Social Warranty in Group Migrant Informal Sector Vendors

This study aims to understand the form of social action in the kinship of migrant informal sector vendors and understand the values that underlie the formation of social warranty. The research paradigm used in this study is the social definition paradigm, using a qualitative approach and an ethnographic type of research. The technique of determining the research subjects used purposive sampling and data collection techniques using interview and observation techniques. Data analysis techniques using interactive models and data validity checking techniques using data source triangulation. The results of the study conclude that: a) The social action of migrant angkringan vendors in deciding to open an angkringan business in Ponorogo City is an Instrumental Social Action (Zwerk Rational); b) The existence of the angkringan merchant group cannot be separated from the kinship values that underlie the relationship between them; c) Kinship relations, whether based on marriage or social kinship, have fostered values of mutual assistance or mutual assistance, mutual support for business, and tolerance between Vendors, which supports the continuity of the angkringan business in Ponorogo City; d) The values that have become customary in kinship groups of migrant angkringan vendors have formed social warranty, and e) Social warranty makes the business of the migrant angkringan vendor’s group stronger, able to face business competition, and able to meet the economic needs of their families


Introduction
The existence of the informal sector can be viewed from both a negative and a positive side. From the negative side, the existence of the informal sector is often considered to interfere with traffic, city beauty, and cleanliness. The existence of the informal sector is often considered to interfere with the smooth flow of traffic in urban areas so local government officials always try to bring it into order. These control efforts often get resistance from informal sector business actors. Demonstrations of informal sector business actors protesting the efforts to control the informal sector businesses are often found and often end in clashes between local government officials and business actors (Rukmana, 2008).
There are still many local governments that do not anticipate the development and unavailability of business places for informal sector business actors, especially street vendor businesses, in urban areas. This has an impact in urban areas where many community activities are always used as business locations for street vendors because the area is considered strategic for developing their business. Areas that are often considered strategic include residential areas, trade, offices, and other public facilities. Unorganized places of business with various physical forms and seem perfunctory are considered to disturb the beauty of urban areas that have been built with good and beautiful planning. The activity of street vendors in strategic areas, according to the local government, reduces the quality of the urban environment which should be neatly organized and kept clean (Maladi, 2014).
Seen from the positive side, the existence of the informal sector has turned out to be able to independently create a job, be able to absorb labor as an effort to reduce unemployment, and provide basic material needs for the community, especially the middle to lower economic class. In this case, the informal sector has been able to become a community economic savior that has been tested and has not been shaken by the impact of the economic crisis (Brata, 2010). The informal sector has proven to have been able to become one of the economic activities that grew in urban areas starting from the economic crisis in 1998. This is corroborated by Bappemas notes that during the economic crisis the role of the informal sector became important as an alternative to providing employment opportunities when development programs were still unable to employ in the formal sector (Dimas, 2008).
Apart from the negative and positive sides related to the existence of informal sector businesses, one interesting phenomenon to be studied in more depth is that informal sector businesses can develop and survive in the face of intense business competition in urban areas. The ability to survive cannot be separated from the kinship that exists between them in which there has been an attitude of mutual help and an attitude of helping each other.
In general, kinship relations start from the existence of ties of descent and marriage, but in the development of increasingly complex social life kinship is also intertwined because of the similarity of fate, the similarity of the area of origin, and the existence of social ties within a group. This kinship by Schneider (1984) is referred to as social kinship. What is very important about kinship is the effort to build harmony in kinship relations. This harmony cannot be separated from the attitude of cooperation, a sense of togetherness, and a sense of tolerance in sorrow and joy. This sense of mutual help and mutual assistance (often called cooperation) is closely related to their various social life activities (Koentjoroningrat, 2015).
A sense of wanting to help each other and a sense of togetherness in kinship relationships create a life of mutual help and this becomes the foundation for their survival. Through this life, human attitudes or behavior are manifested in carrying out their responsibilities in fostering relationships and continuity of life between people. A life of mutual help is based on an atmosphere of openness among others, trust in each other, and finally, a reciprocal relationship that is given and taken.
The habit of carrying out mutual assistance or cooperation in kinship relationships becomes very important and valuable for human life in building togetherness and a sense of sharing in facing various life problems. Thus, it can be seen that the helping behavior of the community is a manifestation of the personality identity contained in cultural forms, where every form of culture certainly has a function for the supporting community.
The relationship of kinship has a close relationship with survival, especially for business actors in overseas areas. Business actors in overseas areas or often called migrant vendors, often form groups based on kinship relationships and establish relationships that help and cooperate. According to Harahap (2011), this kinship turns out to have a big role for overseas business actors (migrant vendors) to get the opportunity to develop their economic businesses in their overseas areas.

Method
This study uses a social definition paradigm that emphasizes meaningful actions from individuals as long as their actions have subjective meaning or meaning for themselves and are directed to the actions of others. Weber defines social relations as the actions of several different actors insofar as those actions contain meaning and are linked and directed to the actions of others (Ritzer, 2004). While the type of research used is an ethnographic type, which is a type of qualitative research to investigate a cultural group in a natural environment over a long period in collecting primary data, observation data, and interview data (Creswell, 2010).
The location of this research is in Ponorogo which is one of the districts in the western part of East Java Province and is bordered by Central Java Province. The technique of determining informants uses purposive sampling, namely the researcher chooses deliberately and fully planning the individuals who are the research subjects and research locations so that they can assist researchers in understanding the problems studied (Creswell, 2010). Techniques for extracting data or information with in-depth interviews and observations. As for the data analysis technique using an interactive model (Miles, Hubermas, and Saldana, 2014) with triangulation of data sources as a technique for checking the validity of the data.

Results
Migrant angkringan vendors entered Ponorogo City after the 1999's (post-monetary crisis). They run their business from the afternoon until midnight using small kerosene-fueled lamps (Java: thinthir lamps or teplok). Angkringan vendors in Ponororo City are migrant vendors from cities in Central Java Province, such as Jogjakarta, Surakarta, Sukoharjo, and Wonogiri. They run and develop their business not individually but form a group. An angkringan merchant group is chaired by one vendor and has between two and six vendors as members.
The head of the angkringan merchant group, usually they call the boss, is an angkringan vendor who lives in a contact's house or owns a house in Ponorogo City with his family, owns his cart and makes his food, snacks, and drinks. Meanwhile, members of the angkringan merchant group are those who live in Ponorogo City, boarding houses or staying at the group leader's house, owning their cart or getting a loan from the group leader, and taking food, snacks, and drinks from the group leader. Nevertheless, both the chairman and members of the angkringan merchant group still received snacks from the community (especially Ponorogo City) in the form of crackers, mushroom satay, and several other snacks. The relatives and neighbors who were invited by Sandiyo to Ponorogo City immediately became members of the group of Sandiyo's angkringan stalls because they sold angkringan stalls by taking snacks, food, and drinks produced by the Sandino family. At the beginning of the business, Sandiyo still took care of the members of his group, that is, if they were not able to find a rented house or boarding house themselves, they were allowed to live together at Sandiyo's house and if they did not have an angkringan cart, they would borrow it because Sandiyo had five angkringan carts in his house. In addition, Sandiyo also sought permission from the owner of a shop or house whose front sidewalk will be occupied by his subordinates or members to open an angkringan stall business. Currently, Sandiyo can have his own house Jalan Dr. Sutomo Gang II Number 2 Ponorogo, and there are still two members living in the house.

2.
Winarno. An angkringan vendor in Ponorogo City from Sukoharjo Regency, Central Java Province. Previously, Winarno was also an angkringan vendor in Sukoharjo Regency, but due to business conditions in the district, there were already many of the same Vendors and there were not many buyers, so he planned to move to another area. In 2001, Winarno decided to join his brother-in-law who had opened an angkringan stall business in Ponorogo City as well as to see business opportunities to open an angkringan stall as well. At the beginning of his entry into Ponorogo City, Winarno did not immediately open his own angkringan business but still helped his brother-in-law's angkringan shop business, and his brother-in-law still covered his housing and living needs. After about a month and convinced that there was a business opportunity, Winarno opened his angkringan shop on Jalan Diponegoro, south of the Tambakbayan intersection, but because his family had not yet come to Ponorogo City, snacks and food were still taken from his brother-in-law. Over time, around early 2002, Winarno took his family to Ponorogo City to develop an angkringan stall business. Winarno decided to contact the house on Jalan Astrokoro Ponorogo so that his wife could make her snacks and food for her angkringan business, so that from then on, Winarno became an independent angkringan vendor. As with his brother-in-law, seeing the angkringan stall business opportunity that could still be developed in Ponorogo City, Winarno also began to invite his relatives and close neighbors to open an angkringan stall business in Ponorogo City. At the beginning of the angkringan stall business for its members, Winarno took care of the members first. The members, because they are not married, are allowed to stay at Winarno's house. Winarno still borrowed the angkringan cart before its members were able to make or own it themselves. The place or location for the angkringan stall business for its members was also sought by Winarno for permission to the party whose terrace or sidewalk is used by the business. Snacks and food and drinks are also taken from Winarno. Currently, from his angkringan stall business, Winarno can buy his own house on Jalan Jula Juli Ponorogo (east of the house that was rented) and there is still one member from Sukoharjo who is still borne and lives at home. Members of the group that Winarno used to support and live in the same house have now rented out their own houses because they are already married. 3. Slamet. An angkringan vendor who comes from the city of Yogyakarta. Before opening an angkringan stall business in Ponorogo City, he had run a herbal medicine business in Semarang City, Central Java Province. However, because the condition of the herbal medicine business was not good Initially opening an angkringan business in Ponorogo City, Slamet was still a boarding house, but along with the rapid development of the business, Slamet was finally able to build a house in the Jengglong area where he and his family lived. In that house, apart from his family, Slamet is also willing to take care of members of his group who cannot afford their own boarding house and no rent is charged for these members. Apart from providing housing, Slamet also provides angkringan carts for group members who are not yet able to make their carts. 4. Rianto. An angkringan vendor from Sukoharjo City, Central Java Province. In Ponorogo City, he became a member of the Winarno group. Before opening an angkringan stall business in Ponorogo City, he had opened a fried rice business in Makassar. However, because the cost of living overseas was large and his business was very competitive, he finally returned to Java and decided to help the Angkringan Winarno business in Ponorogo City. After knowing the condition of Ponorogo and also the many opportunities to develop his Angkringan business, starting in 2004 he opened his own angkringan stall business and remains a member of Winarno's angkringan group. When he helped Winarno's angkringan stall and initially opened his own angkringan business, because he was not able to rent his own house or boarding house, Rianto still lived at Winarno's house every day. At the house, he was not charged a rental fee, but when selling angkringan stalls he took food and snacks made by the Winarno family. Likewise with the angkringan cart, initially he got a loan from Winarno and was not charged a cart rental fee, but after having sufficient funds he finally made his angkringan cart and returned the old cart to Winarno to be rented out to other Vendors in need. Regarding the angkringan stall business, Rianto also received assistance from Winarno, namely choosing a strategic place and helping to find a permit to occupy the chosen location. Until now, the location of Rianto's angkringan stall business has not moved because it is widely known by the public as the Jabrik angkringan on Jalan Juanda. 5. Agus Wahyudi. An angkringan vendor in Ponorogo City from Wonogiri Regency, Central Java Province. Agus already has experience opening an angkringan stall business with his friends in Malang City. After some time, according to him, he had enough experience in opening an angkringan business, Agus decided to start his own angkringan business. Because in his native area, Wonogiri, there were many angkringan stalls, he tried to enter Ponorogo City. When looking around Ponorogo City and hanging out at Sandiyo's angkringan stalls, he got a lot of input about the business opportunities of angkringan stalls in Ponorogo City. Finally around 2001, Agus started to open an angkringan stall in Ponorogo City and became a member of Sandiyo's angkringan group. Initially choosing and determining the location of the angkringan business, Agus was greatly assisted by Sandiyo in finding a strategic location and seeking permission from the party whose front yard or front porch was occupied, namely on Jl. Soekarno Hatta Ponorogo. As for the carts and equipment for the angkringan business, because Agus already has the experience and own capital, he already has a cart and equipment to run an angkringan business in Ponorogo City, but for snacks and food, he took from Sandiyo. 6. Tanto. An angkringan vendor in Ponorogo City from Bayat, Klaten Regency, Central Java Province. Before opening an angkringan business in Ponorogo City, he had opened an angkringan in Yogyakarta City and lived with his uncle's family. During the time he opened the angkringan business in the city of Yogyakarta, he often felt reluctant to live at his uncle's house and had the desire to open a business in another city. When Tanto returned home, he met Sandiyo, who was a close neighbor and also a close relative. Tanto received a lot of information from Sandiyo about the opportunity to develop an angkringan business in Ponorogo City, which is still very open. Finally, in 2000, Tanto decided to open a business in Ponorogo City, but at first, he still helped Sandiyo's angkringan business while looking at business opportunities, especially choosing a strategic location for his business. When he was still helping at Sandiyo's angkringan, Tanto was covered for daily living and lived at Sandiyo's house. After several months and have found a strategic location for his angkringan business and also getting help choosing a location and permission to occupy the location by Sandiyo, Tanto finally opened his own angkringan business on Jalan Sultan Agung in front of the Joglo Restaurant and he also chose a boarding house near his business location. Although Tanto opened his own angkringan business, for the snacks and food served, he took it from Sandiyo as the leader of the angkringan group. 7. Yusnito. An angkringan vendor in Ponorogo City from Purwantoro, Wonogiri Regency, Central Java Province. In Ponorogo City, Yusnito's angkringan business has been a member of Slamet's angkringan group from the start. Before opening an angkringan business in Ponorogo City, Yusnito had worked as a snack salesperson in Purwantoro, but because he felt bored and had the desire to have a small business that could provide daily income, he finally decided to change jobs. When Yusnito was walking in Ponorogo City and stopped at Slamet's angkringan, he got a lot of information about the angkringan business opportunities in Ponorogo City. In addition, Slamet is also ready to help if Yusnito wants to join his angkringan group, either in finding and choosing a strategic selling location, seeking permits, or helping with carts and angkringan equipment. Finally, after being convinced, Yusnito started an angkringan business in Ponorogo City in 2007 and Slamet chose the business location on Jl. Raya Ponorogo-Wonogiri (Tambakbayan) Ponorogo.

The social action of migrant angkringan vendors who decide to open an angkringan business in Ponorogo
City is an instrumental social action (Zwerk Rational) (Johnson, 1994;Ritzer, 2004). They take action with careful consideration or choose steps to maintain their lives based on rational choices that are directly related to the goals to be achieved. This social action is an action that has the highest rationality because the choice of action to be taken to achieve the stated goals has been through the results of careful and reasonable thought or consideration.
This instrumental social action as conveyed by the informant as follows: Sandiyo said that: Migrant Vendors who engage in angkringan business in Ponorogo City, do not operate individually or separately from one another, but they form a group. An angkringan group, usually chaired by an angkringan merchant, has several angkringan vendors members. The group leader is a well-established angkringan vendor, who already has his own house in Ponorogo City, makes his food and snacks, and owns several angkringan carts. Meanwhile, the members are those who take food and snacks from the group leader, sometimes use the group leader's angkringan cart, and sometimes stay at home or stay at the group leader's house.
Efforts to develop angkringan business in groups from these migrant vendors cannot be separated from the kinship values that underlie their relationship. These values include the habit of helping each other or helping each other, supporting each other's efforts, and developing the value of tolerance between them. The head of the angkringan merchant group has a big role in helping from the start of opening a business to the running of the angkringan business for his group members. Assistance in the form of providing information and at the same time ensuring that there are angkringan business opportunities that are still wide open and choosing a strategic business location as well as seeking permission for home or shop owners to occupy the angkringan business in front of their homes or shops for new group members.
Assistance in the form of information, choosing locations along with permits, and capital assistance in groups of migrant angkringan vendors can be described as follows: Sandiyo said that: "... I also help find the location of a place to sell and at the same time seek permission from the owner of a house or shop whose front yard can be occupied for angkringan. I did all that because if my group members sold well, it would also affect my business. So mutual need and mutual benefit ... I and my group members always have a family relationship, because I remember that my members are from the same area, my neighbors and relatives. I help each other, for example, members of my group can live in my house and are not charged, I also help with capital for members who cannot afford…" Winarno said that: "... I always try to establish good and family relationships with members of my group... For example, until now I don't charge those who live in my house in Ponorogo but when they sell they take snacks from my wife. I also have a cart run by someone else and he also takes snacks from my wife. For the first two months or so, I didn't dare to withdraw my cart rental fee because the business was still not busy. And now that it's grown I'm pulling a cart rental of IDR 3,000 a day…" Slamet said that: "… I establish relationships with my subordinates based on trust. I will always help my subordinates if they have difficulty and tell me, for example, problems with business capital, location and at the same time permits to open a business, as well as financial problems…" Rianto said that: "… I finally went home and went with my brother ( "… When I met Slamet, I was offered to join his group of angkringan stalls, and finally in 2007, I started an angkringan stall business in Ponorogo… I took snacks and food from Slamet plus some people entrusted them. As for the cart, I rented it from Slamet for IDR 3,000 per day … if I convey the problem of the angkringan business, it will be helped to solve ..."

Discussion
Angkringan vendors are one type of street vendor business that has spread widely in the center of Ponorogo City. They are not natives of Ponorogo but are migrants from cities outside Ponorogo Regency or are called migrant vendors. Although the angkringan business has spread on the sidewalks of the main street in the center of Ponorogo City, the vendors are not separated individually but form groups. A group of migrant angkringan vendors is chaired by one of the vendors and has several group members who usually still have kinship relations.
Awareness to form a group of migrant angkringan vendors is important for them because they must be able to work together, help each other or help each other, and support each other to smooth business so that existing angkringan businesses can continue to survive, be able to face competition, and provide good results. for his family's economy. The migrant angkringan vendors do not directly open an angkringan business when they enter Ponorogo City. They got various information about angkringan business opportunities in Ponorogo City, both from relatives in the area of origin and the results of brief discussions with migrant angkringan vendors who have been in business for a long time in Ponorogo City. They make real observations in the field and at the same time work together to find a strategic location for their business. According to Weber's Social Action Theory, the social actions taken by migrant angkringan vendors to open a business in Ponorogo City are called Instrumental Social Actions (Zwerk Rational) (Johnson, 1994;Ritzer, 2004), because they have carefully considered all their actions based on real observations and various rationally acceptable ways to achieve the goal of improving the family's economic condition through their angkringan business.
The existence of a group of migrant angkringan vendors has its value in maintaining the continuity of their business in Ponorogo City. Kinship relations, whether based on marriage or social kinship (Schneider, 1984), have fostered the values of helping each other or helping each other, supporting each other's business, and tolerance between vendors. These values have been understood and implemented by them, thus making a habit that supports the continuity of the angkringan business in Ponorogo City.
Ahead of a group of angkringan vendors consciously provides information on angkringan business opportunities that are still open in Ponorogo City to his relatives and is willing to have discussions about these business opportunities. Efforts to convince his relatives to participate in opening the angkringan business were carried out by inviting them to see and observe firsthand the condition of the existing angkringan business opportunities. During the process of observing real conditions in the field, the group leader provides assistance in the form of warranty or covers the daily life of the relative, is allowed to live in the same house with the group leader's family, and looks for a strategic business location as well as seeking permission to open a business in that location.
A person who is convinced and decides to open an angkringan business in Ponorogo City, based on the results of the location chosen by the group leader, of course, requires capital to start a business. The conditions for new angkringan vendors are of course not the same. If they have the capital, they can make their angkringan carts and prepare the necessary equipment. However, if they do not have sufficient capital, so that they can remain confident in starting an angkringan business, the group leader provides an angkringan cart for use by the new vendors who have become members of the group. Likewise with housing problems, usually for the initial conditions to start their business they stay at home with the group leader's house. Those who are still living or can live in their own boarding house continue to run the angkringan business while still taking snacks and food made by the family of the group leader.
The values that have become a habit in kinship groups of migrant angkringan vendors, both in the form of awareness of providing information on business opportunities, choosing strategic locations and permits to occupy, taking on business capital (angkringan carts), or bearing the place of residence, are forms of social action in the relationship. kinship group angkringan vendors. The social action from the group leader to the members of the group is aimed at fostering confidence in the members about the prospects of the angkringan business they are running. The values that they have built and applied in these social actions have formed a social warranty.
A social warranty is a form of warranty or coverage that is manifested in a group of migrant angkringan vendors who have given confidence to members of the angkringan group in running an angkringan business in Ponorogo City. This social warranty does not only manifest at the beginning of starting a business for the members of the angkringan group, starting from the awareness of providing information on business opportunities, finding and choosing strategic business locations along with business placement permits, providing angkringan carts, to providing housing. The social warranty also grows when they run a business, namely, they can still run a business even though the group leader who usually makes snacks and food is home from campus. At that time they were still allowed to take snacks and food from other groups, and usually groups from the same area.

Conclusion
Based on the results of the research and discussion described above, the conclusions of the research results can be described as follows: 1. The social action of migrant angkringan vendors in deciding to open an angkringan business in Ponorogo City is an Instrumental Social Action (Zwerk Rational). Social action is an action that has the highest rationality because the choice of action to be taken to achieve the stated goals has been through the results of careful and reasonable thought or consideration. 2. Migrant angkringan vendors run their business in Ponorogo City, not individually or separately from one another, but they form a group. The existence of the angkringan merchant group cannot be separated from the kinship values that underlie the relationship between them. 3. The existence of a group of migrant angkringan vendors has its values to maintain the continuity of their business in Ponorogo City. Kinship relations, whether based on marriage or social kinship, have fostered the values of helping each other or helping each other, supporting each other's business, and tolerance between vendors. These values have been understood and implemented by them, thus making a habit that supports the continuity of the angkringan business in Ponorogo City. 4. The values that have become customary in kinship groups of migrant angkringan vendors have formed a social warranty, in the form of warranty or coverages that have given confidence to members of the angkringan group in running the angkringan business in Ponorogo City. 5. Social warranty can give confidence to every member of the angkringan group in running an angkringan business in Ponorogo City. The existence of a social warranty makes the business of the migrant angkringan merchant group stronger, able to face business competition, and able to meet the economic needs of their families.