian unions.
There are at the present time three great federations of
unions of employees. The first comprises the Socialist or
free unions, twelve in number, and is called the Arbeitsgemeinschaft freier Angestelltenverbände, better known as the
A.F.A. The second comprises the Liberal unions, four in
number, and is known as the Gewerkschaftsbund der Angestellten;
the third is the Christian federation, or Gesamtverband deutscher
Angestelltengewerkschaften, and includes ten unions.
The most important of the Christian unions, around which
all the others are grouped, is the old German National
Association of Commercial Employees of Hamburg (Deutsch•nationaler Handhmgsgehilfenverband), founded on 1 December,
1895. The Hamburg Association is of almost exclusively
Protestant origin. In 1914 it already numbered more than
100,000 members. It also has grown considerably since
1918, and today numbers nearly 250,000 members in more
than 100 branches scattered over the whole of Germany, as
against 35 in July 1914.
The federation of Christian unions of public officials
is of quite recent origin2. It dates from the middle of 1920.
Its president, Dr. Höfle, is one of the former general
secretaries of the great League of Public Officials {Beutseher
Beamtenbund), Avhich was created immediately after the
E evolution for the purpose of federating all the associations
of public officials, of regulating their line of conduct, and of
furthering their common interests. The right of association
among public officials was subject in pre-revolutionary
Germany to a certain number of important restrictions.
These restrictions disappeared after the Revolution, and the
unions of public officials were able to organize and develop
more freely.
The Christian Federation of Unions of Public Officials
and State Employees (Gesamtverband deutscher Beamten- und
Staatsangestelltengeiverkschaften), like the Christian Federation
of Employees ( Gesamtverband deutscher Angestelltengewerkschaften), has its seat at Berlin. Its internal organization
(2) I t is the federation, of course, that is recent, not the organizations
themselves. The Bavarian and Elberfeld Associations of Railwaymen,
for example, are of more than ten years' standing.

— 8 —

is not yet complete. It includes at present twelve unions of
public officials (unions of officials of the Bavarian, Baden,.
Saxon, Wurtemburg, and Federel railways, and of Bavarian
Federal, and other postal services.
Christian workers, employees, and public officials were
thus, by the middle of 1920, combined in three great distinct
organizations. From that condition of things to the combining
of the three organizations into one was only a step. This
step was [taken in June 1920. An inclusive Christian trade
union league was created at Berlin under the name oí Deutscher
Gewerkschafts bund.
The new organization must not be confounded with the
trade union league which immediately preceded it.
Following on the Bevolution of Isiovember 1918, twoLiberal and Christian associations set about combining
their efforts Avith a view to resisting more successfully the
revolutionary impulse. They organized a trade union
combination, called the Deutsch-Demokratischer GewerJcschaftsbund. In the course of the year 1919, the revolutionary
agitation quieted down by degrees. At the same time the
progressive movement of differentiation and classification,
which we have indicated, between the three great German
trade union tendencies—Socialist, Liberaland Christian—began..
The Christian-Liberal combination no longer answered its
original purpose; it was not renewed, and the Deutscher
GewerJcsehaftsbund was created.
It now numbers two million members and includes 41
organizations. I t has adopted as its programme :—
1.

To defend the industrial, vocational, and social interests common
to the different organizations of the League, in conformity
with the requirements of their development.

2.

To secure the defence of the individual interests of each of the
trade union groups of the League by the whole of the organizations represented therein.
—

3.

To combat the disintegrating influence exercised on the population
of Germany by materialism, by diffusing among the said
population the general principles of morality, and particularly
national and Christian ideas.

Its internal organization comprises an executive committee
consisting of 17 members; a special commission consisting
of 35 persons; a central office at Berlin; State and district
offices; and finally local offices. I t publishes a journal which
appears twice a month—the Nachrichten des Deutschen GewerTcschaftsbundes—and also a monthly bulletin devoted to works
councils—the Betreibsrätepost.
The Congress of Essen was no doubt more particularly
a congress of Christian workers' unions. The Christian
organizations of employees and public officials and the
Deutscher GewerTcschaftsbund were only represented at it by

— 9 —
their presidents or secretaries. But the Congress
ended
with a special Congress of Christian Works Councils, convened
by the Deutscher GewerlcscJiaftsbund and representing in
reality the first official congress of the Bund.
The discussions were presided over by Mr. Otto Thiel,
President of the Gesamtverband Deutscher Angestelltengewerkschaften, and were marked by a speech by Johannes Breddemann, one of the two Secretaries of the Deutscher Gewerhseha,ftsbund, setting forth the programme of the Bund.
Foundation of the Berlin Christian Trade Union Office
A third important fact, which cannot fail to influence the
evolution and development of Christian trade unions, is the
foundation of the Christian Trade Union Office of Berlin.
Before the war, the Christian trade unions possessed no
office in the German capital: they were grouped round Cologne
as their centre. The need of Christian trade union representation at Berlin was only felt after the declaration of war.
The Christian trade unions had then to take up a position
on a great number of important questions, the solution of
which affected the whole life of Germany. All these questions
were discussed and solved in Berlin. To remedy the inconvenience arising from the general secretariat being in Cologne,
it was decided to organize without delay a special office in
Berlin. The work of this office was in the first place carried
on by Mr. Joseph Becker, who was assisted by the members
of Christian trade unions residing in Berlin or carrying on
their preliminary duties there. At the beginning of May 1916,
the General Secretary, Mr. Adam Stegerwald, was appointed
to the Ministry of Food in Berlin, and he took over the
direction of the office. It was transferred to Mr. Fritz
Baltrusch in 1918 after the Revolution, when Mr. Stegerwald
was nominated to the Prussian Ministry of Welfare.
The functions of the Berlin office, which were already
very important during the war, have been considerably
augmented since November 1918. It assisted in the
establishment of. the Central Labour Association (Zentralarbeitsgemeinschaft), which was created at that time.
It
subsequently assisted in the preparation of laws and ordinances of a social or industrial character which were promulgated by the National Assembly. I t assisted in the
preparation of the Decree relating to the provisional
Federal Economic Council. Mr. Fritz Baltrusch was
appointed a member of that Council, and soon afterwards
became Vice-President. He was also a member of the
Second Socialization Commission.
The importance of the Berlin office is further increased
at the present time by the fact that not only is the General
Secretary of the Workers' Unions, Mr. Adam Stegerwald,

— 10 —
residing in Berlin as Minister of Welfare in the Prussian
Cabinet, but that the DeutscherGeiverkschaftsbïind, the Gesamtverband deutscher Angestelltengeiverlcschaften and the Gesamtverband deutscher Beamten- und Staats angestellten Gewerkschaften
also have their offices in that city. The German capital
now rivals Cologne as a centre of the Christian trade union
movement.
What will be the influence on the Christian trade union
movement of the three great events which we have described,
namely, the amalgamation of the inter-confessional and
confessional unions, the development of the Protestant
Christian organizations of agricultural workers, employees,
and public officials, and the importance acquired by the
Berlin office % They seem already to have had two consequences. They have, in the first place, contributed to
broaden the basis of the Christian trade union movement,
by bringing into its ranks a whole group of workers who
hitherto had not properly formed part of it. In the second
place, they have compelled the Christian organizations to fix
and define more precisely their National-Christian (Christlich-National) doctrine. This double result appeared very
clearly in the course of the sittings of the Congress of Essen.
The Christian trade unions of Germany do not concern
themselves exclusively with social problems, or confine their
energies strictly within the limits of the labour movement.
The general problems of German life • equally engage their
attention and enter into their programme. This programme,
therefore, presents a varied aspect. I t is at once of a national,
political, social, industrial, and Christian character.
The sittings of the Congress of Essen were marked by seven
important speeches or reports, delivered or presented by the
principal leaders of Christian trade unionism—Mr. Adam
Stegerwald, Mr. Hirtsiefer, the Secretary of the Union; Mr.
Baltrusch, the Director of the Berlin office; Mr. Eöhr, the
Assessor; Mr. Imbusch, the President of the Miners' Union;
Mr. Otte, the President of the Textile Workers' Union,
and, finally, Dr. Theodor Brauer, who is, together with Mr.
Adam StegerAvald, a recognized leader .of the Christian
trade union movement. Mr. Adam Stegerwald defined the
attitude of Christian trade unionism to German national
questions. Mr. Baltrusch and Mr. Hirtsiefer spoke on
industrial problems, Mr. Bohr and Mr. Imbusch on the
organization of labour, and Dr. Brauer on Christian trade
union doctrine.
These various speeches contain the essential points of the
Christian trade union programme of to-day. They may,
however, be usefully supplemented by the declarations of
various members of the Christian trade unions, particularly
Mr. Giesberts, the Minister of Posts, and also by the speech
of Dr. Brauns, the Federal Minister of Labour, already quoted.

— 11 —

National Questions
The event of the Congress was the great speech made by
the Minister, Mr. Adam Stegerwald, setting forth the programme of the movement. Mr. Stegerwald is a Bavarian of
Franconia, formerly a joiner and amember of thef amous Catholic
association of journeymen, the Kolping Association. He was
one of the leaders of the Christian trade union movement at
its very beginning. He took part in the organization of the
Congress of Mainz in 1899, and was appointed General
Secretar y of the Gesamtverband der Christlichen Geiuerlcschaften
Deutschlands at the Congress of Munich in 1902.
"We have remained on the defensive for more than 20
years. The time has now come for us to take the offensive",
he declared at the beginning of his speech. What did he mean
by that? What, in his view, were the main lines of this
offensive programme1? He wished the Christian trade unions
to play a decisive part in the national life of the new Germany,
and he indicated what should be the broad lines of their
activity in the following manner.
First of all, a few general considerations. The Christian
workers' unions must strive to make Germany a Christian
State—that is to say, a State in which the qualities of simplicity, clearness, sincerity, fidelity, the spirit of sacrifice and
of love for one's neighbour shall reign. But the activity of
the Christian unions must not be limited to that alone. Their
activity must be exercised equally in the domain of internal
and of foreign politics.
I t is hardly possible in this study to give an adequate
exposition of the programme of German policy presented by
Mr. Stegerwald. We will content ourselves Avith sketching
merely its broad lines and by that means arriving at a clearer
understanding of the general character of the Christian trade
unions of Germany. In the domain of foreign policy, the
Christian trade unions are to endeavour to obtain a revision
of the Treaty of Versailles; in the domain of internal politics
they are to Avork for the unity of the Federation, that is to
say, for giA'ing to Prussia the means of pursuing with even
greater success than hitherto her efforts to realize that unity.
They are, moreoA^er, to demand the carrying out of the
financial, industrial, and social reforms necessary to secure
the reign of order and prosperty in the German State.
Such is the national task which Mr. Stegerwald assigns to
the Christian trade unions. They AVÜI, howeArer, only
succeed in performing it effectively by the creation of a "great
moderate party", the National Christian Popular Party
(Christlich-Nationale VoUcspartei), whose programme Avili be
at once national, Christian, democratic, and social.

— 12
7 "The party system as it exists to-day in Germany," he
declared " does not correspond to present needs. It is
absolutely necessary to reform it in order to restore stability
to German political life".
With a view to promoting in a practical way the constitution of a new party, he proposed to the congress, which
immediately approved his views, the following measures :—
1. The establishment of a Parliamentary committee,
consisting of Christian trade unionists of various parties;
2. The creation of a great daily newspaper to appear in
Berlin on and after 1 April 1921;
3. The foundation of a special bank for the Christian
trade unions.
Naturally, we cannot comment here on the propositions
of Mr. Stegerwald, or on the decisions adopted by the Congress
of Essen as a sequel to his speech. I t is interesting, however,
to observe the influence which the events which we have been
considering in the preceding pages appear to have exercised
on the elaboration of this national programme of the Christian
trade unions.
Mr. Stegerwald desires to realize in the
national life of Germany the unity between Catholics and
Protestants which now exists within the Christian trade
unions. He desires, moreover, to follow up his success in
grouping the Christian associations of employees and public
officials
in the Deutscher Geiuerkschaftsbund around the
workers' unions as a centre by gathering together, in the
future National Christian Popular Party, new elements of the
German nation, taken in particular from the intellectuals and
the lo Aver middle class.

The Democratic Ideal of the Christian Trade Unions
The Deutscher GewerTcschaftsbiond, like all German trade
union organizations, claims to pursue its task without concerning itself with questions of denominations or parties. The
Congress of Essen, therefore, had no occasion to occupy itself
with strictly political questions.
The members of the
Christian trade unions belong indifferently to various bourgeois
parties—the German National Party, the German Popular
Party, the Centre Party, and even the Democratic Party.
The Congress of Essen could not favour any particular group
or any particular political conception at the expense of the
others. When Mr. Adam Stegerwald recommended in his
speech the formation of a great national Christian party, be
had in view, not the formation of a new political party, but the
constitution of a powerful group destined to play a determining
part in the national life of Germany.

— 13 —
The Congress of Essen thought it desirable, however,
without declaring its preference for any particular form of
political constitution, but simply with a view to defining its
doctrine more completely, to state its general conception of
democracy. The Secretary, Mr. Fritz Baltrusch, accordingly
devoted the first part of his report to a discussion of " the idea
of the community in the State."
In the opening words of his speech, he condemned in
severe berms the political system which had existed in the
old Germany, a system under which a single privileged class
held the destinies of the country in its hands. Even during
the war, the Christian trade unions had demanded extensive
reforms, with the object of introducing into Germany political
equality among all citizens. The new German Constitution
of 11 August 1919, which the speaker analysed at length,
sought indeed to establish bonds of solidarity between all the
members of the German nation. But it sought this only in a
»somewhat formal manner. True solidarity could not exist in
Germany until the whole of the nation was animated by the
spirit of Christianity. He defined the political duties of the present
time. The direction of Germany should not today be exclusively
in the hands of a dozen powerful financiers or industrials,
possessing at the same time material riches and political power.
The political ideal, which the Christian trade unions should
endeavour to realize, consisted in the establishment of a
popular régime (Vollcstaat), and not of a class régime
(Klassenstaat). "In the present condition of things, any return
to previous forms of government is impossible. The
Christian people of Germany must agree that popular
sovereignty is the only ideal of a nation politically mature".
There must not, however, be any misunderstanding as to the
meaning of the expression " sovereignty of the people".
Authority must come not merely from the people as such;
it must have its source in the sentiment of duty which
animated each citizen. True democracy could only be
realized by the consent and collaboration of the whole nation.
It would be the task of the Christian workers' unions to
educate the masses of the people, so as to enable them to
participate, with complete competence and with a full sense
of their responsibility, in the government of the country.

The Social Programme
Having thus sketched in general outlines its conception
of democracy, the Congress of Essen passed to the consideration
of labour questions.

— 14 —
The social policy of the Christian trade unions is, as to
its general principles, founded on the idea of Arbeitsgemeinschaft—that is to say, of the solidarity of vocations and classes,
and more particularly of collaboration between employers and
workers.
" The Christian trade unions remain today as
they were yesterday the convinced partisans of the idea of
collaboration (ArbeitsgemeinschafUdee); they will not allow
themselves to be turned aside by any attack or by any calumny
from what they consider to be the right road" (Fritz Baltrusch).
It is for this reason that the Christin trade unions have
remained faithful to the Labour Associations (Arbeitsgemeinschaften) which were established after the Eevolution in
each branch of industry, " although the present organization
of these Associations is still far from satisfying the Unions'*
(Stegerwald).
The social policy of the Christian trade unions is further
determined by the consideration, of industrial requirements.
The activity of the unions and the success of their efforts
depend upon the prosperity of industry. "We all know that
trade union life cannot develop and flourish unless industrial
life revives. The two are closely bound together". (Eeport
of the Committee). The Christian trade unions are therefore
careful to make no demands in labour matters except in
pursuance of considerations at once industrial and social.
Three important speeches were made at the Essen Congress,
which define very precisely the present social programme of
the Christian workers' unions. Mr Bohr, the assessor, spoke
first of workers' rights generally: Mr. Imbusch later dealt
with the Avage question, Mr. Otte with apprenticeship.
Mr. Bohr, the assessor, declared that since the German
Eevolution a very large number of laws, regulations, and
conventions concerning social questions had been issued, and
that all these alterations and reforms had unfortunately
caused confusion in the legislation of Germany. A general
code of labour was therefore urgently needed, so that the
workers' rights might be clearly defined according to a single
principle and method.
Article 7 (paragraph 9) of the Federal Constitution
entrusts to the Federal Government legislation affecting
the rights and protection of the worker. In considering
protection, according to Mr. Bohr, it is first of all necessary
to find an exact though adaptable definition of the terms
"employer", "employee", "employment contract", "wages",
and "hours of labour". ÎTo definition can be given of "hours
of labours", unless due account be taken of infinitely varying
economic and social conditions; a rigid application of the
8-hour day according to schedule is at once impracticable and
unjust.
It is equally desirable to establish a clear distinction
between work, properly so called, and the mere fact of attend-

— 15 —
ance. Determination of the normal hours of labour should
be based on practical, not on theoretical, considerations:
today the worker must work such hours as will ensure to
Germany such a volume of production that she will be able
to recover from her distress and attain a certain measure of
prosperity. In regulating wages, also, cut-and-dried solutions
and ready-made definitions are equally to be distrusted.
In organizing employment, excessive centralization is
undesirable. It is not fair to compel manufacturers to
employ only workers sent them by the employment exchanges:
manufacturers ought to be free to engage particular workers
with special qualifications if they wish to do so. In questions
of unemployment, the great necessity is to find Avork for the
unemployed, and to limit as far as possible the system of
grants of money.
Speaking on further developments of working-class rights,
Mr. Bohr dealt in turn with questions of arbitration and the
right to strike, collective contracts and trade organizations.
An Arbitration Act is necessary, but what should be its
precise object % To avoid as far as possible strikes unauthorized by the central organization {wilde Streike). To gain
this end, according to the speaker, it would be unnecessary
either to abolish the right to strike, even in public services,
or to make arbitration compulsory. This passage in Mr.
Eöhr's speech was supported by a resolution passed by the
Essen Congress on the subject of voluntary assistance during
strikes (Technische Nothilfe). It is well known that since
1919 a great organization has existed in Germany, recognized
and supported by the Government, bearing the title of
Technische Nothilfe. This organization publishes a monthly
magazine: Die Räder. The Essen Congress defined its attitude
to this organization in a resolution sufficiently important
to be quoted in full :
The Tenth Congress of Christian trade unions declares that the Christian
trade unions condemn all unauthorized strikes, particularly in public
services, and consequently denies all responsibility for events arising out
of such strikes. The organization of voluntary strike workers appears
an excellent institution for saving the management of public services from
the consequences of unauthorized strikes. For these reasons the Christian
unions declare themselves in favour of the maintenance and development
of the organization of voluntary strike workers, acting under the direction
of the Federal administration, always provided that the unions shall
have a reasonable power of action in the central, local, or district organizations of the voluntary strike workers, and shall be consulted when the
latter have to intervene in labour disputes. The Congress invites the
workers to consider the public welfare in all labour disputes, to maintain
indispensable services themselves during regularly declared strikes, and
not to leave them to the voluntary strike workers' organization. All public
services, especially those which assist in the supply of the necessities of
life to the population, should be maintained, whatever the circumstances.
When, owing to a refusal of the workers to do so, these services are maintained by the voluntary strike workers' organization, their intervention
•« should be considered as a public service rendered to the whole population.

— 16 —
This resolution, which should be compared with the strike
clauses in the agreement with the Berlin Catholic Workers'
Association, was passed unanimously, except .for the unions
of railwaymen, who wished to abstain as long as the German
Railway Administration would not undertake to observe
the decisions of the Courts of Arbitration in labour disputes.
I n conclusion, Mr. Röhr demanded that the execution
of labour contracts should be guaranteed by the establishment
of penalities. He also claimed that the great labour organizations should have an essential share in the law regulating
conditions of labour, and in particular that they should be
the sole agents recognized by the law for dealing with labour
disputes.
The Essen Congress thought well to give special consideration to the questions of wages and of apprenticeship. In
his report, the President of the Miners' Union, Mr. Imbusch,
demanded especially that wages should be determined by
economic and social considerations, in such a way as to ensure
at once a sound social policy and an increase in production.
His remarks on piece wages and wages for large families
(Familienlohn) deserve special emphasis :
We cannot disapprove on principle of piece wages : we ought, on the
contrary, to ensure their retention, for in certain cases piece work is valuable.
It must be maintained wherever it is possible to obtain a large yield of
work without supervision. In general, piece work facilitates a large yield,
and large yields are the need of the hour. In the mining industry, for
example, piece work is the most profitable system, and it is the same in
other trades. The exploitation of the worker as a result of this system
must, of course, be avoided.

Mr. Imbusch then explained as follows his idea of "wages
for large families" (Familienlolm):
I t seems to me absolutely necessary to take into account, in fixing
wages, the size of the worker's family. We in the Miners' Union have always
advocated this, and this part of our programme is justified. Wages, in
fact, are not merely part of the cost of production: they are also the income
of labour, which allows the workers and their families to uve. The average
family must be able to Uve on the wages earned by its head. Is it possilbe
to take the family into account when fixing wages ? I t can be done at
once in government enterprises, whether Federal, State, or municipal.
I t is possible without very great difficulty in large-scale industry, and all
that is needed in small-scale industry, to overcome the difficulties which
would arise, is goodwill.

Mr. Hirtsiefer, the other speaker, dealt with the question
of apprenticeship chiefly from the ethical point of view.
He, nevertheless, brought forAvard some eminently practical
demands. He advocated especially the raising of the age
for the protection of youths, the development and organization
on a consistent plan of technical and vocational education,
and the intervention of the unions for the setting up of
apprenticeship contracts (Lehrvertrage) on the joint system.

— 17 —
The Christian Trade Unions and Industrial Democracy
The industrial programme of the Christian unions is
based entirely, like their social programme, on the principle
of Arbeitsgemeinschaft, that is to say, the solidarity of all
trades and classes, and more especially co-operation between
employers and workers.
Discussion of industrial problems occupied a very large
part of the meetings of the Essen Congress, quite as large a
part as that of questions of the national life of Germany.
Not only did the Secretary, Mr. Fritz Baltrusch, devote the
greater part of his speech to the conception of the community
in industrial life and in the State, but Messrs. Giesberts, Brauns,
Stegerwald, and Röhr, the assessor, in turn saw fit to contribute fresh observations.
Questions of an industrial nature which at present exercise
the mind of Germany are of two kinds: they concern the
establishment of- industrial democracy on the one hand in the
factory, and, on the other, in the whole industrial system.
As far as the realization of industrial democracy in the
factory is concerned, the Christian unions consider that they
have today no higher task than to safeguard the just and
practical application of the Works Councils Act. "The
Works Councils Act represents a social endeavour of the first
importance", said Mr. Giesberts at the Essen Congress. What
did he mean by that? The Christian unionists regard works
councils as agents of peace and concord, destined to put an
end to class struggles and labour disputes and to ensure the
effective co-operation of employers and workers. This is
clearly, shown by the resolution which was passed at the close
of the Congress of Christian works councils.
The National Christian (Christlich-National) Works Councils consider it
their duty to take an active part, in conformity with the spirit of the law,
in works councils. In view of the prevailing industrial disorder, they
consider that it would be particularly dangerous to yield to the pressure
of certain sections of the working class.
In especial they reject the idea of putting the works councils on the
Socialist footing of the class war. They demand from employers and from
works directors alike exact observance and loyal execution of all the
provisions of the Works Councils Act. Prom the works councils, on the
other hand, they expect a just realization of the common industrial interests
of workers and masters.

Dr. Brauns, the Minister of Labour, sought to define
further the meaning of this resolution and to determine the
exact conception which the works councils should have of
their sphere of action.
The workers should not try to make use of the Works Councils Act to
secure socialization, the possession of factories, and a direct influence on
legislation and industrial affairs in general. The Works Councils Act should
supply the workers solely with the means of determining justly their relations
with the firm by which they are employed.

— 18 —
The Christian unionists therefore gave their attention to
assisting the workers who take part in works councils to
make effective use of the powers conferred on them by law.
The Federation of Christian Trade Unions and the Deutscher
GewerTcschaftsbund both already publish a monthly report
for the use of members of works councils. Popular pamphlets
Avili similarly assist the worker to increase his industrial
knowledge and thus better to defend his personal rights in
his own factory.
"The application of the Works Councils Act", added Dr.
Brauns, "should entail as its necessary complement a number
of reforms in industrial organization. We must clear away
the uncertainties which still obscure the working of industrial
undertakings".
Simplification in the economic sphere (Durchsichtigmachung
der Wirtschaft) should be henceforward the watchword of the
Christian unions. Legislation ought especially to be
introduced to amend the provisions of the commercial code
regarding the drawing up of balance sheets. The present
> method of drawing up balance sheets, according to the
German minister, hardly makes possible a clear account
of the progress of an undertaking. Legislation must give
the members of works councils the means of exercising the
functions, conferred on them by the Works Councils Act, in the
Boards of Directors of great industrial undertakings, and of
examining the balance sheets and annual accounts which
are laid before them.
The Essen Congress finally demanded the completion
of the system of councils by the creation, provided for months
before, of district economic councils.
The speakers at the Essen Congress, having defined the
attitude of the Christian unions to industrial democracy in the
factory, were no less anxious to determine their policy as
regards the introduction of industrial democracy in the whole
industrial system. Christian unionists have included on
their programme, besides Arbeitsgemeinschaft, Gemeinwirtschaft,
or public control. How do they imagine that this public
control will be organized? Will it be a mere control of
industry, or more precisely a transition from the system of
private to that of collective ownership?
Mr. Stegerwald declared in his speech on policy that the
worker ought at the same time to share in the ownership
and the product of the undertaking {Teilhaber an dem Gewinne
und Mitbesitzer des Betriebes); he did not speak simply of a
share in management. He did not, however, define his
conception of this share in ownership and product.
The sale of small shares to workers did not seem to him
an undesirable measure in itself, so long as legislation
regarding balance sheets and the establishment of people's

— 19 —
banks gave small shareholders the means to defend their
interests effectively 3.
After the position of the worker under a system of public
control had been outlined, Mr. Fritz Baltrusch considered in
all its details the problem of the reorganization of the German
industrial system.
The speaker first made a very sharp distinction between
industry in general and those industries which have a
monopolistic character, such as iron and steel, the potash,
electrical, chalk and cement industries. " Industries of a
monopolistic character should be so administered as to benefit
the whole community".
The first task of the Christian unions should therefore
be to ensure the development of the first measures of public
control provided for in these industries by the different laws
enacted since the revolution.
In the mining industry the revision of the Act of 23 March
1919 is necessary. The commissions which recently dealt with the question
proposed to organize mining industries in great groups or
concerns, including also smelting and other secondary
industries. Part of the management of these concerns should
be in the hands of the States, provinces, municipalities, and the
consumers. More than this, the municipalities, provinces, States,
and Federation ought to share not only in the control but also
to a considerable extent in the ownership of them. The
number of mining firms owned by these bodies should be
increased.
In the potash, electrical, and iron and steel industries,
Mr. Fritz Baltrusch propounded to the Christian unions a
special scheme of public control, adapted to the legislation
already in force.
The Union leaders nevertheless impose one very important
condition on this reorganization of the great industries. It
must in no way limit individual initiative.
An économie system must be found which in no way excludes the free
initiative of the leader of industry or of a single undertaking. Centralization
set up by the State and beginning at the top instead of at the bottom would
in no circumstances lead to the desired end.

This limitation is important. I t explains why the Miners'
Christian Union, after having, in agreement with the
"Free" Union, demanded the socialization of mines, later
dissociated itself from the attitude adopted by the latter,
vigorously opposed the proposals of the second commission
on socialization, and adopted a prudent and reserved attitude
towards this question.
(3) As has been stated, the Essen Congress decided to found a Christian
Trade Union Bank.

— 20 —

The Christian Doctrine of the Christian Trade Unions
The discussions and reports of the Essen Congress were
terminated by an important speech by Dr. Brauer on the
Christian doctrine itself. His title was "Christianity and
Socialism". The Zentralblatt of 22 November 1920 thus
summarizes his object:
We must make clear our attitude with regard to Socialism. The
arguments which recently took place between partisans of Christian ideas
and Socialist theories respectively have too often left the impression t h a t
the latter, rather than ourselves, were in the right, which is an error.
The Christian trade unions certainly reject and oppose all purely individualistic economic systems, but it does not .therefore follow that we share
the socialist theory. Individualism and socialism represent two different
aspects of human evolution. Christianity alone can assign to each of
these its appropriate part.

In the course of his long speech Dr. Brauer consequently
contrasted Christianity and Socialism:
In opposition to Socialism the Christian movement is a vocational and
corporate movement, not a class movement. Its object is to transform
and revive industrial life by introducing into it moral principles
Christianity founds its development on Jiberty alone. It makes no use
of force
Its task is not to organize a mechanical industrial system,
but to reconstruct it on the basis of duty, duty carried out unconditionally
and to the end.

The general conception of the Christian duty of the trade
unions thus developed by Dr. Brauer finds its legal complement
in the theory of "Christian Social Law". The speakers at the
Essen Congress continually referred in the course of their
remarks to this "Christian Social Law, which places the good
of the community above the wishes of the individual"
(Eeport of the Committee). How did they define this?
In a propaganda pamphlet on Public Control * ( Gemeinwirtschaft) published in 1919, the Eederation of Christian
Trade Unions wrote :— .
From about the fifteenth century Eoman law was gradually introduced
into Germany, and became the only law recognized there. The main
characteristic of Eoman law is its abstract conception of personality. Its
principles and .the legal regulations which arise from it are based on the
idea of an isolated personality existing in itself. The German theory, on
the other hand, defines individual right in close relation with collective
rights. I t is for this reason t h a t the ideas of faith, loyalty, piety, and
contract play so great a part in it.
It avoids all narrow formalism, and
takes into account the changing character of life. The traditional German
conception was thus an obstacle to the desire of princes for absolute
sovereignty. Eoman law, on the other hand, was perfectly adapted to this,
which explains its introduction into Germany
It will be to
the honour of the Christian social movement to have again put in its place
the German conception of law.
("•) Gemeinwirtschajt,

Cologne 1919, Page 4.

— 21 —
The meetings of the Essen Congress were, as has been
shown, occupied with very varied discussions. No problem
of organization or policy was overlooked. The Christian
unions have fixed their future policy in the new Germany.
They are henceforward grouped compactly within the
Christian Trade Union League, which includes about two
million members. This figure is far from equalling that of the
workers included in the General Federation of German Trade
Union (Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschafts bund) or Federation
of "Free" Unions, but the Christian unions are none the less
called to play an important part in the social and industrial
life of Germany.

APPENDIX

I

Development of the Christian Trade Unions
YEAR

MEMBERSHIP

e n d of y e a r
1899
1909
1910
1912
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919
1920

(Mainz Congress)
(Dresden

Congress)

(Essen Congress)

YEAR

1909
1910
1911
1912
1913
1914
1915
1916
1917
1918
1919

EXPENDITURE

RECEIPTS

4,612,920
5,490,994
6,243,642
6,608,350
7,177,764
5,863,674
3,317,847
3,231,432
4,720,202
8,725,078
25,614,774

208,061
316,115
350,574
350,930
341,735
162,425
178,907
293,187
538,559
1,000,770
1,250,000 ( a p p r o x i m a t e l y )

Mk.
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"

3,843,504
4,916,270
5,299,781
5,222,727
6,102,688
5,871,801
3,505,807
2,901,243
3,611,375
6,284,432
18,607,315

Mk.
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"

FUNDS IN HAND

5,365,338
6,113,710
7,082,942
8,575,658
9,682,796
9,727,958
7,545,376
8,850,243
9,902,536
12,444,942
20,161,269

Mk.
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"
"

— 22 —

APPENDIX II
Composition of the " Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund " (German
Trade Union League)
Ausschuss für das Arbeitsrecht
sicherungswesen.

mit

Ausnahme

des Ver-

I. Manual Workers
Gesamtver band der Christlichen Gewerkschaften Deutschlands,
Cologne. Membership about 1,250,000 (end of 1920)
Arbeiterinnendezernat
Jugenddezernat
Büro für Arbeitervertretung am Reichsversicherungsamt
(Berlin)
Generalrechnungsstelle der Deutschen Volksversicherung
(Cologne)
Geschäftsstelle Berlin des Generalsekretariats
Bayrisches Sekretariat
Sächsisches Sekretariat
Sekretariat für das Saargebiet
UNIONS

1. Metal Workers: • Christlicher Metallarbeiterverband
2. Miners : Gewerkverein Christlicher Bergarbeiter
Deutschlands
3. Textile Workers : Zentralverband Christlicher
Textilarbeiter
4. Factory Workers : Zentralverband Christlicher
Fabrik- und Transportarbeiter, Verband Deutscher
Keramarbeiter (pottery workers), Verband Deutscher
Steinarbeiter (stone-masons), Verband Deutscher
• Glasarbeiter (glass workers), Gewerkverein Deutscher Ziegler (tilers)
5. Agricultural and Horticultural Workers : Zentralverband der Landarbeiter, Deutscher Nationaler
Gärtnerverband
•6. Building Workers : Zentralverband Christlicher
Bauarbeiter
7. Wood Workers : Zentralverband Christlicher Holzarbeiter
8. Tobacco Workers : Verband Christlicher Tabakund Zigarrenarbeiter
9. Clothing Workers : Verband Christlicher Arbeiterinner des Bekleidungsgewerbes, Berufsverband
Christlicher Hutarbeiter Deutschlands
10. Municipal Workers : Zentralverband der Gemeindearbeiter und Strassenbahner Deutschlands
11. Women Home Workers : Gewerkverein der
Heiniarbeiterinnen
Deutschlands

MEMBERSHIP

end of
1919
210,005

1920
230,000
(August)

152,216
94,023

78,502
77,523
41,277
34,170
28,384
20,205
18,452
15,941

(end of
vear)
152,000

— 23 —
UNIONS

MEMBERSHIP

12. Domestic Servants : Beichsverband weiblicher
Hausangestellten
13. Leather Workers : Zentralverband
Christlicher
Lederarbeiter
14. Pood and Drink Trade AVorkers : Zentralverband
der Nahrungs- und
Genussmittelindustriearbeiter
15. Graphie Arts (lithographers, bookbinders, etc) :
Graphischer Zentralverband
16. Hotel Workers: Beichsverband Deutscher Gasthausangestellten
17. Painters : Zentralverband Christlicher Maler und
verwandter Beruf sangehörigen
18. Printers : Gutenbergbund

end of 1919
14,380
13,467
10,244
7,923
3,786
3,542
2,685

II. Îion-Manual Workers
Gesamtverband Deutscher Angestelltengewerkschaften (Berlin)
Membership about 425,000 (end of 1920)
UNIONS

MEMBERSHIP

1920
1. Commercial Workers
lungsgehilf enverband

Deutschnationaler

Hand-

Clerks -.Beichsverband Deutscher Büro-und Behördenaugestellten
Women Clerks and Commercial Workers : Verband weiblicher Handels- nnd Biiroangestellten
Booksellers : Allgemeiner Deutscher
~
~Buchhandlungsgehilf enverband
Chemists and Engineers
Bund angestellter
Chemiker und Ingenieure
Foremen and Overseers: Deutscher Werkmeisterverband
Foremen Fitters : Der Deutsche Bichtmeisterverband
Technical Workers : Neuer Deutscher Technikerverband
9 Bank Employees : Deutscher Bankbeamtenverein
Professional Agricultural Employees : Beichsio verband
land- und forstwirtschaftlicher Fach- und
Körperschafts beamten

(end of
year)
250,000

III. Public Services
' Gesamtverband Deutscher Staats angestellten- und Beamtengewerlcschaften (Berlin) Membership : about 300,000 (end
of 1920)
UNIONS

MEMBERSHIP

end of 1919

1. Railway Workers and Officials: Gewerkschaft Deutscher
Eisenbahner und Staatsbediensteter
2. Bavarian Railwaynien : Bayerischer Eisenbahnerverband
3. Baden Railwaynien : Badischer
Eisenbahnerverband
4. Saxon Railwaymeii : Sächsischer Eisenbahnerverband

95,000
30,123
8,045

— 24 —
UNIONS

MEMBERSHIF

end of 1919
5. Württemberg Raihvaymen : Verband württembergischer
Eisenbahn- und Dampfschifffahrts- Unterbeamten Handwerker und Arbeiter
6. Transport Officials : Verkehrsbeamtengewerkschaft
7. Bavarian Postmen : Bayerischer Postverband
8. Postal Workers : Deutscher Postgewerkschaft
9. Postal Officials : Bund geprüfter Sekretäre und Obersekretäre der Reichspost- und Telegraphenverwaltung
10. Nurses : Deutscher Verband für berufliche Kranken- und
Wohlfahrtspfelge
'
11. State Workers : Reichsverband Deutscher Staatsarbeiter
12. Financial Officials : Finanzbeamtengewerkschaft

14,521
—
—
—
—
3,382
5,824
—

APPENDIX I I I
Publications of the Christian Trade Unions
I. German Trade Union League
Nachrichten des Deutschen Gewerhschafts hundes
Betriebsrätepost
II. Federation of German Christian Trade Unions
Zentralblatt der christlichen Gewerkschaften
Betrieb und Wirtschaft (supplement for works councils)
Deutscher Arbeit (monthly review)
Die christliche Arbeiterin
Die Jugend
1.
2.
3.
4.

Metal Workers : Der deutsche Metallarbeiter
Miners : Der Bergknappe
Textile Workers : Textilarbeiterzeitung
Factory Workers : GewerTcsehaftsstimme
Pottery Workers : Keramarbeiterzeitung
Stone Masons : Steinarbeiterzeitung
Tilers : Gut Brand
Glass Workers : GlasarbeiterzeiUmg
5. Agricultural Workers : Die Rundschau
6. Builders : Die Baugewerhschaft
7. Woodworkers : Der Holzarbeiter
8. Tobacco Workers : TabaTcarbeiterzeitung
9. Clothing Workers : Die Belcleidungsgewerlcschaft
Hatters : Allgäuer Strohhutarbeiter
10. Municipal Workers : Der Gemeindearbeiter
Tramway Workers : Der Strassen- und Kleinbahner
11. Women Home Workers : Die Heimarbeiterin
12. Domestic Workers : Die Hausangestellte

— 25 —
13. Leather Workers : Beutsche Leder arbeiterzeitnng .
14. Provision Workers : Bie Solidarität
Butchers : Bie Fleischergewericschaft
15. Graphic Arts : Gi-aphische Stimmen
16. Hotel Workers : Gastronomische Zeitschrift
17. Painters : Ber deutsche Maler
18. Printers : Ber Typograph
I I I . Federation of German Professional Trade Unions
1. Commercial employees : Bie Beutsche Handelswacht
2. Clerks : Beutsche Büro- und Angestelltenzeitung (Essen)
3. Women Clerks and Commercial Employees : Bie Handelsund Büroangestellte (Berlin)
4. Foremen and Overseers : Ber Beutsche Werkmeister
5. Technical Employees : Ber Beutsche Techniker
IV. Federation of German Unions of Public Servants
1. Eailway Workers and Officials : Gewericschaft Beutscher
Eisenbahner und Staatsbediensteter
2. Bavarian Bailwaymen : Ber Eisenbahner
3. Saxon Bailwaymen : Gewericschaft Beutscher Eisenbahner (Dresden)
4. Württemberg Bailwaymen : Ber Württembergische Eisenbahner
5. Bavarian Postmen : Bayrische Post
6. Nurses : Beutsche Krankenpflege
7. State Workers : Ber Staatsarbeiter

— 26 •

STUDIES AND REPORTS
already issued.
Where t h e English or F r e n c h text of a Report has n o t y e t been published i t
will bo issued a t a later date.

Series A.
1.

T H E AGREEMENT

BETWEEN

T H E SPANISH W O R K E R S '

ORGANI-

SATIONS, issued September 25th 1920. French and English.
2.

T H E DISPUTE

UNION

I N T H E METAL

CONTROL

INDUSTRY

IN ITALY.

TRADE

O F INDUSTRY, (First part) issued Sept-

ember 25th 1920. French and English.
3.

ANNUAL

MEETING

OF

T H E TRADES

UNION

CONGRESS

1920,

issued October 4th 1920. French and English.
4.

INTERNATIONAL

CONGRESS

OF WORKERS

I N T H E FOOD AND

DRINK TRADES, issued October 11th 1920. French and English.
5.

T H E B R I T I S H GOVERNMENT AND THE M I N E R S ' FEDERATION O F
GREAT B R I T A I N . C O N F E R E N C E B E T W E E N S I R ROBERT HORNE

AND

T H E MINERS' FEDERATION, issued

October 11th 1920.

French and English.
6.

T H E CONGRESS OF THE LABOUR AND SOCIALIST I N T E R N A T I O N A L ,

7.

T H E M I N E R S ' INTERNATIONAL

, issued October 14th. 1920. French and English.
1920.
8.

T H E INTERNATIONAL

LABOUR ORGANISATION.

issued October 21st 1920.
9.

CONGRESS, issued

October

19th

French and English.

T H E INTERNATIONAL

A COMPARISON,

French and English.

CONGRESS

OF METAL

WORKERS,

issued

October 22nd 1920. French and English.
10.

T H E B R I T I S H GOVERNMENT AND THE M I N E R S ' F E D E R A T I O N O F
GREAT BRITAIN.
CONFERENCE BETWEEN
T H E GOVERNMENT AND THE T R I P L E
INDUSTRIAL
ALLIANCE,
issued

11.

T H E D I S P U T E I N T H E METAL I N D U S T R Y I N I T A L Y .

October 26th 1920. French and English.
T R A D E UNION

CONTROL OF INDUSTRY. (Second part) issued
4th 1920. French and English.

November

12.

T H E FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF B O O K B I N D E R S , issued

13.

T H E MINERS'

November 26th 1920. French and English.
1920,
14.

STRIKE

IN GREAT BRITAIN, issuedjJDecember

21st

French and English.

T H E XVth CONGRESS OF THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF LABOUR
(CONFÉDÉRATION GÉNÉRALE DU TRAVAIL) FRANCE, HELD AT

ORLEANS,

27th

SEPTEMBER

TO 2nd OCTOBER

1920, issued

December 23rd 1920. French and English.
15.

T H E INTERNATIONAL

CONGRESS

OF GENERAL FACTORY

WORKERS,

issued on January 24th 1921. French and English.

m

— 27 —
TENDENCIES OF EUROPEAN LABOUR LEGISLATION SINCE TEE WAR,
issued February 11th 1921. French and English.
T H E GROWTH OP TRADE UNIONISM DURING THE TEN TEARS 19101919, issued February 16i.li 1921. French and English.
F I R S T SPECIAL INTERNATIONAL TRADE UNION CONGRESS, London,
November 22-27th 1920, issued March 15th 1921. French and
English.
T H E MINIMUM PROGRAMME OF THE GENERAL CONFEDERATION OF
LABOUR OF FRANCE, issued March 18th 1921. French and English.
INTERNATIONAL RAILWAYMEN'S CONGRESS, London, November
29-30th 1920, issued April 11th 1921. French and English.
S e r i e s B.
COAL PRODUCTION I N T H E RUHR D I S T R I C T .
Enquiry by the
International Labour Office, end of May 1920, issued September 1st 1920. French and
English.
P A P E R S RELATING T O SCHEMES O F INTERNATIONAL ORGANISATION FOR T H E DISTRIBUTION OF RAW MATERIALS AND FOOD
S T U F F S , issued October 5th 1920. French and
English.
T H E CONDITIONS OF LABOUR AND PRODUCTION IN THE UPPER SILESIAN
COALFIELD, issued December 10th 1920. French and English.
T H E SOCIALISATION O F COAL MINES IN GERMANT, issued
25th 1921. French and English.

January

T H E ESSEN MEMORANDUM ON THE SOCIALISATION OF THE COAL
MINES I N GERMANY (6 Nov. 20, issued 28th January 1921.
French and English.
WORKS COUNCILS IN GERMANY, issued January 29th 1921.
and English.

French

T H E BILL TO ESTABLISH WORKERS' CONTROL IN ITALY, issued February
28th 1921. French and English.
A DEMAND FOR WORKERS' CONTROL' IN INDUSTRY IN FRANCE. CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE FEDERATION OF METAL WORKERS
AND THE ASSOCIATION OF METALLURGICAL AND MINING INDUSTRIES, issued M a r c h 3 1 s t 1921. French and
English.
THE REFORM. OF THE SUPREME COUNCIL OF LABOUR (CONSIGLIO
SUPERIORE DEL LAVORO) IN ITALY TOWARDS A TECHNICAL
P A R L I A M E N T OF L A B O U R , issued April 1 4 t h 1 9 2 1 . French and
Enldish
S e r i e s C.
B R I T I S H LEGISLATION
October 26th 1920.

ON UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE,
French and
English.

issued

GOVERNMENT ACTION I N DEALING WITH UNEMPLOYMENT IN ITALY,
issued October 27th 1920. French and
English.
T H E BULGARIAN LAW ON COMPULSORY LABOUR,
ber 4th 1920. French and
English.
THE

issued

Novem-

ACTION OF THE SWISS GOVERNMENT IN DEALING W I T H ,
UNEMPLOYMENT, issued November 13th 1920.
French and
English.

T H E ORGANISATION OF UNEMPLOYMENT INSURANCE AND EMPLOYMENT
EXCHANGES IN FRANCE, issued February 21st. 1921. French
and English.

— 28 —
Series D.
N° 1.

S T A F F REGULATIONS

ON T H E F R E N C H RAILWAYS,

issued

Sep-

tember 4th 1920. French and English.
Series E.
N° 1.

COMPENSATION FOR WAR DISABLEMENT IN FRANCE.

ACT OF MARCH

31st, 1919. Issued February 28th 1921. French and English.
"

2. T H E COMPULSORY EMPLOYMENT OF DISABLED

MEN, issued April

23rd 1921. French and English.
Series F.
N° 1.

CANCER OF THE BLADDER AMONG WORKERS

IN ANILINE

FACTORIES,

issued February 23rd 1921. French and English.
Series H.
N° 1.

CONSUMERS'

CO-OPERATIVE

SOCIETIES

IN 1919 (Denmark

Sweden), issued September 8th 1920.
"

2.

SEVENTH

CONGRESS

OF T H E BELGIAN

and

French and English.
CO-OPERATIVE

issued September 25th 1920. French and

OFFICE,

English.

Series K.
N° 1.

F I R S T INTERNATIONAL
CONGRESS OF L A N D W O B K E R S ' UNIONS
A F F I L I A T E D TO T H E I N T E R N A T I O N A L F E D E R A T I O N OF TRADE

UNIONS, issued November, 1920. French and
"

2.

AGRARIAN

English.

CONDITIONS I N SPAIN, issued November 10th 1920.

French and English.
"

3.

SMALL HOLDINGS

I N SCOTLAND, issued November

12th 1920.

French and English.
" 4.

T H E EIGHT-HOUR DAY IN ITALIAN AGRICULTURE,

issued

Decem-

ber 17th 1920. French and English.
" 5.

T H E EIGHT-HOUR

DAY IN AGRICULTURE,

BEFORE

THE FRENCH

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES, issued February 10th 1921. French and
English.
"

6.

T H E REGULATION

OF LABOUR IN AGRICULTURE

IN FRANCE, issued

April 23rd 1921. French and English.

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