HISTORICAL FEATURES OF LIFE OF THE PEASANTRY IN THE XIX CENTURY

The article examines the life of the peasant community in the XIX-th century. It is shown that the peasants during this period were the most numerous class in the Russian Empire with their rights and responsibilities. The problem of buying out land from landlords was especially acute, and this was a heavy burden for about 40% of the peasants. This problem was finally solved only by the beginning of the XX-th century. The article draws attention to the traditions and life of the peasantry, which from generation to generation preserved production skills, ethical norms, traditions, many of which still exist today and are an integral part of the daily life of the modern Russian village.


I. INTRODUCTION
In modern historical science, interest in the problems of everyday life has grown significantly recently. Everyday life ("everyday life", "life world", "everyday activity") is a visible manifestation of the basic values of society, which have become the collective property of entire classes and estates at a certain stage of their historical development.

II. METHODOLOGY
The methodological basis of the article is the principles of historicism and objectivity. The principle of historicism made it possible to study the everyday family life of peasants in the second half of the XIX-th century. in development, starting with traditional sustainable forms, which made it possible to study the peasant life. The principle of objectivity is focused on attracting sources that are diverse in origin and content. Historicalcomparative, retrospective, statistical and anthropological methods were used in the development of the problem.
The article uses the conceptual apparatus that has developed in different areas of scientific knowledge: history, philosophy, cultural studies, ethnology, folklore, sociology, etc. This is due to the fact that the problems of everyday life are studied by many sciences.

III. RESULTS
The study of materials illustrating the cultural and everyday traditions of the peasants showed that this topic at the present stage of development of society, increasingly turning to national traditions, is relevant and is of both purely scientific and global, social and anthropological interest.
In conditions of growing contradictions between the interests of increasing productivity and profitability of agricultural production, on the one hand, and the traditional foundations of peasant land use, on the other, the latter was gradually adapted to one or another peculiarity of the economy. In the land distribution activities of the community, economic specialization was intensified. But if in industrial zones this led to a transformation of the fiscal role of redistribution, in agrarian zones their production value increased. The lack of land in the eastern counties led to the primitivization of agriculture, worsened crop rotation, led to depletion of the soil, etc. The national economy has acquired a subsidiary character in relation to factory trades. The expansion of land resources could only be facilitated by seasonal work and the transfer of the vacated land to the community. The migrant workers who returned to the village became a force, on the one hand, undermining the traditional patriarchal way of life of the peasant community, and on the other, often bringing innovative ideas from outside. But nevertheless, for the complete modernization of the agrarian society, it was necessary to revise the agrarian policy of the state, to create normative legal acts. Non-agricultural crafts in the post-reform period not only retained their great importance in the economy, but continued to remain an inseparable part of it. Seasonal and permanent earnings became decisive for the livelihoods of the peasant family, as was convincingly evidenced by the increased fishing activity of the peasants against the background of a clearly waning interest in agricultural production. The main forces of the peasants were directed to the area of small handicraft and large-scale factory industry. The role of factory production became predominant. Long-term absence from the family undermined the traditional economic system in Russia. Non-agricultural craft has become an independent type of activity.
Moscow province was one of the most developed provinces in Russia, its main territory has always been in the center of trade relations, was closely connected by large river transport with district cities. Here, the development of commodity-money relations among the peasant population proceeded at a rapid pace. Peasants often began shopping in the city. Changes appear in the layout of the house and its decoration. They began to put partitions in the hut, not only for convenience, but also for beauty, the windows were decorated with curtains. Gradually, mobile carved furniture came into use: beds, wardrobes, chairs, dressers. The interior of the hut resembled the furnishings of city bourgeois houses. Technological progress displaced torches, kerosene lamps became popular. Non-agricultural trades and crafts were spreading in Russia, in this regard, special attention was paid to the place for work in the hut, special premises were built for the manufacture of products supplied for sale. Development from the middle of the XIX century. textile industry in the Central regions, including in the Moscow region, led to the spread of home weaving -looms and other devices for the manufacture of textiles appeared in houses.
The prolific approach allowed us to show that the innovations introduced from the city made it possible to copy some elements of Russian culture, but still the mentality of the Russian peasant forced to adapt these innovations to traditional views. The variety of types of dwellings is explained on the one hand by the lack of income of the majority of the peasantry, who were unable to make a radical transformation of their homes and are content with its old form, limiting themselves to only minor repairs and improvements that were vital, and on the other hand -a special conservatism, the desire to keep the form created by their fathers and grandfathers, which was considered the most appropriate. Having considered the various forms of peasant dwellings, we were able to indicate the chronological sequence of the emergence of these forms, which gives an idea of the dynamics of the transformation of the peasant dwelling.
The evolution of the peasant dwelling can be considered on the example of the transformation of the land, since the peasants primarily associate the improvement of their situation with the improvement of the economic center of their estate, which is a yard with a land plot, since it is associated with the convenience and expediency of keeping livestock and cultivating the land. Lenin, in one of his first works "The Development of Capitalism in Russia" (1899), based on the analysis of zemstvo statistics for the European part of Russia (for arable provinces, with a predominance of grain farming), gives the following data: Horseless peasant farms: 27.3 %, with 1 horse: 28.6 %, with 2 horses: 22.1 %, with 3 or more horses: 22 % [V. I. Lenin, PSS, vol. 3, ch. X]. However, Lenin did not include statistics on the rich Don region in these data and made a reservation that the number of cows, not horses, should be taken into account in dairy farms. At the end of the XIX century, the rich Baltic and western provinces, as well as non-poor northern and industrial provinces, and only parts of some central provinces (Ryazan, Orel, Tula, Nizhny Novgorod) belonged to the regions in which the predominant importance was not grain products, but cattle breeding products (dairy farming). In another chapter of this work [PSS, vol. 3, ch. V.] Lenin gave statistics only for some of these latter, relatively poor provinces. According to him, about 20% of peasant farms in the non-Chernozem provinces did not have a single cow on the farm, one or two cows had about 60% of farms, and three or moreabout 20 %. And even with this, not quite objective approach, on average, according to Lenin, there were 6.7 heads of cattle per peasant yard in central Russia (in terms of cattle). Does all this mean that 20-27 % of peasant families in the European part of Russia did not have either a horse or a cow? Apparently, this is not the case at all: rather, 20-27% of farms in arable (grain) counties did not have horses, but kept cows, and about 20% of farms in dairy counties did not have cows, but had a horse. One way or another, but, with appropriate adjustments, it can be assumed that no more (but rather much less)could be attributed to the poor 20% of peasant families, about 60% of middle peasants, and about 20% of wellto-do peasants (with three or more horses and/or cows). It is worth noting that the concepts of "kulak" and "middle peasant" appeared much later (at the time of collectivization), and then the peasants divided themselves into hardworking and idlers.
"A Peasant Leaving His Landlord on Yuri's Day," painting by Sergei V. Ivanov.
However, was the stratification between these groups so great in terms of living standards, food consumption (nutrition)? Yes, in most poor (horseless) peasant families, someone (the head of the family or one of the eldest sons) worked as a farmhand on well-to-do farms. But in this case, the farmhand ate from the same pot with the members of the "kulak" family and during the censuses was often recorded by the owner as a family member. The field of folk food still remains one of the most striking aspects of the everyday life of Russian peasants. The nutrition of peasants in the XIX -early XX centuries in its development continued to steadily preserve archaic features. Changes in socio-economic life, due to the intensive development of capitalist relations (the complication of commodity-money relations, the development of commercial agriculture, the stratification of the village, an increase in the growth of waste management, an increase in the number of waste farmers) led to global changes in the nutrition of the rural population.
The traditional nature of Russian food consists in the presence of the most popular products, in the composition of favorite dishes, in the preparation of supplies in reserve, in the usual meal, and partly in a certain food regime. Many regional peculiarities continue to persist, although unifying trends have an extremely strong impact. Bread and bread products continued to play a significant role in the nutrition of rural and urban residents. The tendency to development and enrichment is especially pronounced in festive food.
Since ancient times, Muscovite food has been characterized by the use of a huge potential of food products and a variety of diets. This property is closely related to the widespread and long-term existence of the Russian oven, which was characterized by many universal qualities.
Russian cuisine reflected the agricultural, in particular grain, nature of the national economy. The main place in it was occupied by bread, flour and cereal dishes in regional and functional versions. All this testifies to the great importance of such food in the life of the Slavic people and to the deep historical roots in everyday life.

IV. CONCLUSION
From the second half of the XIX century peasants were involuntarily involved in various secular holidays: anniversaries of cities, unveiling of monuments, exhibitions, etc. The owners of factories, factories, printing houses approved their own, corporate, holidays.
The Day of May 1 has become an integral part of the life of the county towns. Among the people, such celebrations were called a half-holiday due to the reduction in the work shift. On public holidays, in addition to religious ones, only the January New Year and royal days were erected: the days of accession to the throne and coronation (coronation), birthdays and namesake (name day) of the reigning couple and other persons. The celebration of the Tsar's days was mostly official. Despite the fact that in the second half of the XIX century. New Year was considered a public holiday, the peasants celebrated this day traditionally. The complex of views and traditions that make up the folk calendar has been formed over many centuries. Its development was greatly influenced by the Peter's reforms. In the XVIII -XX centuries. there was a significant transformation of chronology and calendar style. For a long time, the basis of folk holidays was the agrarian cycle, but it gradually lost its strength and the holidays turned into entertainment. Basically, the festivities moved to a large city -Moscow, fairs and various performances were held here. By the end of the XIX century secular celebrations, imposed by the educated strata of society and the government, gradually began to adjoin Orthodox and agrarian holidays. Thus, the new socio-economic realities in which the Russian peasants found themselves after the abolition of serfdom led to a certain evolution of the cultural and everyday traditions that had developed over the centuries and the formation of new ones. However, this process proceeded in line with the traditional moral values of the Russian people, which were based on the Christian Orthodox worldview.