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Some preliminary observations on prosody and information structure in Austronesian languages of Indonesia and East Timor

Nikolaus P. Himmelmann


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  <identifier identifierType="DOI">10.5281/zenodo.1402555</identifier>
  <creators>
    <creator>
      <creatorName>Nikolaus P. Himmelmann</creatorName>
    </creator>
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  <titles>
    <title>Some preliminary observations on prosody and information structure in Austronesian languages of Indonesia and East Timor</title>
  </titles>
  <publisher>Zenodo</publisher>
  <publicationYear>2018</publicationYear>
  <dates>
    <date dateType="Issued">2018-08-23</date>
  </dates>
  <language>en</language>
  <resourceType resourceTypeGeneral="Text">Book section</resourceType>
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    <alternateIdentifier alternateIdentifierType="url">https://zenodo.org/record/1402555</alternateIdentifier>
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  <relatedIdentifiers>
    <relatedIdentifier relatedIdentifierType="DOI" relationType="IsVersionOf">10.5281/zenodo.1402554</relatedIdentifier>
    <relatedIdentifier relatedIdentifierType="URL" relationType="IsPartOf">https://zenodo.org/communities/langscipress</relatedIdentifier>
  </relatedIdentifiers>
  <rightsList>
    <rights rightsURI="http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/legalcode">Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</rights>
    <rights rightsURI="info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess">Open Access</rights>
  </rightsList>
  <descriptions>
    <description descriptionType="Abstract">&lt;p&gt;This chapter provides a brief overview of what is known about prosody and information&lt;br&gt;
structure in the Austronesian languages of Indonesia and East Timor. It emphasizes the fact&lt;br&gt;
that the prosodic systems found in these languages appear to differ substantially from the&lt;br&gt;
better known systems found in languages such as English and German and finds that to date&lt;br&gt;
there is little evidence that prosody plays a major role in conveying information-structural&lt;br&gt;
distinctions. Of major import in this regard appears to be the fact that many Austronesian&lt;br&gt;
languages in the area appear to lack lexical stress as well as lexical tone. Consequently,&lt;br&gt;
intonational phrases lack (postlexical) pitch accents, the tonal inventory being restricted to&lt;br&gt;
a smallish number of edge tone combinations on the intonational phrase level plus a single&lt;br&gt;
boundary tone on the level of intermediate phrases. The chapter concludes with a brief&lt;br&gt;
discussion of a major exception to these generalisations, i.e. the group of (Austronesian)&lt;br&gt;
West New Guinea languages that show a bewildering variety of tonal and stress-related&lt;br&gt;
distinctions.&lt;/p&gt;</description>
  </descriptions>
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