Episcopal Power and Authority in Communication with the City of Bardejov in the Late Middle Ages

This study deals with communications between the town of Bardejov and bishops in the Middle Ages. The author examines how the ecclesiastical power and authority of the bishops was demonstrated in their communications with the royal city of Bardejov. The bishops’ power toward medieval towns in the Kingdom of Hungary was primarily manifested in the tithes and exemptions granted in the rights of archdeacons. In the case of Bardejov, there can be found some areas where the power of bishops of Eger (frequently represented by episcopal vicars) was demonstrated. First of all, the episcopal tithe collection caused permanent disputes between the parish priest, town representatives and the bishop. The author describes how the problems were solved and the machinery of episcopal powers in these cases. Another area of communication and the manifestation of episcopal authority was that of judicial cases between burghers, which were occasionally brought before ecclesiastical court contrary to town law. A further, greatly signifi cant manifestation of episcopal power in the area of the city was that of ecclesiastical rituals and symbolic communication. The study mentions various examples of episcopal presence in the consecration of churches, chapels, altars and liturgical dress.


Introduction
"In virtute sancte obedientie et sub Excommunicationis pena fi rmiter precipiendo mandamus." 1 This phrase, commonly used in the charters of ecclesiastical dignitaries, can be found in the letter of the bishop of Eger, Ladislaus of Hédervár, dated 1449, in which the bishop calls upon the city of Bardejov to fulfi l its duty do pay the tithe.Despite the stylistic formula he used, behind the call for holy obedience and the warning of ecclesiastical punishment lies the real power of the bishop as the highest dignitary of the medieval Catholic Church. 2 This power derives from the rite of the consecration and, according to the Church Fathers, was defi ned as the administration of the spiritual (in rebus The study is a revised version of the article: FEDORČÁKOVÁ, Mária."V cnosti svätej poslušnosti."Moc a autorita jágerských biskupov v komunikácii s mestom Bardejov v stredoveku.In: Studia Historica Nitriensia, 2020, vol.24, no. 1, pp. 36-52.The text was also published in the collective monograph: FEDORČÁKOVÁ, Mária."V cnosti svätej poslušnosti."Moc a autorita jágerských biskupov v komunikácii s mestom Bardejov v stredoveku.In: GLEJTEK, Miroslav (ed.).Arcibiskupi a biskupi Uhorska: Moc prelátov a jej prejavy v stredoveku.Bratislava: Post Scriptum, 2020, pp.207-222.spiritualibus) and temporal (in rebus temporalibus) goods. 3According to the Decretum Gratiani, the bishop's potestas concerns authority, teaching, witness, protection and judgement. 4t was not only the representation of power in an ecclesiastical sphere that characterised the role of the bishop in medieval society.The bishop was one of the political actors who ruled the state, which was refl ected in his involvement in politics, administration and diplomacy, as we know from the Kingdom of Hungary and other European states. 5he connection between episcopal power and the urban environment can be traced back to the process of Christianization, in relation to the establishment of the episcopal seats. 6In East Central Europe, secular power was an important element in the process of establishing diocesan seats, which resulted in the duality of power as a common feature of the cathedral cities. 7 In the thirteenth century, when social and economic changes took place in the Kingdom of Hungary, the Árpádian kings shifted the focus of their interest to the establishment of merchant towns. 8Nevertheless, the cities in which an episcopal see resided strengthened their urban character, with some peculiarities regarding the legal status of their inhabitants and the development of urban literacy. 9part from those cathedral cities with direct interaction between the bishop and the urban environment since the thirteenth century we can follow the communication between the bishop and the royal cities, which reveals the area of operation of the bishop's power.The main issue in the communication of the developing urban communities with the bishop was the exemption from the jurisdiction of the archdean and the payment of a tithe. 10In the late Middle Ages, sources allow us to examine the manifestation of the bishop's power at other levels -in his personal presence in the city, in the consecration of altars and chapels, in the confi rmation of lay religious confraternities and their privileges, or in the form of symbolic communication with city delegates.Clearly, the variety of these relationships and interactions could not be captured in their full breadth and complexity by written sources.The essential component of such sources, however, is the area of written and symbolic communication that served to manifest episcopal power and authority.The manifestation of the bishop's power and authority in relation to the royal city of Bardejov, as refl ected in written sources, is the subject of this case study.It is important to note that some of the episcopal powers were delegated to his deputy (vicar), with whom the city communicated in some cases.Another authority that entered into the relationship between the city and the bishop was the monarch as the supreme patron of the Hungarian Church.The city appealed to him, especially in cases of the violation of its rights by ecclesiastical dignitaries.The town community was represented by its secular representatives -the town judge, the senators and the notary -and, in ecclesiastical matters, by the parish priest, who communicated with the episcopal curia and, in exceptional cases, with the bishop himself.

Urban patronage in Bardejov and the bishop of Eger
The territory on which the settlement of Bardejov was founded belonged to the diocese of Eger. 12The oldest town documents relate to the emancipation of the Bardejov town community and the establishment of its rights.In the ecclesiastical sphere, the rights of the royal cities were formed within the framework of patronage law.Among the most important privileges belonged the free election of a parish priest by the local parishioners, free tithes, exemption from the powers of the archdeacon and the granting of judicial powers to the local parish priest. 13Not all towns possessed these rights to the same extent, and they may not have been recorded.The earliest privileges of the Bardejov community, dating from 1320, contain only provisions on the transfer of tithes.There is no mention of the right to choose a parish priest. 14The charter of 1320 does not even mention any exemption from the archdeacon's powers.We can agree with the opinion of Ferdinand Uličný that the choice of the parish priest was left to the king. 15n important milestone in the development of local self-government in Bardejov was the privilege of free election of the town judge, granted by King Louis the Great in 1376. 16According to it, the law of Košice and Buda became the norm for the city also in the area of patronage over the church.The city of Košice had the right to choose its own parish priest, free tithing and exemption from the jurisdiction of the archdeacon probably before 1249. 17It seems that Bardejov began to exercise its right to choose a parish priest only after 1376.However, the ruler Sigismund of Luxembourg intervened signifi cantly.In 1391 he appointed his own chaplain to the vacant post left by the death of the Bardejov parish priest, with the promise that after his departure the Bardejov parishioners would be able to freely elect their own parish priest. 18We do not know personal motives for the monarch's action, but in the understanding of the monarch as the main patron of the Hungarian Church, this action falls within his sovereign powers. 19he facts described above were related to the competences of the bishop of Eger.When fi lling the lower benefi ces, the right to propose a candidate (presentatio) was in the hands of the patron, while other acts (proclamatio, investitura and introductio) were in the hands of the bishop or his deputies. 20The document in question states that it was the monarch himself (not the city) who presented his chaplain for the vacant post in the parish of Bardejov to the appropriate ordinarius (duximus presentandum). 21There is no doubt that in the following period the free choice of the parish priest belonged entirely to the town community.Although the sources do not mention it explicitly, we assume that the participation of the parishioners in the selection of the parish priest was gradually replaced by his selection by the city council.This is indirectly evidenced by a letter of the Bardejov clergyman George, who, after the death of the parish priest Christian, wrote to the Bardejov city council that he wished to apply for the vacant post of parish priest in the city parish. 22The city council of Bardejov exercised its right of patronage in 1494, when it presented the new parish priest John Menlen to the vicar of Eger for the vacant post after the death of the former parish priest and asked the vicar to introduce the new priest to the parish. 23

Communication between the city and the bishop regarding the tithe
When examining the written communication between the city of Bardejov and the bishop of Eger, the topic of tithes dominates.This is not surprising, as the tithe was one of the most important episcopal revenues. 24From the point of view of the city and its administration, the church tithe was an important tax obligation, the fulfi lment of which required the cooperation of several parts of the city administration. 25The earliest mention of tithing in Bardejov can be found in the above-mentioned charter of King Charles I from 1320. 26It states that the tithes from grain should be divided into two equal parts while still in the fi eld, one of which belonged to the local priest and the other to the monarch. 27According to some scholars, the half tithe to the monarch was an exceptional provision, but it is more appropriate to state that the monarch did not act beyond his rights in this case either, since he was the owner of the right to the tithe along with the bishop, and the adjustment or exemption from the tithe obligation was in his hands after agreeing on the compensation of such revenues with the respective diocesan bishop. 28The practice of giving half of the tithe to the sovereign probably ceased during the fourteenth century; there is no record of it in fi fteenth-century documents.
The church tithe was made up of decimae maiores, which represented the production of grain, and decimae minores (minutae), which represented animal production (sheep, goats, rams, geese, pigs, chickens and bees). 29It could be paid in money (in pecuniis) or in kind (in specie). 30While the payment of the tithe to the local priest was also regulated by mutual agreement in the city statutes, the city had no power to legislate on the conditions under which the tithe was to be handed over to the bishop. 31Although in the late Middle Ages there was a well-established method of paying the tithe in money, the mutual communication between the city and the bishop shows that the method of paying the tithe was often adapted to the current economic and fi nancial conditions of the bishopric or the city. 32The recipient of the tithe was the bishop or the persons and institutions to whom he leased the tithe (arendatio).The leasing of the tithe or parts of it (e.g.grain) was a common practice, and even the original lessees often leased it to others.The tenants of the tithe were nobles (often familiars of the bishop), religious persons or institutions, or the city itself.A deed (litterae arendatoriae) was drawn up for this transaction with references in the account book. 33ow was the power of the bishop demonstrated in diff erent situations?One way was the return of the city's tithe to the city itself.In August 1425, Bishop Peter of Rozhanovce (de Rozgon) issued a charter to the representatives of the city of Bardejov, in which he leased the city a tithe from the current harvest of grain, threshed grain and bees for 200 gold fl orins. 34The tithe lessees were a kind of intermediary in the fl ow of goods and fi nances between the city and the episcopal curia.If the tithe production was destined for a noble tenant, the bishop would have informed the city at the beginning of the agricultural season.Thus, in April 1447, Bishop Ladislaus of Hédervár informed the parish priests of the cities of Prešov and Bardejov that he had given the tithes of these cities to his familiar Nicholas of Torysa (de Tarcza), and ordered the aforementioned priests to hand over the tithes to him at the appointed time and without any inconvenience. 35ops were left in the fi eld until decimators came and picked every twelfth sheaf.The harvest was then taken to the granary.MELIŠ, Cirkevné výsady miest a mestečiek, 43.
The lease of the tithe to nobility gave rise to situations with potential to escalate into protracted disputes between all parties involved.In 1448, the city of Bardejov had a dispute with the nobleman Ladislaus of Šebeš, in which the bishop of Eger intervened in favour of the citizens. 36Already during the pontifi cate of his predecessor, Simon of Rozhanovce granted the aforementioned Ladislaus of Šebeš the tithes of bees and grain from the city of Bardejov.However, Bishop Simon eventually leased it to the noblemen of the Cudar family, who in turn leased it to the city of Bardejov for 50 fl orins, which was confi rmed by a document. 37However, Ladislaus of Šebeš took his claim against the city to the court of the vicar of Eger.As a result, Bishop Ladislaus of Hédervár issued a charter to the vicar, explaining the situation with the aforementioned tithes and ordering him not to summon the citizens of Bardejov to court over the matter. 38he power and authority of the bishop over the tithe was also manifested in the threat and imposition of ecclesiastical penalties.In 1449, Bishop Ladislaus of Hédervár ordered the tithes of the town of Bardejov to the nobleman Albert Farkas of Hasságh.The episcopal document urged the local priest to "the virtue of holy obedience" and ordered the citizens of Bardejov to hand over the tithes under penalty of excommunication. 39The threat of ecclesiastical punishment in the case of noncompliance with the tithe obligation was not a stylistic exercise.The bishop's letter mentions the defi ance and rebellion that accompanied resistance to his orders.This resistance was expressed not only by the citizens, but in some cases also by the parish priest. 40The involvement of parish priests in tithing disputes is mentioned in many documents.King Sigismund's deed of 1402 refers to the then deceased parish priest Laurence who intervened in a dispute with the nobleman Andrew of Budimír over the tithes of the city of Bardejov. 41efore 1429, there was another dispute between the parish priest Michael and the bishop of Eger over the transfer of the tithe.In this case, the threat of the ecclesiastical punishment, which was imposed on the entire town community, was realized. 42In both cases, the town community appealed to the sovereign, who intervened in the communication between the city and the bishop.This form of communication between ruler, city and bishop also refl ects the degree of involvement of individual rulers in the management of ecclesiastical aff airs in the cities.In this respect, Sigismund of Luxembourg made extensive use of his patronage rights over the local church in Bardejov. 43A few years later, in 1468, King Matthias Corvinus dealt with a complaint by the representatives of the city about a renewed demand for the payment of the tithes 43 Not only was there interference in the freedom of choice of the parish priest in Bardejov, but also involvement in a tithe dispute with the nobleman Andrew of Budimir in 1402.The monarch intervened in favour of the citizens of Bardejov and warned Andrew to stop causing trouble for the town community.A similar situation occurred in 1429.King Sigismund, on his way to visit the king of Poland, wrote a letter to Peter, the bishop of Eger, asking him to postpone all disputes between him, the townspeople and the parish priest Michael until he returned to Hungary.At the same time, he asked the bishop to lift the interdict imposed on the citizens of Bardejov.ŠA PO, AB, MMB, sign.43, sign.203.once paid to the bishop of Eger.The monarch issued a letter to the administrators of the Eger diocese's revenues -Provost Lucas and the lector of the Eger chapter -instructing them not to make any attempt to recover the tithes already paid to them. 44At the end of the Middle Ages, disputes over the tithe became less frequent, as the representatives of the city apparently came to an agreement with the bishop of Eger on the payment of the tithe in cash.This assumption is confi rmed by the regular payments of a stable sum of money in the account books of the city.

Communicating with the bishop in legal matters
Another area in which episcopal power and authority was manifested was the judiciary.The bishop was the judge of the clergy, and, in certain matters, of the laity. 45mong the powers of the bishop was the imposition of ecclesiastical penalties in a ritualized form. 46We have already mentioned the imposition of an interdict on the citizens before 1429.The accounts of the city show various situations related to the episcopal jurisdiction.In 1428 the town paid 200 denarii for a journey to Eger for an interdict. 47The granting of an interdict and its subsequent revocation can also be found in 1443.The city's accounts state that "for the reconciliation" the city paid 40 fl orins to the suff ragan. 48Some light is shed on this dispute by a draft of a notarial deed by the city's notary George Stock, who writes down the appeal of the Bardejov parish priest Christian to the archbishop of Esztergom in the matter of tithes of 1441 and 1442.Unfortunately, the broader context of the dispute is missing. 49n the administration of justice, the bishop was often represented by his vicar. 50The Bardejov city archives contain correspondence between the vicar of the bishop of Eger in spiritualibus and the parish priest of Bardejov in his function as vice-archdeacon.The latter took part in legal proceedings and dealt with various cases involving the laity.A number of documents and mandates have been preserved from Nicholas, the vicar of the bishop of Eger, who held this offi ce in the 1420s.One of the cases he dealt with was a case of violence between the inhabitants of the villages Dubovica and Lipany, in which Gertrude, the widow of a certain Menczlin of Lipany, summoned the persons from Dubovica named in the deed to the court of the vice-archdeacon of Torysa in 1418. 51he course and reconstruction of the dispute is secondary to our topic, but the essential point is that this dispute was settled before several courts, including the court of the bishop of Eger, represented by his vicar, who issued a number of documents in this matter. 52These documents from the various hearings were handed over to the parish priest of Bardejov in his function as vice-archdeacon, which means that he took part in the hearings before the ecclesiastical court in virtue of his offi ce.
A clash of powers between the bishop of Eger and the municipal court occurred in 1439 in the dispute of Catherine, a burgess from Bardejov, and the burgher Caspar the Small. 53The case was fi rst heard by the city council, which made a fi nal decision. 54owever, Catherine appealed to the ecclesiastical court, which sparked a dispute between the city council and the vicar of the bishop of Eger.The town considered the referral of the dispute to the ecclesiastical court to be an infringement of its powers and therefore, referring to the charter of King Sigismund of Luxembourg and its confi rmation by King Albrecht of Habsburg, fi rst asked Nicholas, the vicar of Eger, and later the Eger chapter to stop the court proceedings. 55In the letter in question, the town judge and the town council announced that they would bring the case before the monarch again if, despite their disagreement, the vicar decided the dispute. 56As a result of the city council's complaint, the vicar postponed the dispute and in the following months the case continued under the jurisdiction of the new vicar, James. 57Due to the unwillingness of one of the parties to appear before the ecclesiastical court, the hearing was postponed until after the election of the new bishop of Eger, Dionysius of Szécs, who, through his vicar, decided that the case had no relation to the ecclesiastical court and therefore delegated it back to the city council. 58

Symbolic communication between the city and the bishop
The mutual communication between the city and the bishop had, among other things, its symbolic level.Contemporaries refl ected on the spiritual dimension of the episcopate and its spiritual and liturgical competences.These were manifested in rituals, sacramental and liturgical acts, gestures and symbols. 59Among the most signifi cant acts were the consecration of the bishop himself, the consecration of priests, the blessing and consecration of persons and things, the consecration of the cornerstone of a church building, and the consecration of a new church, this last example a ritual of particular importance for urban communities. 60Sacred rituals were combined with secular ceremonies, as the consecration of a church was followed by a feast. 61In connection with the presence of the bishop in the city, the ceremony of the bishop's solemn entry into the city should also be considered a welcoming ritual in the manner of the adventus regis. 62Other sacred rituals included the celebration of a mass by the bishop and solemn processions.One of the acts reserved to the bishops was the consecration.In the urban environment, the consecration of things and objects such as the church, the altar, the cemetery or liturgical utensils was the most common ritual. 63lthough in the case of symbolic communication we assume a whole range of acts, rituals and ceremonies, in reality the sources of urban provenance are pragmatic in their focus and poor in references to this area.Mostly we fi nd references to the presence of the bishop in the city and to the acts performed in the city accounts.Of this type is the information on the consecration of the Augustinian monastery (or church), carried out in 1432 by the suff ragan of the bishop of Eger. 64It is clear that the rite of consecration applies to all the churches in the city and its suburbs. 65The centre of the spiritual and liturgical life of the city was the parish church St Egidius.Unfortunately, no records of its consecration have survived.During the Middle Ages, the church was the scene of architectural changes, including the construction of chapels and altars, fi nanced by the city or the citizens.There are surviving records of sacred and liturgical acts performed in the parish church by bishops.In 1458, the city paid a suff ragan for the consecration of the altar and chapel. 66It was probably the altar of St Barbara, originally placed in the chapel of St Catherine, completed in 1458, which served the Brotherhood of St Barbara, documented in later times. 67A consecration and the presence of a suff ragan also occurred in Bardejov in 1512.A record in the city accounts mentions the consecration of a chapel in the monastery and an altar in the choir by Bishop Achacio. 68In the case of the monastery chapel, the record probably refers to the Chapel of the Holy Cross, the reconstruction of which began between 1504 and 1505 and was probably completed in the mentioned year. 69nother case of communication between the urban community and the bishop, which took place in the sacred space as well as in the written form, was the spiritual life of lay brotherhoods.In the medieval city of Bardejov there were several lay brotherhoods -the brotherhoods of Corpus Christi, St Barbara and St Nicholas and the confraternity of Our Lady of the Snows. 70The oldest mentioned confraternity was the Corpus Christi brotherhood, which was active in the city before 1440; in 1449 the Confraternity of the Mother of Mercy was founded. 71According to the established Hungarian practice, the city confraternities were confi rmed by the bishop, sometimes by the papal legate and exceptionally by the pope. 72The bishop played an important role in the spiritual life of the confraternity members in issuing the confi rmation document or consecrating the altar of the patron saint.All these milestones can be seen when exploring the history of the confraternity of the Mother of Mercy in Bardejov.
The confraternity was founded in 1449 by the parish priest Christian and the priests of neighbouring villages, all of whom belonged to the same ecclesiastical district (vicearchidiaconatus) of Bardejov.This fact could bring the fraternity close to the priestly fraternities, but in its character, it was an urban lay fraternity.The confi rmation of the foundation of the confraternity and its statutes, together with the indulgences granted 64 FEJÉRPATAKY, Magyarországi városok, 306; HUŤKA, Augustiniáni, 166.
by the bishop of Eger, Ladislaus of Hédervár, was issued in 1449. 73The document deals mainly with spiritual matters concerning the spiritual and liturgical practice of the members of the fraternity and the indulgences granted to them, but lacks other information about the fraternity. 74As far as indulgences are concerned, the fraternity of the Mother of Mercy is known for the number of charters in which not only bishops, but also John of Capistrano, or Roman cardinals granted spiritual benefi ts to its members. 75he foundation and confi rmation were connected with the consecration of the altar of St Anna (also called the altar of the Virgin Mary or the small altar of the Virgin Mary), which belonged to the fraternity of the Mother of Mercy.In 1485, Bishop Bernard visited the city and consecrated the altar, which had previously been a sign of the fraternity's importance in the city. 76t was not only the bishop of Eger who was mentioned in the city records in connection with the blessing ritual.In 1504, the city donated linen in the value of one gold fl orin to "the lord suff ragan of St Martin's hill […] for the consecration of liturgical vestments and for the honour of the city". 77In this case we are not dealing with the clergyman in the function of the Provost of Spiš, although the range of their ecclesiastical competencies was at the turn of the fi fteenth and sixteenth centuries respectable and close to the episcopal ones.But in the matter of the ritual of consecration their powers were not suffi cient and were limited only to the benediction. 78In order to explain the entry in the town's account book, it is necessary to consider the fact that the archbishop Thomas Bakócz appointed the Dominican John de Meliche, OP, who was occasionally present in the Spiš provostry after 1502, as a suff ragan for the rite of consecration.It is quite possible that the citizens of Bardejov took advantage of his presence in nearby Spiš and asked him to perform the aforementioned consecration of the liturgical vestments.
One specifi c form of symbolic communication was through a gift, which could have several meanings. 79Gifts were an obvious part of the city's communication with the ruler, his wife or court dignitaries. 80They were used to gain and retain favour, to establish communication and contact, or to ensure loyalty and allegiance.It is therefore not unusual for prelates to be among dignitaries to whom the city gave gifts.In 1510, the representatives of the Bardejov town community presented the bishop of Pécs and the bishop of Vác with two fi sh, each worth two gold fl orins. 81The price itself indicates that these were rare fi sh, probably salmon.It was not a random gift from the city, but part of a diplomatic mission to the monarch's court, where the town envoys presented several gifts. 82Fish were among them as it was the time of Lent. 83ther high-quality products from Bardejov were beer and linen.Both goods were in demand on the market and therefore became the subject of donations.In 1426, the city of Bardejov sent a barrel of beer to Bishop Peter of Rozhanovce . 84We have already mentioned a piece of linen given to the suff ragan, who consecrated the liturgical vestments. 85The linen was also a frequent gift to the vicar, to whom the city gave it in 1513, when the city's envoys visited the episcopal seat. 86In 1505, the city presented the bishop of Oradea with a silver-plated chalice. 87This was at the time of the confi rmation of Bardejov's toll privileges, as is emphasized by the accounting records. 88This gift can therefore be interpreted as an expression of gratitude for the bishop's diplomatic work on behalf of the city.Communication with the archbishop of Krakow is also recorded from this period, which took place through messengers, but there is no mention of the gifts given. 89On the other hand, the bishop of Przemyśl received two spoons in 1505 and half a barrel of wine in 1506. 90It is also worth mentioning a letter written by Bishop Ladislaus of Hédervár in 1458, in which he writes to the city of Bardejov about a cabinet for the storage of items from the chapel and asks that it be transported to Eger without damage. 91The restoration of the cabinet was connected with the work of the city craftsmen, from whom several dignitaries ordered wooden products. 92This reference to the work of Bardejov craftsmen indicates the activity of a workshop that operated in Bardejov in the 1450s and by which the late Gothic fragments of the choir stalls in the Church of St Egidius were made. 93At the same time, this workshop was connected with the workshop in Košice, which produced works for the bishop of Eger during his stay in the city of Košice, when he took part in a military campaign against John Jiskra and Czech mercenaries called bratríci. 94

Conclusion
Communication between the city of Bardejov and the bishop took several forms in the Middle Ages.Each of them created a space for the manifestation of episcopal power and authority.These attributes in relation to the city were most evident in the fulfi lment of the tithe obligation, when in some situations ecclesiastical punishment was invoked.Concrete examples demonstrate that the bishop's judicial powers also extended, through his deputy, the vicar, to the disciplining of lay people in the city. 11