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en la década de los cincuenta, la escuela de las amerikas se transformó en un centro de entrenamiento para latinoamericanos, impartiéndose todos los cursos en español.
entonces llegó la revolución de cuba de 1959, el gobierno de Kennedy alarmado respondió asignándole a la EDA un papel primordial en la represión de las guerras de liberación de inspiración cubana,
que surgieron en el hemisferio occidental.
en 1962, el gobierno de Kennedy cambió la misión del ejército latinoamericano,
que pasó de ocuparse de la defensa hemisferica, a la seguridad interna.
seguridad interna significa, guerra contra la población.
la doctrina de la seguridad interna implicaba que había que disciplinar,
despolitizar, marginar, reprimira la masa de la población con el objetivo de favorecer los intereses de grupos elitistas.
el director de la contrainsurgencia durante los años de Kennedy, Charles Michlin,
apuntó que el efecto de esta doctrina era convertir al ejército latinoamericano en algo que se asemejara a las tropas de las SS de Himmler.
conforme la escuela iba desarrollando su campaña de contrainsurgencia o contra guerrilla,
en latinoamerica empezó a llamársela la escuela de los golpes, la escuela de los asesinos y la escuela de los dictadores.
we don't see it as a school for dictators, we see it as a school that has graduated 59,000 people,
including many heads of state who played a very important role in the democratic transformation of Latin America.
we teach united states army doctrine as it's taught in every school in the army system, translated into Spanish and imbued with the principles of the laws of land warfare,
international human rights law and also the right roles of militaries and democracies.
we do well our work, we've shown that world at least in my life, at least in my life during the period I was in the army almost four decades, we've done it quite well, in a systematic way,
fulfilling with the American ideals, in general.
if you want to help your neighbors, why not make part of that help to help your army?
but the opposition of the Panamanians to the school of America was growing over the years
and in 1984 the army of the United States transferred the school to Fort Benning in Georgia.
in the United States there are more than a hundred other centers where the Latin American military personal training is trained,
but the EDA is the model school, the Pentagon calls it the outside policy of the United States.
the budget of the school has never been made public, but it is estimated between 16 and 24 million annual euros.
all the funds are from the government of the United States.
during the years, the EDA has addressed its students in things such as command tactics, military espionage, psychological operations,
aiming techniques, against drug trafficking and maintenance operations of peace.
the courses vary in duration of two weeks to one year.
our State Department, our Defense Department has unconditionally supported the role of the school
in the international cooperation and the hemispheric cooperation,
but its detractors, of course, are not so bad.
we believe that this is a fact about not promoting democracy or human rights,
but rather the torture of military training of young people, mainly to kill.
three years ago, the Colombian paramilitaries kidnapped, tortured and killed my little brother.
they shot him three times in the head.
he had all his ribs broken.
he had bruised his body.
he had hit his eyes.
he had blood in his eyes.
it was a commotion for me to see my younger brother cold.
and wounded.
and to think that I couldn't save him.
so many people are killed daily, not only in Colombia, in the whole world.
and I live in this society, which is the biggest financial problem of this problem.
the school of America is a school for people who do these things.
the school of America is one of the many instruments that the United States uses to impose the status quo on other countries, using force and violence.
the most important question is why the leaders of the United States do something like that.
they say that it is for democracy to fight against communism, to eradicate terrorism,
to protect the lives of the North Americans or to defend the interests of the North Americans.
very well, when they say to defend the interests of the North Americans,
there they are getting a little closer to the truth.
but the interests of the North Americans, not yours nor mine, nor the contributions,
the interests of the big investors companies.
so the goal, the goal and this is seen in the kind of countries and regimes that support and attack,
the goal is very rational, very persistent, very consistent,
and it is not another than to make the world more secure.
it is for that one or two percent that is in the highest and that is the owner of most of the world.
the first beneficiaries of the resources of the country, both humans and materials,
must be the so-called US interests.
and if the people of the country thinks that the first beneficiary must be the people of that country,
then it is the communists' business.
and there is something to do with them, you can do a lot of things,
but if none of them works, then you kill them.
I was studying at the university, I was studying psychology
and anyone who was at that university was considered a subversive element or a potential communist,
a potential threat to the government.
I was missing ten days,
I was in a torture chamber three days,
but I was very lucky,
one of the torture techniques was water,
they put you in water for several minutes and they tell you that you speak,
they used electricity in the body, mainly in the genitals,
they used a technique that the Argentinians created,
the potro,
which was that they put their hands on the back,
they hanged you,
and when they hit you, they really hurt you,
they didn't sleep, they didn't eat, they didn't drink anything,
they didn't let me go to the service in those three days and three nights.
I think that the American School is a direct reminder
that the North Americans can also be responsible
for collective amateurs,
murderers, dictatorships,
and not only for defending these things or for covering them,
or for being complex of them,
but really for teaching people how to commit atrocities,
which is more than complicity, is direct responsibility.
This is not a complicated issue,
it's very simple,
it's about men with guns,
of Latin American bullets trained in this school,
hundreds of them,
every year,
in command tactics, psychological war,
against insurgency techniques,
the school has 55 different programs
of instruction,
which deal with various aspects of security and development,
less than 17% of the offer of the course,
when I was a commander,
it involved some kind of training of the field with guns,
but despite all, the Royal Father and Company
continues to insist eternally
that we need something else than combat tactics.
Yes, some of our students have committed negative acts,
but if you think about the thousands of people
who have passed through the American school
and the good they've done,
that's never talked about,
they just want to focus on the controversies and the negative,
and what really bothers me about all this
is that those who look more at the negative,
in the controversy, in these actions,
the only one who always looks at the negative side
is the people of the church.
The church is supposed to also look at the good side,
but yet they look only at the bad side,
they don't even think about the good we've done.
The Royal Father has been the head of the movement
increasingly to close the American school.
He was the official of the marine
and he was decorated with the purple Heart
in the Vietnam War.
He ordered as a priest in the Catholic Order
of Merignol in 1972
and it was intended to a mission in the Peace,
Bolivia, where he lived for 5 years
until he was arrested and tortured
for his defense of the poor
and was forced to leave the country.
The issue you have to put to the school
of the Americas in the context of our foreign policy.
That's what we're looking for.
We want to change the outside policy of our country for Latin America,
since it is based purely on the barit, in the selfishness,
in exploiting a hand of cheap work and some resources.
The father Roy and other many North American citizens
began to organize against the school of the Americas
because of a massacre that took place in the newspapers all over the world.
On November 16, 1989,
at the University of Central America of El Salvador,
six Jesuit priests, his mother-in-law and his 15-year-old daughter,
were brutally murdered.
A commission of work of the Congress led by Joseph McKay
investigated the massacre and found that of the 26 responsible soldiers,
19 had been registered in the school of the Americas.
All of the 26 had registered their own army
to kill before they even came to the school of the Americas.
And what does it tell me about the fact that all of the 26
were practical Catholics
who probably attended the Mass on Friday before?
Look, the idea that they had to come to the school of the Americas
to learn to be criminals is something I just can't accept.
Every time there was a massacre,
in El Salvador, there had always been a school of the Americas license.
At the root of this, the father Roy and several friends
founded the EDA Watch
on a small floor very close to the main entrance of Fort Benny.
The movement gained strength in 1993
when a report from the Commission of Truth
of the United Nations on El Salvador
revealed that 47 of the 60 officials
to those responsible for the worst violations
of human rights during the Civil War
had been registered in the school of the Americas.
Including those who murdered the Oskar Romero arzubispo
and raped and murdered four
North American religious in 1980
and massacred more than one hundred and ninety-three
and massacred more than 900 civilians
in the town of Mozote in 1981.
Due to the strong emotional reaction
that those murders were unleashed
and those atrocities,
a cause was celebrated that ended with the closure of the school.
And of course
that was based more on emotional issues
than on real ones.
Yes, of course it is an emotional issue.
In Latin America there are still many people who are sorry for their loved ones,
who are still crying for them.
How can they not do it?
Their children, their mothers, fathers, daughters, brothers,
massacred.
Of the 60,000 graduates of the EDA there are evidence
that more than 600 have violated human rights.
At least 12 have become dictators
like for example Manuel Noriega in Panama.
Of the graduates who led the death squadrons
the most famous was Roberto Daouison in El Salvador.
During the war covered by the United States against Icaragua
in the 1980's
more than 5,000 contras
to whom President Reagan called
warlords of freedom
they went to the American school.
As a consequence, the International Justice Court
in the United States for the crimes of international terrorism.
An investigation carried out by the EDA Watch,
International Amnesty and other organizations
reveals that in many cases of violations of human rights
that are produced today in Colombia
are perpetrated by people who passed through the school.
More than 10,000 Colombian soldiers and police agents
have attended the school of the Americas.
We talk about a study that shows that there were people who passed through the school of the Americas
that had to do with some atrocities.
We don't have any problem with that study.
We don't deny it.
But they weren't trained in the school of the Americas
to commit those acts.
And that's it.
There have been no sentence of anyone
and of course there has been nothing that can be put into the school.
Simply because the author of a murder has gone to an institute
doesn't mean that he would learn to massacre in that institute.
Fewer than one in a hundred have been linked
although very broad brushes have been used
to human rights abuses or other types of criminality.
The idea that we were teaching criminality
would apparently only have impacted one out of a hundred.
What were the other ninety-nine in each class doing?
Sleeping?
We have documented more than 600 students.
But I say this.
Any institution, any college, any university
in which one out of a hundred goes wrong
is a murderer.
A torturer, a rapist,
that institution should be closed immediately.
I know that you think it's great.
Only one percent.
But we're not talking about one percent
that what you do is commit minor crimes.
We're talking about real multiple murderers.
What we have here,
those six hundred graduates and their crimes against humanity
is only the tip of the iceberg.
My name is Anna Chavez Fischer.
I came to the United States in 1983.
At that time there was a civil war in my country,
the Salvador.
My husband Francisco went to work on Saturday
and I didn't have the opportunity to say goodbye
and that night I was expecting him to, but he didn't come back.
And I waited.
And the next morning I was shaking.
And I remember that when I was talking to my neighbor
she said don't look for him among the living,
look for him among the dead.
In the depths of my heart I didn't want to accept
the possibility that they would have killed him.
And I remember that I ran to the cemetery
and I was ready to bury him
without recognizing him.
And I saw him and he had a shot in the eye.
It was so much atrocity
and so much motherhood.
And so much motherhood.
And so much motherhood.
And so much motherhood.
And so many mothers looking for their children.
So many dying.
I could like to know
why the United States train these soldiers
and send them to kill thousands of innocent people
because...
I think that if we consider
what the priorities of the foreign policy
in the long term of the United States
clearly number one has been the famine
in the hemisphere.
My confidence in the school
resides in the United States army
and how this army has behaved.
It's not a bad thing to destabilize the world.
It's not a bad thing to destabilize soldiers
to go there to kill the offensive.
Our army is on the right
and it teaches people to protect and defend
both themselves and this nation and other nations.
That's an action of peace.
The United States
is the country
that is the country
that is the country
that is the country
that is the country that is the country
that is the country that is the country
that is a country that is a country
that is ready to arrive
when they kill...
You need to be confident
in yourselves
that the country is yours
and every day
The mistake was to have trained Latin American soldiers in the techniques of torture, the kidnapping, the murder, forced disappearance, in short, a mistake, a little mistake, a little mistake that has cost thousands and thousands of lives in Latin America.
The School of the Americas published a manual of interrogation and torture. The government of the United States, in the case of Nicaragua, published and distributed a manual of sabotage techniques and murder and the recruitment of criminals to do the counter-revolution.
The manuals established openly their objective. The death squadrons of Guatemala have said and all the evidence that has been discovered in Guatemala show that the squadrons did not take a step without first consulting with the head of the CIA of the area.
This not only knew the torturers, he had chosen them and had trained them. They have informed us that the Condor operation, an alliance of the death squadrons in Paraguay, Chile, Argentina and Brazil, at least, a kind of internationalization of the principle of the death squadrons, the Condor operation, was directed from a North American headquarters in Panama and anyone who was involved in that operation of the death squadron knew that he could go there and establish communications safely.
What it means, among other things, that everything they said they did, they knew Washington.
The manual was never used in an instruction program. It was included as a reference. 39 copies to the students. 47 were recovered and destroyed. It was never used in class as educational text.
If I remember the number of times I think there were 21 references in the manual that were quoted by the Bible, the Bible is more direct in its discussions, in its descriptions than those 21 phrases.
Labor leaders, lawyers of human rights, student leaders, all of them were victims of these torture manuals.
And what do they tell us? We have removed those torture manuals. This is no longer done. How is it possible that they tell you to remove some torture manuals as if it were about defective vehicles?
The most shocking thing, as always, is that that shameful secret is not at all a secret. It's a secret to voices. If they almost hack out of it, which in some way is part of the operation, it seems to me.
It's thought to scare people. It's thought to terrorize. It's thought to make people know that we're going for you. We're going to cut your face off.
We'll make your children disappear or we'll torture them in front of your wife. We'll do all that we can and we'll know how.
No se torturaba solo a los culpables de los presuntos delitos de subversión. Se torturaba a cualquiera.
Cualquiera que podia resultar potencialmente peligroso. Pero cuál era el peligrosímetro que medía la peligrosidad de los peligrosos?
La mano que manejaba y maneja el peligrosímetro sabía muy bien que peligrosos son los que piensan, los que dudan, los que dicen no.
En septiembre de 1987 fui a las tierras altas de Guatemala para vivir y trabajar con los mayas.
Mi orden enseñaba a los niños a leer y escribir en su lengua materna, y yo les enseñaba la Biblia dentro de su contexto cultural.
Un año después de mi llegada, empecé a recibir amenazas de muerte, oí la voz de un hombre, ola mi amor, ola mi amor,
y ese fue el principio de mi pesadilla. Me interrogaron, me torturaron y violaron repetidamente. Un médico dictaminó que había más de 111 quemaduras de cigarrillo en mi espalda.
Había un cuarto hombre presente cuando me torturaron. Era norteamericano.
Me bajaron a un foso que estaba barrotado, de cuerpos humanos, cuerpos de niños, mujeres y hombres. Algunos te hacían boca arriba y estaban cubiertos de sangre.
Algunos estaban muortos, y otros vivos.
Incluso ahora mientras lo cuento, parece que los estoy viendo y oyendo. Para.
Qwando me hablan de la escuela de las americas, la imagen que me viene a la mente es la dioma enorme sala de tortura y timbre solo de pensaro.
La antigua escuela de las americas ha sido investigada en doce ocasiones por agencias externas. En todos los casos se le dio el visto bueno. De hecho paso el examen con sobresaliente.
Amnistía Internacional ha pasado revista esta escuela y ha dicho que es la mejor institución para ayudar a los hermanos latinos.
Ese es un argumento irrefutable, como miembro de Amnistía Internacional.
The declarations of General Lemoyne are completely false. Nobody in Amnistía has made any declarations regarding any type of military training, although we do not officially oppose it. In fact, I have spoken with our bosses in Washington, New York and London, and nobody knows anything about that statement.
This is not a monastery, a seminary, an academy of the bath. This is a combat school, and that's why they come here to get those students and go back to their homes to defend that system.
Who is the enemy? The poor, as they have always been. Where is the enemy? Beyond the borders of their countries? No, no, in their countries. The poor are those who threaten the army, those who threaten the socio-economic system there, those who want reforms, fair wages, decent housing, hospital schools.
In the present, those who believe that the land belongs to them, think that it is something to use and throw away, that as it belongs to them they have the right to destroy it if they don't go as they want, and they feel the right to decide on the life and death of other people, although nobody or anything has given them that right.
The outside policy of the United States is brilliant. It is the most successful imperialist policy in the history of humanity. The British Empire is nothing compared to what the United States has been capable of doing all over the world.
The United States has been intervening all over the world systematically in favor of the privileged elites, the corporate powers, the interests of the rich, and systematically against those who try to defy all that.
The United States is nothing compared to what the United States has been capable of doing all over the world systematically in favor of the privileged elites, the corporate powers, the interests of the rich, and systematically against those who try to defy all that.
The United States is nothing compared to what the United States has been capable of doing all over the world systematically in favor of the privileged elites, the corporate powers, the interests of the rich, and systematically against those who try to defy all that.
The United States is nothing compared to what the United States has been capable of doing all over the world systematically in favor of the privileged elites, the corporate powers, the interests of the rich, and derechos of the rich, and
This first person, his last name is Lynatez and he was a hunter and union leader who was thirty-nine years old.
We look at this school and we can see our country at work in Latin America, on the side of the men with the guns, on the side of the sweatshops, on the side of the IMF and the World Bank, supporting those new conquistadors coming into the countries of Latin America to exploit, to enrich themselves.
And we are here today to say that we are on the other side, the side of the poor.
We are on the side of life in hope, in non-violence.
And we are here today to say that we are not in our name while this continues.
No more, no more shall the hills of Salvador and all the voices of the world we cry out, no more, no more.
Our goal is to expose and close the US Army School of the Americas.
We will act with full respect for our Latin American sisters and brothers, both living and dead.
We will act with full respect for our Latin American sisters and brothers.
Look at some of the comments of this movement. What I am afraid, what I see are the symptoms of a fanaticism, what I already know of as a group thing, almost a cult.
We will not change our vision, our vision or our dialogue.
And I think that's a shame. I think that's a good thing.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of faith and people of conscience
who are willing to say no, not to the repression, not to the torture, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The message we want to convey to the world is that there are people of conscience who are willing to say no, not to the constant militarism present in this society.
The school of America has been officially closed.
The new western institute for the security of my sphere continues to teach exactly the same type of military signatures that the school of America was closed last year and ten years ago in Fort Benning.
Nothing has really changed. They have created many courses with titles that seem to indicate that the institute has been established to transmit democratic values and teach human rights.
In reality, the majority of those signatures are offered, but they are never parted, and when they are parted, there is only a group of four or five students.
We are helping a government that trains terrorists, while at the same time they intend to be fighting terrorism around the world.
In reality, the people who are doing this in our government are people like John Negroponte, the current ambassador of the United States in the United Nations.
John Negroponte was related to the formation of the death squadrons in Honduras, while he was the ambassador of the United States there at the beginning of the 80s.
At present, there are people involved in the state terrorism, and this is the people we have to investigate now.
It's ironic that the new institute for the security of my sphere, located in Fort Benning, has as its official command to the General Division of the Moin,
was the main official of Brigada, responsible for one of the greatest violations of human rights against the Iraqi people.
This alone is sending to the Latin American army the message that even in the highest spheres, the military enjoy an immunity that frees them from being judged or punished for crimes they have committed.
It certainly does not send the message that we are respecting democratic values or human rights.
I think we need some kind of commission of the truth and justice in this country for a series of reasons.
We know that our government has overthrown governments and has financed opposition groups to destabilize countries around the world.
We think there must be a responsibility if crimes are committed against humanity.
The US government is so quick to sign with the finger to other governments that have committed crimes of that type.
However, our leaders prefer to forget that the US also has bloody hands.
The US government has tortured, has taught torture techniques and has supported other governments that have tortured.
The first responsibility of anyone who has a minimal moral conscience is the one of the self-exam.
It is very easy to condemn the crimes of others and it is often worth doing it.
But it is much more difficult to look at the mirror and say, who am I? What have I done?
How do we heal the wounds of all the things that have been done in our name, in other parts of the world?
Because I don't think we have done it. It is incredible until we have denied and denied the truth to the world.
I wish there were answers to what happened in my country.
I just wasn't able to believe it when I found out that the US was responsible for all those murders.
And I asked myself, who is going to punish the US government for doing this to my country?
Who is going?
Who is going?
Who is going?
Who is going?
Who is going?
Who is going?
