You
We know that the reality of the Brazilian labor market, that is, today's world, but specifically in Brazil,
requires another qualification, such as the new technologies.
In general, this informal work is a more precarious work, where there are more problems of inadequate income,
where there are social protection problems, rights guarantees, etc.
58% of laborers in the informal sector.
In this 58%, we also know that there is a profile, there is a map, that has sex and body.
And I would say that in the informal sector, of course, we have a lot more women and a lot more black women.
In the case of Brazil, there is a very important criterion, which is the issue of having or not having a letter signed.
The women correspond to 43% of the economic and active population of the peia. Along with that, we also have the black population, which is 47%.
Women and black people are 61% or 60 million people who are in the peia, that is, a large population,
but in fact, the majority are out of this labor market.
So, this situation of vulnerability, of lack of social protection, are proportionally greater between women and black people.
So, these two populations, that's why we always work together, race and gender.
In my opinion, they would enter this concept, all salaried without a letter signed.
The workers would enter on their own or autonomous. And then we can make a distinction between those who have technical and university training,
that they can be autonomous. For example, you take a doctor, an engineer, who does not have a relationship with salaried,
but he will have a working condition, which is totally different from an ambulance seller.
Black women occupy 79,4% of the men's activities.
And black women are in these occupations of the men's activities, such as domestic work, 51%,
washing, past cooking, serving, of 28,4%.
These are activities that, according to this discrimination that women, especially black women, suffer,
they end up going to this more informal job.
And finally, domestic work. And then I think it is important, because domestic work has very special characteristics
within the universe of informal and precarious occupations.
And if we wanted to be more precise, I would say that within the informal occupation,
domestic workers without a letter signed.
It is guaranteed by the law that domestic workers have the necessary rights,
and when we check in practice, we know that 40% of these women do not benefit from these rights.
Domestic work, by the Brazilian law, should have a working contract that guarantees access to a series of rights.
The big problem is that approximately two thirds of all domestic workers in Brazil do not have a letter signed,
but it is a matter of not fulfilling the rights.
So there has to be much more, perhaps, than laws, there has to be laws, but there has to be the accompaniment of the laws.
And there has to be a change, I would also say, of mentality that social movements, including struggle for this,
in the sense of realizing that it is not a matter of family, it is a matter of working.
Although, for example, in 2004, the growth of the occupation was greater among women than among men,
that is, more women occupied, however, 1.5 million women received work,
but the growth of 4.5% in relation to the previous year, that is, it grew,
however, most of the women's occupations were in domestic work and food sales without formal links.
For a long time, we talked about informal sector and informal economy.
You can think of the point of view of the productive units and the point of view of the workers.
What I was saying earlier is to see what are the occupations that would be within this concept of informality.
We can't talk about informal work, as if informal work had only one face.
It is heterogeneous, but in this heterogeneity it predominates a core and an age of responsibility,
social family, and in the sense that public policies have to see this specificity.
54% of the men in informal occupations, of the total men who work in informal occupations,
are 61% of the women.
And in the case of black women, this proportion is even greater.
So, there is certainly a cut in gender and race in this informality.
22.4% of black workers develop activities without signage, while the whites are only 16.2%.
The women, 25.6% of them have no signage, while the men are only 32.9%.
In the case of Brazil, almost 20% of all women who work are domestic workers.
For the last few years, they are 18.9%.
For as much as we know that domestic workers have rights at the same time, there is not enough support to guarantee them,
there are relationships that often come from informal relationships, not only from a legal informality,
but from a relationship informality where domestic workers are often subjected to precariousness every day
and often accept unfavorable conditions for them.
We have a historical analysis, we see that from 1940 to 1980,
there has been a great process of formalization of employment.
In 1940, in Brazil, approximately 85% of informal occupations fall to 43%, approximately 1980,
and now rise to 55%.
When we talk about the work world crisis, we talk about the formal work world crisis,
deregulation, de-localization, de-industrialization.
The formalization process was linked to the industrialization process,
economic growth, accelerated in the 40s and 80s.
We interviewed a thousand workers at DF, and the characteristics were between 1 and 3 minimum salaries.
They are not people who change jobs, who change jobs,
they are people who already have this activity sometimes for 5, 10 or 15 years.
It means that the work in the informal sector is an extremely structured sector.
It is not something that we enter and leave as we want, it is a sector that is extremely rigid,
you have to have knowledge when entering the informal sector,
knowledge of social relationships, etc.
It is a very particular sector, and unfortunately,
it was not sufficiently the object of reflection for public policies.
The informalization process that we are experiencing, which is common to all Latin American countries,
for example, in different degrees, but not only in Brazil, has to do with the globalization process,
of productive restoration, of redefinition of productive chains,
of sub-contractions, of third parties,
in which old informal occupations arise and others arise.
There is a concern of trying to value this service, of informality.
As I said, of the women working in the domestic sector,
of the 21 women who are black in the domestic sector,
only 23% are affected.
And because of this, the informal work cannot be seen only in economic relations.
It has to be seen with social focus.
It is obvious that a worker who earns two minimum salaries
needs to grow more slowly, in a more imperative way than other social groups.
I think we have to think about how we can improve the working life conditions
of the workers who are in the informal economy.
We know that this is a reality that will change one day to another.
So I think there are a series of measures there,
from recognizing that these workers are legal subjects,
that they have the right to minimum social protection,
that they have the right to minimum working conditions.
There are a series of elements that the Ministry has to worry about,
as a government politician, about doing what these people do.
Whether in an informal economy or not, there is no precariousness.
I think this is very interesting for us to think about.
This is a precarious work. It is informal because it has another logic,
but it cannot be precarious.
The big problem is that all the structure that was built in the last 50 years,
at the world level, in Brazil, it never worked very well,
but it was this, it was that all rights came from the working relationship.
And this is valid for the worker who has a regular stable contract,
but not for informal working groups.
So the big challenge is to think about how mechanisms can be developed
that enable minimum elements that we consider a decent work,
which is, in addition to a dignified remuneration,
the issue of access to rights, social protection and organization.
No one has social identity if there is no work.
No one has identity.
Do you care, as they say in my country, if there is no work?
I think there is a whole series of measures that go from access to credit,
from information capacity,
from the insertion of these workers in productive chains,
which I think must be taken in the sense of trying to facilitate
the transit of these workers and workers
from informal to informal occupations.
I think it is very hard to see a worker.
As I said, there is nothing better than a worker without a job.
So I think we have to realize how people need to eat,
they need to survive and there is no work.
Thank you.
