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Abstract:
\n\nThe ancient state of Ch\u01d4, although traceable to the Zh\u014duyuán \u5468\u539f oracle bone inscriptions and formally enfeoffed already in 837 b.c., is safely known from archaeological contexts only since the early 6th c. b.c. Its language has long been assumed to reflect lexical borrowings and syntactic interferences from a non-Sinitc “substrate”, encountered by the conquering Ch\u01d4 elites of northern provenance during their early bronze age southward expansion into what is today Húb\u011bi and Húnán province. This language has been tentatively identified as Austroasiatic by some scholars [1, 2], and as (para-) Hmong-Mienic by others [3, 4, 5] on the strength of lexical and historical arguments. Abundantly available bronze inscriptions from the ancient state of Ch\u016d, however, show little linguistic [6, 7] or rhetorical differences [8] from the northern Chinese “elegant speech” (y\u0103yán \u96c5\u8a00) standard during the Eastern Zh\u014du period.
\nRecently discovered epigraphic materials from the three centuries before the destruction of Ch\u016d by the state of Qín \u79e6 in 223 b.c., apart from including some southern dialectal features such as pervasive nasal prefix preemption visible in phonetic borrowings [9, 10] and the creation of unique dialect characters [11, 12, 13], have been demonstrated to contain a peculiar way of writing the numeral/verb ‘one/to unify’ as \u4ee8, thus using a character which includes a phonophoric that was pronounced virtually identical (OC *nn\u0259\u014b) with the early Tai word of the same meaning (cf. PTai *hnï\u014b > Thai 22n\u026f\u014b, Dai 33n\u026f\u014b, Lungchow An\u0259\u0259\u014b etc.) [14].
\nAgainst this background this paper will review those 67 lexical glosses associated exclusively with the territory of Ch\u016d [15, 16] in China’s first work on dialect geography, the F\u0101ngyán \u65b9\u8a00, (assigned to Yáng Xióng \u63da\u96c4, 53 b.c. – 18 c.e.), and a few words which have been claimed to be of non-Sinitic provenance in the divinatory slips from B\u0101osh\u0101n \u5305\u5c71 tomb #2 (burial 316 b.c.), to test whether the Warring States language of Ch\u016d was non-sinitic, and, if so, whether the Tai-Kadaic hypothesis of its origin can be lexically substantiated.
\n
\nReferences:
\n[1] Norman, J. & Tsu-lin Mei (1976), “The Austroasiatics in ancient south China: some lexical evidence”, Monumenta Serica 32: 274-381. [2] Boltz, W.G. (1999), “Language and writing”, in: M. Loewe & E. Shaugnessy eds., The Cambridge history of ancient China: 74-122, Cambridge: Cambridge UP. [3] Erkes, E. (1935), “Die Sprache des alten Ch’u”, T’oung Pao 27: 1-11. [4] Sagart, L. et al. (2005), “Introduction”, in: The peopling of East Asia. Putting together archaeology, linguistics and genetics: 1-14, London: RoutledgeCurzon. [5] Brooks, E.B. (2001), “Chu language history”, http://www.umass.edu/wsp/tools/languages/chu/history.html (acc. 17.VII.2005) [6] Yù Suísh\u0113ng \u55bb\u9042\u751f(1993), “Li\u0103ng-Zh\u014du j\u012bnwén yùnwén he xi\u0101n-Qín ‘Ch\u016d-y\u012bn’” \u5169\u5468\u91d1\u6587\u97fb\u6587\u548c\u5148\u79e6‘\u695a\u97f3’, X\u012b’nán Sh\u012bfàn Dàxue Xuébào \u897f\u5357\u5e2b\u7bc4\u5927\u5b78\u5b78\u5831 (2): 105-109. [7] Behr, W. (1997), Reimende Bronzeinschriften und die Entstehung der chinesischen Endreimdichtung, Diss., JWGU Frankfurt a.M. [8] Cook, C.A. (1991), Auspicious Metals and Southern Spirits: An Analysis of the Chu Bronze Inscriptions, Ph.D. Diss., University of Calif., Berkeley [unpubl.]. [9] L\u01d0 Yù \u674e \u7389 (1994), Qín-Hàn ji\u01cendú bósh\u016b y\u012bnyùn yánji\u016b \u79e6 \u6f22 \u7c21 \u7258 \u5e1b \u66f8 \u97f3 \u97fb \u7814 \u7a76, B\u011bij\u012bng \u5317 \u4eac : D\u0101ngdài Zh\u014dnguó \u7576 \u4ee3 \u4e2d \u570b. [10] Behr, W. (2003), Pre-EMC dialects: some notes”, Paper presented at the Middle Chinese/Old Chinese Symposium in Honour of E.G. Pulleyblank, University of Chicago, May 2003. [11] Méi Z\u01d4lín \u6885 \u7956 \u9e9f [Mei Tsu-lin] (1981), “G\u01d4dài Ch\u01d4 f\u0101ngyán zh\u014dng ‘x\u012b (?x\u012b)’ zì de cíyì hé y\u01d4yuán” \u53e4 \u4ee3 \u695a \u65b9 \u8a00 \u4e2d \u300c \u5915 (\u4eb4)\u300d \u5b57 \u7684 \u8a5e \u7fa9 \u548c \u8a9e \u6e90, F\u0101ngyán \u65b9\u8a00 (3): 215-218. [12] Kwok Bit-chee \u90ed\u5fc5\u4e4b(1998), “J\u012bnwén zh\u014dng de Ch\u016dxì f\u0101ngyáncí (s\u0101n zé)” \u91d1\u6587\u4e2d\u7684\u695a\u7cfb\u65b9\u8a00\u8a5e(\u4e09\u5247), J. of Oriental Studies 34 (1-2): 102-116. [13] Cáo Zhàolán \u66f9\u5146\u862d (2002), “J\u012bnwén zh\u014dng f\u0101ngyán ‘m\u012d’ y\u016d y\u0103yán ‘m\u016d’ de xi\u0101ngy\u012bn sh\u0113ngyì” \u91d1\u6587\u4e2d\u65b9\u8a00\u300c\u9fcc\u300d\u8207\u96c5\u8a00\u300c\u6bcd\u300d\u7684\u76f8\u56e0\u751f\u7fa9, F\u0101ngyán \u65b9\u8a00 (2): 177-182. [14] Lín Hóngy\u012bng \u6797\u8679\u745b, Murase Nozomu\u6751\u7028\u671b & Furuya Akihira \u53e4\u5c4b\u662d\u5f18 (2004), “Sengoku moji X ni tsuite” \u6230\u570b\u6587\u5b57\u300c\u4ee8\u300d\u306b\u3064\u3044\u3066, K\u0101ipi\u0101n \u958b\u7bc723 (offprint). [15] L\u012d Shùháo \u674e\u6055\u8c6a (2002), “Yàng Xióng «F\u0101ngyán» zh\u014dng j\u012dn jiàn yú Ch\u016ddì de f\u0101ngyán cíy\u016d yánji\u016b” \u63da\u96c4\u65b9\u8a00\u4e2d\u50c5\u898b\u65bc\u695a\u5730\u7684\u65b9\u8a00\u8a5e\u8a9e\u7814 \u7a76, Ms. Chéngd\u016b, Sìchu\u0101n Sh\u012bfàn Dàxué [16] Huá Xuéchéng \u83ef\u5b78\u8aa0 (2003), Zh\u014du-Qín-Hàn-Jìn f\u0101ngyán yánji\u016b sh\u012d \u5468\u79e6\u6f22\u6649\u65b9\u8a00\u7814\u7a76\u53f2 (Shàngh\u0103i shì Shèhuì K\u0113xué Bóshì Wénkù), Shàngh\u0103i: Fùdàn Dàxue ch\u016bb\u0103nshè.