I. Different opinions in the senate in relation to Caesar’s letter. 
 III. The origin and causes of the opposition formed against him. 
 IV. The senate’s severe decree, and flight of Caesar’s friends. 
 V. War against Caesar resolved on. 
 VI. Caesar harangues his troops. 
 VII. Pompey sends proposals of peace. 
 VIII. Caesar’s answer 
 IX. Pompey sends proposals a second time. 
 X. Which not pleasing Caesar, he prepares for war. 
 XI. Caesar makes himself master of Iguvium and Auximum . 
 XII. Which so alarms his enemies at Rome , that they hastily quit the city, and retire to Capua . 
 XIII. Caesar, by his expedition, obliges many of the towns in Italy to submit. 
 XXIII. Pompey, after the reduction of Corfinium by Caesar, withdraws with his troops to Brundusium . 
 XXIV. Caesar besieges him there. 
 XXVI. He escapes by sea, after which the town surrenders. 
 XXVIII. Caesar cannot pursue him for want of a fleet. 
 XXIX. Valerius and Curio, partisans of Caesar, drive Cotta from Sardinia , and Cato from Sicily . Varus compels Tubero to desist from his design upon Africa . 
 XXX. Caesar’s speech to the senate. 
 XXXI. Which producing no effect, he sets out for Transalpine Gaul. 
 XXXII. The people of Marseilles shut their gates against Caesar. 
 XXXIV. Who commands Brutus and Trebonius to besiege the place. 
 XXXV. Fabius sent before into Spain . 
 XXXIX. Caesar follows, and comes up with Afranius and Petreius at Lerida . 
 XLI. A skirmish, with almost equal advantage on both sides. 
 XLVI. A sudden storm having broke down his bridges, Caesar is shut up between two rivers. 
 XLVIII. And reduced to great straits for want of provisions. 
 LI. He extricates himself at length, and surprises the enemy’s foragers. 
 LII. Brutus defeats the people of Marseilles in a sea-fight. 
 LIII. Caesar obtains the superiority near Lerida . 
 LIV. Many states declare for him. 
 LV. Afranius and Petreius remove towards Celtiberia. 
 LVI. Caesar pursues them with his cavalry. 
 LVII. Then drawing out the legions, continues to urge them in their retreat. 
 LXIV. He cuts off their provisions. 
 LXVI. Afraniius and Petreius’s men talk with Caesar’s about a surrender. 
 LXVII. Petreius interrupts the conference. 
 LXVIII. And obliges the soldiers to take an oath of fidelity to their generals. 
 LXX. Who, finding both their provisions and forage intercepted, resolve to return to Lerida . 
 LXXI. Caesar follows, and greatly molests them in their march. 
 LXXIII. At length, water, forage, and every thing failing them, they are forced to sue for peace, and accept of Caesar’s terms.

THE SUPPLEMENT of DIONYSIUS VOSSIUS TO CAESAR'S FIRST BOOK of THE CIVIL WAR. 
 
 I think it needless to say any thing here, in opposition to those who pretend, that the following Commentaries, concerning the Civil War, were not penned by Caesar himself. We have not only the express testimony of Suetonius to the contrary, but the very style sufficiently declares, that Caesar alone could be the author of the work. There is room however to suspect, from the abrupt manner in which the subject is introduced, that the beginning of this first book is wanting: for history takes notice of several previous facts, of which no mention is made here. I have therefore collected out of Plutarch, Appian, and Dion , as much as was necessary to connect this and the former Commentary, and fancy it will not be disagreeable to the reader, to offer it here by way of preface. Gaul being wholly reduced, Caesar, upon his arrival in Lombardy , thought proper, for many reasons, to send deputies to Rome , to demand the consulship, and a prolongation of his command. Pompey, who, though averse to Caesar’s interest, had not yet openly declared against him, neither furthered nor opposed his request. But the consuls Marcellus and Lentulus, who had already joined the party of his enemies, resolved by every method in their power to frustrate the design. Marcellus scrupled not to add other injuries to that of which we speak. For Caesar had lately planted a colony at Novocomum in Cisalpine Gaul; and Marcellus, not satisfied with stripping the inhabitants of the privilege of Roman citizens, seized one of their chief magistrates at Rome , ordered him to be scourged, and then dismissed him to carry his complaints to Caesar, an ignominy from which all free citizens were expressly exempted by the laws. While affairs were in this train, C. Curio, tribune of the people, came to Caesar in Gaul . This nobleman, after many attempts in behalf of the commonwealth, and to promote Caesar’s interest; finding at length all his endeavours without effect, fled from Rome , to avoid the malice of his enemies, and informed Caesar of all that was transacted against him. Caesar received him with great marks of respect, as well on account of his rank in the commonwealth, as the many services he had done himself and the state; and thanked him for the signal zeal he had shown in his cause. But Curio advised him, since his enemies were now openly preparing for war, to draw his army together without delay, and rescue the commonwealth from the tyranny of an aspiring faction. Caesar, though fully satisfied of the truth of Curio’s report, resolved to sacrifice all other considerations to the public tranquillity, that no man might justly charge him with being the author of a civil war. He therefore only petitioned by his friends, that the government of Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum , with the command of two legions, might be continued to him, in all which his principal aim was, by the equity of his demands, to induce his enemies to grant peace to the commonwealth. These offers appeared so reasonable, that even Pompey himself knew not how to oppose them. But the consuls still continuing inflexible, Caesar wrote a letter to the senate, wherein, after briefly enumerating his exploits and services, he requested them not to deprive him of the benefit of the people’s favour, who had permitted him to sue for the consulship in his absence. He protested his readiness, if such was the resolution of the senate and people of Rome , to dismiss his army, provided Pompey did the same: but could by no means resolve, so long as he continued in command and authority, to divest himself of troops, and lay himself open to the injuries of his enemies. Curio was commissoned to carry this letter, who travelling with incredible despatch, reached Rome in three days (a distance of a hundred and sixty miles,) before the beginning of January, and ere the consuls could get any thing determined relating to Caesar’s command. Curio, upon his arrival, refused to part with the letter, resolving not to deliver it but in full senate, and when the tribunes of the people were present: for he was apprehensive, should he do otherwise, that the consuls would suppress it.

Caesar’s letter being delivered to the consuls, the tribunes, with much difficulty, procured it a reading in the senate; but could by no means prevail to have his demands brought under deliberation. The consuls proposed to debate upon the state of the republic. Lentulus promised to stand by the senate and the people, if they would deliver their sentiments with freedom and courage; but if they regarded Caesar, and affected to court his friendship, as had been the practice for some time past, he knew, he told them, what he had to do, and was determined to disclaim their authority; not doubting but he would find a ready admittance to the favour and protection of Caesar. Scipio spoke much to the same purpose: That Pompey was firmly bent not to abandon the republic, if he found the senators ready to support him; but if they cooled, or were remiss in their resolves, it would be in vain for them to expect his aid, if they saw cause afterwards to apply for it.

This speech of Scipio, as the senate was held in the city, and Pompey resided in the suburbs, was considered as coming from Pompey’s own mouth. Some were for following milder counsels, of which number was M. Marcellus, who gave it as his opinion: That it was not proper to enter upon the present deliberation, till troops were raised over all Italy , and an army got ready, under whose protection the senate might proceed with freedom and safety in their debates. Callidius was for sending Pompey to his government, to take away all occasion of discord; because Caesar had reason to fear, as two of his legions had been taken from him, that Pompey retained them in the neighbourhood of Rome , with a view to employ them against him. M. Rufus nearly agreed with Callidius. But they were all severely reprimanded by the consul Lentulus, who expressly refused to put Callidius’s motion to the vote. Marcellus, awed by the consul’s reprimand, retracted what he had said. Thus the clamours of Lentulus, the dread of an army at the gates of Rome , and the menaces of Pompey’s friends, forced the greater part of the senate, though with the utmost reluctance and dislike, into a compliance with Scipio’s motion: That Caesar should be ordered to disband his army before a certain day then fixed; and that in case of disobedience, he should be declared an enemy to the republic. M. Antonius and Q. Cassius, tribunes of the people, opposed their negative to this decree. Immediately a debate arose, upon the validity of their interposition. Many severe speeches were made against them; and the more warm and passionate any one appeared, the more was he applauded by Caesar’s enemies.

In the evening the senate rose; and Pompey sending for all those of his party, commended the forward; confirmed them in their resolutions; reproved and animated the more moderate. Multitudes of veterans, who had formerly served under him, flocked to him from all parts, allured by the expectation of rewards and dignities. A great number of officers belonging to the two legions lately returned by Caesar, had likewise orders to attend him. Rome was filled with troops. Curio assembled the tribunes to support the decree of the people. On the other hand, all the friends of the consuls, all the partizans of Pompey, and of such as bore any ancient grudge to Caesar, repaired to the senate: by whose concourse and votes the weaker sort were terrified, the irresolute confirmed, and the greater part deprived of the liberty of speaking their mind freely. L. Piso the censor, and L. Roscius the pretor, offered to go and acquaint Caesar with the state of affairs, demanding only six days for that purpose. Some were for sending deputies to him, to inform him of the senate’s disposition.

But all these proposals were rejected, because the consul, Scipio, and Cato, declared against them. Cato was incited by the remembrance of an old quarrel, and the disappointment he had sustained in standing candidate for the pretorship with Caesar. Lentulus was oppressed with debt, and flattered himself with the command of armies, the government of provinces, and the largesses of the kings for whom he should procure the title of allies and friends of the Roman people. He was besides wont to boast, among those of his own party, that he doubted not of becoming a second Sylla, in whom the whole authority of the commonwealth should centre. Scipio entertained the same hope of commands and governments, which he expected to share with his son-in-law Pompey: added to this his dread of a prosecution; his vanity and self-conceit; and the flatteries and applauses of his friends, who at that time bore a considerable sway in the commonwealth and courts of justice. Pompey himself, instigated by Caesar’s enemies, and not able to endure an equal dignity, was now entirely alienated from him, and had joined with their common adversaries, most of whom Caesar had contracted during his affinity with Pompey. Beside, the fraudulent step he had taken, in detaining, for the purposes of his own ambition, the two legions destined to serve in Asia and Syria , determined him to use all his endeavours to bring on a civil war,

Thus nothing but tumult and violence was to be seen in the public debates. Caesar’s friends had no time given them to inform him of what passed. Even the tribunes themselves were not exempt from danger, nor durst they have recourse to that right of intercession, which Sylla had left them, as the last bulwark of liberty; insomuch that the seventh day after entering upon their office, they saw themselves obliged to provide for their safety; whereas in former times, the most turbulent and seditious tribunes never began to apprehend themselves in danger, till towards the eighth month of their administration. Recourse was had to that rigid and ultimate decree which was never used but in the greatest extremities, when the city was threatened with ruin and conflagration: That the consuls, the pretors, the tribunes of the people, and the proconsuls that were near Rome , should take care that the commonwealth received no detriment. This decree passed the seventh of January; so that during the first five days in which it was permitted the senate to assemble, after Lentulus’s entrance upon the consulship, (for two days are always appropriated to the holding of the comitia,) the most severe and rigorous resolutions were taken, both in relation to Caesar’s government, and the tribunes of the people, men of eminent worth and dignity. The tribunes immediately quitted the city, and fled to Caesar, who was then at Ravenna , waiting an answer to his late demands, whose equity he hoped would dispose all parties to entertain thoughts of peace.

The following days the senate assembled without the city, where Pompey confirmed everything he had before intimated by the mouth of Scipio. He applauded the resolution and courage of the senators, acquainted them with the state of his forces, that he had ten legions already in arms, and was besides well informed, that Casar’s troops were by no means satisfied with their general; nay, had even refused to support and follow him. It was then proposed in the senate, that troops should be raised over all Italy ; that Faustus Sylla should be sent propretor into Mauritania ; that Pompey should be supplied with money out of the public treasury, and that king Juba should be declared friend and ally of the people of Rome : but Marcellus opposed the last of these; and Philippus, tribune of the people, would not agree to the propretorship of Sylla. The other motions were approved by the senate. The affair of the provinces was next decided; two of which were consular, the rest pretorian. Syria fell to the share of Scipio, and Gaul fell to L. Domitius. Philippus and Marcellus were set aside, through the private views of the prevailing party. The rest of the provinces were assigned to men of pretorian rank; who waited not to have their nomination confirmed by the people, as had been the custom in former years, but after taking the usual oath, departed for their several commands in a military habit. The consuls left the city, a thing unheard of till that time, and lictors were seen walking before private men in the forum and capitol, contrary to the express practice of former ages. Troops were levied over all Italy , arms enjoined, money demanded of the colonies and free towns, and even taken from the very temples; in fine, neither divine nor human rights were regarded.

Caesar having intelligence of these proceedings, addressed himself to his troops: He took notice of the many injuries he had received on all occasions from his enemies, who had alienated Pompey from him, by filling him with an envy and jealousy of his reputation, though he had done every thing in his power to promote his glory, and favour his advancement to the highest dignities. He complained of the new precedent introduced into the commonwealth, in checking, and hindering by arms, the opposition of the tribunes, which of late years had been restored to its wonted force. That Sylla, who had almost annihilated the tribuneship, had yet left it the liberty of opposition; whereas Pompey, who valued himself upon the re-establishment of that office, deprived it now of a privilege it had always enjoyed. That the decree enjoining the magistrates to provide for the safety of the commonwealth, which implied an order to the Roman people to repair to arms, was never wont to be used but on occasion of dangerous laws, seditious measures pursued by the tribunes, or a general secession of the people, when they possessed themselves of the temples and places of strength; crimes, which in former ages had been expiated by the fate of Saturninus and the Gracchi. That at present nothing of this kind had been attempted, nor so much as thought of; no law promulged, no endeavour used to seduce the people, no appearance of revolt or disaffection. He therefore conjured them to defend against the malice of his enemies, the honour and reputation of a general, under whom they had served nine years with so much advantage to the commonwealth, gained so many battles, and subdued all Gaul and Germany . The soldiers of the thirteenth legion, who were present, and whom he had sent for in the beginning of the troubles, (the rest not being yet arrived,) cried out, that they were determined to maintain the honour of their general, and to revenge the wrongs done to the tribunes.

Being assured of the good will of the soldiers, he marched with that legion to Rimini , where he was met by the tribunes of the people, who had fled to him for protection He ordered the other legions to quit their winter quarters, and follow him with all expedition. While he was at Rimini , young L. Caesar, whose father was one of his lieutenants, came to him; and after acquainting him with the occasion of his journey, added, that he had a private message to him from Pompey, who was desirous of clearing himself to Caesar, that he might not interpret those actions as designed to affront him, which had no other aim but the good of the commonwealth: that it had been his constant maxim, to prefer the interest of the republic to any private engagement: that it was worthy of Caesar, to sacrifice his passion and resentment to the same noble motive; and not prejudice the commonwealth, by pushing too far his revenge against his private enemies. He added something more to the same purpose, mingled with excuses for Pompey. The pretor Roscius joined likewise in the negotiation, declaring he was commissioned so to do.

Though all this tended little to redress the injuries of which Caesar complained, yet considering these as proper persons by whom to transmit his thoughts, he begged of them, that as they had not scrupled to bring Pompey’s demands to him, they would likewise carry back his proposals to Pompey; that, if possible, so small a labour might put an end to mighty differences, and deliver all Italy from the fear of a civil war. He told them That the interest of the commonwealth had always been dearer to him than life; but he could not help grieving at the malice of his enemies, who had frustrated the good intentions of the Roman people in his favour, by cutting off six months from his command, and obliging him to return to Rome to sue for the consulship, though a law had been made dispensing with his personal attendance; that he had yet, for the sake of the commonwealth, patiently submitted to this assault upon his honour; that even his proposal of disbanding the armies on both sides, which he had made by a letter to the senate, had been rejected: that new levies were making over all Italy : that two legions, which had been taken from him, under pretence of the Parthian war, were still retained in the service of his enemies: that the whole state was in arms. What could all this aim at but his destruction ? That, nevertheless, he was ready to agree to any proposal, and expose himself to any danger, for the sake of his country. Let Pompey go to his government: let all the armies be disbanded: let every body throughout Italy lay down their arms: let every thing that participates of terror and force be removed: let the elections of magistrates he made with perfect freedom; and let the republic be administered by the authority of the senate and people. And the better to settle all these articles, and corroborate them with the sanction of an oath, let either Pompey himself draw nearer; or suffer Ceesar to approach him; as all their differences may be most easily terminated by a conference.

Roscius and L. Caesar, having received this answer, departed for Capua , where they found Pompey and the consuls, and laid before them Caesar’s proposals. After deliberating upon the affair, they sent a reply, in writing, by the same messengers, the purport of which was: That Caesar should quit Rimini , return to Gaul , and disband his army; which conditions performed, Pompey would go into Spain . In the meantime, till Caesar gave security for the performance of what he had promised, neither Pompey nor the consuls would discontinue the levies.

It was, by no means, a fair proposal, that Caesar should be obliged to quite Rimini and return to Gaul , while Pompey held provinces and legions that were none of his: that he should dismiss his army, whilst the other was levying troops: and, that only a general promise of going into Spain should be given, without fixing a day for his departure; by which evasion, was he to be found in Italy , even at the expiration of Caesar’s consulship, he could not yet be charged with breach of faith. His forbearing too to appoint a time for a conference, and declining to approach nearer, gave little reason to hope for a peace. He therefore sent Antony to Arretium , with five cohorts; remained himself at Rimini , with two, where he resolved to levy troops; and seizing Pisaurum , Fanum , and Ancona , left a cohort in each for a garrison.

Meantime, being informed that Thermus the pretor had entered Iguvium , with five cohorts, and was endeavouring to fortify the town; as he knew the inhabitants to be well inclined to his interest, he detached Curio thither, with three cohorts, drawn from Lisaurum and Rimini . Upon this, Thermus, who could not confide in the townsmen, retired with his cohorts, and quitted the place: but his troops abandoning him in their march, returned severally to their own homes. Curio was received into the place with great demonstrations of joy: which being reported to Caesar, as he found he had the good will of the colonies and free towns, he drew the cohorts of the thirteenth legion out of garrison, and marched to Auximum , which Attius held with a body of troops, and whence he had despatched senators to levy forces overall Picenum.

Caesar’s arrival being known, the chief citizens of Auximum went in a body to Attius Varus, and told him: That it did not belong to them to determine on which side justice lay; but that neither they, nor the other municipal towns, could endure to see their gates shut against Caesar, who by his great actions had deserved so well of the commonwealth: that therefore he would do well to consult his own safety and reputation. Attius, moved by this speech, drew off his garrison and fled. But some of Caesar’s first ranks pursuing him, obliged him to stop; and a battle ensuing, he was deserted by his men. Some of the troops returned home; the rest went over to Caesar, and brought along with them L. Pupius, first centurion of the legion, who had formerly held the same rank in Pompey’s army. Caesar commended Attius’s soldiers: dismissed Papius: returned thanks to the inhabitants of Auximum ; and promised to retain always a grateful remembrance of their attachment.

These things being reported at Rome , the consternation was so great over the whole city, that when the consul Lentulus came to the treasury, to deliver out the money to Pompey, in consequence of the decree of the sepate, he scarce waited the opening of the inner door, but precipitately left the place, upon a false rumour, that Caesar was approaching, and some of his cavalry already in view. He was soon followed by his colleague Marcellus, and the greater part of the magistrates, Pompey had left the town the day before, and was upon his way to Apulia , where he had quartered the legions he had received from Caesar. The levies were discontinued within the city, and no place appeared secure on this side Capua . Here, at last, they took courage and rallied, and began to renew their levies in the colonies round about, which had been sent thither by the Julian law. Lentulus summoned into the forum the gladiators whom Caesar had ordered to be trained up there, gave them their liberty, furnished them with horses, and commanded them to follow him. But being afterwards admonished by his friends that this step was universally condemned, he dispersed them into the neighbouring town of Campania , to keep garrison there.

Caesar meanwhile leaving Auximum , traversed the whole country of Picenum; where he was joyfully received in all parts by the inhabitants, who furnished his army with every thing necessary. Even Cingulum itself, a town founded by Labienus, and built at his own expense, sent deputies to him, with an offer of their submission and services. He demanded a certain number of soldiers, which were sent immediately. Meantime the twelfth legion joined him; and with these two he marched to Asculum , a town of Picenum. Here Lentulus Spinther commanded with ten cohorts; who, hearing of Caesar’s approach, quitted the place with his troops, who almost all deserted him upon the march. Being left with only a few, he fell in with Vibullius Rufus, whom Pompey had sent into Picenum to encourage his followers in those parts. Vibullius understanding from him the state of affairs in Picenum, dismissed Lentulus, and took the soldiers under his command. He likewise drew together from the neighbouring provinces as many as he could meet with of Pompey’s levies: among the rest, Lucilius Hirus, who was flying, with six cohorts, from Camerinum , where they had been quartered. Out of all these he formed thirteen cohorts, with which he posted, by great journeys, to Corfinium , where Domitius Ahenobarbus commanded; whom he informed that Caesar was approaching with two legions. Domitius had already got together, with great expedition, twenty cohorts from Alba, the country of the Marsi, Peligni,and the neighbouring provinces.

Caesar having made himself master of Asculum , and obliged Lentulus to retire, ordered the soldiers who had deserted him, to be sought after, and new levies to be made. He remained only one day there, to settle what related to provisions, and then pursued his march to Corfinium . Upon his arrival there, he found five cohorts, whom Domitius had detached from the garrison, employed in breaking down a bridge about three miles distant from the town. But Caesar’s advanced parties attacking them, they quickly abandoned the bridge, and retired to Corfinium . Caesar having passed with his legions, halted before the town, and encamped under the walls.

Upon this, Domitius engaged, by great rewards,persons well acquainted with the country, to carry letters into Apulia to Pompey, wherein he earnestly requested him to come to his aid. He told him, That it would be easy, in that close country, to shut up Caesar between two armies, and cut off his provisions: that unless this course was followed, he himself, with above thirty cohorts, and a greatnumber of senators and Roman knights, would be exposed to imminent danger. Meanwhile,having encouraged his men, he disposed engines along the walls, appointed every one his particular post, and, the more to animate them, promised each soldier four acres of land out of his own estate, and, in proportion, to every centurion and volunteer.

Meantime Caesar was informed that the people of Sulmona , a town seven miles distant from Corfinium , desired to put themselves under his protection, but were restrained by Q. Lucretius, a senator, and Attius, a Pelignian, who held them in subjection with a garrison ot seven cohorts. He therefore despatched M. Antony thither, with five cohorts of the seventh legion, whose ensigns were no sooner descried from the walls of Sulmona , than the gates were thrown open, and the whole people in a body, both soldiers and townsmen, came out to congratulate Antony on his arrival. Lucretius and Attius endeavoured to escape over the wall: but Attius being taken, and brought to Antony, requested that he might be sent to Caesar. Antony returned the same day, bringing along with him the cohorts and Attius. Caesar joined these cohorts to his army, and set Attius at liberty. 
 Caesar resolved to employ the three first days in strongly fortifying his camp, in procuring corn from the neighbouring towns, and waiting the arrival of the rest of his forces. During this space, the eighth legion joined him, with two and twenty cohorts of new levies from Gaul , and about three hundred horse from the king of Noricum. This obliged him to form a second camp on the other side of the town, under the command of Curio. The remaning days were spent in drawing a line with redoubts round the place, which work was nearly completed when the messengers, that had been sent to Pompey, returned.

Domitius, perusing the despatches, thought proper to dissemble the contents, and declared, in council, that Pompey would speedily come to their assistance. Meantime he exhorted them to behave with courage, and provide every thing necessary for a vigorous defence. He conferred, however, privately with a few of his most intimate friends, and, in concert with them, determined upon flight. But as his looks and speech were found to disagree; as he behaved not with his usual composure and firmness; and was observed, contrary to custom, to be much in secret conference with his friends; avoiding public appearances, and councils of war: it was not possible for the truth to remain any longer concealed. For Pompey had wrote back, That he could not put all to hazard for his sake; that he had neither advised nor consented to his shutting himself up in Corfinium ; that he must therefore endeavour to extricate himself as well as he could, and come and join him with all his forces. But as Caesar had invested and carried his lines round the place, this retreat was now become impracticable.

Domitius’s design being discovered, the soldiers who were at Corfinium began to assemble in the evening, and, by means of their tribunes, centurions, and other officers, made known their thoughts to one another: That they were besieged by Caesar, who had already, in a manner, completed his works: that their general, Domitius, in whose promises of assistance they had placed their chief hope, abandoning all concern for their safety, was contriving to escape privately by flight: that it was therefore incumbent upon them to look also to their own preservation. The Marsi at first opposed this resolution, and possessed themselves of the strongest part of the town; nay, the dispute was so warm, that it almost came to be decided by the sword. But shortly after, being made accquainted with Domitius’s intended flight, of which before they had no knowledge; they all, in a body, surrounded Domitius, secured his person, and sent deputies to Caesar: That they were ready to open their gates, receive his orders, and deliver up Domitius alive.

Though Caesar was fully sensible of how great importance it was to get possession of the town immediately, and join the garrison to his own army; lest by largesses, promises of speedy relief, or false reports, any change should be produced; as in war great revolutions often arise from very trifling causes: yet, fearing that if he introduced his soldiers in the dark, they would take that opportunity to plunder the town, he sent back the deputies, with thanks for their proffer, resolving to have the walls and gates watched with great care. To that end he disposed his men along the works, not at a certain distance, as usual, but in one continued rank, so as to touch each other, and completely invest the town. He ordered the military tribunes, and officers of the cavalry, to patrol about the works, and not only be on their guard against sallies, but even take care to prevent the escape of particular persons. And indeed so alert and vigilant were our soldiers, that not a man closed his eyes that night; each expecting the event with impatience, and carrying his thoughts from one thing to another; what would be the fate of the Corfinians, what of Domitius, what of Lentulus, and the other illustrious persons in the place: in fine, what was like to be the issue of so complicated a scene.

About the fourth watch of the night, Lentulus Spinther called from the wall to the guard, and desired to be conducted to Caesar. His request being granted, he came out of the town, attended by some of Domitius’s soldiers, who never left him till they had conducted him into Caesar’s presence. He begged him to spare his life, and pardon the injuries he had done him, in consideration of their former friendship. He owned the many obligations he had laid him under, in procuring him an admission into the college of priests, obtaining for him the government of Spain , after the expiration of the pretorship, and supporting him in the demand of the consulship. Caesar interrupted him by saying: That he was not come out of the bounds of his province, with an intent to injure any body; but to repel the injuries done him by his enemies; to revenge the wrongs of the tribunes; and to restore to the Roman people, who were oppressed by a small faction of the nobles, their liberties and privileges. Lentulus, encouraged by this speech, asked leave to return into the town, where, he said, the assurances he had obtained of his own safety, would contribute not a little to the consolation of others, some of whom were so terrified, that they were ready to take desperate resolutions. Leave being granted, he departed for the town.

As soon as it was light, Caesar ordered before him all the senators, senators' sons, military tribunes, and Roman knights. There were ofsenatorian rank, L. Domitius, P. Lentulus Spinther, L. Vibullius Rufus, Sextus Quintilius Varus, questor, L. Rubrius; also Domitius’s son, and many young men of quality, with a great number of Roman knights, and some decurions, or senators of the neigbouring municipal towns, who had been sent for by Domitius. As soon as they appeared, he gave orders to secure them from the insults of the soldiery; and, addressing them in a few words, remonstrated: That they had made a very ill requital for the many signal services received at his hands. After which, he set them at liberty. He likewise restored to Domitius six millions of sesterces, which that general had brought with him to Corfinium , and deposited in the hands of the two treasurers of the town, who surrendered it to Caesar. As this was public money, assigned by Pompey to pay the forces with, Caesar might justly have seized it; but he was willing to show himself generous, as well as merciful. He ordered Domitius’s soldiers to take the usual oath to him, decamped that very day; made the ordinary march; and after staying in all seven days before Corfinium , arrived in Apulia , through the territories of the Marrucini, Frentani, and Larinates.

Pompey, having intelligence of what passed at Corfinium , retreated from Luceria to Canusium , and from thence to Brundusium . He ordered all the new levies to join him, armed the shepherds and slaves, furnished them with horses, and formed a body of about three hundred cavalry. Meanwhile the pretor L. Manlius flying from Alba, with six cohorts; and the pretor Rutilus Lupus, from Tarracina , with three; saw Caesar’s cavalry at a distance, commanded by Bivius Curius: upon which, the soldiers immediately abandoned the two pretors, and joined the troops under the conduct of Curius. Several other parties, flying different ways, fell in, some with the foot,otherswith the horse. Cn. Magius of Cremona , Pompey’s chief engineer, being taken on his way to Brundusium , was brought to Caesar, who sent him back to Pompey with this message: That as he had not yet obtained an interview, his design was to come to Brundusium , there to confer with him in relation to the common safety; because they soon would be able to despatch, in a personal treaty, what, if managed by the intervention of others, could not be hindered from running into a tedious negotiation.

Having dismissed him with these instructions, he arrived before Brundusium with six legions, three of which were composed of veteran soldiers, and the rest of new levies drawn together upon his march; for as to Domitius’s troops, he had sent them directly from Corfinium to Sicily . He found the consuls were gone to Dyrrhachium with great part of the army, and that Pompey remained in Brundusium with twenty cohorts. Nor was it certainly known whether he continued there with design to keep possession of Brundusium , that he might be master of the whole Adriatic Sea , the extreme parts of Italy , and the country of Greece , in order to make war on both sides the gulf; or for want of shipping to transport his men. Fearing, therefore, that it was his intention to keep footing in Italy he resolved to deprive him of the advantages he might receive from the port of Brundusium . The works he contrived for this purpose were as follows: He carried on a mole on either side the mouth of the haven where the entrance was narrowest, and the water shallow. But as this work could not be carried quite across the port, by reason of the great depth of the sea, he prepared double floats of timber, thirty feet square, which were each secured by four anchors from the four corners, to enable them to resist the fury of the waves. These, extending all the way between the two moles, were covered over with earth and fascines, that the soldiers might pass and repass with ease, and have firm footing to defend them. The front and sides were armed with a parapet of hurdies, and every fourth float had a tower of two stories, the better to guard the work from fire and the shocks of the vessels.

Against these preparations, Pompey made use of several large ships which he found in the port of Brundusium : and having fi ted them with towers of three stories, which he filled with a great number of engines and darts, let them loose upon Caesar’s floats, to break through the staccado, and interrupt the works. Thus daily skirmishes happened with darts, arrows, and slings, at a distance. Amidst these hostilities, Caesar’s thoughts were still bent upon peace; and though he could not but wonder that Magius, whom he had sent with proposals to Pompey, was not yet returned with an answer; and even saw his designs and undertakings retarded by his frequent offers of this kind, he nevertheless still persevered in these peaceable resolutions. Accordingly, he despatched Caninius Rebilus, one of his lieutenants, a relation and intimate friend of Scribonius Libo, to confer with him on this subject. He charged him to exhort that nobleman to think seriously of peace, and, if possible, procure an interview between him and Pompey. Could this be effected, he showed there was the greatest ground to believe that peace would soon be concluded on reasonable terms; the honour and reputation of which would in a manner wholly redound to Libo, if, by his mediation, both parties slould be prevailed with to lay down their arms. Libo, after conferring with Caninius, waited on Pompey: soon after he returned with this answer; that the consuls were absent, without whom Pompey had no power to treat of an accommodation. Thus Caesar having often tried in vain to bring about a peace, thought it now time to drop that design, and bend all his thoughts to war.

Caesar having spent nine days about his works, had now half finished the staccado, when the ships employed in the first embarkation, being sent back by the consuls from Dyrrhachium , returned to Brundusium . Pompey, either alarmed at Caesar’s works, or because from the first he had determined to relinquish Italy , no sooner saw the transports arrive, than he prepared to carry over the rest of his forces. And the better to secure himself against Caesar, and prevent his troops from breaking into the town during the embarkation, he walled up the gates, barricaded the streets, or cut ditches across them, filled with pointed stakes, and covered with hurdles and earth. The two streets which led to the port and which he left open for the passage of his men, were fortified with a double palisado of very strong well sharpened stakes. These preparations being made, he ordered the soldiers to embark with great silence, having placed on the walls and towers some select archers and slingers, who were to wait till all the troops had got aboard, and then retire, upon a signal given, to some small ships that waited them at a convenient distance.

The people of Brundusium , provoked by the affronts they had received from Pompey, and the insults of his soldiers, wished well to Caesar’s cause; and having notice of Pompey’s intended departure while the soldiers were busied with the care of embarking, found means to signify it from the tops o their houses. Caesar, upon this intelligence, ordered scaling ladders to be prepared, and the soldiers to repair to their arms, that he might not lose any opportunity of acting Pompey weighed anchor a little before night, and gave the signal for recalling the soldiers that were upon the walls, who repaired with all expedition to the ships prepared for them. Meantime the scaling ladders are applied to the walls, and Caesar’s troops enter the town. But being informed by the Brundusians of the snares and ditches provided for them by the enemy, they were obliged to take a great circuit, which gave Pompey time enough to put to sea. Two transports only, impeded by Caesar’s mole, were taken with the troops on board.

Though Caesar was fully sensible, that to finish the war at a blow, he must pass the sea immediately, and endeavour to come up with Pompey, before he could draw his transmarine forces together; yet he dreaded the delay and length of time that such a project might require; because Pompey having carried with him all the ships on the coast, rendered the present execution of the design impracticable. He must therefore wait the arrival of ships from Picenum, Sicily , and the remoter coasts of Gaul , which was a tedious business, and, at that season of the year, subject to great uncertainty. It appeared likewise of dangerous consequence, to suffer a veteran army, and the two Spains, one of which was wholly devoted to Pompey, to strengthen themselves in his rival’s interest; to let them grow powerful by levies of horse and foot, and leave Gaul and Italy open to their attacks in his absence.

He determined, therefore, to lay aside, for the present, the design of pursuing Pompey, and turn all his thoughts towards Spain . He ordered the magistrates of the municipal towns to assemble all the vessels they could, and send them to Brundusium . He sent Valerius, one of his lieutenants, into Sardinia , with one legion, and the propretor Curio into Sicily with three, ordering him, as soon as he had mastered Sicily , to pass over with his army into Africa . 
 M. Cotta commanded in Sardinia ; M. Cato in Sicily ; and Africa had fallen by lot to Tubero. The inhabitants of Cagliari , hearing of Valerius’s commission, of their own accord, before he had left Italy , drove Cotta out of their city; who terrified by the unanimous opposition he met with from the province, fled into Africa . In Sicily , Cato applied himself with great diligence to the refitting of old ships, and building of new. He sent his lieutenant to raise forces in Lucania , and the country of the Brutians, and ordered the states of Sicily to furnish him with a certain number of horse and foot. When these preparations were almost completed, being informed of Curio’s arrival, he called his chief officers together, and complained, That he was betrayed and abandoned by Pompey, who, without any previous preparation, had involved the commonwealth in an unnecessary war; and upon being questioned by himself and others in the senate, had assured them, that he was abundantly able to sustain it. Having thus declared his mind, he quitted the province, which by this means submitted without trouble to Curio, as Sardinia had before done to Valerius.

Tubero arriving in Africa , found Attius Varus in possession of that province, who, after the loss of his cohorts at Auximum , as we have shown above, had fled into those parts, and, with the consent of the natives, taken upon him the command. Here he had found means to levy two legions, by his knowledge of the people and country, where he had been governor some years before, after the expiration of his pretorship. Tubero coming before Utica with his fleet, was forbid the harbour and town; nor could he even obtain leave for his son to land, though he had a fit of sickness upon him, but was obliged to weigh anchor and be gone.

These affairs despatched, Caesar that his troops might enjoy some repose, cantoned them in the nearest towns, and set out himself for Rome . There he assembled the senate, and after complaining of the injuries of his enemies, told them, That he had never affected extraordinary honours, but waited patiently the time prescribed by the laws, to solicit for a second consulship, to which every Roman citizen had a right to aspire: that the people, with the concurrence of their tribunes, (in spite of the attempts of his enemies, and the vigorous opposition of Cato, who endeavoured, according to custom, to spin out the time in speaking,) had permitted him to stand candidate though absent, and that even in the consulship of Pompey; who, if he disapproved of the decree, why did he let it pass? But if he allowed it, why now oppose the execution ? He set before them his moderation, in voluntarily proposing that both parties should lay down their arms, by which he must have been himself divested of his government and command. He displayed the malice of his enemies, who sought to impose terms on him, to which they would not submit themselves; and chose rather to involve the state in a civil war than part with their armies and provinces. He enlarged upon the injury they had done him, in taking away two of his legions, and their cruelty and insolence, in violating the authority of the tribunes. He spoke of his many offers of peace, his frequent desire of an interview, and the continual refusals he had received. For all these reasons, he requested and conjured them to undertake the administration of the republic, jointly with him. But if they declined it through fear, he had no intention to force so great a burden upon them, and would take the whole charge alone. That in the mean time it would be proper to send a deputation to Pompey, to treat of an accommodation: nor was he frighted at the difficulty Pompey had started some time before in the senate; that to send deputies was to acknowledge the superiority of him to whom they were sent, and a sign of timidity in the sender. That this was a little low way of thinking; and that, in the same manner as he had endeavoured at a superiority in action, he would also strive to be superior in justice and equity.

The senate liked the proposal of a deputation to Pompey; but the great difficulty was, to find deputies; every one, out of fear, refusing to charge himself with that commission. For Pompey, at his departure from Rome , had declared in the senate, That he would esteem those who stayed beind, as no less guilty than those in Caesar’s camp. Thus three days were spent in debates and excuses. The tribune L. Metellus had likewise been suborned by Caesar’s enemies to traverse his design, and hinder whatever he should propose. Which Caesar coming to understand, and that he only wasted his time to no purpose; he set out from Rome , without effecting what he intended, and arrived in farther Gaul .

Here he was informed, that Pompey had sent into Spain Vibullius Rufus, the same who, a few days before, had been made prisoner at Corfinium , and set at liberty by Caesar; that Domitius was gone to take possession of Marseilles , with seven galleys, which he had fitted out at Igilium and Cosanum, and manned with his slaves, freedmen, and labourers; that the deputies of the above-mentioned state, young men of the first quality, (whom Pompey, at his departure from Rome , had exhorted not to suffer the memory of his past services to their country to be blotted out by those lately received from Caesar,) had been sent before, to prepare the way for his reception. In consequence of their remonstrances, the inhabitants of Marseilles shut their gates against Caesar, and summoned to their assistance the Albici, a barbarous people, who had long been under their protection, and inhabited the adjoining mountains. They brought provisions from the neighbouring country and castles, refitted their navy, and repaired their walls and gates.

Caesar sending for fifteen of the principal men of the city, exhorted them not to be the first to begin the war, but to be swayed rather by the authority of all Italy , than the will of one particular person. He forgot not such other considerations as seemed most likely to bring them to reason. The deputies returning into the town, brought back this answer from the senate: That they saw the Romans divided into two parties, and it did not belong to them to decide such a quarrel: that at the head of these parties were Pompey and Caesar, both patrons of their city, the one having added to it the country of the Vulcae Arecomici and Helvians; the other after the reduction of Gaul , considerably augmented its territories and revenues; that as they were therefore equally indebted to both, it became them not to aid the one against the other; but to remain neuter, and grant neither an admittance into their city nor port.

Whilst these things were in agitation, Domitius arrived at Marseilles with his fleet, and being received into the town, was appointed governor, and charged with the whole administration of the war. By his order, they sent out their fleet to cruise round the coasts; seized and brought in all the merchant vessels they could find, and made use of the nails, rigging, and timber, of such as were unfit for service, to repair the rest. They deposited in public granaries, all the corn that was to be found in the city, and secured whatever else they thought might be serviceable to them in case of a siege. Caesar, provoked at these preparations, brought three legions before the town, began to erect towers and galleries, and gave orders for building twelve galleys at Arles , which being finished, launched, and brought to Marseilles , within thirty days from the cutting of the wood they were composed of, he put them under the command of D. Brutus, and having directed the manner of the siege, left the care of it to C. Trebonius, his lieutenant.

During these orders and preparations, he sent C. Fabius before him into Spain , with three legions that had wintered about Narbonne , charging him to secure with all diligence the passage of the Pyrenean Mountains, which was at that time guarded by a party of Afranius’s army. His other legions, whose quarters were more remote, had orders to follow as fast as they could. Fabius, according to his instructions, having made great despatch, forced the passes of the Pyrenees , and by long marches came up with Afranius’s army.

Pompey had then three lieutenants in Spain , Afranius, Petreius, and Varro. The first of these was at the head of three legions, and governed the nearer Spain . The other two had each two legions, and commanded, the one from the Castilian Forest to the Anas; the other from the Anas, quite through Lusitania , and the territories of the Vettones. These three lieutenants, upon the arrival of Vibullius Rufus, whom Pompey had sent into Spain , as we have, seen above, consulted together, and agreed, that Petreius should join Afranius with his two legions, and that Varro should stay and secure farther Spain . These resolutions being taken, Petreius levied horse and foot in Lusitania , and Afranius in Celtiberia, and the barbarous nations bordering upon the ocean. When the levies were completed, Petreius speedily joined Afranius, through the territories of the Vettones; and both resolved to make Lerida the seat of the war, because the country lay convenient for their purpose.

We have already observed that Afranius had three legions, and Petreius two. Besides these, there were about eighty cohorts, some light, some heavy armed, and five thousand horse, raised in both provinces. Caesar had sent his legions before him into Spain , with six thousand auxiliary foot, and three thousand horse, who had served under him in all his former wars, and he was furnished with the like number from Gaul , all chosen troops. For hearing that Pompey was coming with his whole force through Mauritania into Spain , he sent circular letters to all the Gallic states, inviting by name those of the most known and approved valour, and in particular a select body of mountaineers from Aquitain, where it borders upon the Roman province. At the same time he borrowed money from the military tribunes and centurions, which he distributed among the soldiers. This policy was attended with two great advantages: it bound the officers to him by the obligation of interest, and the soldiers by the tie of gratitude.

Fabius, by letters and messengers, endeavoured to sound the disposition of the neighbouring states. He had laid two bridges over the Sicoris, four miles distant from each other, for the convenience of foraging, having consumed all the pasture on this side the river. Pompey’s generals did the same, with much the like view, which occasioned frequent skirmishes between the horse. Two of Fabius’s legions, which was the ordinary guard of the foragers, passing one day according to custom, and the cavalry and carriages following, the bridge broke down on a sudden, by the violence of the winds and floods, and separated them from the rest of the army. Afranius and Petreius perceiving it, by the fascines and hurdles that came down with the stream; detached immediately four legions, with all their cavalry, over the bridge that lay between the town and their camp, and marched to attack Fabius’s legions. Upon this, L. Plancus, who commanded the escort, finding himself hard pressed, seizing a rising ground, and forming his men into two divisions, posted them back to back, that he might not be surrounded by the enemy’s horse. By this disposition, though inferior in number, he was enabled to sustain the furious charge of their legions and cavalry. During the course of the battle, the ensigns of two legions were perceived at a distance, which Fabius had sent by the farther bridge to sustain his party, suspecting what might happen, and that Pompey’s generals might seize the opportunity offered them by fortune, to fall upon our men. Their arrival put an end to the engagement, and both parties returned to their respective camps.

Two days after, Caesar arrived in the camp with nine hundred horse, which he had kept for a body guard. He began by re-establishing in the night the bridge which had been broken down, and was not yet quite repaired. Next day he took a view of the country, and leaving six cohorts to guard the bridge, the camp, and the baggage, marched with all his forces in three lines to Lerida , and stopped near Afranius’s camp, where he remained some time under arms, and offered him battle on an even ground. Afranius drew out his troops, and formed them before his camp, half way down the hill. Caesar, finding that he declined an engagement, resolved to encamp within four hundred paces of the foot of the mountain; and to hinder his troops from being alarmed or interrupted in their works, by sudden incursions from the enemy, ordered them not to throw up a rampart, which must have appeared and betrayed them at a distance, but to cut a ditch in front, fifteen feet broad. The first and second lines continued in order of battle, as had been resolved from the beginning, and the third carried on the work behind them unperceived. Thus the whole was completed, before Afranius had the least suspicion of his design to encamp there. In the evening, Caesar retreated with his legions behind the ditch, and passed the whole night under arms.

Next day he carried the intrenchment quite round his camp, and because materials for a rampart must have been fetched from a great distance, he contented himself for the present with a naked ditch, as the day before, allotting a legion to each side of the camp, and keeping the rest of the troops under arms, to cover those that worked. Afranius and Petreius, to alarm our men and disturb the works, advanced with their troops to the foot of the mountain, and threatened to give battle, But Caesar, trusting to the three legions under arms, and the defence of the ditch, still persisted in his design. At last, after a short stay, and without daring to come forward into the plain, they retreated again to their camp. The third day, Caesar added a rampart to his camp, and brought into it the six cohorts, with the baggage which he had left in his former camp.

Between the city of Lerida , and the hill where Petreius and Afranius were encamped was a plain of about three hundred paces, in the midst of which was a rising ground, which Caesar wanted to take possession of; because, by that means, he could cut off the enemy’s communication with the town and bridge, and render the magazines they had in the town useless. In this hope, he drew out three legions, and having formed them in order of battle, commanded the first ranks of one of them to run before, and gain the place. Afranius perceiving his design, despatched the cohorts that were upon guard before the camp, a nearer way to the same eminence. The contest was sharply maintained on both sides: but Afranius’s party, who first got possession of the post, obliged our men to give ground, and being reinforced by fresh supplies, put them at last to rout, and forced them to fly for shelter to the legions.

The manner of fighting of Afranius’s soldiers was, to come forward briskly against an enemy, and boldly take possession of some post, neither taking care to keep their ranks, nor holding it necessary to fight in a close compact body. If they found themselves hard pushed, they thought it no dishonour to retire and quit their posts, following in this the custom of the Lusitanians, and other barbarous nations, as it almost always happens, that soldiers give in to the manners of the country where they have long been used to make war. This manner of fighting, however, as it was new and unexpected, disordered our men, who seeing the enemy come forward, without regard to their ranks, were apprehensive of being surrounded, and yet not think themselves at ensigns, or quit their post, without some very urgent cause. The first ranks therefore being put into disorder, the legion in that wing gave ground, and retired to a neighbouring hill.

Caesar, contrary to his expectation, finding the consternation like to spread through the whole army, encouraged his men, and led the ninth legion to their assistance. He soon put a stop to the vigorous and insulting pursuit of the enemy, obliged them to turn their backs, and pushed them to the very walls of Lerida . But the soldiers of the ninth legion, elated with success, and eager to repair the loss we had sustained, followed the runaways with so much heat that they were drawn into a place of disadvantage, and found themselves directly under the hill where the town stood, whence when, they endeavoured to retire, the enemy again facing about, charged vigorously from the higher ground. The hill was rough, and steep on each side, extending only so far in breadth as was sufficient for drawing up three cohorts; but they could neither be reinforced in flank, nor sustained by the cavalry. The descent from the town was indeed something easier for about four hundred paces, which furnished our men with the means of extricating themselves from the danger into which their rashness had brought them. Here they bravely maintained the fight, though with great disadvantage to themselves, as well on account of the narrowness of the place, as because being posted at the foot of the hill, none of the enemy’s darts fell in vain. Still however they supported themselves by their courage and patience, and were not disheartened by the many wounds they received. The enemy’s forces increased every moment, fresh cohorts being sent from the camp through the town, who succeeded in the place of those that were fatigued. Caesar was likewise obliged to detach small parties to maintain the battle, and bring off such as were wounded.

The fight had now lasted five hours without intermission, when our men, oppressed by the multitude of the enemy, and having spent all their darts, attacked the mountain sword in hand, and overthrowing such as opposed them, obliged the rest to betake themselves to flight. The pursuit was continued to the very walls of Lerida , and some out of fear took shelter in the town, which gave our men an opportunity of making good their retreat. At the same time the cavalry, though posted disadvantageously in a bottom, found means by their valour to gain the summit of the mountain, and riding between both armies, hindered the enemy from harassing our rear. Thus the engagement was attended with various turns of fortune. Caesar lost about seventy men in the first encounter, among whom was Q. Fulginius, first centurion of the Hastati of the fourteenth legion, who had raised himself by his valour to that rank, through all the inferior orders. Upwards of six hundred were wounded. On Afranius’s side was slain T. Caecilius, first centurion of a legion; also four centurions of inferior degree, and above two hundred private men.

Yet such were the circumstances of this day’s action, that both sides laid claim to the victory; the Afranians, because, though allowed to be inferior in number, they had long sustained our attack, kept possession of the eminence which occasioned the dispute, and obliged our men at first to give ground: Caesar’s troops, because they had maintained a fight of five hours, with a handful of men, and in a very disadvantageous post; because they had attacked the mountain sword in hand ; because they had driven their adversaries from the higher ground, and compelled them to take shelter in the town. Meantime Afranius fortified the hillock which had been the subject of dispute, with a great number of works, and posted there a large body of troops.

Two days after, a very unfortunate accident happened. For so great a storm arose, that the water was never known to be higher in those parts; and the snow came down in such quantities from all the mountains round about, that the river overflowed its banks, and in one day broke down both the bridges Fabius had built over it. Caesar’s army was reduced to great extremities on this occasion. For his camp, as we have before observed, was between the Sicoris and Cinga, two rivers that were neither of them fordable, and necessarily shut him up within the space of no more than thirty miles. By this means, neither could the states that had declared for him supply him with provisions, nor the troops that had been sent beyond the rivers to forage, return, nor the large convoys he expected from Gaul and Italy get to his camp. Add to all this, that it being near the time of harvest, corn was extremely scarce and the more, as before Caesar’s arrival, Afranius had carried great quantities of it to Lerida ; and the rest had been consumed by Caesar’s troops. The cattle, which was the next resource in the present scarcity, had been removed to places of security, on the breaking out of the war. The parties sent out to forage and bring in corn, were perpetually harassed by the Spanish infantry, who being well acquainted with the country, pursued them every where. The rivers themselves did not impede them, because they were accustomed to pass them on blown-up skins, which they always brought with them into the field.

Afranius, on the contrary, abounded in all things. He had large magazines of corn already laid up, was continually receiving fresh supplies from the province, and had plenty of forage. The bridge of Lerida furnished all these conveniences without danger, and opened a free communication with the country beyond the river, from which Caesar was wholly excluded.

The waters continued several days. Caesar endeavoured to re-establish his bridges, but could not get the better of the obstacles occasioned by the swelling of the river, and the enemy’s forces stationed on the opposite bank. They found it the easier to prevent his design, as the river was deep and rapid, and they could discharge their darts all along the bank, on that particular spot where our men were at work: whereas it was extremely difficult on our side to struggle with the force of the stream, and, at the same time, guard ourselves against the assaults of the enemy.

Meanwhile Afranius was informed that a large convoy, which was on its way to join Caesar, had been obliged to halt at the river side. It consisted of archers from Rovergue, Gaulish horse, with many carts and much baggage, according to the custom, of the Gauls, and about six thousand men of all sorts, with their domestics and slaves; but without discipline or commander, every one following his own choice, and all marching in perfect security, as if they had nothing more to apprehend than in former times. There were likewise many young gentlemen of quality, senators' sons, and Roman knights, with the deputies of the states of Gaul , and some of Caesar’s lieutenants; who were all stopped night, with three legions, and all his cavalry; and sending the horse before, attacked them when they least expected it. The Gaulish squadrons, forming with great expedition, began the fight. While the contest was upon equal terms, the Gauls, though few in number, bore up against the vast multitude of the enemy; but seeing the legions advance, and having lost some of their men, they retreated to the neighbouring mountains. This delay saved the convoy, for during the skirmish, the rest of the troops gained the higher ground. We lost that day about two hundred archers, a few troopers, and some servants and baggage.

All this served to enhance the price of provisions, a calamity inseparable from present scarcity, and the prospect of filture want. Corn was already at fifty denarii a bushel, the soldiers began to lose their strength, and the evil increased every moment. Nay, so great was the change produced in a few days, and such the alteration of fortune, that while our men were in the utmost want of all kind of necessaries, the enemy had plenty of every thing, and were accounted victorious. Caesar left nothing untried to remove the present scarcity: he dismissed all the useless mouths, and applied to the states that had declared for him, desiring them to send him cattle where they wanted corn.

These things were greatly exaggerated by Afranius, Petreius, and their friends, in the letters they sent, upon this occasion, to Rome . Nor was fame backward in adding to the account; insomuch that the war appeared to be almost at an end. These couriers and letters having reached Rome there was a great concourse of people at Afranius’s house, many congratulations passed, and multitudes of the nobility flocked out of Italy to Pompey; some to carry the first accounts of this grateful news; others, that they might not be so late as to subject them to the reproach of having waited for the event of things.

Affairs being in this extremity, and all the passes guarded by Afranius’s parties, without a possibility of repairing the bridges; Caesar ordered the soldiers to build some light boats, in imitation of those he had formerly seen in Britain , whose keel and ribs were of wood, and the rest of wicker, covered with leather. When he had got a sufficient number, he sent them by night in waggons, twenty-two miles off from his camp. In these he embarked a good number of soldiers, and sent them over the river; took possession unexpectedly of a hill adjoining to the bank on the other side; threw up a fortification before the enemy thought of hindering him; posted a legion in this fortification; and then threw a bridge over the Sicoris in two days. By this means he recovered his foragers, secured the convoy, and opened a passage for future supplies.

The same day he detached a great part of his cavalry over the river; who, falling unexpectedly upon the enemy’s foragers, dispersed up and down, without a suspicion of danger, made a considerable capture of men and horses; and observing some Spanish cohorts on the march to their assistance, skilfully divided themselves into two bodies; one to secure the booty; the other, to receive and return the enemy’s charge. One of their cohorts, which had rashly separated from the rest, and advanced too far before the main body, was surrounded and cut to pieces by our men, who returned over the same bridge to the camp, without loss, and enriched with a considerably booty.

Whilst these things passed at Lerida , the people of Marseilles , by the advice of L. Domitius, equipped seventeen galleys, eleven of which were covered. To these they added a multitude of smaller vessels, that they might strike a terror into our fleet by their very number; and manned them with archers, and the mountaineers we have already mentioned, whom they encouraged to perform their part by great rewards and promises. Domitius desired some of these ships, and filled them with the shepherds and labourers he had brought thither with him. Thus furnished and equipped, they sailed with great confidence, in quest of our fleet, which was commanded by Decimus Brutus, and rode at anchor at an island over against Marseilles .

Brutus was much inferior to the enemy in number of ships; but Caesar had manned them with his best soldiers, chosen out of all the legions, and headed by centurions of distinguished bravery, who had petitioned him for this service. These had provided themselves with hooks and grapplingirons, and a great number ofdarts,javelins, and offensive weapons of all sorts. Thus prepared, upon notice of the enemy’s arrival, they stood out to sea, and attacked their fleet. The conflict was sharp and vigorous. For the mountaineers, a hardy race, habituated to arms, and trained up in war, scarce yielded to the Romans in bravery; and, having but just parted from Marseilles , still retained a lively sense of the promises so lately made them. The shepherds too, animated by the hopes of liberty, and fighting under the eye of their master, did wonders to merit his approbation.

The townsmen themselves, confiding in the nimbleness of their ships, and the
 skill of their pilots, eluded the shock of our vessels, and baffled all
 their attempts. As they had abundance of sea-room, they extended their line
 of battle, in order to surround our fleet, or attack our ships singly with a
 number of theirs, or in running along-side, sweep away a range of oars. If
 they were compelled to come to a closer engagement, setting aside the skill
 and address of their pilots, they relied wholly on the bravery of their
 mountaineers. Our men were but indifferently provided with rowers and
 pilots, who had been hastily taken out of some merchant ships, and knew not
 so much as the names of the tackle. They were incommoded too by the weight
 and lumpishness of their vessels, which being built in haste, of unseasoned
 timber, were not so ready at tacking about. But when an opportunity offered
 of coming to close fight, they would boldly get between two of the enemy’s
 ships; and grappling them with theirhooks, charge them on each side, board
 them, and cut to pieces the mountaineers and shepherds that defend them. In
 this manner they sunk part of their vessels, took some with all the men on
 board, and drove the rest into the haven. In this engagement, the enemy had
 nine galleys sunk or taken.

The report of this battle reaching Lerida , and Caesar having finished his bridge over the Sicoris, affairs soon began to put on a new face. The enemy dreading the courage of our horse, durst not disperse about the country as formerly; but either foraged in the I neighbourhood of the camp, that they might the sooner make good their retreat; or, by a long circuit, endeavoured to avoid our parties: and upon receiving any check, or even descrying our cavalry at a distance, they would throw down their trusses, and fly. At last, they were reduced to omit foraging several days together, and resolved to pursue it of war.

In the mean time the Oscenses and Calagurritani, jointly sent deputies to Caesar. with an offer of their submission and services. The Tarraconenses, Jacitani, and Ausetani, and not many days after, the Illurgavonenses, who inhabit along the banks of the Iberus , followed their example. He only required them to supply him with corn, to which they readily agreed; and having got together a great number of carriage-horses, brought it to his camp. A cohort of the Illurgavonenses, hearing of the resolution taken by their state, deserted from the enemy, and came over to Caesar’s camp. The change was sudden and great; for, the bridge being finished, provisions secured, this rumour of Pompey’s march through Mauritania extinguished, and five considerable states having declared in his favour; a great number of distant provinces renounced their engagements with Afranius, and entered into new ones with Caesar.

These things having struck a terror into the enemy; that he might not be always obliged to send his cavalry so far about to forage, the bridges lying about seven miles from his camp, he bethought himself of draining the river, by turning some of its water into canals thirty feet deep, so as to make it fordable. The work being almost completed, Petreius and Afranius grew extremely apprehensive of being entirely cut off from their provisions and forage, because Caesar was very strong in cavalry. They therefore thought proper to quit a post that was no longer tenable, and to carry the war into Celtiberia. What contributed still further to confirm them in this resolution was, that of the two contrary parties, concerned in the late war,those who had declared for Sertorius, still trembled at the name of the conqueror, and dreaded his power, though absent; and those who had attached themselves to Pompey, continued to love him for the many services he had done them: but Caesar’s name was hardly known among these barbarians. Here they expected considerable reinforcements of horse and foot; and doubted not, by taking the advantage of places, to be able to protract the war till winter. In order to execute this plan, they collected all the boats to be found on the Iberus , and ordered them to be brought to Octogesa, a city on that river, about twenty miles from their camp. Here they commanded a bridge of boats to be built; and, having sent two legions over the Sicoris, fortified their camp with a rampart of twelve feet.

Caesar, having notice of this by his scouts, laboured day and night at his drains with the utmost diligence; and had already so far diminished the water of the Sicoris, that the cavalry could, with some difficulty, pass over: but it took the infantry as high as the shoulders, who had therefore both the depth of the river, and the rapidity of the stream to struggle with. Meanwhile it was known, that the bridge over the Iberus was almost finished, and Caesar’s ford in great forwardness.

This was a fresh motive to the enemy to quicken their march: wherefore, leaving two auxiliary cohorts, for a garrison, at Lerida , they crossed the Sicoris with all their forces, and joined the two legions they had sent over before. Caesar had now no other remedy left but to harass and fatigue them with his cavalry: for if he went with his whole army over his bridge, he lengthened his march prodigiously, and gave Afranius time enough to get to the Iberus . Accordingly the horse having forded the river, came up with Petreius and Afranius’s rear, who had decamped about midnight; and making a motion to surround them, began to stop and retard their march.

At day-break we discovered from the hills near the camp, that the enemy’s rear was greatly harassed by our cavalry. Sometimes they obliged them to halt, and disordered their ranks: at other times, the enemy facing about, charged with all their cohorts at once, and forced our men to give ground; who, wheeling again as soon as they began to march, failed not to renew the attack. At this sight, the legionary soldiers, running up and down the camp, complained that the enemy would escape out of their hands, and the war necessarily be prolonged. They addressed themselves to the centurions and military tribunes, and desired them to beg of Caesar not to spare them; that they feared neither danger nor fatigue, and were ready to pass the river as the horse had done. Caesar, moved by their alacrity and entreaties, though he saw some danger in exposing his army to the rapidity of a deep river, judged it yet proper to attempt and make trial of the passage. Having therefore withdrawn from every company such as were weak of body, or of less courage than the rest, he left them in the camp with the army happily passed the river, by the assistance of a double line of cavalry, placed above and below them. Some of the infantry were carried away by the violence of the current; but they were picked up and saved by the horse below them; so that no one man was lost. Having passed the river without loss, he drew up his army in order of battle, and began to pursue the enemy in three lines: and such was the ardour of the soldiers, that notwithstanding the army was obliged to make a circuit of six miles, notwithstanding the time necessarily lost in crossing the river, they got up at the ninth hour of the day to the enemy, who had set out at midnight.

When Afranius and Petreius perceived them at some distance, being with reason intimidated, they suspended their march, halted on an eminence, and formed in order of battle. Caesar would not hazard an action with his troops, thus fatigued, and halted likewise in the plain. On this the enemy resumed their march, and he the pursuit; which obliged them to encamp earlier than they designed. Hard by was a range of mountains, and about five miles farther, the ways were difficult and narrow. The enemy retired among these mountains, to avoid the pursuit of the cavalry; and having placed parties in all the passes, to stop Caesar’s army, hoped, by this means, to continue their march to the Iberus , without fear or danger. This was their great affair, and what before all things they should have endeavoured to effect but, being fatigued by a long march, and their continual skirmishes with Caesar’s cavalry, they deferred it till next day. Caesar likewise encamped on a hill that lay near him.

About midnight, the cavalry having surprised some of the enemy, who had adventured a little too far from their camp in quest of water; Caesar was informed by them, that Pompey’s lieutenants were decamping without noise. Immediately he ordered the alarm to be sounded, and gave his army the signal to march. The enemy, finding they should be pursued, kept still; being afraid of a nocturnal flight, wherein they would have had greatly the disadvantage, on account of their heavy baggage which they had with them, and the superiority of Caesar’s cavalry. Next day, Petreius went privately out with a party of horse, to take a view of the country. Caesar pose, under the command of Decidius Saxa. Both made the like report in their several camps; that for five miles together, the country was level and open, but after that rough and mountainous; and that whoever should first get possession of the defiles might easily prevent the other army from approaching them.

Upon this, a council of war was held by Petreius and Afranius, to deliberate about the time of beginning their march. The greater number were for setting out by night, in hopes of reaching the defiles before Caesar ould have notice of their departure. Others argued against the possibility of decamping privately, by the alarm given in Caesar’s camp the night before: That the enemy’s cavalry were continually patrolling in the night, and had beset all the ways and passes: that a nocturnal engagement was to be avoided, because, in a civil war, the soldiers were more apt to listen to their fears, than the obligations of the military oath: that shame and the presence of the centurions and tribunes, the great instruments of obedience and military duty, could have their proper effect only in the light, which rendered it of infinite importance to wait the approach of day; that in case of a disaster, yet the bulk of the army would escape, and be able to possess themselves of the post in question. This opinion prevailed in the council, and they resolved to set out the next morning by break of day.

Caesar having taken a view of the country, decamped as soon as it was light, taking a considerable circuit and observing no particular route; for the direct way to the Iberus and Octogesa lay in the rear of the enemy’s camp. He was therefore obliged to march through valleys and precipices, and over steep rocks, which the soldiers could not climb, but by disencumbering themselves of their arms, and returning them afterwards to one I another. But not a man murmured at these difficulties, in hopes of seeing a speedy end of all their labours, if they could but gain the Iberus before the enemy, and intercept their provisions.

As in this march we pursued at first an opposite course, and seemed to turn our backs upon the enemy, Afranius’s soldiers who observed us from their camp, came forth with joyful looks, and insulted us on our supposed flight, imagining the want of provisions obliged us to return to Lerida . Their generals applauded themselves upon their resolution of not decamping, and were confirmed in the notion of our retreat, as they saw we had neither horses nor carriages; whence they concluded the scarcity must be exceeding great. But when they saw us, after some time, turn to the right, and that our advanced guard had already gained the ground beyond their camp, there was not a man so tardy or indolent, as not to perceive the necessity of decamping and opposing our march. Immediately they ran to arms, and leaving a few cohorts to guard the camp, sallied in a body, pursuing their way directly to the Iberus .

All depended upon despatch, and getting the first possession of the defiles and mountains. Our troops were retarded by the difficulties of the way, and Afranius’s by the continual attacks of Caesar’s cavalry. But such was the situation of the Afranians, that even supposing them to gain the hills first, they could only secure their own retreat, without a possibility of preserving their baggage, and the cohorts left to guard the camp; because Caesar’s army getting between, cut them off from all communication with their own men. Caesar arrived first at the place in question; and having found a plain beyond the rocks, formed his men in order of battle against the enemy. Afranius, who now saw our army in his front, at the same time that his rear was continually harassed by the cavalry, halted on an eminence, from whence he detached four Spanish cohorts, to take possession of the highest mountain thereabouts; ordering them to make all the despatch they could to seize it, that he might get thither himself with the rest of his forces, and changing his route, march them over the hills to Octogesa. The Spaniards wheeling obliquely, to take possession of the place, were perceived by Caesar’s cavalry; who charged them furiously, broke them at the first onset, surrounded, and cut them in pieces in sight of both armies.

Caesar had now an opportunity of giving the enemy an effectual blow; whose army, in the present consternation it was under, would, he was sensible, make but a faint resistance; more especially as it was surrounded on all sides by the cavalry, and would be obliged to fight on equal ground. He was pressed, on all hands, to give the signal. The lieutenants, centurions, and military tribunes got round him, urging him not to delay the engagement: That the soldiers were all eager for a battle; whereas, on the contrary, the Afranians had given many marks of fear: that they had neither dared to support their own detachment, nor offered to descend from the hill, nor been able to withstand the very first charge of our cavalry; that they had brought their ensigns all into one place where they crowded confusedly round them, without observing ranks or order: that if he was afraid to attack them on the eminence, he would soon have an opportunity of more equal ground, as Afranius would be obliged to remove for want of water.

Caesar was in hopes of terminating the affair without bloodshed, or a battle; because he had intercepted the enemy’s provisions. Why therefore, even supposing the event to be prosperous, should he unnecessarily lose any of his men? Why should he expose to wounds, soldiers who had so well deserved of him? Why, in fine, should he tempt fortune? especially as it redounded no less to the honour of a good general, to gain the victory by his conduct, than by the force of his arms. He was also touched with compassion for Afranius’s soldiers; who after all, were fellow-citizens, and whom he must have slaughtered, when he could equally succeed without touching their lives. This resolution was not at all relished by the army; who, in their discontent, openly declared, that since Caesar did not lay hold of so favourable an opportunity, nor let them fight when they had a mind, they would not fight when he had a mind. But nothing could shake him. Nay, he even retreated a little, to give Afranius and Petreius liberty to regain their camp, which they did. He then posted troops on the mountains, to guard the defiles. and came and encamped as near the enemy as possible.

The day after, Pompey’s lieutenants, disturbed at finding their provisions cut off, and all the ways to the Iberus intercepted, consulted what was proper to be done. They had it still in their power to return to Lerida , or march to Tarraco . But while they were debating this matter, notice was brought them, that our cavalry had fallen upon their parties sent out in quest of water. Upon this intelligence, they formed several posts of horse and foot, intermixed with legionary cohorts; and to the place where they watered, that the soldiers might pass and repass under cover, without fear, and without a guard. Afranius and Petreius divided this work between them, and went to give directions about it in person.

In their absence, their soldiers found frequent opportunities of conversing with our men, and sought out every one his fellowcitizen and acquaintance. They began by thanking them for having spared them the day before, owning they were indebted to them for their lives. Afterwards they asked them, if they might trust to Caesar’s honour; testifying much grief at being obliged to fight with their countrymen and relations, with whom they were united by the strictest ties. At last they stipulated even for their generals, whom they would not seem to betray: and promised, if the lives of Petreius and Afranius were granted them, to change sides. At the same time they sent some of their principal officers to negotiate with Caesar; and these preliminaries to an accommodation being settled, the soldiers of both armies went into one another’s tents, so that the two camps were now in a manner one. A great number of centurions and military tribunes came to pay their court to Caesar, and beg his protection. The Spanish chiefs, who had been summoned to attend Afranius, and were detained in the camp as hostages, followed their example. Every man sought out his acquaintance and friend, who might recommend and procure him a favourable reception from Caesar. Things were carried to such a length, that Afranius’s son, a young gentleman, treated with Caesar, by the mediation of Sulpicius, to desire he would give his word for his life, and that of his father. The joy was general; they mutually congratulated each other; the one, in that they had escaped so imminent a danger; and the other, in that they had brought to a happy conclusion so important an enterprise, without striking a blow. Caesar, in the judgment of all, was upon the point of amply reaping the fruits of his wonted clemency, and every body applauded his late conduct.

Afranius, having notice of what passed, quitted the work he was engaged in, and returned to the camp; prepared, as it would seem, to bear with an equal mind not wanting to himself. He armed his slaves; and joining them to a pretorian cohort of target-bearers, and some Spanish horse, his dependents, whom he always kept about him to guard his person; he instantly flew to the rampart, broke off the conferences of the soldiers, drove our men from the camp, and put all of them he could find to the sword. The rest flocked together; where, alarmed at the danger to which they saw themselves exposed, they wrapped their cloaks round their left arms, drew their swords, and, trusting to the nearness of their camp, defended themselves against the Spanish target-bearers and cavalry, till they had retreated to our advanced guard, who screened them from any further assault.

After this he went through the whole camp, begging his troops, with tears, to have pity on him, and Pompey their general; and that they would not deliver them both up to the cruel vengeance of their enemies. Every one upon this flocks to the head-quarters. There Petreius proposes to the army to bind themselves by a new oath, not to abandon nor betray their commanders, nor to act separately, but all in concert, for the common good. He himself took this oath first, and then exacted it of Afranius, afterwards of the military tribunes and centurions, and lastly of all the companies, man by man, At the same time an order was issued that all who had any of Caesar’s soldiers in their tents should signify it, that they might be put to death in the sight of the whole army. But the majority detesting this bloody order, carefully hid those who were under their protection, and procured them means to escape in the night. However, the terror they had been thrown into by their generals, the severity shown in punishing, and the new oath they had been obliged to take, defeated, for the present, all hopes of a surrender, changed the soldiers' minds, and reduced the war to its former state.

Caesar ordered diligent search to be made after such of the enemy’s soldiers as had come to his camp during the time of conference, and carefully sent them back. Some military tribunes and centurions voluntarily chose to stay with him; whom he afterwards treated with great distinction; promoting the centurions to higher ranks, and honouring the Roman knights with the office of military tribunes.

The Afranian troops were destitute of forage, and could not water without much difficulty. The legionary soldiers had, indeed, some provisions, because they had been ordered to bring two and twenty days' corn with them from Lerida ; but the Spanish infantry and auxiliaries had none; for they neither had opportunities of supplying themselves, nor were their bodies inured to carry heavy burdens. Accordingly, they every day deserted in shoals to Caesar. In this extremity, of the two expedients proposed, that of returning to Lerida appeared the safest, as they had still some provisions in that city, and might there concert what further measures to pursue. Tarraco was at a greater distance, and they would of course be exposed to more accidents by the way. This resolution being taken they decamped. Caesar sent the cavalry before, to harass and retard them in their march; and followed himself with the rest of the army. The cavalry gave the enemy no respite, being continually engaged with their rear.

The manner of fighting was thus: Some light-armed cohorts formed the rearguard, which, in a plain, halted from time to time, and made head against our cavalry. When they fell in with an eminence, the very nature of the ground furnished them with the means of defending themselves, because those who were first could, cover them behind. But when a valley or descent came in the way, the van could give no assistance to the rear, and our cavalry annoyed them with their darts from the higher ground, which put them in imminent danger. In this case, the legions were obliged to halt, and endeavour to drive back the cavalry a good way, after which they ran down the valley precipitately, until they came to the opposite eminence. For their cavalry, of which they had a considerable number, was so terrified by their ill success in former skirmishes, that, far from being of any service, they were forced to place it in the centre to secure it; and if any of them chanced to straggle from the main body, they were immediately taken by Caesar’s horse.

During these continual skirmishes, in which the enemy were often obliged to halt, in order to disengage their rear, it is easy to perceive that their march could not be very expeditious. This was in fact the case; so that after advancing four miles, finding themselves greatly incommoded by the cavalry they halted on an eminence, and drew a line before them, as it were to encamp, but did not unload their beasts of burden. When they saw that Caesar had marked out his camp, pitched his tents, and sent his cavalry to forage; suddenly, towards noon, they resumed their march briskly, hoping to be rid of the cavalry which had so much incommoded them. But Caesar set out immediately with his legions, leaving a few cohorts to guard the baggage, and sent orders to his cavalry to return with all diligence. The cavalry returned accordingly, and having overtaken the enemy before the close of day, attacked their rear so vigorously, that they were almost routed, a great number of soldiers, and even some centurions being slain. Caesar’s whole army came up, and threatened them with an immediate attack.

As they could then neither choose a proper place for a camp, nor continue their march, they were forced to halt where they were, far from any water, and on very disadvantageous ground. Caesar did not offer to attack them, for the reasons mentioned before: he would not even permit any tents to be pitched that day, that he might be the readier to pursue with all his forces, should they attempt to escape either by night or by day. The Afranians perceiving the disadvantage of their situation, employed the whole night in throwing up intrenchments, and disposed their camp directly fronting ours. The same they did the following day, from sun-rise till evening. But the farther they extended their camp, and produced their lines, in order to better their position, the farther they went from water, and to avoid one inconvenience, fell into another. The first night nobody went out of the camp for water, and the next day the whole army was obliged to do it in order of battle, so that they could not forage that day. Caesar waited to humble them by these misfortunes, and reduce them by want and necessity rather than force. He began, however, to draw lines round the camp, the better to check their sudden sallies and irruptions, to which he foresaw they would be obliged to have recourse at last. Want, soon constrained them to kill all the beasts of burden.

Two days were spent in forming and executing those resolutions; on the third, Caesar had considerably advanced his works. Afranius and Petreius, sensible of the consequences, drew all their forces out of the camp, and formed them in order of battle. Caesar previously called in his workmen, assembled his cavalry, and put his army in a condition to receive them, for he was aware of the hurt his reputation might sustain, if, contrary to the opinion of the troops, and the earnest expectations of all, he should still seem to decline an engagement. However, for the reasons already mentioned, he resolved to keep only upon the defensive; and the rather, because the distance between the two camps was so small, that should he even put his adversaries to rout, he could not flatter himself with the hopes of a complete victory. In fact, from camp to camp was not above two thousand feet; the armies were posted on each side of this space, which was left void for the mutual charge and assault of the soldiers. On supposition therefore of a battle, the nearness of their camp furnished an easy retreat to the vanquished. For this reason he resolved to wait the enemy’s charge, and not enter the first into action.

Afranius’s troops were ranged in two lines, consisting of five legions, and the cohorts wont to be stationed in the wings, formed a body of reserve. Caesar’s army was upon three lines; in the first of which were posted four cohorts, detached out of each of the five legions; in the second three; and in the third the like number, all from their respective legions: the archers and slingers were disposed in the midst, and the cavalry on the two wings. The armies being drawn up in this manner, each general kept firm to his resolution; Caesar, not to engage, unless forced to it; and Afranius, to prevent the progress of our works. In this posture they continued till sun-set, when both armies returned to their several camps. The next day, Caesar prepared to finish his lines; and Pompey’s lieutenants, as their last resource, endeavoured to find a fordable place in the Sicoris. But Caesar, penetrating their design, sent his light-armed Germans, with part of good bodies of troops along the banks, at a small distance from one another.

At last, having no hope left, and being in want of every thing, wood, water, forage, corn, they demanded an interview, and that it might be, if possible, in some place out of the sight of the soldiers. Caesar denied the last part of their request, but offered to grant them a public interview; whereupon Afranius, having given his son for a hostage, went to the place appointed by Caesar, where, in the presence of both armies, he addressed him to this effect: That it was no just matter of blame, either in him or his soldiers, to have preserved their fidelity to their general, Pompey; but that they had now sufficiently acquitted themselves of their duty, and suffered enough in his cause, by the want of all kind of necessaries; that like wild beasts caught in a toil, they were deprived of the most common enjoyments, having their bodies oppressed by want, and their minds overwhelmed with ignominy, that they therefore acknowledged themselves vanquished, and besought and conjured him, not to make a rigorous use of his victory, but to spare the lives of his unhappy countrymen. This speech was delivered with all possible marks of humility and submission.

Caesar replied, That he of all mankind, had least reason to complain, or implore compassion: that all the rest had fully done their duty; himself, in forbearing to attack him, with all the advantages of time and place, that the way to an accommodation might be the more open; his army, in returning untouched, the men that were in their power, after injuries received, and the massacre of their comrades: in fine, even his own troops, in endeavouring to conclude a peace, whereon they thought their safety depended. Thus all orders had shown an inclination to treat, while Afranius and Petreius alone opposed an accommodation, refusing both interview and truce, and barbarously murdering those whom the faith of a conference had enticed to their camp: that it had therefore happened to them, as frequently happens to men of obstinacy and arrogance, and they were forced to have recourse to those conditions, and earnestly solicit the very same terms, which not long before they had despised. However, he would not take advantage of their present submission, or the favourable circumstances in which he found himself, to demand any thing tending to the increase of his own power, but only that they would disband those troops which they had now for so many years kept on foot against him. For with what other view had six legions been sent into Spain ; a seventh levied there, so many powerful navies equipped, so many able and experienced officers sent over. These mighty preparations could not be meant against Spain , or to supply the wants of the province, which having enjoyed a long run of peace, had no occasion for such extraordinary forces. Their real aim was to pave the way to his destruction; to effect which, a new species of power had been introduced into the commonwealth, and the same man appointed to command in Italy , at the gates of Rome , and hold for so many years, though absent, the government of the two most potent provinces of the republic. For this reason the magistrates were stripped of their prerogatives, and not suffered to take possession of their provinces, at the expiration of the pretorship or consulship, as had always been the custom; but particular governors were sent, by the choice and management of a faction. For this reason even the excuse of old age was disallowed; and those who had merited a discharge by their past services, were compelled to take arms again, to complete the number of their troops. In fine, for this reason, he alone had been denied that justice, which was never refused to any general before him; that after having successfully served the commonwealth, he should be allowed to return home, and disband his own army, with some marks of honour, orat least without ignominy. All which, nevertheless, he had hitherto borne, and still resolved to bear with patience; nor was it now his design, to take from them their soldiers, and enlist them, as it would be easy for him to do, but to prevent their employing them against him. Therefore, as he had already intimated, they must resolve to quit Spain , and disband their forces, in which case he would injure no man. This was his final resolution, and the only condition of peace they were to expect.

These conditions were agreeable to Afranius’s soldiers, who, instead of being punished, as they feared, were in some sort rewarded by the discharge procured them. They plainly showed their satisfaction. For, while the place and time of their dismission were debating, they signified by their gestures and cries from the rampart, where they stood, that they desired to be disbanded immediately; because no sufficient security could be given for the performance of what was put off till another time. After some discussion of that article by Caesar and Afranius, it was regulated, that those who had houses or possessions in Spain , should be discharged on the spot; and the rest near the Var, a river between Gaul and Italy . Caesar, on his side, declared, that he would hurt nobody, nor force any one to take on in his service.

Caesar undertook to find them in corn until they got to the Var. He even promised to restore to them all they had lost in the war, that could be known again; himself indemnifying his own soldiers, who hereby lost quired their confidence to such a degree, that he was arbiter of all the disputes they had, either among themselves, or with their commanders. The soldiers being ready to mutiny about their pay, because Petreius and Afranius affirmed it was not yet due, the matter was referred to Caesar, who determined it to the satisfaction of both parties. About a third of the army was disbanded during the two days they continued here, after which the rest set out for the Var in this order. Two of Caesar’s legions marched at the head, the others in the rear, and the vanquished troops in the middle. Q. Fufius Calenus, one of Caesar’s lieutenants, presided over the march. In this manner they continued their route to the Var, where the remainder of the troops were disbanded.

I. Trebonius continues the siege of Marseilles . 
 III. Nasidius arrives with a fleet to the relief of the town. 
 IV. The inhabitants repair their fleet, and join it to that of Nasidius. 
 V. A sea fight between Brutus and the people of Marseilles . 
 VI. In which the latter are defeated. 
 VIII. Trebonius raises a prodigious tower against the town. 
 IX. Likewise a musculus of uncommon size. 
 X. By which a tower belonging to the enemy is overthrown. 
 XI. Upon this the besieged demand a truce. 
 XIII. Which they afterwards break, and in a sudden sally burn Trebonius’s works. 
 XIV. Trebonius, with wonderful expedition, raises a new and amazing terrace. 
 XV. Upon which the besieged again treat of a surrender. 
 XVI. Meanwhile M. Varro, in farther Spain , prepares to oppose Caesar. 
 XVII. Caesar summons a general assembly of the states at Corduba . 
 XVIII. Varro, deserted by his troops, goes over to Caesar. 
 XIX. Caesar having reduced Spain , arrives before Marseilles . 
 XX. The Marseillians surrender; L. Domitius escapes by sea. 
 XXI. About the same time, C. Curio sets out for Africa . 
 XXII. Wlere, at first, he wars successfully against Varus. 
 XXXIV. But afterwards, Varus having received supplies from king Juba , he rashly ventures a battle, where, after some advantages in the beginning, by means of his cavalry, he is at last cut off with his whole army.

While these things passed in Spain , Trebonius, Caesar’s lieutenant, who had been left to carry on the siege of Marseilles , raised terraces for two different attacks, and approached with his towers and galleries. One of the attacks was on the side of the port; the other, towards the mouth of the Rhone , which empties itself into the sea, bordering upon Spain and Gaul . For Marseilles is washed by the sea on three sides, and can be approached by land only on the fourth; of which that part where the citadel stands, being very strong by nature, because of a deep valley that runs before it, requires a long and difficult siege. For the completing of these works, Trebonius drew together, from all parts of the province, a great number of workmen and beasts of carriage; ordered wood and osiers to be brought; and having prepared all things necessary, raised a terrace eighty feet high.

But so well was the town provided with all the requisites of war, and so great was the multitude of machines to annoy the besiegers, that no mantles were sufficient to withstand their violence. For they had wooden bars, twelve feet in length, armed at the point with iron, which were shot with such force from their balistae, that they pierced four rows of hurdles, and entered a considerable way into the ground. To resist the violence of these batteries, the besiegers made use of galleries, whose roofs consisted of pieces of wood of about a foot in thickness, strongly compacted together. Under this cover, the materials necessary for raising the terrace were conveyed: and a tortoise, sixty feet long, every thing necessary to defend it against fire and stones, went before, to level the ground. But in spite of all endeavours, the greatness of the works, the height of the wall and towers, and the multitude of machines made use of by the besieged, greatly retarded the approaches. Besides, the mountaineers made frequent sallies, and set fire to the towers and mount: which though our men easily sustained, driving them back with great loss into the town, yet failed not very much to incommode the works.

In the mean time L. Nasidius, sent by Pompey to the assistance of Domitius and the Marseillians, with a fleet of sixteen ships, some of which were strengthened with beaks of brass, passed the straits of Sicily unknown to Curio, landed at Messana , and raised so great a terrorin the place, that being abandoned by the senate and principal inhabitants, he found means to carry off one of their gallies; and joining it to his own fleets steered directly for Marseilles , having despatched a frigate before, to apprize Domitius and the inhabitants of his coming, and press them to hazard a second engagement with Brutus, when they should be reinforced by his fleet.

The Marseillians, after their defeat, had drawn as many old ships out of the docks as they had lost in the engagement, and repaired and rigged them with wondrous expedition. They were likewise well provided with rowers and pilots; and had prepared a number of fishing barks, which they filled with archers and engines, and strengthened with roofs, to shelter the rowers from the enemy’s darts. The fleet being equipped in this manner, the Marseillians, animated by the prayers and tears of theirold men, matrons, and virgins, to exert themselves in defence of their country in so pressing a conjuncture; embarked with no less confidence and assurance, than they had before their late defeat. For such is the weakness of the human mind, that things dark, hidden, and unknown, always produce in us a greater degree of confidence or terror; as happened in the present case: for the arrival of Nasidius had filled all men with an uncommon share of hope and eagerness. The wind springing up fair, they set sail, and rendezvoused at Tauroenta, a castle belonging to the town, where Nasidius lay with his fleet. Here they put their ships in order, armed themselves with courage for a second encounter, and entering readily into all the measures proposed by Nasidius, left to him the command of the left wing, and stationed themselves upon the right.

Brutus sailed to meet them, with his fleet considerably increased; for besides the ships which Caesar had caused to be built at Aries , he had also joined to it six more, taken from the Marseillians, which he had refitted and rigged since the late action. Wherefore exhorting his men to despise an enemy, who had not been able to resist them when entire and unvanquished, he advanced against them full of resolution and confidence. It was easy to discern from Trebonius’s camp, and the eminences around it, what passed in the town. All the youth that were left, the old men, the women, children, and even the guards upon the walls, extending their hands to heaven, or repairing to the temples, and prostrating themselves at the altars, besought the gods to grant them victory. Nor was there a man among them who did not believe, that their safety depended wholly on the issue of that day’s action. For the choice of their youth, and the most considerable men of their city, were all on board the fleet: insomuch, that in case of any disaster, they had no resource left; but should they obtain the victory, they were in hopes of preserving their city, either by their own forces, or t the reinforcements they expected from without.

Accordingly, in the engagement, they behaved with the most determined courage. The remembrance of what their wives and children had represented to them at their departure served to exalt their bravery; in a full persuasion, that this was the last opportunity they should have of exerting themselves in defence of their country; and that if they fell in the engagement, their fellow-citizens could not long survive them, as their fate must be the same upon the taking of the town. Our ships being at some distance from each other, both gave the enemy’s pilots an opportunity of showing their address in working their vessels, and flying to the assistance of their friends, when they were laid hold on by our grappling hooks. And indeed, when it came to a close fight, they seconded the mountaineers with wonderful resolution, and, in bravery, seemed to yield but little to our men. At the same time, a great quantity of darts, poured incessantly from their smaller frigates, wounded a great many of our rowers, and such of the soldiers as were without shelter. Two of their galleys fell upon that of Brutus, which was easily distinguished by its flag; but though they attacked him on both sides, he extricated himself with such agility and address, as in a short time to get a little before; which made them run foul of each other so violently, that they were both considerably shattered; one in particular had its beak broken, and was in a manner totally crushed; which being observed by those of our fleet that lay nearest, they suddenly fell upon and sunk them, before they could recover out of their disorder.

In this encounter, the ships under Nasidius were of no manner of service to the Marseillians, but quickly retired out of the fight. For as they were neither animated by the sight of their country, nor the entreaties of their relations, they were not very forward to expose their lives to hazard, but escaped without hurt from the combat. The Marseillians had five ships sunk, and four taken. One escaped to the coast of hither Spain , with those of Nasidius. Of the rest that remained, one was immediately despatched to Marseilles , to carry thither the news of the defeat. As soon as it drew near the town, all the inhabitants flocked out to know what had passed; and being informed of it, appeared no less dejected, than if the city had been taken by storm. However, they still continued their preparations for the defence of the place with as much diligence as ever.

The legionaries, who had the charge of tower of brick, built at a little distance from the walls, would be of great service to shelter them from the frequent sallies of the enemy. At first they made it very low and small, to guard against sudden incursions. Hither they retired in case of danger: here they defended themselves against the most obstinate attacks of the enemy; nay, even assaulted them in their turn, repulsed, and pursued them. This tower was of a square form, thirty feet every way, allowing for the thickness of the walls, which might be about five feet. Afterwards, (being instructed by experience, which is the best of teachers,) they plainly perceived, that the higher it was carried, the more serviceable it would prove. The manner of effecting it was thus:

When the work was raised to the height of one story, they laid a floor over it, the extremities of whose beams were concealed in the thickness of the wall; that they might not by appearing on the outside, be liable to be set on fire. Thence they continued the wall directly upwards, as far as their galleries and mantles would allow. Here they laid two beams crosswise, whose extremities almost reached the angles of the wall, for supporting the floor, which was to serve as a roof to the whole. Over these beams they laid the joists of the roof, and boarded them with planks. The roof was so contrived as to project a little beyond the wall, in order to suspend from it what might be necessary to shelter the workmen, while employed in completing the story. This floor was paved with tiles and clay, to render it proof against fire, and had besides a covering of strong mattresses, to break the force of stones and darts. At the same time they suspended from the beams of the roof, that projected beyond the wall, curtains made of strong cables, woven to the depth of four feet, and which went round the three sides of the tower that were exposed to the engines of the enemy; having experienced on former occasions, that this kind of cover was impenetrable to any dart or engine whatever. When this part of the tower was finished, roofed, and sheltered from the enemy’s blows, they removed their mantles to another, and by means of engines elevated the roof entire from the first story, as far as the curtains would allow. There, secure from all insult, they laboured at the wall, elevating the roof a second time, and thereby enabling themselves both to continue the work, and lay the interjacent floors. In this manner they proceeded from story to story, mounting them one upon another, till without danger or wounds, they had completed the number of six, leaving loop-holes in convenient places, for the engines to play through.

When, by means of this tower, they thought they had sufficiently provided for the security of the works around it, they resolved to build a gallery sixty feet long, of wood, two feet in thickness, to extend from the brick tower to the tower of the enemy, and the very walls of the town. The form of the gallery was this: First, two beams of equal length were laid upon the ground, at the distance of four feet from one another; and in these were fixed little pillars five feet high, joined at the top by beams designed to suppirt the roof of the gallery. Over these were laid rafters, two feet square, fastened strongly with nails and plates of iron. The upper part of the roof was composed of square laths, four inches thick, which were placed at a small distance one from another, to bear the tiles that were to be laid upon them. Thus was the whole finished with a sloping roof, which being partly composed of tiles and mortar, was proof against fire, and had besides a covering of hides, to hinder the mortar from being washed away by spouts of water. Over all we threw strong mattresses, to screen the hides from fire and stones. This work was finished close by the brick tower, under cover of four mantles, and immediately carried forward upon rollers, in the manner ships are launched, till it unexpectedly reached the very tower of the enemy.

The Marseillians astonished at so threatening and unlooked-for a machine, pushed forward with levers the largest stones they could find, and tumbled them from the top of the wall upon the gallery. But the strength of the wood resisted the violence of their blows, so that they fell to the ground without doing any hurt. Observing this, they changed their design, and poured down upon us burning barrels of pitch and tallow. But these likewise rolled along the roof without damage, and falling upon the ground, were afterwards thrust away with forks and long poles. Meanwhile our soldiers, under protection of the gallery, were endeavouring with their levers to undermine the enemy’s tower. The gallery itself was defended by tne tower of brick whence our engines played without intermission insomuch that the enemy, driven from their tower and walls, were at last obliged to abandon their defence. By degrees the tower being undermined, part of it fell down, and the rest was so shaken that it could not stand long. 
 Upon this the enemy, alarmed at so unexpected a misfortune, discouraged by the downfall of the tower, awed by such a testimony of the wrath of the gods, and dreading the plunder and devastation of their city, came forth in the habit of suppliants, and with outstretched hands, besought the compassion of the army and generals.

At this new and unexpected sight, all acts of hostility ceased, and the soldiers, laying aside their ardour for the fight, were eager to hear and get acquainted with the proposals of the enemy, who arriving ib presence of the army and generals, threw themselves at their feet, requesting them to suspend all further operations till Caesar’s arrival. They told them: That as the works were now completed, and the tower destroyed, they were sensible the city could no longer hold out, and therefore meant not to defend it: that in the mean time, no prejudice could arise to the besiegers from this respite, because, if they refused to submit upon Caesar’s coming, he would have it in his power to treat them as he pleased. They added, that if the whole tower should be brought down, it would be impossible to hinder the soldiers from yielding to the desire of plunder, by breaking into and pillaging the town. This, and much more of the same nature (for the Marseillians are a learned people), they urged in a very moving and pathetic strain.

The generals, moved by these monstrances, drew off the soldiers from the works, discontinued the attack, and contented themselves with posting guards in convenient places. Compassion occasioned a kind of truce till Caesar’s arrival; so that on neither side were any acts of hostility committed, but every thing was quiet and secure, as if the siege had beenl= at an end. For Caesar had earnestly recommended it to Trebonius, by letter, to prevent, if possible, the city’s being taken by storm, lest the soldiers, irritated by their revolt, and the resistance they had found, should put all the youth to the sword, as they threatened to do. Nay, they were even then hardly restrained from breaking into the town, and loudly murmured against Trebonius for delaying a conquest which they looked upon as certain.

But the Marseillians, a nation without faith, aimed at nothing further in all this, than to find a time and opportunity to deceive us, and put in practice the treacherous purpose they had formed. For after some days, our men suspecting no danger, but relying upon the good faith of the enemy, while some were retired to their tents, others laid down, to rest in the trenches, overpowered by the long fatigue they had undergone, and all the arms laid up and removed out of sight, suddenly they sallied from the town, and the wind being high, and favourable to their design, set fire to the works. The flame in a moment spread itself on all sides, insomuch that the battery, the mantles, the tortoise, the tower, the machines, and the gallery were entirely destroyed, before it was possible to discover whence the disaster arose. The suddenness of the accident made our men immediately run to their arms, where every one took what came first to hand. Some sallied out upon the enemy, but were checked by the arrows and darts poured upon them from the town; insomuch that the Marseillians, sheltered by their walls, burnt without any difficulty the tower of brick and the gallery. Thus the labour of many months was destroyed in an instant, by the treachery of an enemy, and the violence of the wind. Next day they made the same attempt, favoured by the same wind, and with yet greater assurance, against the tower and terrace of the other attack. They approached them boldly, and threw plenty of fire upon them; but our men, grown wise by their late misfortune, had made all necessary preparations for their defence, so that after losing many men, they were obliged to retreat into the city, without effecting their purpose.

Trebonius immediately resolved to repair his loss, in which he found himself warmly seconded by the zeal of the soldiers. They saw the works, which had cost so much labour and toil, destroyed by the perfidy of a people, who made no scruple of violating the most sacred engagements: they saw that their credulity had been abused, and that they were become the jest of their enemies, which grieved and provoked them at the same time. But it was still difficult to determine whence they might be supplied with wood, to repair all these works. There was none in the neighbourhood of Marseilles , the trees having been all cut down for a great way round. They resolved therefore to raise a terrace of a new kind, and such as history no where mentions before that time. They raised two walls of brick, each six feet thick, and distant from one another, nearly the breadth of the former mount. Over these they laid a floor, and to render it firm, besides its being supported on either side, placed pillars underneath between the walls, to bear it up where it was weakest, or had a greater stress of weight to support. There were moreover cross beams, which rested upon niches in the wall; and to render the several floors proof against fire, hurdles were laid over them, which were afterwards covered with clay. The soldiers, thus sheltered over head by the roof, on the right and left by walls, and before by a breast-work, brought the necessary materials without danger, and by the eagerness with which they laboured, soon completed the whole, leaving overtures in convenient places to sally out upon occasion.

The enemy seeing we had repaired, in so short a time, what they imagined must have cost us the labour of many days; that there was now no hope left, either of deceiving us, or sallying out upon us with success; that all the approaches to the city by land, might in like manner be shut up by a wall and towers, so as to render it impossible for them to appear upon their works, our walls overtopping and commanding theirs, that they could neither discharge their javelins, nor make any use of their engines, in which their principal hope lay; and that they were now reduced to the necessity of fighting us upon equal terms, though conscious of their great inferiority in point of valour; they were forced to have recourse again to the same conditions of truce they had so ill observed before.

M. Varro, in farther Spain , having early notice of what passed in Italy , and beginning to distrust the success of Pompey’s affairs, spoke in a very friendly manner to Caesar. He said, That he was indeed under particular obligations to Pompey, who had made him his lieutenant-general, but at the same time was no less indebted to Caesar: that he was not ignorant of the duty of a lieutenant, employed by his general in an office of trust; but that he likewise knew his own strength, and the attachment of the whole province to Caesar. After this manner he talked in all companies, nor declared expressly for either side. But when he afterwards understood, that Caesar was detained by the siege of Marseilles ; that the armies of Petreius and Afranius had joined, and daily grew stronger by the arrival of new succours; that there was room to hope for every thing; that the hither province had unanimously declared in their favour; that Caesar himself was reduced to great straits at Lerida , of all which Afranius wrote largely, magnifying his own advantages, he began to alter with fortune.

He raised troops over the whole province; added thirty auxiliary cohorts to the two legions he had already under his command; formed great magazines of corn to supply Marseilles , and the armies under Afranius and Petreius; ordered the Gaditani to furnish him with ten ships of war; caused a considerable number to be built at Hispalis ; sent all the money and ornaments he found in the temple of Hercules to Cales ; left there a garrison of six cohorts, under the command of Caius Gallonius, a Roman knight, the friend of Domitius, who had sent him thither to look after an inheritance of his; conveyed all the arms, public and private, to Gallonius’s house; spoke every where disadvantageously of Caesar; declared several times from his tribunal, that Caesar had been worsted, and that many of his soldiers had gone over to Afranius, as he was well assured by undoubted testimonies: by all which, having struck a terror into the Roman citizens of that province, he obliged them to promise him one hundred and ninety thousand sesterces, twenty thousand weight of silver, and one hundred and twenty thousand bushels of wheat. The states well affected to Caesar he loaded with heavy contributions; confiscated the effects of such as had spoken against the commonwealth; quartered soldiers upon them; harassed them with arbitrary judgments; and in fine, obliged the whole province to take an oath of fidelity to himself and Pompey. Hearing of what had passed in hither Spain , he prepared for war. His design was, to shut himself up with his two legions in Cales , where all the provisions and shipping lay, because he very well understood, that the whole province was in Caesar’s interest, for he judged it would be easy in that island, with the ships and provisions he had to draw out the war into length. 
 Caesar, though called upon by many and necessary affairs to return to Italy , resolved, however, not to leave Spain , till he had entirely quelled the war in that province; for he knew that hither Spain had many obligations to Pompey, and that most of the inhabitants were strongly in his interest.

Having therefore detached two legions into farther Spain , under the command of Q. Cassius, tribune of the people, he himself advanced, by great journeys, at the head of six hundred horse. He sent orders before to the magistrates, and the principal men of every state, to meet him by a certain day at Cordova . All obeyed; every state sent his deputies; nor was there a single Roman citizen of any consideration, who did not repair thither on this occasion, The very senate of Cordova , of their own proper motion, shut their gates against Varro, stationed guards and sentinels along the walls, and detained two cohorts, called Calonicae, which chanced to march that way, that they might serve to protect the town. At the same time those of Carmona , the most considerable state in the province, drove out of their city three cohorts, which Varro had left to garrison the citadel, and shut their gates against them.

This determined Varro to make all possible despatch, that he might reach Cales , as soon as possible, lest his march should be intercepted; so great and apparent was the affection of the province to Caesar. When he was advanced a little way, he received letters from Cales , which informed him, That as soon as Caesar’s edict was known, the principal men of Cales , with the tribunes of the cohorts he had left in garrison, had conspired to drive Gallonius from the city, and preserve the town and island for Caesar; that this project being formed, they had warned Gallonius to retire of his own accord, while he yet might with safety; threatening, if he did not, to come to some immediate resolution against him: that Gallonius, terrified by so general a revolt, had accordingly left Cales . Upon this intelligence, one of the two legions, known by the name of Vernacula, took up their ensigns in Varro’s presence, quitted the camp, and marched directly to Hispalis , where they sat down in the market-place and cloisters, without committing the least act of violence, which so wrought upon the Roman citizens residing in the town, that every one houses. Varro, astonished at these proceedings, turned back with design to reach Italica , but was informed that the gates were shut. At last, finding himself surrounded on all sides, and the ways every where beset, he wrote to Caesar that he was ready to resign the legion under his command, to whomsoever he should order to receive it. Caesar sent Sextus Caesar to take the command; and Varro, having resigned the legion accordingly, came to him at Cordova . After giving him an account of the state of the province, he faithfully resigned all the public money he had in his hands, and informed him of the quantity of corn and shipping he had prepared.

Caesar, assembling the states at Cordova , returned thanks severally to all who had declared in his favour; to the Roman citizens, for having made themselves masters of the town in his name; to the Spaniards, for driving out Pompey’s garrisons: to the people of Cales , for having frustrated the designs of his enemies, and asserted their own liberty; to the military tribunes and centuriens sent thither to guard the place, for having confirmed them in their resolutions by their example. He remitted the tribute imposed by Varro upon the Roman citizens; restored their estates to those who had been deprived of them for speaking their thoughts freely; distributed rewards to a great many, both in public and private, and gave all room to hope for like favours in the issue. After a stay of two days at Cordova , he went to Cales , where he restored to the temple of Hercules all the treasures and ornaments which had been carried off, and lodged in private houses. He committed the government of the province to Q. Cassius, assigned him four legions for that purpose; and embarking for Tarraco on board the fleet which Varro had obliged the Gaditani to furnish, arrived there in a few days. There he found deputies from almost all the states of the province, and having, in like manner as at Cordova , both publicly and privately rewarded some states; he left Tarraco came by land to Narbonne , and thence to Marseilles . There he was informed of the law touching the dictatorship, and that M. Lepidus the pretor had named him to that office.

The Marseillians, overwhelmed with profusion of calamities, reduced to the utmost distress by famine, worsted in two different engagements by sea, weakened by continual sallies, assaulted by a heavy pestilence, occasioned by the length of the siege, and their constant change of diet (for they were obliged to feed upon old meal and musty barley, which had been long treasured up in their magazines against an accident of this kind), their tower being overthrown, a great part of their walls undermined, and no prospect of relief from armies or the provinces, which were now all reduced under Caesar’s power, they resolved to surrender in good earnest. But some days before, Domitius, who was apprized of their intentions, having prepared three ships (two of which he assigned to his followers, and embarked in person on board the third), took occasion, during a storm, to make his escape. Some of Brutus’s galleys, which he had ordered to keep constantly cruising before the port, chancing to get sight of him, prepared to give chace. That in which Domitius was, escaped under favour of the tempest; but the two others, alarmed at seeing our galleys so near them, re-entered the port. Caesar spared the town, more in regard to its antiquity and reputation, than any real merit it could plead. He obliged the citizens however to deliver up their arms, machines, and ships of war, whether in the port or arsenal; to surrender all the money in their treasury; and to receive a garrison of two legions. Then sending the rest of the army into Italy , he himself set out for Rome .

About the same time, C. Curio sailed from Sicily into Africa , with two of the four legions which had been put under his command by Caesar, and five hundred horse; having conceived the highest contempt of the troops headed by P. Attius Varus. After two days and three nights sailing, he landed at a place called Aquilaria. This place is about twenty-two miles distant from Clupea, and has a very convenient harbour for ships in the summer time, sheltered on each side by a promontory. L. Caesar, the son, waited for him at Clupea, with ten galleys, which P. Attius had taken in the war against the pirates, and repaired at Utica , for the service of the present war. But terrified at the number of ships Curio brought with him, he stood in for the coast; where, running his galley on shore, he left her, and went by land to Adrumetum. C. Confidius Longus commanded in that town, with one legion: and here also the rest of the fleet repaired after Caesar’s flight. M. Rufus the questor pursuing them, with twelve galleys, which Curio had brought with him from Africa , to guard the transports; when he saw Caesar’s own galley upon the strand, he towed her off, and returned with the fleet to Curio.

Curio ordered him to sail directly for Utica , and followed himself with the land army. After a march of two days, he arrived at the river Bagradas, where he left C. Caninius Rebilus with the legions, and advanced before with the cavalry, to take a view of the Cornelian camp, which was judged to be a situation extremely advantageous. It is a high rock, jutting out into the sea, steep and rough on both sides, but with an easier descent where it fronts Utica . It lies little more than a mile from Utica in a direct line; but as there is a fountain about half way, which runs towards the sea, and overflowing the plain, forms a morass; to avoid this, in marching to Utica , it is necessary to take a compass of six miles.

When he had taken a view of this post, he went next and examined Varus’s camp, which was under the walls of the town, towards the gate named the Gate of War. The situation of it was extremely advantageous; for on the one side it was covered by the city of Utica itself, and on the other by a kind of theatre, which stood without the walls, the works round which took up so much room, that they rendered the approach to the camp extremely difficult. At the same time he saw all the ways crowded with people, who, out of fear of being pillaged, were carrying their most valuable effects into the city. He detached the cavalry against them to disperse them, and likewise have an opportunity of making some booty. Upon which, Varus ordered six hundred Numidian horse to advance to their assistance, which he further strengthened with four hundred foot, sent by Juba , a few days before, to reinforce the garrison of Utica . This king inherited from his father an affection for Pompey, and besides personally hated Curio; who, during his tribuneship had published a law to deprive him of his kingdom. The Numidian cavalry soon came to blows with ours; but were not able to stand their first charge, retreating to their camp, with the loss of a hundred and twenty men. Meantime, upon the arrival of Curio’s fleet he ordered proclamation to be made among the merchant ships, which were at Utica , to the number of two hundred, that he would treat them as enemies, if they did not immediately repair to the Cornelian camp. Upon this proclamation, they instantly weighed anchor, and leaving Utica , sailed whither they were ordered; by which means the army was plentifully supplied with every thing they stood in need of.

These things despatched, Curio repaired to his camp at Bagrada, where, with the joint acclamations of the whole army, he was saluted by the name of Imperator. Next day he led his army towards Utica , and encamped not far from the town. But before he had finished his entrenchments, he was informed by some parties of horse, who were upon the scout, that a powerful body of horse and foot had been sent by the king of Utica : at the same time a great cloud of dust began to appear, and soon after the enemy’s van was in view. Curio, astonished at a motion so unexpected, sent the cavalry before to sustain their first charge, and keep them in play: he, meanwhile, drawing off the legions from the works, with all possible expedition, formed them in order of battle. The horse engaged according to orders; and with such success, that before the legions could be duly drawn up, the whole reinforcement sent by the king, who marched without order or apprehension of danger, falling into confusion, at last betook themselves to flight. The cavalry, wheeling nimbly along the shore, escaped, with little loss, into the town; but great numbers of the infantry were cut to pieces.

Next night, two centurions of the nation of the Marsi, with twenty-two private soldiers, deserted from Curio, and went over to Attius Varus. These, either believing the thing themselves, or desirous to carry grateful tidings to Varus (for we easily believe what we wish, and readily hope that others will fall into our way of thinking), assured him, that the whole army was extremely averse to Curio, and would infallibly revolt, if he would but advance, and come to a conference with them, Accordingly Varus drew out his legions next day. Curio did the same; and the two armies stood facing one another in order of battle, with a small valley between them.

Sextus Quintilius Varus, who, as we have related above, had been made prisoner at Corfinium , was now in the enemy’s army: for Caesar having granted him his liberty, he had retired into Africa . Curio had brought over with him from Sicily the very same legions, who had revolted some time before to Caesar at the siege of Corfinium : so that excepting a few centurions who had been changed, the officers and companies were the same as had formerly served with this very Quintilius. He made use of this handle to debauch the army of Curio; and began with putting the soldiers in mind of their former oath to Domitius, and to himself, that general’s questor; he exhorted them not to carry arms against the old companions of their fortune, who had shared with them in all the hazards of that siege; nor fight in defence of that party, who treated them ignominiously, and as deserters. To these considerations, he added offers of a liberal recompense, if they would follow his fortune and that of Attius. But his speech made no impression upon Curio’s troops, so that both armies retired to their respective camps.

But an uncommon panic soon spread itself over Curio’s camp, which the various discourses of the soldiers served only to increase. For every one had his opinion, and added the suggestions of his own fear to that which he heard from others. These reports spreading from one to many, and receiving additions in every new relation, there appeared to be several authors of the same notions That in a civil war it was lawful for every soldier to choose what side he pleased; that the same legion, who a little before had fought on the side of the enemy, might, without scruple, return again to the same cause, since Caesar’s conferring favours upon his enemies, ought not to render them unmindful of prior and greater obligations: that even the municipal towns were divided in their affection, and sided some with one party, some with another. These discourses proceeded not from the Marsi and Peligni alone, but ran like a torrent through the whole camp. However, some of the soldiers blamed their companions for this so great freedom of talk and others, who affected to appear more diligent than the rest, enlarged in their accounts of it to the officers.

For these reasons,Curio summoning a council of war, began to deliberate were for attacking, at all hazards, the camp of Varus, in order to find employment for the soldiers, whose idleness they considered as the cause of all the present alarms. Besides, it was better, they said, to trust to valour, and try the fortune of a battle, than see themselves abandoned by their men, and delivered up to the barbarity of the enemy. Others were for retiring, during the night, to the Cornelian camp, where they would have more time to cure the infatuation of the soldiers; and whence, in case of a disaster, they could, with more safety and ease, make good their retreat into Sicily , by means of the great number of ships they were there provided with.

Curio relished neither of these notions: the one, he thought, argued cowardice; the other, a rash boldness: to retreat, would have all the appearance of a shameful flight; to attack, they must resolve to fight in a place of disadvantage. With what hope, said he, can we attack a camp fortified by nature and art? And what advantage can we draw from an attempt, whence we shall be obliged to retire with loss ? Does not success always secure to a general the affection of his troops, whereas ill fortune is evermore followed with contempt ? And what would a decampment imply but an ignominious flight, an absolute despair of all things, and an unavoidable alienation of the whole army? That we ought not to let the modest think we distrust them, nor the insolent that we fear them; because the knowledge of our fear only augments the presumption of the one, and an apprehension of being suspected, abates the zeal of the other. But if what is reported of the discontent of the army be true, which I am yet unwilling to believe, at least to the degree some pretend; we ought, for that reason, rather to hide and dissemble our fears, than by an unreasonable discovery of them, to add strength to the evil: that, as in some cases, it was necessary to conceal the wounds of the body, that the enemy might not conceive hope from our misfortunes; so also ought we to hide the indisposition of an army: that by retreating in the night, as some proposed, they would only furnish a fairer occasion to the ill-affected to execute their purpose: for fear and shame are powerful restraints by day, but night entirely divests them of their force: that he was neither so rash, as to attack a camp without hopes of success; nor so blinded by fear, as to be at a loss what measures to pursue: that he thought it his duty to examine things to the bottom; and as he had called them together to deliberate upon the present state of affairs, doubted not, with their assistance, to take such measures as would be attended with success.

He then dismissed the council; and assembling the soldiers, put them in mind of what advantage their steadiness and zeal had been to Caesar at Corfinium , and how serviceable towards the conquest of the greatest part of Italy . It was you, said he, that gave the example, and all the municipal towns soon followed: their submission to Caesar was your work; and therefore it is not without reason, that he is so particularly attached to you, and that Pompey hates you sincerely. It was you that obliged him to quit Italy , without being forced to it by the loss of a battle. Caesar, who ranks me in the number of his dearest friends, has committed my safety to your care, with Sicily and Africa , without which it would be impossible to defend either Rome or Italy . You are now in the presence of those who exhort you to abandon us: and indeed what could be more desirable to them, than at the same time to ensnare us, and fix upon you the stain of an infinite crime? What worse opinion could an enraged enemy testify of you, than to suppose you capable of betraying those, who own themselves indebted to you for all; and of throwing yourselves into the power of a party, who consider you as the authors of all their misfortunes? Are you strangers to Caesar’s exploits in Spain ? Two armies defeated! Two generals overcome! Two provinces brought under subjection! And all this in the space of forty days, is it likely that those, who, with forces unbroken, could not stand their ground, will be able to resist, now they are vanquished? And will you who followed Caesar before fortune declared in his favour, now return to the vanquished, when fortune has already decided the quarrel, and you are upon the point of obtaining the reward of your services? They charge you with having abandoned and betrayed them, contrary to the faith of oaths. But is it indeed true, that you abandoned Domitius? Or did he not rather meanly abandon you, at a time when you were ready to suffer every thing for his sake? Did he not, unknown to you, resolve to seek his safety in flight? And were you not, after being thus basely betrayed by him, indebted to Caesar’s goodness for your preservation? How could your oath bind you to one, who, after throwing away the ensigns of his authority, and divesting himself of his office, surrendered himself a private man and a captive into the power of another? The new engagement you were then brought under alone subsists at present, and ought quite to obliterate that, which the surrender of your general, and his loss of liberty, have made void. But though I doubt not of your being satisfied with Caesar, you may perhaps have taken offence at me. And, indeed, I have no thought of mentioning any services I may have done you: which, as yet, come far short of my intentions, and your expectations: but you are not ignorant, that the rewards of military service come not till after the conclusion of the war; and I believe you little doubt what the issue of this will be. Nor need I, on this occasion, decline taking notice of the diligence I have used, the progress already made, and the good fortune that has hitherto attended me. Are you dissatisfied that I have landed my army safe in Africa , without the loss of a single ship ? That I dispersed the enemy’s fleet at the first onset ? That within the space of two days I have twice defeated their cavalry? That I forced two hundred of their merchantmen to quit the port of Utica and join me? And that I have reduced them to a situation where it is impossible for them to receive any supplies either by land or sea? Can you think of abandoning a cause conducted by such leaders, and attended with such success; to followthe fortune of those who so ignominiously delivered up Corfinium , relinquished Italy , surrendered Spain , and have already sustained considerable losses in the African war? I never pretended to more than being a follower of Caesar: it was you that honoured me with the title of Imperator, which I am ready this moment to resign, if you think me unworthy of the favour. Restore me my former name, that it may not be said I was honoured, to be covered afterwards with the greater ignominy.

These remonstrances made such an impression upon the soldiers, that they frequently interrupted him while he was speaking, and appeared deeply touched at his suspecting their fidelity. As he retired, they all gathered round him, exhorting him not to be discouraged, or scruple to hazard a battle, and make trial of their fidelity and bravery. This behaviour of the troops wrought so great a change in the minds of the officers, that Curio, with the joint concurrence of them all, resolved to give battle the first opportunity that offered. Accordingly, drawing out his men next day, in the same place he had done for some time past, he ranged them in order of battle. Attius Varus did the same; that if an opportunity offered, either of corrupting the soldiers, or fighting to advantage, he might be in readiness to lay hold of it.

Between the two armies lay a valley, as we have observed above, not indeed considerable for its breadth, but steep and difficult of ascent. Both sideswaited till the other should pass it, that they might engage to more advantage. Curio observing that all the horse on Varus’s right wing, together with the lightarmed foot, had ventured down into this valley, detached his cavalry against them, with two cohorts of Marrucinians; whose first shock the enemy were not able to sustain, but returned full speed to their own men, leaving the light-armed foot behind, who were surrounded and cut to pieces in the sight of Varus’s army; which, fronting that way, was witness to the flight of the one, and the slaughter of the other. Upon this Rebilus, one of Caesar’s lieutenants, whom Curio had brought with him from Sicily , on account of his consummate knowledge in the art of war; Why, says he, do you delay seizing the favourable moment? You see the enemy struck with terror. Curio made no answer, only desired his soldiers to remember what they had promised the day before, and marching the first, commanded them to follow him. The valley was so steep and difficult, that the first ranks could not ascend, but with the assistance of those that came after. But the Attinian army was so dispirited with fear, and the flight and slaughter of their troops, that they never thought of making resistance, fancying themselves already surrounded by our cavalry; so that before we could arrive within reach of the dart, the whole army of Varus fled and retreated to their camp.

In this flight, one Fabius Pelignus, a centurion of the lowest rank in Curio’s army, as he was pursuing the fugitives, called with a loud voice to Varus as if he had been one of his own men, who wanted to admonish him of something. Varus hearing himself named several times, turned and stood still, demanding who he was, and what he wanted. Fabius would certainly have killed him, had not Varus warded it off with his shield. Fabius himself was soon after surrounded and slain. Meanwhile, the multitude of fugitives so closed up the gates of the camp, and pressed upon one another in such a manner, that more were crowded to death, than fell either in the battle or pursuit. Nay, the camp itself was very near being taken; because great numbers, instead of stopping there to defend it, made directly for the town. But both the nature of the ground, and the fortifications themselves, prevented the assault; and the rather, as Curio’s soldiers being armed only for battle, had brought with them none of the necessary tools to force a camp. Curio brought back his army without the loss of a man, Fabius excepted. Of the enemy, about six hundred were killed, and a thousand wounded. After Curio had drawn off his men, all the wounded quitted the camp, and retired into the city, as did a great many others, who, overcome by fear, sheltered themselves there also under the same pretence. Varus observing this, and that a universal dread had seized the army, left only a trumpet in the camp, with a few tents for show, and, about midnight, silently entered the town with all his forces.

Next day Curio resolved to besiege Utica , and draw a line ofcircumvallation round it. There was in the town a multitude of men unfit for the fatigues of war, through a long enjoyment of peace. The inhabitants themselves were strongly attached to Caesar, for ancient favours received from him. The senate was composed of people greatly differing in their tempers, and the losses already sustained spread terror through all ranks. A surrender was publicly talked of, and all concurred in soliciting Varus not to ruin them by his obstinacy and perverseness. While these things were in agitation, messengers sent by king Juba arrived, who informed them of the approach of his army, and exhorted them to defend the city; which contributed not a little to confirm their wavering minds.

Curio received the same news, but for some time would not believe it, so greatly did he confide in his good fortune. Besides, Caesar’s success in Spain was already known in Africa ; whence he concluded it improbable that Juba would attempt any thing against him. But when he was for certain informed with his whole army, he retired from before the town to the Cornelian camp, laid in great quantities of corn and wood, began to fortify himself, and sent directly to Sicily for the cavalry, and the two legions he had left there. The camp itself was very advantageous for protracting the war, being strong both by nature and art, near the sea, and abounding in water and salt, great quantities of which had been carried thither from the neighbouring saltpits. Neither ran he any hazard of being straitened for wood and corn, as the country abounded in trees and grain. He resolved, therefore, with the consent of the whole army, to wait here the arrival of the rest of the troops, and make preparation for continuing the war.

This resolution being taken, and meeting with general approbation, some of the townsmen, who had deserted to Curio, informed him, that the war in which Juba was engaged with the Leptitani, having obliged him to return into his own kingdom, he had only sent his lieutenant Sabura, with a small body of forces, to the assistance of the Uticans. Upon this intelligence, to which he too hastily gave credit, he changed his design, and resolved to give battle. The fire of youth, his courage, good success, and self-confidence, contributed greatly to confirm him in this resolution. Urged by these considerations, about the beginning of the night, he sent all his cavalry towards the enemy’s camp, which was upon the river Bagradas, and where Sabura, of whom we have spoken before, commanded in chief. But the king followed with all his forces, and was not above six miles behind him. The cavalry which Curio had detached, marched all night, and coming unexpectedly upon the enemy, attacked them before they were ready to receive the charge: for the Numidians, according to the custom of that barbarous country, were encamped without order or rule. Falling upon them therefore, in this confusion, and oppressed with sleep, they slew great numbers, and obliged the rest to fly in the utmost consternation; after which they returned to Curio with the prisoners they had taken.

Curio had set out with all his forces about the fourth watch of the night, leaving only five cohorts to guard his camp. After a march of six miles he was met by his cavalry, who informed him of all that had passed. He asked the prisoners, who commanded at Bagradas? They answered, Sabura. Upon this, without making any further inquiries, for fear of being detained too long, he turned to the troops next to him, and said, Do you not see, fellow-soldiers, that the report of the prisoners corresponds exactly with the intelligence given by the deserters? Juba is not with the army. It must consist of but a few troops, since they were not able to withstand the charge of a small body of horse. Haste, therefore, in the pursuit of glory, booty, and victory. What the cavalry had done was indeed considerable, because they were but few in number in comparison of the Numidians; but as vanity always makes us believe our merit to be greater than it is, they themselves boasted immoderately of the action, and endeavoured to enhance the value of it. They made a mighty parade of the booty. The prisoners too, as well infantry as cavalry, marched in procession before them. And indeed the whole army imagined, that to delay the battle, was no other than to delay the victory; so that the ardour of the troops perfectly seconded Curio’s hopes. He therefore hastened his march, ordering the horse to follow, that he might as soon as possible come up with the frighted enemy. But as they were fatigued with their late march, they found themselves unable to keep pace with the army; but stopped, some in one place, some in another; which, however, retarded not Curio’s hopes.

Juba having notice from Sabura of the action in the night, detached to his assistance two thousand Spanish and Gallic horse, of his ordinary guard, with that part of the infantry in which he put the greatest confidence. Himself followed leisurely with the rest of the troops, and about forty elephants, suspecting that Curio, who had sent the cavalry before, could not be far off with his army. Sabura drew up his horse and foot, ordering them to give ground upon the enemy’s attack, and, as through fear, counterfeit a flight. Meanwhile he told them, that he would give the signal of battle when he saw proper, and direct their motions as the case might require. 
 Curio, flattered with new hopes, and imagining, by the enemy’s motions, that they were preparing for flight, made his troops come down from the mountain into the plain;

and advancing still farther, though his army was already very much fatigued, halted at last to give the men breath. That moment Sabura sounded the charge, led on his men in order of battle, and went from rank to rank to animate the troops; but he suffered only the cavalry to come to blows, keeping the infantry at a distance within sight. Curio was not wanting on his side, but exhorted his men to place all their hopes in their valour. And indeed neither the infantry, though fatigued with their march, nor the cavalry, though few in number, and spent with toil, showed any want of valour, or backwardness to fight; though the last in particular did not exceed two hundred, the rest having stopped by the way. These, wherever they attacked the enemy, obliged them to give ground, but they could neither pursue far, nor drive their horses on with impetuosity, On the other hand, the Numidian cavalry began to surround our men, and charge them in the rear. When the cohorts advanced against them, they fell back, and by the quickness of their retreat, eluded the charge, but immediately returning, they got behind our men, and cut them off from the rest of the army. Thus it was equally dangerous for them to maintain their ranks, or advance to battle. The enemy’s forces increased continually, by the reinforcements sent from the king; ours, on the contrary, were disabled by fatigue. Neither could our wounded men retire, or be sent to any place of safety, the whole army being invested by the enemy’s horse. These despairing of safety, as is usual for men in the last moments of life, either lamented their own fate, or recommended their relations to their fellow-soldiers, if any should be so fortunate as to escape that danger. The whole army was filled with consternation and grief.

Curio perceiving the general alarm, and that neither his exhortations nor prayers were regarded, ordered the troops to retire with the standards to the nearest mountains, as the only resource in the present exigence. But the cavalry detached by Sabura had already seized them. All hope being now lost, some were slain while endeavouring to fly; others threw themselves upon the ground, partly in despair, partly unable to make any efforts for their own safety. At this moment, Cn. Domitius, who commanded the horse, addressing Curio, encavalry that remained, promising not to abandon him. Can I, says Curio, look Caesar in the face, after having lost an army he had committed to my charge? So saying, he continued fighting till he was slain. Very few of the cavalry escaped, those only excepted who had stopped to refresh their horses; for perceiving at a distance the rout of the whole army, they returned to their camp. All the infantry were slain to a man.

When this disaster was known, M. Rufus the questor, whom Curio had left to guard the camp, entreated his men not to lose courage. They begged and requested him to reconduct them into Sicily ; which he promised, and ordered the masters of the transports to have their ships in readiness at night along the shore. But fear had so universally seized the minds of the soldiers, that some cried out Juba was arrived with his troops; some that Varus approached with the legions, the dust of whose march they pretended to discern; and others, that the enemy’s fleet would be upon them in an instant; though there was not the least ground for these reports The consternation thus becoming general, each man thought only of his own sailed immediately, and their flight drew after it that of the transports; so that only a very few small frigates obeyed the summons, and came to the general rendezvous. The disorder was so great upon the shore, every one striving who should first embark, that many boats sunk under the crowd, and others were afraid to come near the land.

Thus only a few soldiers and aged men, who either through interest or compassion were received on board, or had strength enough to swim to the transports, got safe to Sicily . The rest, deputing their centurions to Varus by night, surrendered to him. Juba , coming up next day, claimed them as his property, put the greater number to the sword, and sent a few of the most considerable, whom he had selected for that purpose, into Numidia . Varus complained of this violation of his faith; but durst not make any resistance. The king made his entrance into the city on horseback, followed by a great number of senators, among whom were Servius Sulpicius, and Licinius Damasippus. Here he stayed a few days, to give what orders he thought necessary; and then returned, with all his forces, into his kingdom.

I. Caesar reserves some judgments given upon persons for bribery at elections. 
 II. He sets out for Brundusium . 
 III. Pompey’s mighty preparations for war. 
 IV. Caesar embarks and arrives at the Promontory of Ceraunium. 
 VI. His fleet returning from Brundusium is intercepted by the enemy 
 VII. M. Octavius, one of Pompey’s adherents, laying siege to Salona , is obliged, by a sudden sally of the inhabitants, to abandon his lines. 
 VIII. Caesar’s embassy to Pompey with proposals of peace. 
 IX. Caesar makes himself master of Oricum. 
 X. Also of Apollonia , and the whole country round about. 
 XI. Caesar and Pompey encamp over against each other on the banks of the river Apsus. 
 XII. Caesar’s transports sailing from Brundusium , put back immediately for fear of the enemy. 
 XIII. Pompey’s fleet reduced to great straits. 
 XIV. Conferences set on foot about a peace, which come to nothing. 
 XV. Bibulus, admiral of Pompey’s fleet, dies. 
 XVI. Pompey’s answer to Caesar’s proposals of peace. 
 XVII. The conferences about a peace renewed, but without effect. 
 XVIII. A commotion in Rome . 
 XXI. Libo, one of Pompey’s followers, blocks up the port of Brundusium with a fleet 
 XXII. But by the valour and conduct of Antony, is forced to quit his project. 
 XXIII. Antony and Kalenus transport Caesar’s troops to Greece , with wonderful good success. 
 XXVII. Pompey, to avoid being shut up between two armies, retires to Asparagium. 
 XXVIII. Scipio, a partizan of Pompey, behaves very tyrannically in Asia . 
 XXIX. The motions of Caesar’s lieutenants in Thesally, Aetolia , and Macedonia . 
 XXXIV. Young Pompey burns Caesar’s fleet in the port of Oricum. 
 XXXV. Caesar cuts off Pompey’s communication with Dyrrhachium . 
 XXXVI. And besieges him in his camp. 
 XXXIX. Many attempts and dispositions on both sides, with various turns of fortune. 
 XL. Caesar’s troops, distressed for want of corn, make bread of a certain root. 
 XLIII. Pompey repulsed in a sally. 
 XLVII. Kalenus, one of Caesar’s lieutenants, possesses himself of several towns in Achaia . 
 XLVIII. Caesar offers Pompey battle. 
 XLIX. Another embassy, with proposals of peace, which are rejected. 
 L. Pompey distressed for want of forage, resolves to break through Caesar’s lines. 
 LI. Roscillus and Aegus, disgusted at some check they had received from Caesar, revolt to Pompey. 
 LII. Pompey breaks through Caesar’s lines, after making great slaughter of his troops. 
 LXI. Caesar desists from the design of inclosing Pompey, and makes a speech to his men. 
 LXII. Caesar retires to Asparagium, and is followed by Pompey. 
 LXV. Thence to Apollonia . 
 LXVII. And then to Gomphi, a town of Thessaly , which, refusing to open its gates, is taken by assault the first day. 
 LXVIII. Metropolis submits, and their example is followed by other Thessalian states. 
 LXIX. Pompey arrives in Thessaly , elated with his success, and confident of victory. 
 LXX. Caesar resolves to give battle. His resolution with respect to his cavalry. 
 LXXII. Pompey likewise resolves to give battle, and boasts of an assured victory. 
 LXXIII. The disposition of Pompey’s army. 
 LXXIV. The disposition of Caesar’s. 
 LXXV. Caesar’s speech to his soldiers. 
 LXXVI. The battle of Pharsalia, in which Caesar obtains a complete victory. 
 LXXVII. Caesar makes himself master of Pompey’s camp. 
 LXXVIII. Where he finds great riches. 
 LXXIX. Pompey’s flight. 
 LXXX. Caesar pursues Pompey’s troops, and obliges them to surrender. 
 LXXXI. The number of men killed on each side. 
 LXXXII. Meanwhile, Laelius, a follower of Pompey, blocks up the port of Brundusium with a fleet. 
 LXXXIII. And Cassius burns some ships in Sicily belonging to Caesar. 
 LXXXIV. Caesar pursues Pompey. 
 LXXXV. Pompey flying to Pelusium is murdered there by some of king Ptolemy’s court. 
 LXXXVI. Some prodigies that happened on the day of Caesar’s victory. 
 LXXXVII. Caesar pursuing Pompey to Alexandria , hears there the news of his death. 
 LXXXVIII. And is unexpectedly entangled in a new war.

Caesar, as dictator, holding the Comitia, Julius Caesar, and P. Servilius, were chosen consuls; for this was the year in which he could be elected to that magistracy, consistent with the laws. This affair being despatched, as Caesar saw public credit at a stand over all Italy , because nobody paid their debts; he ordered that arbiters should be chosen, who should make an estimate of the possessions of all debtors, and should convey them in payment to their creditors, at the price they bore before the war. This regulation he thought best calculated to restore public credit, and prevent the apprehension of a general abolition of debts, which is but too common a consequence of wars and civil dissensions. At the same time, in consequence of an address to the people, he reestablished the praetors and tribunes, who had been deprived upon a charge of bribery, at a time when Pompey awed the city by his legions. These decisions were so little conformable to law, that sentence was often pronounced by a party of judges different from those who attended the pleadings. As these had made him an offer of their service in the beginning of the war, he accounted the obligation the same as if he had actually accepted of their friendship; but thought it better their restoration should seem to flow from the people, than appear a mere act of bounty in him, that he might neither be charged with ingratitude to his followers, nor accused of invading the prerogatives of the people.

All this business, with the celebration of the Latin festivals, and the holding of the comitia for elections, took him up eleven days, at the end of which he abdicated the dictatorship, and immediately set out from Rome , in order to reach Brundusium , where he had ordered twelve legions, with all the cavalry, to rendezvous. But he had scarce ships to carry over twenty thousand legionary soldiers, and six hundred horse, which alone hindered him from putting a speedy end to the war. Besides, the legions were considerably weakened by their many losses in the Gallic war, and the long and painful march from Spain ; and an unhealthful autumn in Apulia , and about Brundusium , with the change of so fine a climate as that of Gaul and Spain , had brought a general sickness among the troops.

Pompey having had a whole year to complete his preparations, undisturbed by wars, and free from the interruption of an enemy, had collected a mighty fleet from Asia the Cyclades , Corcyra , Athens , Pontus , Bithynia , Syria , Cilicia , Phoenicia , and Eygpt, and had given orders for the building of ships in all parts. He had exacted great sums from the people of Asia and Syria ; from the kings, tetrarchs, and dynasties of those parts; from the free states of Achaia , and from the corporations of the provinces subject to his command.

He had raised nine legions of Roman citizens; five he had brought with him from Italy ; one had been sent him from Sicily , consisting wholly of veterans, and called Gemella, because composed of two; another from Crete and Macedonia , of veteran soldiers likewise, who, having been disbanded by former generals, had settled in those parts; and two more from Asia , levied by the care of LenC iESA tulus. Besides all these, he had great numbers from Thessaly , Boeotia , Achaia , and Epirus ; whom, together with Antony’s soldiers, he distributed among the legions by way of recruits. He expected also two legions that Metellus Scipio was to bring out of Syria . He had three thousand archers, drawn together from Crete , Lacedemon, Pontus , Syria , and other provinces; six cohorts of slingers; and two of mercenaries. His cavalry amounted to seven thousand; six hundred of which came from Galatia , under Dejotarus; five hundred from Cappadocia , under Ariobarzanes; and the like number had been sent him out of Thrace , by Cotus, with his son Sadalis at their head. Two hundred were from Macedonia , commanded by Bascipolis, an officer of great distinction; five hundred from Alexandria , consisting of Gauls and Germans, left there by A. Gabinius, to serve as a guard to king Ptolemy; and now brought over by young Pompey in his fleet, together with eight hundred of his own domestics. Tarcundarius Castor and Donilaus furnished three hundred Gallograecians: the first of these came himself in person; the latter sent his son. Two hundred, most of them archers, were sent from Syria , by Comagenus of Antioch, who lay under the greatest obligations to Pompey. There were likewise a great number of Dardanians and Bessians, partly volunteers, partly mercenaries; with others from Macedonia , Thessaly , and the adjoining states and provinces; who altogether made up the number mentioned above.

To subsist this mighty army, he had taken care to amass vast quantities of corn from Thessaly , Asia , Egypt , Crete , Cyrene , and other countries; resolving to quarter his troops, during the winter, at Dyrrhachium , Apollonia , and the other maritime towns, to prevent Caesar’s passing the sea; for which purpose, he ordered his fleet to cruise perpetually about the coasts. Young Pompey commanded the Egyptian squadron ; D. Lalius and C. Triarius the Asiatic; C. Cassius the Syrian; C. Marcellus and C. Coponius the Rhodian; Scribonius Libo and M. Octavius the Liburnian and Achaian: but the chief authority was vested in M. Bibulus, who was admiral of the whole, and gave his orders accordingly.

Caesar, upon his arrival at Brundusium , harangued his troops, and told them: That as they were now upon the point of seeing an end of all their toils and dangers, they ought baggage behind them in Italy , that they might embark with less confusion, and in greater numbers; putting all their hopes in victory, and the generosity of their general. The whole army testified their approbation of what was proposed, and called out that they were ready to submit to his orders. Accordingly having put seven legions on board, as we have before observed, he set sail the fourth of January, and arrived next day at the Ceraunian mountains: where, having found, among the rocks and shelves, with which that coast abounds, a tolerable road; and not daring to go to any port, as he apprehended they were all in the enemy’s possession; he landed his troops at a place called Pharsalus , whither he brought his fleet, without the loss of a single ship.

Lucretius Vespillo and Minucius Rufus were at Oricum, with eighteen Asiatic ships: and Bibulus had a hundred and ten at Corcyra . But the first durst not hazard an engagement, though Caesar was escorted by no more than twelve galleys, only four of which had decks: and Bibulus had not time to reassemble his sailors and soldiers, who were dispersed in full security; for no news of Caesar’s approach had reached those parts, till his fleet was seen from the continent.

Caesar having landed his troops, sent the fleet back the same night to Brundusium , to bring over his other legions and cavalry. Fufius Kalenus, lieutenant-general, had the charge of this expedition, with orders to use the utmost despatch. But setting sail too late, he lost the benefit of the wind, which offered fair all night, and fell in with the enemy. For Bibulus hearing at Corcyra of Caesar’s arrival, forthwith put to sea, in hopes of intercepting some of the transports; and meeting the fleet as it returned empty, took about thirty ships, which he immediately burned, with all that were on board; partly to satisfy his own vengeance for the disappointment he had received; partly to deter the rest of the troops from attempting the passage. He then stationed his fleet along the coast, from Salona to Oricum, guarded all places with extraordinary care, and even lay himself aboard, notwithstanding the rigour of the winter; declining no danger nor fatigue, and solely intent upon intercepting Caesar’s supplies.

After the departure of the Liburnian his command, sailed from Illyricum , and came before Salona . Having spirited up the Dalmatians, and other barbarous nations in those parts, he drew Issa to revolt from Caesar. But finding that the council of Salona was neither to be moved by promises nor threats, he resolved to invest the town. Salona is built upon a hill, and advantageously situated for defence; but as the fortifications were very inconsiderable, the Roman citizens, residing there, immediately surrounded the place with wooden towers; and finding themselves too few to resist the attacks of the enemy, who soon overwhelmed them with wounds, betook themselves to their last refuge, by granting liberty to all slaves capable of bearing arms, and cutting off the women’s hair, to make cords for their engines. Octavius perceiving their obstinacy, formed five different camps round the town, that they might at once suffer all the inconveniences of a siege, and be exposed to frequent attacks. The Salonians, determined to endure any thing, found themselves most pressed for want of corn; and therefore sent deputies to Caesar to solicit a supply, patiently submitting to all the other hardships they laboured under. When the siege had now continued a considerable time, and the Octavians began to be off their guard, the Salonians, finding the opportunity favourable, about noon, when the enemy were dispersed, disposed their wives and children upon the walls, that every thing might have its wonted appearance; and sallying in a body with their enfranchised slaves, attacked the nearest quarters of Octavius. Having soon forced these, they advanced to the next; thence to a third, a fourth, and so on through the rest; till having driven the enemy from every post, and made great slaughter of their men, they at length compelled them, and Octavius their leader, to betake themselves to their ships. Such was the issue of the siege. As winter now approached, and the loss had been very considerable; Octavius, despairing to reduce the place, retired to Dyrrhachium , and joined Pompey.

We have seen that L. Vibullius Rufus, Pompey’s chief engineer, had fallen twice into Caesar’s hands, and been as often set at liberty; the first time at Corfinium , the next in Spain . Having been therefore twice indebted to him for his life, and being also much in Pompey’s esteem, Caesar thought him a proper person to negotiate between them. His instructions were; That it was now time for both to desist from their obstinacy, and lay down their arms, without exposing themselves any more to the precarious events of fortune. That the losses they had already sustained ought to serve as lessons and cautions, and fill them with just apprehensions with regard to the future. That Pompey had been forced to abandon Italy , had lost Sicily and Sardinia , the two Spains, with about a hundred and thirty cohorts of Roman citizens, who had perished in these countries. That himself too had been a considerable sufferer by the death of Curio, the destruction of the African army, and the surrender of his forces at Corcyra . That it was therefore incumbent on them to show some regard to the sinking state of the commonwealth, having sufficiently experienced, by their own misfortunes, how prevalent fortune was in war. That the present moment was the most favourable in this respect; because, not having yet tried one another’s strength, and considering them as equals, there would be more likelihood of agreeing on terms: whereas, if one of them once got the superiority, he would exact every thing from the other, and give up nothing. That as hitherto they had been unable to settle the conditions of peace, they ought to refer them to the decision of the senate and people of Rome ; and, in the meantime, to obtain a free and unbiassed judgment, both swear to disband their armies in three days' time. That when they were once divested of their national and auxiliary forces, in which their whole confidence lay, they would find themselves under a necessity of submitting to the decree of the senate and people. In fine, that to give Pompey a proof of his readiness to perform these proposals, he would give immediate orders for the discharge of all his forces, both in garrison and in the field.

Vibullius having received these instructions, thought it necessary to give Pompey speedy notice of Caesar’s arrival, that he might be provided against that event, before he laid open the commission he was charged with. Accordingly, journeying day and night, and frequently changing horses, for the greater expedition, he at length got to Pompey, and informed him that Caesar was approaching with all his forces. Pompey was at that time in Candavia, from whence he was marching through Macedonia , to his winter quarters at Apollonia and Dyrrhachium . Concerned at this unexpected news, he hastened his march to Apollonia , to prevent Caesar’s making himself master of the sea-coasts. Meanwhile Caesar, having landed his forces, marched the same day to Oricum. Upon his arrival there, L. Torquatus, who commanded in the town for Pompey, with a garrison of Parthinians, ordered the gates to be shut, and the Greeks to repair to their arms, and man the walls. But they refusing to fight against the authority of the people of Rome , and the inhabitants, of their own accord, endeavouring to admit Caesar, Torquatus, despairing of relief, opened the gates, and surrendered both himself and the town to Caesar, who readily granted him his life.

Caesar having made himself master of Oricum, marched directly to Apollonia . Upon the report of his arrival, L. Staberius, who commanded in the place, ordered water to be carried into the castle, fortified it with great care, and demanded hostages of the townsmen. They refused to comply; declaring they would not shut their gates against the consul of the Roman people, nor presume to act in contradiction to the judgment of the senate, and of all Italy . Staberius finding it in vain to resist, privately left the place; upon which, the Apollonians sent deputies to Caesar, and received him into the town. Bullidenses, Amantiani, with the rest of the neighbouring countries, and all Epirus , followed their example; acquainting Caesar, by their ambassadors, that they were ready to execute his commands.

Meanwhile Pompey, having notice of what passed at Oricum and Apollonia , and being apprehensive for Dyrrhachium , marched day and night to reach the place. At the same time it was reported that Caesar was not far off; which meeting with the more credit, because of their hasty march, put the whole army into such consternation, that many abandoning their colours in Epirus and the neighbouring states, and others throwing down their arms, every thing had the appearance of a precipitate flight. But upon Pompey’s halting near Dyrrhachium , and ordering a camp to be formed; as the army had not even then recovered its fright, Labienus advanced before the rest, and swore never to abandon his genshould assign him. The other lieutenants did the same, as likewise the military tribunes and centurions, whose example was followed by the whole army. Caesar, finding that he was prevented in his design upon Dyrrhachium , pursued his march more leisurely, and encamped on the river Apsus, in the territories of the Apollonians; that he might protect the possessions of a state, which had so warmly declared in his favour. Here he resolved to pass the winter in tents, and wait the arrival of the rest of his legions out of Italy . Pompey did the like, and having encamped on the other side of the Apsus, assembled there all his legions and auxiliaries.

Kalenus having embarked the legions and cavalry at Brundusium , according to the instructions he had received, put to sea with his whole fleet; but had not sailed very far till he was met by letters from Caesar, informing him that all the Grecian coasts were guarded by the enemy’s fleet. Upon this, he recalled his ships, and returned again into the harbour. Only one continued its route, which carried no soldiers, nor was subject to the orders of Kalenus, but belonged to a private commander. This vessel arriving before Oricum, fell into the hands of Bibulus, who, not sparing the very children, put all on board to death, both freemen and slaves. So much did the safety of the whole army depend upon a single moment.

Bibulus, as we have related above, lay at Oricum, with his fleet; and as he deprived Caesar of all supplies by sea, so was he, in like manner, greatly incommoded by Caesar at land; who, having disposed parties along the coast, hindered him from getting water or wood, or coming near the shore. This was attended with many inconveniences, and threw him into great straits; insomuch that he was obliged to fetch all his other necessaries, as well as wood and water, from the island of Corcyra ; and once, when foul weather prevented his receiving refreshments from thence, the soldiers were necessitated, for want of water, to collect the dew, which, in the night, fell on the hides that covered their ships. Yet he bore all these difficulties with surprising firmness, and continued resolute in his design of not unguarding the coast. But at last, being reduced to the above-mentioned extremity, and Libo having joined him, they called from two of Caesar’s lieutenants, one of whom guarded the walls of Oricum, and the other the sea-coasts; that they wanted to confer with Caesar about affairs of the greatest consequence, if they could but have an opportunity. To gain the more credit, they let fall some expressions that seemed to promise accommodation; and in the meanwhile demanded and obtained a truce; for Marcus and Acilius believing their proposals to be serious, knew how extremely grateful they would be to Caesar, and doubted not but Vibullius had succeeded in his negotiation.

Caesar was then at Buthrotum , a town over against Corcyra ; whither he was gone, with one legion, to reduce some of the more distant states, and supply himself with corn, which then began to be scarce. Here, receiving letters from Acilius and Marcus, with an account of Libo and Bibulus’s demands, he left the legion, and returned to Oricum. Upon his arrival, he invited them to a conference. Libo appeared, and made an apology for Bibulus: That being naturally hasty, and bearing a personal grudge to Caesar, contracted during the time of his edileship and questorship, he had, for that reason, declined the interview; to prevent any obstructions from his presence to the success of so desirable and advantageous a design: that Pompey was, and ever had been inclined to lay down his arms, and terminate their differences by an accommodation; but as yet had not sent him sufficient powers to treat; which, however, he doubted not soon to receive, as the council had intrusted him with the whole administration of the war: that if he would therefore make known his demands, they would send them to Pompey, who would soon come to a resolution upon their representations. In the meantime, the truce might continue, and both parties abstain from acts of hostility, till an answer could be obtained. He added something about the justice of their cause, and their forces, both natural and auxiliary;

to which Caesar neither at that time returned any answer, nor do we now think it of importance enough to be transmitted to posterity. Caesar’s demands were: That he might have leave to send ambassadors to Pompey; and that they would either stipulate for their return, or undertake themselves to convey them in safety: that with regard to the truce; such were the fleet kept back his supplies and transports, and his forces deprived them of water and access to the shore. If they expected any abatement on his side, they must likewise abate in guarding the coast; but if they still persisted in their former vigilance, neither would he yield in what depended on him: that, notwithstanding, the accommodation might go forward without any obstruction from this mutual denial. Libo declined receiving Caesar’s ambassadors, or undertaking for their safe return, and chose to refer the whole matter to Pompey; yet insisted on the truce. Caesar perceiving, that the only aim of the enemy was to extricate themselves out of their present straits and danger, and that it was in vain to entertain any hopes of peace, turned all his thoughts to the vigorous prosecution of the war.

Bibulus having kept at sea for many days, and contracted a dangerous illness by the cold and perpetual fatigue, as he could neither have proper assistance on board, nor would be prevailed upon to quit his post, he at last sunk under the weight of his distemper. After his death, nobody succeeded in the command of the whole fleet; but each squadron was governed, independently of the rest, by its particular commander. 
 When the surprise occasioned by Caesar’s sudden arrival was over, Vibullius, in presence of Libo , L. Lucceius, and Theophanes, who were among Pompey’s most intimate counsellors, resolved to deliver the commission he had received from Caesar. But scarce had he begun to speak, when Pompey interrupted him, and ordered him to proceed no further. What, says he, is my life or country to me, if I shall seem to be beholden to Caesar for them? And will it be believed that I am not indebted to him for them, if he, by an accommodation, restores me to Italy ? Caesar was informed of this speech, after the conclusion of the war, by those who were present when it was delivered: he still continued, however, by other methods, to try to bring about an accommodation.

As the two camps were only separated by the river Apsus, the soldiers had frequent discourse among themselves; and it was settled by mutual consent, that no act of hostility should pass during the conferences. Caesar taking advantage of this opportunity, sent P. Vatinius, one of his lieutenants, to forward to the utmost an accommodation; and to demand frequently with a loud voice, Whether it might not be permitted to citizens, to send deputies to their fellow citizens about peace: that this had never been denied even to fugitives and robbers, and could much less be opposed, when the only design was to prevent the effusion of civil blood. This and much more he said, with a submissive air, as became one employed to treat for his own and the common safety. He was heard with great silence by both parties, and received this answer from the enemy: That A. Varro had declared he would next day appear at an interview, whither the deputies of both parties might come in perfect security, and mutually make known their demands. The hour of meeting was likewise settled; which being come, multitudes on both sides flocked to the place; the greatest expectations were formed; and the minds of all seemed intent upon peace. T. Labienus, advancing from the crowd, began in a low voice to confer with Vatinius, as if to settle the articles of the treaty. But their discourse was soon interrupted by a multitude of darts that came pouring in on all sides. Vatinius escaped the danger, by means of the soldiers, who protected him with their shields; but Cornelius Balbus, M. Plotius, L. Tiburtus, centurions, and some private men, were wounded. Labienus then lifted up his voice, and cried: Leave off prating of an accommodation; for you must not expect peace, till you bring us Caesar’s head.

About the same time, M. Caelius Rufus, pretor at Rome for foreign affairs, having undertaken the cause of the debtors, on his entrance into his office, ordered his tribunal to be fixed near that of the city pretor, C. Trebonius, and promised to receive the complaints of such as should appeal to him, in regard to the estimation and payments, made in consequence of Caesar’s late regulation. But such was the equity of the decree, and the humanity of Trebonius, who, in so nice and critical an affair, thought it necessary to conduct himself with the utmost clemency and moderation, that no pretence of appeal could be found. For to plead poverty, personal losses, the hardness of the times, and the difficulty of bringing their effects to sale, is usual enough even with reasonable minds: but to own themselves indebted, and yet aim at keeping their possessions entire, would have argued a total want both of honesty and shame. Accordingly not a man was found who had made any such demand. Caelius’s whole severity, therefore, was pointed against those, to whom the inheritance of the debtor was adjudged; and having once embarked in the affair, that he might not seem to have engaged himself to no purpose in an unjustifiable cause, he published a law, by which he allowed the debtors six years for the discharge of their debts, wihch they were to clear at equal payments, without interest.

But the consul Servilius, and the rest of the magistrates opposing the law, when he found it had not the effect he expected, he thought proper to drop that design; and in the view of inflaming the people, proposed two new laws; the one, to exempt all the tenants in Rome from paying rents; the other, for a general abolition of debts. This bait took with themultitude, and Caelius at their head, came and attacked C. Trebonius on his tribunal, drove him thence, and wounded some about him. The consul Servilius reported these things to the senate, who interdicted to Caelius the functions of his office. In consequence of this decree, the consul refused him admittance into the senate, and drive him out of his tribunal, when he was going to harangue the people. Overwhelmed with shame and resentment, he openly threatened to carry his complaints to Caesar; but privately gave notice to Milo, who had been banished for the murder of Clodius, to come into Italy , and join him with the remains of the gladiators, which he bought formerly to entertain the people with, in the shows he gave them. With this view he sent him before to Turinum, to solicit the shepherds to take arms, and went himself to Casilinum : where hearing that his arms and ensigns had been seized at Capua , his partisans at Naples , and their design of betraying the city discovered; finding all his projects defeated, the gates of Capua shut against him, and the danger increased every moment, because the citizens had taken arms, and began to consider him as a public enemy; he desisted from the project he had formed, and thought proper to change his rout.

In the meantime Milo , having despatched letters to all the colonies and free towns, intimating that what he did was in virtue of Pompey’s authority, who had sent him orders by Bibulus, endeavored to draw over the debtors to his party. But not succeeding in his design, he contented himself with setting some slaves at liberty, and with them marched to besiege Cosa , in the territory of Turinum. Q. Paedius the pretor, with a garrison of one legion, commanded in the town: and here Milo was slain by a stone from a machine on the walls. Caelius giving out that he was gone to Caesar, came to Thurium , where endeavouring to debauch the inhabitants, and corrupt by promises of money the Spanish and Gaulish horse, whom Caesar had sent thither to garrison the place, they slew him. Thus these dangerous beginnings, that by reason of the multiplicity of affairs wherewith the magistrates were distracted, and the ticklish situation of the times, threatened great revolutions, and alarmed all Italy , were brought to a safe and speedy issue.

Libo leaving Oricum, with the fleet under his command, consisting of fifty sail, came to Brundusium , and possessed himself of an island directly facing the harbour, judging it of more consequence to secure a post, by which our transports must necessarily pass, than guard all the coasts and havens on the other side. As his arrival was unexpected, he surprised and burned some transports, and carried off a vessel loaded with corn. The consternation was great among our men, insomuch that having landed some foot, with a party of archers, in the night, he defeated our guard of cavalry, and had so far the advantage, by the commodiousness of his post, that he wrote Pompey word, he might draw the rest of the navy on shore, and order them to be careened; for he alone, with his squadron, would undertake to cut off Caesar’s supplies.

Antony was then at Brundusium , who confiding in the valour of the troops, ordered some boats belonging to the fleet to be armed with hurdles and galleries, and having filled them with chosen troops, disposed them in several places along the shore. At the same time, he sent two three-benched galleys, which he had caused to be built at Brundusium , to the mouth of the harbour, as if with design to exercise the rowers. Libo perceiving them advance boldly, and hoping he might be able to intercept them, detached five quadriremes for that purpose. At their approach, our men rowed towards the harbour, whither the enemy, eager of the pursuit, inconsiderately followed them; for now Antony’s armed boats, upon a signal given, came pouring upon them from all parts, and on the very first onset took a quadrireme, with all the soldiers and sailors on board, and forced the rest to an ignominious flight. To add to this disgrace, the cavalry, which Antony had posted ail along the coast, hindered the enemy from watering; which reduced them to such straits that Libo was forced to quit the blockade or Brundusium , and retire with his fleet.

Several months had now passed; the winter was almost over; meantime, neither the ships nor legions were yet arrived, which Caesar expected from Brundusium . He could not help thinking that some opportunities had been lost, as it was certain the wind had many times offered fair, and there was a necessity of trusting to it at last. The longer the delay in sending over the troops, the more vigilant and alert were the enemy in guarding the coast, and the greater their confidence to hinder the passage; nay, Pompey, in his letters, frequently reproached them, that as they had not prevented the first embarkation, they ought at least to take care that no more of the troops got over; and the season itself was becoming less favourable, by the approach of milder weather, when the enemy’s fleet would be able to act and extend itself. For these reasons, Caesar wrote sharply to his lieutenants at Brundusium , charging them not to omit the first opportunity of sailing, as soon as the wind offered fair, and to steer for the coast of Apollonia , which they could approach with less danger, as it was not so strictly guarded by the enemy, who were afraid of venturing on a coast so ill provided with havens.

The lieutenants, roused and emboldened by these letters, and encouraged by the exhortations of the troops themselves, who professed they were ready to face any danger for Caesar’s sake, embarked under the direction of M. Antony and Fufius Kalenus, and setting sail with the wind at south, passed Apollonia and Dyrrhachium next day. Being descried from the continent, C. Coponius, who commanded the Rhodian squadron at Dyrrhachium , put out to sea, and the wind slackening upon our fleet, it was near falling into the hands of the enemy; but a fresh gale springing up at south, saved us from that danger. Coponius however desisted not from the pursuit, hoping by the labour and perseverance of the mariners, to surmount the violence of the tempest; and though we had passed Dyrrhachium with a very hard gale, still continued to follow us. Our men, apprehensive of an attack, should the wind again chance to slacken, seized an advantage fortune threw in their way, and put into the port of Nyphaeum, about three miles beyond Lissus . This port is sheltered from the south-west wind, but lies open to the south; but,they preferred the hazard they might be exposed to by the tempest, to that of fighting. At that instant, by an unusual piece of good fortune, the wind, which for two days had blown from the south, changed to the south west. This was a sudden and favourable turn: for the fleet so lately in danger from the enemy, was sheltered in a safe commodious port; and that whichthreatened ours with destruction, was in its turn exposed to the utmost peril.

By this unexpected change, the storm, which protected our fleet, beat so furiously on the Rhodian galleys, that they were all, to the number of sixteen, broken to pieces against the shore. Most of the soldiers and mariners perished among the rocks: the rest were taken up by our men, and sent by Caesar’s orders to their several homes.

Two of our transports, unable to keep up with the rest, were overtaken by the night: and not knowing where the fleet had put in, cast anchor over against Lissus . Otacilius Crassus, who commanded in the place, sent out some boats and small vessels to attack them: at the same time he urged them to surrender, promising quarter to such as would submit. One of these vessels carried two hundred and twenty new-raised soldiers; the other less than two hundred veterans. On this occasion appeared, how great a defence against danger results from firmness of mind. The new levies, frighted at the number of their adversaries, and fatigued with sea-sickness, surrendered on promise of their lives. But when they were brought to Otacilius, regardless of the oath he had taken, he ordered them all to be cruelly slain in his presence. The veterans, on the contrary, though they hadboth the storm and a leaky vessel to struggle with, abated nothing of their wonted bravery: but having spun out the time till night under pretence of treating, obliged the pilot to run the vessel ashore, where finding an advantageous post, they continuedthe remainder of the night. At day-break, Otacilius detached against them part of the coast, and pursued them sword in hand; but they defendedthemselves with great bravery, and having slain some of the enemy, rejoined, without loss, the rest of the troops.

Upon this the Roman citizens inhabiting Lissus , to whom Caesar had before made a grant of the town, after fortifying it with great care, opened their gates to Antony, and furnished him with every thing he stood in need of. Otacilius, dreading the consequences of this revolution, quitted the place, and fled to Pompey. Antony having landed his troops, which consisted of three veteran legions, one new raised, and eight hundred horse, sent most of the transports back again to Brundusium , to bring over the rest of the foot and cavalry; retaining, nevertheless, some ships of Gaulish structure, that if Pompey, imagining Italy destitute of troops, should attempt to run thither, as was commonly rumoured, Caesar might be able to follow him. At the same time he gave Caesar speedy notice of the number of forces he had brought over with him, and the place where he had landed.

This intelligence reached Caesar and Pompey much about the same time; for both had seen the fleet pass Apollonia and Dyrrhachium , and had in consequence directed their march that way; but neither knew, for some days, into what harbour it had put. On the first news of Antony’s landing, the two generals took different resolutions; Caesar, to join him as soon as possible; Pompey, to oppose his march, and, if possible, draw him into an ambuscade. Both quitted their camps on the Apsus about the same time; Pompey, privately, during the night; Caesar, publicly, by day. But Caesar, who had the river to cross, was obliged to fetch a compass, that he might come at a ford. Pompey, on the other hand, having nothing to obstruct his march, advanced by great journeys against Antony; and, understanding that he was not far off, posted his troops on an advantageous ground, ordering them to keep within their camp, and light no fires, that his approach might not be perceived. But Antony being informed of it by the Greeks, would not stir out of his lines, and sending immediate notice to Caesar, was joined by him next day. On advice of Caesar’s arrival, Pompey, that he might not be shut up between two armies, quitted the place, and coming with all his forces to Asparagium, a town belonging to the Dyrrhachians, encamped there on an advantageous ground.

About the same time Scipio, notwithstanding some checks he had received near Mount Amanus, assumed the title of emperor; after which he exacted great sums of money from the neighbouring states and princes; obliged the farmers of the revenue to pay the two years' taxes, which lay in their hands, and advance a third by way of loan, and sent orders to the whole province; for levying cavalry. Having got a sufficient number together, he quitted the Parthians, his nearest enemies who not long before had slain M. Crassus, and held Bibulus invested; and marched out of Syria with his legions and cavalry. When he arrived in Asia Minor , he found the whole country filled with terror on account of the Parthian war; and the soldiers themselves declared, that they were ready to march against an enemy, but would never bear arms against a consul, and their fellow-citizens. To stifle these discontents, he made considerable presents to the troops, quartered them in Pergamus and other rich towns, and gave up the whole country to their discretion.

Meanwhile the money demanded of the province was levied with great rigour, and various pretences were devised, to serve as a ground to new exactions. Slaves and freemen were subject to a capitation tax. Imposts were laid upon pillars and doors of houses. Corn, soldiers, mariners, arms, engines, carriages, in a word, every thing that had a name, furnished a sufficient handle for extorting money. Governors were appointed not only over towns, but over villages and castles; and he that acted with the greatest rigour and cruelty, was accounted the worthiest man and best citizen. The province swarmed with lictors, overseers, and collectors, who, besides the sums imposed by public authority exacted money likewise on their own account, colouring their iniquitous demands with a pretence that they had been expelled their country and native homes, and were in extreme want of every thing. Add to all these calamities, immoderate usury, an evil almost inseparable from war; for so great sums are then exacted, beyond what a country is able to furnish, they are obliged to apply for a delay, which at any price is still accounted a favour. Thus the debts of the province increased considerably during these two years. Nor were the Roman citizens the only sufferers on this occasion; for certain sums were demanded of every state and corporation, as a loan upon the senate’s decree; and the farmers of the revenue were ordered to advance the next year’s tribute, in like manner as when they first entered upon office.

Besides all this, Scipio gave orders for seizing the treasures of the temple of Diana at Ephesus , with all the statues of that goddess. But when he came to the temple, attended by many persons of senatorian rank, he received letters from Pompey, desiring him to lay aside all other concerns, and make what haste he could to join him, because Caesar had passed into Greece with his whole army. In consequence of this order, he sent back the senators who had been summoned to attend him at Ephesus , made preparations for passing into Macedonia , and began his march a few days after. Thus the Ephesian treasures escaped being plundered.

Caesar having joined Antony’s army, and recalled the legion he had left at Oricum to guard the sea-coast, judged it necessary to advance farther into the country, and possess himself of the more distant provinces. At the same time,deputies arrived from Thessaly and Aetolia with assurances of submission from all the states in those parts, provided he would send troops to defend them. Accordingly he despatched L. Cassius Longinus, with a legion of new levies, called the twenty-seventh, and two hundred horse, into Thessaly ; and C. Calvissius Sabinus, with five cohorts, and some cavalry, into Aetolia ; charging them in a particular manner, as those provinces lay the nearest to his camp, that they would take care to furnish him with corn. He likewise ordered Cn. Domitius Calvinus, with the eleventh and twelfth legions, and five hundred horse, to march into Macedonia : for Menedemus, the principal man of that country, having come ambassador to Caesar, had assured him of the affection of the province.

Calvisius was well received by the Aetolians, and having driven the enemy’s garrisons from Calydon and Naupactum, possessed himself of the whole country. Cassius arriving in Thessaly with his legion, found the state divided into two factions. Egesaretus, a man in years, and of established credii, favoured Pompey; Petreius, a young nobleman of the first rank, exerted his whole interest in behalf of Caesar.

About the same time Domitius arrived in Macedonia ; and while deputies were attending him from all parts, news came that Scipio approached with his legions, which spread a great alarm through the country; as fame, for the most part, magnifies the first appearances of things. Scipio, without stopping any where in Macedonia , advanced by great marches towards Domitius; but being come within twenty miles of him, suddenly changed his route, and turned off to Thessaly , in quest of Cassius Longinus. This was done so expeditiously, that he was actually arrived with his troops, when Cassius received the first notice of his march: for to make the more despatch, he had left M. Favonius at the river Haliacmon, which separates Macedonia from Thessaly , with eight cohorts, to guard the baggage of the legions, and ordered him to erect a fort there. At the same time, king Cotus’s cavalry, which had been accustomed to make inroads into Thessaly , came pouring upon Cassius’s camp; who, knowing that Scipio was upon his march, and believing the cavalry to be his, retired in a fright to the mountains that begirt Thessaly , and thence directed his course towards Ambracia . Scipio preparing to follow him, received letters from M. Favonius, that Domitius was coming up with his legions, nor would it be possible for him to maintain the post he was in, without his assistance. Scipio, upon his intelligence, changed his resolution, gave over the pursuit of Cassius, and advanced to the relief of Favonius. As he marched day and night without intermission, he arrived so opportunely, that the dust of Domitius’s army, and his advanced parties, were descried at the same time. Thus Domitius’s care preserved Cassius, and Scipio’s diligence Favonius.

Scipio continued two days in his camp upon the Haliacmon, which ran between him and the army of Domitius, put his troops in motion on the third, and by day-break forded the river. Early next morning he drew up his troops in order of battle at the head of his camp. Domitius was not averse to an engagement; but as between the two camps there was a plain of six miles, he thought that the fittest place for a field of battle, and drew up his men at some distance from Scipost; yet hardly could Domitius restrain his men from advancing to attack him though a rivulet with steep banks, that ran in the front of the enemy’s camp, and opposed their passage. Scipio observing the keenness and alacrity of our troops, and fearing that next day he should either be forced to fight against his will, or ignominiously keep within his camp; after great expectations raised, by too hastily crossting the river, he saw all his projects defeated; and decamping in great silence during the night, returned to his former station, beyond the Haliacmon, and posted himself on a rising ground, near the river. A few days after, he formed an ambuscade, of cavalry, by night, in a place where our men were wont to forage: and when Q. Varus, who commanded the horse under Domitius, came next day, according to custom; suddenly the enemy rose from their lurking holes: but our men bravely sustained the attack, soon recovered their ranks, and in their turn vigorously charged the enemy. About fourscore fell on this occasion; the rest betook themselves to flight; and our men returned to their camp, with the loss of only two of their number.

After this rencounter, Domitius, hoping to draw Scipio to a battle, feigned to decamp for want of provisions; and having made the usual signal for retreating, after a march of three miles, drew up his cavalry and legions in a convenient plain, shrouded from the enemy’s view. Scipio, preparing to follow, sent the horse and light-armed infantry before to explore his route, and examine the situation of the country. When they were advanced a little way, and their first squadrons had come within reach of our ambush; beginning to suspect something from the neighing of the horses, they wheeled about, in order to retreat; which the troops that followed observing, suddenly halted. Our men, finding that the ambush was discovered, and knowing it would be in vain to wait for the rest of the army, fell upon the two squadrons that were most advanced. M. Opinius, general of the horse to Domitius, was amongst these, but somehow found means to escape. All the rest were either slain, or made prisoners.

Caesar having drawn off his garrisons from the sea-coast, as we have related above, left three cohorts at Oricum to defend the town, and committed to their charge the one of his lieutenants, had the command of these troops; who, for the greater security, caused the ships to be drawn up into the harbour behind the town, and made them fast to the shore. He likewise sunk a transport in the mouth of the haven, behind which another rode at anchor, on whose deck a tower was erected, facing the entrance of the port, and filled with troops, to be ready in case of surprise.

Young Pompey, who commanded the Egyptian fleet, having notice of this, came to Oricum; weighed up the vessel that had been sunk in the mouth of the harbour; and, after an obstinate resistance, took the other, which had been placed there by Acilius, to guard the haven. He then brought forward his fleet, on which he had raised towers, to fight with the greater advantage; and having surrounded the town on all sides, attacked it by land with scaling ladders, and by sea from the towers, sending fresh men continually in the place of those that were fatigued, and thereby obliging us to yield, through weariness and wounds. At the same time he seized an eminence, on the other side of the town, which seemed a kind of natural mole, and almost formed a peninsula over against Oricum; and by means of this neck of land, carried four small galleys, upon rollers, into the inner part of the haven. Thus the galleys, that were made fast to the land, and destitute of troops, being attacked on all sides, four were carried off, and the rest burned. This affair despatched, he left D. Laelius, whom he had taken from the command of the Asiatic fleet, to prevent the importation of provisions from Biblis and Amantia; and sailing for Lissus , attacked and burned the thirty transports which Antony had left in that haven. He endeavoured likewise to take the town; but the Roman citizens of that district, aided by the garrison Caesar had left, defended it so well, that at the end of three days, he retired without effecting his purpose, having lost some men in the attempt.

Caesar being informed that Pompey was at Asparagium, marched thither with his army; and having taken the capital of the Parthinians by the way, where Pompey had a garrison; arrived the third day in Macedonia , and encamped at a small distance from the enemy. The next day he drew out all his forces, formed them before his camp, and offered Pompey battle. Finding that he kept within his lines, he led back his troops, and began to think of pursuing other measures. Accordingly, on the morrow, by a long circuit, and through very narrow and difficult ways, he marched, with all his forces, to Dyrrhachium ; hoping either to oblige Pompey to follow him thither, or cut off his communication with the town, where he had laid up all his provisions, and magazines of war; which happened accordingly. For Pompey, at first, not penetrating his design, because he counterfeited a route different from what he really intended, imagined he had been obliged to decamp for want of provisions: but being afterwards informed of the truth, by his scouts, he quitted his camp next day, in hopes to pre vent him by taking a nearer way. Caesar, suspecting what might happen, exhorted his soldiers to bear the fatigue patiently; and allowing them to repose during only a small part of the night, arrived next morning at Dyrrhachium , where he immediately formed a camp, just as Pompey’s van began to appear at a distance.

Pompey, thus excluded from Dyrrhachium , and unable to execute his first design, came to a resolution of encamping on an eminence, called Petra , where was a tolerable harbour, sheltered from some winds. Here he ordered part of his fleet to attend him, and corn and provisions to be brought him from Asia , and the other provinces subject to his command. Caesar, apprehending the war would run into length, and despairing of supplies from Italy , because the coasts were so strictly guarded by Pompey’s fleet; and his own galleys, built, the winter before, in Sicily , Gaul , and Italy , were not yet arrived; despatched L. Canuleius, one of his lieutenants, to Epirus , for corn. And because that country lay at a great distance from his camp, he built granaries in several places, and wrote to the neighbouring states to carry their corn thither. He likewise ordered search to be made for what corn could be found in Lissus , the country of the Parthinians, and the other principalities in those parts. This amounted to very little; partly occasioned by the soil, which is rough and mountainous, and obliges the inhabitants often to import grain; partly because Pompey, foreseeing Caesar’s wants, had, some days before, ravaged the country of the Parthinians, plundered their houses, and, corn.

For these reasons, Caesar formed a project, which the very nature of the country suggested. All round Pompey’s camp, at a small distance, were high and steep hills. Caesar took possession of those hills, and built forts upon them; resolving, as the nature of the ground would allow, to draw lines of communication from one fort to another, and inclose Pompey within his works. His views herein were; first, to facilitate the passage of his convoys, which the enemy’s cavalry, which was very strong and fine, would no longer cut off; next. to distress this very cavalry, for want of forage; and lastly, to lessen the great reputation and high idea entertained of Pompey, when it should be reported all over the world, that he had suffered himself to be blockaded, and, as it were, imprisoned by Caesar’s works; and durst not hazard a battle to set himself at liberty.

Pompey would neither leave the sea and Dyrrhachium , where he had all his magazines and engines of war, and whence he was supplied with provisions by means of his fleet; nor could prevent the progress of Caesar’s works, without fighting, which, at that time, he was determined against. He could do nothing therefore but extend himself, by taking as many hills, and as large a circuit of country as possible, to give his adversary the more trouble, and divide his forces. This he did, by raising twenty-four forts, which took in a circumference of fifteen miles, wherein were arable and pasture lands, to feed his horses and beasts of burden. And as our men had carried their circumvallation quite round, by drawing lines of commuication from fort to fort, to prevent the sallies of the enemy, and guard against the attacks in the rear; in like manner, Pompey’s men had surrounded themselves with lines, to hinder us from breaking in upon them, and charging them behind. They even perfected their works first, because they had more hands, and a less circuit to inclose. When Caesar endeavoured to gain any place, Pompey, though determined not to oppose him with all his forces, nor hazard a general action, failed not, however, to detach parties of archers and slingers; who wounded great numbers of our men, and occasioned such a dread of their arrows, that almost all the soldiers furnished themselves, with coats of danger.

Both parties disputed every post with great obstinacy: Caesar, that he might inclose Pompey within as narrow a space as possible; and Pompey, that he might have liberty to extend himself; which occasioned many sharp skirmishes. In one of these, Caesar’s ninth legion having possessed themselves of an eminence, which they began to fortify, Pompey seized the opposite mount, with a resolution to hinder their works. As the access on one side was very easy, he sent first some archers and slingers, and afterwards a strong detachment of light-armed foot, plying us, at the same time, with his military engines; which obliged our men to desist; as they found it impossible at once to sustain the enemy’s charge, and go forward with their works. Caesar, perceiving that his men were wounded from all sides, resolved to quit the place and retire. But as the descent, by which he must retreat, was pretty steep, the Pompeians charged him briskly in drawing off, imagining he gave way through fear. Pompey went so far as to say, That he consented to be accounted a general of no merit, if Caesar’s men got off without considerable loss.

Caesar, concerned about the retreat of his men, ordered hurdles to be fixed on the ridge of the hill fronting the enemy: behind which he dug a moderate ditch, and rendered the place as inaccessible as he could, on all sides. When this was done, he began to file off the legionary soldiers, supporting them by some light-armed troops, posted on their flanks, who, with arrows and stones, might repulse the enemy. Pompey’s troops failed not to pursue them, with great outcries and fierce menaces, overturned the hurdles, and used them as bridges to get over the ditch. Which Casar observing, and fearing some disaster might ensue, should he seem to be driven from a post, which he quitted voluntarily; when his forces were got half down the hill, encouraging them by Antony, who had the command of that legion, he gave the signal to face about, and fall on the enemy. Immediately the soldiers of the ninth legion, forming themselves into close order, launched their darts; and advancing briskly up the hill against the enemy, forced them to give ground, and at last betake themselves to flight; which was not a little incommoded by the hurdles, palisades, and ditch, Caesar had thrown up to stop to secure their retreat, having killed several of the enemy, and lost only five of their own number, retired without the least disturbance, and inclosing some other hills within their lines, completed the circumvallation.

This method of making war was new and extraordinary; as well in regard to the number of forts, the extent of the circumvallation, the greatness of his works, and the manner of attack and defence, as on other accounts. For whoever undertakes to invest another, is, for the most part, moved thereto, either by some previousdefeat he has sustained, the knowledge of his weakness, to take advantage of his distress, to profit by a superiority of forces; or, in fine, to cut off his provisions, which is the most ordinary cause of. these attempts. But Caesar, with an inferior force, besieged Pompey, whose troops were entire, in good order, and abounded in all things. For ships arrived every day, from all parts, with provisions; nor could the wind blow from any quarter, that was not favourable to some of them; whereas Caesar’s army, having consumed all the corn round about, was reduced to the last necessities. Nevertheless the soldiers bore all with singular patience ; remembering, that though reduced to the like extremity the year before, in Spain , they had yet, by their assiduity and perseverance, put an end to a very formidable war. They called to mind too their sufferings at Alesia , and their still greater distresses before Avaricum , by which, however, they triumphed over mighty nations. When barley or pulse was given them instead of corn, they took it cheerfully; and thought themselves regaled when they got any cattle, which Epirus furnished them with in great abundance.

They discovered in the country a root, called chara, which they pounded and kneaded with milk, so as to make a sort of bread of it. This furnished a plentiful supply; and when their adversaries reproached them with their want, by way of answer to their insults, they threw their loaves at them.

By this time, the corn began to ripen, and the hopes of a speedy supply supported the soldiers under their present wants. Nay, they were often heard to say one to another, that they would sooner live on the bark of trees, than let Pompey escape. For they were informed from time to time, by deserters, that their horses were almost starved, and the rest of their cattle actually dead; that the troops themselves were very sickly; partly occasioned by the narrow space in which they were inclosed, the number and noisesome smell of dead carcases, and the daily fatigue to which they were unaccustomed, partly by their extreme want of water. For Caesar had either turned the course of all the rivers and brooks that ran into the sea, or dammed up their currents. And as the country was mountainous, intermixed with deep valleys, by driving piles into the earth, and covering them with mould, he stopped up the course of the waters. This obliged the enemy to search for low and marshy places, and to dig wells, which added to their daily labour. The wells too, when discovered, lay at a considerable distance from some parts of the army, and were soon dried up by the heat. Caesar’s army, on the contrary, was very healthy, abounded in water, and had plenty of all kinds of provisions, corn excepted, which they hoped to be soon supplied with, as the season was now pretty far advanced, and harvest approached.

In this method of making war, new stratagems were every day put in practice by both generals. Pompey’s soldiers, observing by the fires the place where our cohorts were upon guard, stole thither privately by night, and pouring upon them a flight of arrows, retired instantly to their camp, which obliged our men to have fires in one place, and keep guard in another.

Meanwhile P. Sylla, whom Caesar at his departure had left to command the camp, being informed of what passed, came to the assistance of the cohort, with two legions. His arrival soon put the Pompeians to flight, who could not stand the very sight and shock of his troops; but seeing their first ranks broken, took to their heels, and quitted the place. Sylla checked the ardour of his men, whom he would not suffer to continue the pursuit too far; and it was the general belief, that had he pursued the enemy warmly, that day might have put an end to the war. His conduct, however, cannot be justly censured; for the difference is great between a lieutenant and a general; the one is tied up to act according to instructions; the other, free from restraint, is at liberty to lay hold of all advantages. Sylla, who was left by Caesar to take care of the camp, was satisfied with having disengaged his own men, and had no intention to hazard a general action, which might have been attended with ill consequences, and would have looked like arrogating the part of a general. The Pompeians found it no easy matter to make good their retreat; for having advanced from a very disadvantageous pest to the summit of the hill, they had reason to fear our men would charge them in descending, and the rather, as it was very near sunset, for they had protracted the affair almost till night, in hopes of accomplishing their design. Thus Pompey, compelled by necessity, immediately took possession of an eminence, at such a distance from our fort, as to be secure from darts and military engines. Here he encamped, threw up an intrenchment, and drew his forces together to defend the place.

At the same time we were engaged in two other places; for Pompey attacked several castles together to divide our forces, and hinder the forts from mutually sucouring one another. In one of these, Volcatius Tullus, with three cohorts, sustained the charge of a whole legion, and forced them to retire. In the other, the Germans, sallying out of their intrenchments, slew several of the enemy, and returned again without loss.

Thus there happened no less than six actions in one day; three near Dyrrhachium , and three about the lines. In computing the number of the slain, it appeared that Pompey lost about two thousand men, with several volunteers and centurions, among whom was Valerius Flaccus, the son of Lucius, who had formerly been praetor of Asia . We gained six standards, with the loss of no more than twenty men in all the attacks; but in the fort, not a soldier escaped being wounded; and four centurions belonging to one cohort, lost their eyes. As a proof of the danger they had been exposed to, and the efforts they had sustained, they brought and counted to Caesar about thirty thousand arrows that had been shot into the fort, and showed him the centurion Scaeva’s buckler, which was pierced in two hundred and thirty places. Caesar, as a reward for his services both to himself and the republic, presented him with two hundred thousand asses, and advanced him directly from the eighth rank of captains to the first; it appearing that the preservation of the fort was chiefly owing to his valour. He also distributed military rewards among the other offithem double pay, and a double allowance of corn.

Pompey laboured all night at his fortifications, raised redoubts the following lays, and having carried his works fifteen feet high, covered that part of his camp with mantelets. Five days after, taking advantage of very dark night, he walled up the gates of his camp, rendered all the avenues impracticable; and drawing out his troops in great silence about midnight, returned to his former works.

Aetolia , Acarnania , and Amphilochis, having been reduced by Cassius Longinus, and Calvisius Sabinus, as we have related above; Caesar thought it expedient to pursue his conquests, and attempt to gain Achaia . Accordingly he despatched Fufius Kalenus thither, ordering Sabinus and Cassius to join him, with the cohorts under their command. Rutilius Lupus, Pompey’s lieutenant in Achaia , hearing of their approach, resolved to fortify the isthmus, and thereby hinder Furius from entering the province. Delphos, Thebes , and Orchomenus , voluntarily submitted to Calenus; some states he obtained by force, and sending deputies to the rest endeavoured to make them declare for Caesar. These negotiations found sufficient employment for Fufius.

Caesar meanwhile drew up his army every day, offering Pompey battle upon equal ground; and, to provoke him to accept it, advanced so near his camp, that his van was within engine-shot of the rampart. Pompey, to preserve his reputation, drew out his legions too, but posted them in such a manner, that his third line touched the rampart, and the whole army lay under cover of the weapons discharged from thence.

Whilst these things passed in Achaia and at Dyrrhachium , and it was now known that Scipio was arrived in Macedonia . Caesar still adhering to his former views of peace, despatched Clodius to him, an intimate friend of both, whom he had taken into his service upon Scipio’s recommendation. At his departure, he charged him with letters and instructions to this effect: That he had tried all ways to bring about a peace; but believed he had hitherto miscarried, through the fault of those to whom his proposals were addressed, because they dreaded presenting them to Scipio’s authority to be such, as not only privileged him to advise freely, but even to enforce his counsels, and compel the obstinate to hearken to reason: that he was possessed of an independent command, and had an army at his disposal to give weight to his interposition: that in employing it for so desirable an end, he would gain the indisputable praise of having restored quiet to Italy , peace to the provinces, and saved the empire. Clodius reported this commission to Scipio, and at first met with a favourable reception, but was afterwards denied audience: for Favonius having sharply reprimanded Scipio, as we learned after the conclusion of the war, the negotiation was discontinued, and Clodius returned to Caesar without success.

Caesar, the more effectually to shut up Pompey’s horse at Dyrrhachium , and hinder them from foraging, blocked up the two narrow passes, of which we have spoken, with strong works, and raised forts to defend them. Pompey finding his cavalry rendered by this means unserviceable, conveyed them some days after by sea to his camp again. Forage was so scarce, that they were forced to have recourse to the leaves of trees, and the roots of green reeds, bruised; for the corn sown within their lines was all consumed; nor had they had any supplies but what came a long way about by sea, from Corcyra and Acarnania ; and even this was so inconsiderable, that to increase the quantity, they were forced to mix it with barley, and by these contrivances support their horses. At last, all expedients being exhausted, and the horses dying daily, Pompey thought it time to attempt to force the barricade, and set himself at liberty.

Among the cavalry in Caesar’s camp were two brothers, Allobrogians by birth, named Roscillus and Aegus, the sons of Adbucillus, who had long held the chief sway in his own state; men of singular bravery, and who had been of signal service to Caesar in all his Gallic wars. For these reasons he had raised them to the highest offices in their own country, got them chosen into the senate before they were of age, given them lands in Gaul taken from the enemy, besides pecuniary rewards to a great value, insomuch that from very moderate beginnings they had risen to vast wealth. These men were not only highly honoured by Caesar on account of their bravery, but in great esteem with the whole army. But presuming on Caesar’s friendship, and foolishly elated with their prosperity, they used the troopers ill, defrauded them of their pay, and secreted all the plunder to their own use. The Gaulish cavalry, offended at these proceedings, went in a body to Caesar, and openly complained of the two brothers; adding, among other accusations, that, by giving in false musters, they received pay for more men than they had.

Caesar not thinking it a proper time for animadversion, and regarding them greatly on account of their valour, declined all public notice of the affair, and contented himself with reprimanding them in private, admonishing them to expect every thing from his friendship, and to measure their future hopes by the experience of what he had already done for them. This rebuke, however, disgusted them greatly, and very much lessened their credit with the whole army, which they easily perceived, as well from the raillery they were often forced to bear, as in consequence of the secret reproaches and sense of their own minds. Thus prompted by shame, and perhaps imagining they were not cleared, but reserved to a more favourable opportunity, they resolved to desert, to try their fortunes elsewhere, and search for new friendships. Having imparted their design to a few of their clients, whom they judged fit instruments for so black a treason, they first attempted to murder C. Volusenus, general of the cavalry (as was afterwards known, when the war was over), that by so signal a piece of service they might the more effectually recommend themselves to Pompey’s favour. But finding that design attended with great hazard, and that no favourable opportunity offered for putting it in execution, they borrowed all the money they could, under pretence of reimbursing the troops, and making restitution; and having bought up a great number of horses, went over to Pompey, with those whom they had made acquainted with their design.

As they were persons of noble birth, liberally educated, came with a great train of horses and servants, had been highly honoured by Caesar, and were universally esteemed on account of their valour, Pompey carried them ostentatiously over all the camp, triumphing in this new and unusual acquisition; for till then, neither horse nor foot-soldier had deserted from Caesar to Pompey; whereas scarce a day passed without some desertion from Pompey’s army, especially among the new levies in Epirus , Aetolia , and those countries that had declared for Caesar. The brothers being well acquainted with the condition of Caesar’s camp, what was wanting to complete the fortifications, where the foible of the lines lay, the particular times, distance of places, strength and vigilance of the guards, with the temper and character of the officers who commanded in every post, made an exact report of all to Pompey.

Upon this intelligence, having already formed the design of forcing Caesar’s lines, he ordered the soldiers to make coverings of osier for their helmets, and provide themselves with fascines. This done, he embarked by night, in boats and small barks, a great number of light-armed troops and archers, with the fascines for filling up Caesar’s trenches; and having drawn together sixty cohorts from the greater camp and forts, led them about midnight towards that part of the enemy’s lines nearest the sea, a good distance from the main camp. Thither likewise he despatched the barks, on board of which were the light-armed troops and fascines, together wih all the galleys that lay at Dyrrhachium , giving each their particular instructions. Lentulus Marcellinus the questor, with the ninth legion, had charge of this part of the fortifications: and as his health was but infirm, Caesar had joined Fulvius Posthumus with him in tilhcommand.

This place was guarded by a ditch, fifteen feet broad, with a rampart towards the enemy, ten feet high, and of equal thickness. Behind this, at the distance of six hundred feet, was another rampart, somewhat lower than the former, and fronting the contrary way. Caesar, apprehending an attack from the sea, had raised this double rampart, some days before, that he might be able to defend himself against the enemy, should they charge him on both sides at once. But the extent of the circumvallation, and the continued labour of so many days, in inclosing a space of eighteen miles, had not allowed us time to finish the work. Accordingly, the line of communication, which ran along the sea-side, and was to have joined these two ramparts, was not yet completed. This Pompey was informed of by the Allobrogian brothers, which proved of fatal consequence to us. For upon guard, near the sea, suddenly the Pompeians arrived about day-break, and surprised them with their unexpected appearance. At the same time the troops that came by sea, launched their darts against the outward rampart and began to fill up the ditch with fascines; while the legionary soldiers, planting their scaling-ladders against the inner works, and plying those that defended them with darts and engines, spread a general terror over that part of the camp, which was still increased by the multitude of archers that came pouring upon them from all sides. The osiers they had bound round their helmets, contributed greatly to defend them from the stones thrown down from the rampart, which were the only weapons we had. At last, all things going against us, and our resistance becoming every moment more languid, the enemy discovered the defect before spoken of in our lines; and landing their men between the two ramparts, where the line of communication towards the sea remained unfinished, they attacked our soldiers in the rear, and obliged them to abandon both sides of the works.

Marcellinus hearing of this disorder, detached some cohorts to sustain the flying troops: but as the rout was become general, they could neither persuade them to rally, nor were able themselves to withstand the enemy’s charge. The like happened to a second detachment; insomuch that the several supplies sent, by catching the general terror, served only to add to the confusion and danger; for the multitude of runaways rendered the retreat the more difficult. In this action, the eaglebearer of the ninth legion finding himself dangerously wounded, and that his strength began to fail, called to some troopers who passed by, and said: I have preserved to the last moment of my life, with the greatest care, this eagle, with which I have been intrusted; and, now I am dying, I return it to Caesar, with the same fidelity. Carry it to him, I beseech you; nor suffer Caesar’s arms to experience, in losing it, an ignominy, with which they have been hitherto unacquainted. Thus the eagle was preserved ; but all the centurions of the first cohort were slain, except the first of the Principes.

And now the Pompeians, having made great slaughter of our men, approached the quarters of Marcellinus, to the no small terror of the rest of the cohorts; when Mark Antony, who commanded in the nearer redoubts, upon notice of what passed, was seen descending from the higher ground, at the head of twelve cohorts. His arrival put a stop to the enemy’s progress, and by enabling our men to recover from their extreme terror, restored them to their wonted courage. Soon after Caesar arrived in person, with some troops, being apprised of the attack by the smoke of the forts, the usual signal on these occasions; and perceiving the loss he had sustained, and that Pompey had forced the lines, being able to forage, and having an easy communication with the sea; he quitted his former project, which had proved unsuccessful, and encamped as near Pompey as he could.

When the intrenchments were finished, Caesar had notice from his scouts, that a certain number of the enemy’s cohorts, which to them appeared a complete legion, were retired behind a wood, and seemed to be on their march to the old camp. The situation of the two armies was this: some days before, when Caesar’s ninth legion was sent to oppose a body of Pompey’s troops, they thought proper to intrench themselves upon an opposite hill, and form a camp there. This camp bordered upon a wood, and was not above four hundred paces from the sea. But afterwards, for certain reasons, Caesar removed a little beyond that post; and Pompey, a few days after, took possession of it. But as his design was to place several legions there; leaving the inner rampart standing, he surrounded it with greater works. Thus the smaller camp, inclosed within one of larger circumference, served by way of a castle or citadel. He likewise carried an intrenchment from the left angle of the camp to the river, through a space of about four hundred paces, which enabled him to water freely and without danger. But he too, soon after, changed his mind, for reasons which it is not needful to repeat here; and abandoned the place, which thereby was left several days without troops, though the fortifications remained entire.

Hither the scouts reported they saw the standard of a legion carried; which was likewise confirmed by those who were stationed in the higher forts. The place was about five hundred paces distant from Pompey’s new camp. Caesar, desirous to repair the loss he had sustained, and hoping he might be able to surprise this legion, left two cohorts in his intrenchments, to prevent any suspicion of his design; and with thirty-three more, amongst which number was the ninth legion, which had lost many centurions and soldiers, marched by a different rout, as privately as he could, against the legion which Pompey had lodged in the lesser camp. Neither was he deceived in his first conjecture: for he arrived before Pompey could have notice of his design; and though the intrenchments were strong, yet charging the enemy briskly with his left wing, where he himself commanded in person, he quickly drove them from the rampart. But as the gates were secured by a barricade, they still maintained the fight here for some time, our men endeavouring to break in, and the enemy to defend the camp. T. Pulcia, who betrayed the army of C. Antony, as we have related above, gave signal proofs of his valour on this occasion. But our men, at last, prevailed; and having cut down the barricade, broke first into the greater camp, and afterwards into the fort within it, whither the legion had retired, some of whom were slain, endeavouring to defend themselves.

But fortune, whose influence is very great, as in other things, so particularly in war; often effects mighty changes from the most trifling causes: as happened upon this occasion. For the cohorts of Caesar’s right wing being unacquainted with the situation of the camp, and mistaking the rampart which led to the river for one of its sides, marched on that way in quest of a gate; but perceiving at length their error, and that nobody defend. ed the intrenchment, they immediately mounted the rampart, and were followed by the whole cavalry.

This delay saved the enemy: for Pompey, having notice of what passed, brought up the fifth legion to sustain his party; so that at one and the same instant, his cavalry approached ours, and his troops were seen advancing in order of battle, by those who had taken possession of the camp: which quickly changed the face of affairs. For Pompey’s legion, encouraged by the hope of speedy succours, sallied by the Decuman port, and briskly charged our cohorts. On the other hand, Caesar’s cavalry, who had entered, by a narrow breach in the rampart, foreseeing that a retreat would be extremely difficult, began betimes to think of flying. The right wing which had no communication with the left, oberving the consternation of the cavalry, and fearing they should be overpowered within the camp, retired the same way they had entered. Many,to avoid being engaged in the narrow passes, threw themselves from the rampart, which was ten feet high, into the ditch; where the first ranks being trodden to death, their bodies afforded a safe passage to those that followed. The left wing, who from the rampart whence they had driven the enemy, saw Pompey advancing against them, and their own men flyng; fearing to be entangled in the defiles, as they had the enemy upon them, both within and without the camp, retreated the same way they came. Nothing was to be seen but consternation, flying, and disorder: insomuch that all Caesar’s efforts to rally his troops were fruitless. If he seized any by the arm, they struggled till they got away. If he laid hold of the colours, they left them in his hands. Not a man could be prevailed on to face about.

In this calamity, what saved the army from entire destruction was, that Pompey, apprehending an ambuscade (probably because the success was beyond his hopes, as a little before he had seen his men worsted and put to flight), durst not, for some time, approach the intrenchments; and his cavalry were retarded in the pursuit by Caesar’s troops, who were possessed of all the gates and defiles. Be that as it will, a small matter proved of very great consequence to both parties: for the intrenchment between the camp and the river, stopped the course of Caesar’s victory, when he had already forced Pompey’s lines: and the same, by retarding the pursuit of his enemy, saved the army from destruction.

In these two actions, Caesar lost nine hundred and sixty private men, thirty officers, and several knights of note, as Flavius Tuticanus Gallus, a senator’s son; C. Felginus, of Placentia ; A. Gravius, of Puteoli ; and M. Sacrativir, of Capua . But the greatest part of these died without wounds, being trodden to death in the ditch, about the works, and on the banks of the river, occasioned by the flight and terror of their own men. He lost also thirty-two colours. Pompey was saluted emperor on this occasion; a title which he bore ever after, and suffered himself to be accosted by: but neither in the letters which he wrote, nor in his consular ensigns, did he think proper to assume the laurel. The prisoners were delivered up to Labienus at his own request; and this deserter, brutal and cruel as usual, diverted himself with insulting them in their calamity; and asked them sarcastically, if it was usual for veterans to run away; after which, he caused them all to be put to death.

This success gave such confidence and spirit to the Pompeian party, that they now no longer took any concern about the conduct of the war, but began to consider themselves as already victorious. They never reflected on the inconsiderable number of our troops, the disadvantage of the ground, the narrow passes we were engaged in, by their having first possession of the camp, the double danger, both within and without the fortification, and the separation of the two wings of the army, which hindered them from mutually succouring one another. They forgot that the advantage they had gained, was not the effect of a brisk and vigorous attack; and that our men had suffered more by crowding upon one another in the narrow passes, than by the sword of the enemy. In fine, they never called to mind the uncertain chance of war, and upon what minute causes good or bad success often depends; how a groundless suspicion, a panic terror, or a religious scruple, has frequently been productive ofthe most fatal events; when either by the misconduct of a general, or the terror of a tribune, some false persuasion has been suffered to take root in an army. But as if the victory had been purely the effect of their valour, and no change of fortune was to be apprehended, they every where proclaimed and made public the success of this day.

Caesar, seeing all his former projects disconcerted, resolved to submit to fortune, and entirely change the manner of the war. He therefore called in all his forces from the forts, gave up the design of inclosing Pompey, and having assembled his army, addressed them as follows: That they ought not to be discouraged, or give way to consternation, upon what had lately happened, but oppose their many successful engagements to one slight and inconsiderable check. That fortune had already befriended them greatly, in the reduction of Italy without bloodshed; in the conquest of the two Spains, though defended by warlike troops, under the conduct of skilful and experienced leaders; and in the subjection of the neighbouring provinces, whence they could be plentifully supplied with corn. In fine, they ought to call to mind, how happily they had passed into Greece , through the midst of the enemy’s fleets, though possessed of all the coasts and havens. If they were not successful in every thing, they must endeavour, by prudence, to overcome the disappointments of fortune; and attribute their late disaster to the caprice of that goddess rather than to any fault on their side. That he had led them to an advantageous ground, and put them in the possession of the enemy’s camp, after driving them from all their works. If either some sudden consternation, the mistaking their way, or any other mishap, had snatched an apparent and almost certain victory out of their hands, they ought to exert their utmost endeavours to repair that disgrace, which would turn their misfortunes to a benefit, as happened at Gergovia , where those who at first dreaded to encounter the enemy, demanded earnestly in the end to be led to battle.

Having made this speech, he contented himself with stigmatizing, and reducing to private men, some of the standard bearers; for the whole army were so grieved at their loss, and so desirous of expunging the stain their glory had received, that there was no occasion either for the tribunes or the centurions to remind them of their duty; nay, they even undertook to punish themselves by the severest impositions, and demanded with great outcries to be led against the enemy; being seconded by some centurions of the first rank, I who, touched with their remonstrances, were for continuing in the post they then possessed, and putting all to the hazard of a battle. But Caesar did not think it prudent to expose to an action troops that had been just worsted, and in whom might remain too deep impressions of their late fright. He was for allowing them time to recover themselves; and having quitted his works, thought it needful to provide for the security of his convoys.

Accordingly, after proper care taken of the sick and wounded, and as soon as night approached, he sent all the baggage privately towards Apollonia , under a guard of one legion, with orders not to halt till they had reached the place. This affair despatched, he made two legions remain in the camp, and marching out all the rest about three in the morning at several gates, ordered them to follow the same route the baggage had taken. Soon after, that his departure might not have the appearance of a flight, and yet be known to the enemy as late as possible, he ordered the usual signal to be given, and setting out with the rest of his forces, lost sight of the camp in a moment. Pompey hearing of his retreat, prepared to follow him without delay, and hoping to surprise the army in its march, whilst encumbered with baggage, and not yet removed from its consternation, drew out all his troops, and sent out all his cavalry before to retard our rear, which, however, he could not overtake, because Caesar marching without baggage, had got a great way before him. But when we came to the river Genusus, we found the banks so steep and difficult, that before all the men could get over, Pompey’s cavalry came up, and fell upon our hindmost battalions. Caesar sent his horse to oppose them, intermixed with some light-armed troops; who charged with that vigour and success, as to put them all to rout, and leave a considerable number dead upon the field, and return without loss to the main body of their army.

Having completed the intended march of that day, and brought his army over the Genusus, he took up his quarters in his old camp at Asparagium, suffering none of the soldiers to stroll without the rampart, and charging the cavalry, who had been sent out under pretence of foraging, to return immediately to the Decuman port. Pompey likewise having completed that day’s march, encamped at his old post at Asparagium, where the troops having nothing to do, because the works were still entire; some made long excursions in quest of wood and forage; others who had come almost without any baggage, by reason the march was undertaken on a sudden, enticed by the nearness of their former camp, laid down their arms in their tents, quitted the intrenchments, and went to fetch what they had left behind them. This rendering them unable to pursue, as Caesar had foreseen; about noon, he gave the signal for decamping, led forth his troops, and doubling that day’s march, gained eight miles upon Pompey, who could not follow him by reason his troops were dispersed.

Next day Caesar decamped again at three in the morning, having sent away his baggage over night, that if he should find himself under a necessity of fighting, he might have his army clear of all encumbrance. The same he did the following days; by which means, though he had very difficult ways to pass, and some great rivers to cross, he suffered no loss during the whole march. For Pompey, after the first day’s hinderance, endeavouring in vain by long and forced marches to overtake Caesar, gave over the pursuit on the fourth, and began to think of taking other measures.

Caesar was under a necessity of going to Apollonia , to leave his wounded there, to pay his army, confirm his friends in their duty, and garrison the towns that had submitted. But he took no longer time to these affairs, than the importance of his other engagements would allow. For fearing that Pompey might surprise Domitius Calvinus, he put himself in full march to join him. The scheme he proceeded on was this: that if Pompey took the same route, he must leave the sea, the forces he had at Dyrrhachium , with all his ammunition and provision; which would bring them upon equal terms: if he passed into Italy , Caesar purposed to join Domitius, and march to its defence by the coast of Illyricum : in fine, should he fall upon Apollonia and Oricum, and endeavour to exclude him from the sea coast; in that case he reckoned to oblige him, by attacking Metellus Scipio, to leave every thing to succour him. Caesar therefore despatched couriers to Domitius, to acquaint him with his design; and leaving four cohorts at Apollonia , one at Lissus , and three at Oricum, with the sick and wounded, began his march through Epirus and Acarnania . Pompey, on his side, guessing Caesar’s design, made what haste he could to join Scipio, that if Caesar should march that way, he might prevent his being overpowered; but should he still keep near Corcyra , and the sea, because of the legions and cavalry he expected from Italy ; in that case, he purposed to fall upon Domitius with all his forces.

For these reasons both generals studied despatch, as well to afford timely succour to their friends, as not to miss an opportunity of distressing their enemies. But Caesar had turned off to Apollonia ; whereas Pompey took the nearest way through Candavia for Macedonia . It happened, too, very days had been encamped near Scipio, quitted that station for the convenience of provisions, and was upon his march to Heraclea Sentica, a city of the Candavians; so that chance seemed to throw him directly in Pompey’s way, which Caesar had not then the least knowledge of. Pompey, too, having sent letters through all the states and provinces, relating to the action at Dyrrhachium , with representations that far exceeded the truth; a rumour began to prevail, that Caesar had been defeated with the loss of almost all his forces, and was forced to fly before Pompey. These reports raised him many enemies on his march, and induced some states to throw off their allegiance; whence it happened, that the couriers mutually sent by Caesar and Domitius, were all intercepted. But the Allobrogians in the train of Aegus and Roscillus, who, as we have seen before, had deserted from Caesar to Pompey, meeting some of Domitius’s scouts; either out of ancient custom, because they had served together in the Gallic wars; or from a motive of vain-glory; informed them of all that had passed; of Pompey’s victory, and Caesar’s retreat. Advice being given of this to Calvinus, who was not above four hours' march from the enemy, he avoided the danger by a timely retreat, and joined Caesar near Aeginium, a town on the borders of Thessaly .

After the junction of the two armies, Caesar arrived at Gomphi, the first town of Thessaly , as you come from Epirus . A few months before, the inhabitants had of their own accord sent ambassadors to Caesar, to make an offer of what their country afforded, and petition for a garrison. But the report of the action at Dyrrhachium , with many groundless additions, had by this time reached their ears. And therefore Androsthenes, pretor of Thessaly , choosing rather to be the companion of Pompey’s good fortune, than associate with Caesar in his adversity, ordered all the people, whether slaves or free, to assemble in the town; and having shut the gates against Caesar, sent letters to Scipio and Pompey to come to his assistance, intimating, That the town was strong enough to hold out if they used despatch, but by no means in condition to sustain a long siege. Scipio, on advice of the departure of the armies from Dyrrhacium, was come to Larissa with his legions; and Pompey was yet far enough distant from Thessaly . Caesar having fortified his camp, ordered mantelets, hurdles, and scaling-ladders to be prepared for a sudden attack; and then exhorting his men, represented, Of how great consequence it was to render themselves masters of an opulent city, abounding in all things needful for the supply of their walls, and by the terror of whose punishment other states would be awed into submission; and this, he told them, must be done quickly, before any succours could arrive. Accordingly, seizing the opportunity offered by the uncommon ardour of the troops, he attacked the town the same day about three in the afternoon; and having made himself master of it before sun-set, gave it up to be plundered. From Gomphi, Caesar marched directly to Metropolis, and arrived before they were acquainted with the misfortune of their neighbours.

The Metropolitans at first following the example of Gomphi, to which they were moved by the same reports, shut their gates and manned the walls. But no sooner came they to understand the fate of their neighbour city, by some prisoners whom Caesar had produced for that end, than immediately they admitted him into the town. He suffered no hostilities to be committed, nor any harm to be done them; and so powerful was the example from the different treatment of these two cities, that not a single state in Thessaly refused to submit to Caesar, and receive his orders, except Larissa; which was awed by the numerous army of Metellus Scipio. As the country was good and covered with corn, which was near ripe, Caesar took up his quarters there, judging it a proper place to wait for Pompey in, and render the theatre of the war.

A few days after, Pompey arrived in Thessaly , and joining Metellus Scipio, harangued both armies. He first thanked his own for their late services, and then turning to Scipio’s troops, exhorted them to put in for their share of the booty, which the victory already obtained gave them the fairest prospect of. Both armies being received into one camp, he shared all the honours of command with Scipio, ordered a pavilion to be erected for him, and the trumpets to sound before it. This increase of Pompey’s forces, by the conjunction of two mighty armies, raised the confidence of his followers, and their assurance of victory to such a degree, that all delays were considered as a hinderance of their return to Italy ; insomuch that if Pompey on any occasion acted with slowness and circumspection, they failed not to cry out, That he industriously protracted an affair, for the despatch of which one day was sufficient, in the view of gratifying his ambition for command, and having consular and pretorian senators amongst the number of his servants. Already they began to dispute about rewards and dignities, and fixed upon the persons who were annually to succeed to the consulship. Others sued for the houses and estates of those who had followed Caesar’s party. A warm debate arose in council in relation to L. Hirrus, whom Pompey had sent against the Parthians, whether, in the next election of pretors, he should be allowed to stand candidate for that office in his absence; his friends imploring Pompey to make good the promise he had made him at his departure, and not suffer him to be deceived by depending on the general’s honour; while such as aspired to this office complained publicly,that a promise should be made to any one candidate, when all were embarked in the same cause, and shared the like dangers.

Already Domitius, Scipio, and Lentulus Spinther, were openly quarrelling about the high priesthood, which Caesar was in possession of. They even descended to personal abuse, and pleaded their several pretensions; Lentulus urging the respect due to his age; Domitius, his dignity, and the interest he had in the city; and Scipio his alliance with Pompey. Attius Rufus impeached L. Afranius before Pompey, charging him with having occasioned the loss of the army in Spain . And L. Domitius moved in council, that after the victory, all the senators in Pompey’s army and camps, should be appointed judges, and empowered to proceed against those who had stayed in Italy , or who had appeared cool, or shown any indifference to the cause; and that three billets should be given to these judges, one for acquittance, another for condemnation, and a third for a pecuniary fine. In a word, nothing was thought on but honours, or profit, or vengeance; nor did they consider by what methods they were to conquer, but what advantage they should make of victory.

Caesar having provided for the subsistence of his troops, who were now no longer fatigued, and had sufficiently recovered from the consternation the different actions at Dyrrhachium had thrown them into; thought it high time to make trial how Pompey stood affected to an engagement. Accordingly he drew out his men, and formed them in order of battle; at first near his own camp, and somewhat distant from the enemy: but perceiving this had no effect upon Pompey, who still maintained his post on the eminences, he each daydrew nearer, and by that conduct animated and gave fresh courage to his soldiers. His cavalry being much inferior to the enemy’s in number, he followed the method already mentioned; of singling out the strongest and nimblest of his foot-soldiers, and accustoming them to fight intermixed with the horse; in which way of combat they were become very expert by daily practice. This disposition, joined to constant exercise, so emboldened his cavalry, that though but a thousand in number, they would upon occasion sustain the charge of Pompey’s seven thousand, even in an open plain, and appear not greatly dismayed at their multitude: nay, they actually got the better in a skirmish that happened between them, and killed Aegus the Allobrogian, one of the two brothers who deserted to Pompey, with several others of his party.

Pompey, whose camp was on an eminence, drew up his army at the foot of the mountain, expecting, as may be presumed, that Casar would attack him in that advantageous situation. But Caesar despairing to draw Pompey to battle on equal terms, thought it would be his best course to decamp, and be always on the march; in hopes, that by frequent shifting his ground, he might the better be supplied with provisions; and that as the enemy would not fail following him, in the frequent marches he should make, he might perhaps find an opportunity of attacking them, and forcing them to fight: at least he was sure of harassing Pompey’s army, little accustomed to these continued fatigues. Accordingly the order for marching was given, and the tents struck; when Caesar perceived that Pompey’s army, which had quitted their intrenchments, had advanced farther towards the plain than usual, so that he might engage them at a less disadvantage: whereupon, addressing himself to his soldiers, who were just ready to march out of their trenches: Let us no longer think, says he, of marching; now is the time for fighting, so long wished for; let us therefore arm ourselves with courage, and not miss so favourable and opportunity. This said, he immediately drew out his forces.

Pompey likewise, as was afterwards known, had resolved to offer battle, in compliance with the repeated importunities of his friends. He even said in a council of war, held some days before, that Caesar’s army would be defeated before his infantry came to engage. And when some expressed their surprise at this speech: I know, says he, that what I promise appears almost incredible; but hear the reasons on which I ground my confidence, that you may advance to battle with the greater assurance. I have persuaded the cavalry, and obtained their promise for the performance, that as soon as the armies are formed, they shall fall upon Caesar’s right wing, which they will easily be able to outflank and surround. This must infallibly occasion the immediate rout of that wing, and consequently of the rest of Caesar’s troops. without danger or loss on our side. Nor will the execution be attended with any difficulty, as we are so much superior to them in horse. Be ready therefore for battle; and since the so much desired opportunity of fighting is come, take care not to fall short of the good opinion the world entertains of your valour and experience.

Labienus spoke next, highly applauding this scheme of Pompey, and expressing the greatest contempt of Caesar’s army: Think not, says he, addressing himself to Pompey, that these are the legions which conquered Gaul and Germany . I was present in all those battles, and can, of my own knowledge, affirm, that but a very small part of that army now remains: great numbers have been killed, as must of necessity happen, in such a variety of conflicts: many perished during the autumnal pestilence in Apulia : many are returned to their own habitations: and not a few were left behind to guard Italy . Have you not heard, that the cohorts in garrison, at Brundusium , are made up of invalids ? The forces, which you now behold, are composed of new levies, raised in Lombardy , and the colonies beyond the Po: for the veterans, in whom consisted the main strength of the army, perished all in the two defeats at Dyrrhachium . Having finished this speech, he took an oath, which he proffered to all that were present, never to return to camp otherwise than victorious. Pompey commended his zeal, took the oath himself, and the rest followed his example, without hesitation. After these endeparted, full of joy and expectation; considering themselves as already victorious, and relying, entirely on the ability of their general; who, in an affair of that importance, they were confident would promise nothing without an assurance of success.

When Caesar approached Pompey’s camp, he found his army drawn up in this manner: In the left wing were the two legions delivered by Caesar, at the beginning of the quarrel, in consequence of a decree of the senate; one of which was called the first, the other the third legion: and here Pompey commanded in person. Scipio was in the centre, with the legions he had brought out of Syria . The Cilician legion, joined to the Spanish cohorts, brought over by Afranius, formed the right wing. These Pompey esteemed his best troops, distributing the less expert between the wings and the main body. He had in all a hundred and ten cohorts, amounting to five and forty thousand; besides two cohorts of volunteers, who had served under him in former wars; and who, out of affection to their old general, though their legal time was expired, flocked to his standard on this occasion, and were dispersed amongst the whole army. His other seven cohorts were left to guard the camp and the adjoining forts. As the Enipeus, a river with very steep banks, covered his right wing, he placed all his horse, slingers, and archers in the left.

Caesar observing his ancient custom, placed the tenth legion in the right, and the ninth in the left wing. As this last had been considerably weakened by the general actions at Dyrrhachium , he joined the eighth to it in such manner, that they formed as it were but one legion, and had orders mutually to relieve each other. His whole army amounted to fourscore cohorts, making in all twenty-two thousand men; besides two cohorts left to guard the camp. Domitius Calvinus was in the centre, Mark Antony on the left, and P. Sylla on the right. Caesar took his post opposite to Pompey, at the head of the tenth legion. And as he had observed the disposition of the enemy contrived to out-flank his right wing, to obviate that inconvenience, he made a draught of six cohorts from his rear line, formed them into a separate body, and opposed them to Pompey’s horse; instructing them in the part they were to act; and admonishing them, that the success of that day would depend chiefly on their courage. At the same time, he charged the whole army, and in particular the third line, not to advance to battle without orders; which, when he saw it proper, he would give, by making the usual signal.

When he was exhorting them to battle, as military custom required, and reminding them of the many favours they had, on all occasions, received at his hands, he chiefly took care to observe, That they had themselves been witnesses of his earnest endeavours after peace; that he had employed Vatinius to solicit a conference with Labienus, and sent A. Clodius to treat with Scipio; that he had pressed Libo, in the warmest manner, at Oricum, to grant him a safe conduct for his ambassadors; in a word, that he had left nothing unattempted to avoid wasting the blood of his soldiers, and to spare the commonwealth the loss of one of her armies. After this speech, observing his soldiers ardent for the fight, he ordered the trumpets to sound a charge.

Among the volunteers in Caesar’s army was one Crastinus, a man of distinguished courage, who the year before, had been first centurion of the tenth legion. This brave officer, as soon as the signal was given, calling to those next him: Follow me, said he, you that were formerly under my command, and acquit yourselves of the duty you owe to your general. This one battle more will crown the work, by restoring him to his proper dignity, and us to the enjoyment of our freedom. At the same time, turning to Caesar: General, says he, this day you shall be satisfied with my behaviour, and whether I live or die, I will take care to deserve your commendations. So saying he marched up to the enemy, and began the attack at the head of a hundred and twenty volunteers.

Between the two armies, there was an interval sufficient for the onset: but Pompey had given his troops orders to keep their ground, that Caesar’s army might have all that way to run. This he is said to have done by the advice of C. Triarius, that the enemy’s ranks might be broken and themselves put out of breath, by having so far to run; of which disorder he hoped to make an advantage. He was besides of opinion, that our javelins would have less effect, by the troops continuing in their post, than if they sprung forward at the very time they were launched; and as the soldiers would have twice as far to run as usual, they must be weary and breathless by the time they came up with the first line. But herein Pompey seems to have acted without sufficient reason; because there is a certain alacrity and ardour of mind, naturally planted in every man, which is inflamed by the desire of fighting; and which an able general, far from endeavouring to repress, will, by all methods he can devise, foment and cherish. Nor was it a vain institution of our ancestors, that the trumpets should sound on every side, and the whole army raise a shout, in order to animate the courage of their own men, and strike terror into the enemy.

Caesar’s soldiers entirely defeated Pompey’s hopes, by their good discipline and experience. For, perceiving the enemy did not stir, they halted, of their own accord, in the midst of their career; and having taken a moment’s breath, put themselves, a second time, in motion; marched up in good order, flung their javelins, and then betook themselves to their swords. Nor did Pompey’s men act with less presence of mind: for they sustained our attack, kept their ranks, bore the discharge of our darts: and having launched their own, immediately had recourse to their swords. At this instant, Pompey’s horse, accompanied by the archers and slingers, attacked Caesar’s; and having compelled them to give ground, began to extend themselves to the left, in order to flank the infantry. Whereupon Caesar gave the appointed signal to the six cohorts, who fell on the enemy’s horse with such fury, that they not only drove them from the field of battle, but even compelled them to seek refuge in the highest mountains. The archers and slingers, deprived of their protection, were soon after cut to pieces. Meanwhile the six cohorts, not content with this success, wheeled round upon the enemy’s left wing, and began to charge it in the rear:

whereupon Caesar, perceiving the victory so far advanced, to complete it, brought up his third line, which till then had not engaged. Pompey’s infantry being thus doubly attacked, in front by fresh troops, and in rear, by the victorious cohorts, could no longer resist, but fled to their camp. Nor was Caesar mistaken in his conjecture, when, in exhorting his men, he declared that victory would depend chiefly on the six cohorts, which formed the body of reserve, and were stationed to oppose the enemy’s horse; for by them were their cavalry defeated, their archers and slingers cut to pieces, and their left wing surrounded and forced to fly. 
 Pompey seeing his cavalry routed, and that part of the army on which he chiefly depended put into disorder, despaired of being able to restore the battle, and quitted the field. Repairing immediately to his camp, he said aloud, to the centurions, who guarded the pretorian gate, so as all the soldiers might hear him: Take care of the camp, and defend it vigorously in case of an attack. I go to visit the other gates, and give orders for their defence. This said, he retired to his tent, despairing of success, yet waiting the event.

Caesar, having forced the Pompeians to seek refuge in their camp, and not willing to allow them time to recover From their consternation, exhorted his troops to make the best of their present victory, and vigorously attack the enemy’s intrenchments. Though the battle had lasted till noon, the weather being extremely hot; yet, prepared to encounter all difficulties, they cheerfully complied with his orders. The camp was bravely defended, for some time, by the cohorts left to guard it; and particularly by a great number of Thracians, and other barbarians, who made a very stout resistance; for as to such troops as had there sought refuge from the field of battle, they were in too great a consternation to think of any thing more than a safe retreat. It was not, however, possible for the troops posted on the rampart, long to stand the multitude of darts continually poured upon them ; which, in the end, obliged them to retire covered with wounds, and under the conduct of their tribunes and centurions, seek shelter in the mountains adjoining to the camp.

On entering Pompey’s camp, we found tables ready-covered, sideboards loaded with plate, and tents adorned with branches of myrtle; that of L. Lentulus, with some others, was shaded with ivy. Every thing gave proofs of the highest luxury, and an assured expectation of victory; whence it was easy to see, that they little dreamed of the issue of that day, since, intent only on voluptuous refinements, they pretended, with troops immersed in luxury, to oppose Caesar’s army accustomed to fatigue, and inured to the want of necessaries. 
 Pompey finding our men had forced his intrenchments, mounted his horse, quitted his armour for a habit more suitable to his ill fortune, and withdrawing by the Decuman port, rode full speed to Larissa . Nor did he stop there; but continuing his flight day and night, without intermission, he arrived at the sea-side, with thirty horse, and went on board a little bark; often complaining, That he had been so far deceived in his opinion of his followers, as to see those very men, from whom he expected victory, the first to fly, and in a manner betray him into the hands of his enemies.

Caesar having mastered the enemy’s camp, requested his soldiers not to leave the victory imperfect, by busying themselves about the plunder. Finding them ready to obey, he began a line of circumvallation round the mountain. The Pompeians quickly abandoned a post, which, for want of water, was not tenable, and endeavoured to reach the city of Larissa: whereupon Caesar, dividing his army, left one part in Pompey’s camp, sent back another to his own camp, and having, with four legions, taken a nearer road than that by which the enemy passed, he found means to intercept them, and, after six miles march, drew up in order of battle. But the Pompeians once more found protection from a mountain, at the foot of which ran a rivulet. Though Caesar’s troops were greatly fatigued, by fighting the whole day, before night he had flung up some works, sufficient to prevent the enemy from having any communication with the rivulet. As by this step they were cut off from all hopes of relief, or of escaping, they sent deputies to treat about a surrender. Affairs continued in this situation all that night, of which some few senators, who had accompanied them, took the advantage to make their escape.

At break of day, they all, by Caesar’s order, came down into the plain, and delivered up their arms; humbly imploring his goodness, and suing for mercy. Caesar spoke to them with great mildness, and to alleviate their apprehensions, cited various instances of his clemency, which he had, on so many occasions, made evident. In fact, he gave them their lives, and forbade his soldiers to offer them any violence, or to take any thing from them. He then sent for the legions, which had passed the night in camp, to relieve those that had accompanied, him in the pursuit; and being determined to follow Pompey, began his march, and arrived the same day at Larissa.

This battle cost Caesar no more than two hundred soldiers: but he lost thirty centurions, men of singular courage. Among these latter was Crastinus, whose gallantry and intrepidity, in marching up to battle, has been taken notice of. This brave officer, fighting, regardless of danger, received a wound in the mouth, from a sword. Nor was he deceived in promising himself Caesar’s approbation, who was thoroughly sensible of his merit, and greatly applauded his behaviour in this action. On Pompey’s side, there fell about fifteen thousand: but upwards of four and twenty thousand were taken prisoners: for the cohorts that guarded the forts, surrendered to Sylla; though many escaped into the adjacent countries. One hundred and eighty colours were taken, and nine eagles. L. Domitius, flying towards the mountains, and growing faint through the fatigue, was overtaken and killed by some horsemen.

About this time D. Laelius arrived with his fleet at Brundusium , and possessesd himself of the island over against the harbour, as Libo had done before. Vatinius, who commanded in the place, having equipped several boats, endeavoured to entice some of Laelius’s ships within the haven, and took a five-benched galley, with two smaller vessels, that had ventured too far into the port; then disposing his cavalry along the shore, he prevented the enemy from getting fresh water. But Laelius having chosen a more convenient season of the year for sailing, brought water in transports from Corcyra and Dyrrhachium ; still keeping to his purpose, from which neither the disgrace of losing his ships, nor the want of necessaries could divert him, till he received intelligence of the battle of Pharsalia.

Much about the same time Cassius arrived in Sicily , with the Syrian, Phoenician, and Cilician fleets. And as Caesar’s fleet was divided into two parts, in one of which P. Sulpicius the pretor commanded at Vibo, in the straits; in the other M. Pomponius at Messana ; Cassius was arrived at Messana with his fleet before Pomponius had notice of his coming. And finding him unprepared, without guards, order, or discipline, he took the opportunity of a favourable wind, and sent several fire-ships against him, which consumed his whole fleet, thirty-five in number, twenty of which were decked. The terror occasioned by this blow was so great, that though there was an entire legion in garrison at Messana , they durst scarce look the enemy in the face; and would doubtless have delivered up the town, had not the news of Caesar’s victory reached them, by means of the cavalry stationed along the coast. Cassius then sailed for Sulpicius’s fleet at Vibol, which finding at anchor near the shore by reason the consternation was become general over the whole island; he put the same stratagem in practice as before. For taking the advantage of a favourable wind, he made forty fire-ships advance against them, and the flame catching hold on both sides, quickly reduced five galleys to ashes. The conflagration continuing to spread, roused the indignation of some veteran soldiers, who had been left to guard the ships. Accordingly they went on board, weighed anchor, and, attacking the enemy, took two quinqueremes, in one of which was Cassius himself; but he escaped in a boat. Two three-benched galleys were sunk; and soon after he was informed of the defeat at Pharsalia, by some of Pompey’s own followers; for hitherto he had regarded it as a false report, spread about by Caesar’s lieutenants and friends. Upon this intelligence he quitted Sicily , and retired with his fleet.

Caesar laying all other thoughts aside, determined to pursue Pompey, whithersoever he should retire, to prevent his drawing together fresh forces, and renewing the war. He marched every day as far as the body of cavalry he had with him could hold out, and was followed, by shorter marches, by a single legion. Pompey had issued a proclamation at Amphipolis , enjoining all the youth of the province, whether Greeks or Romans, to join him in arms. But whether this was with intent to conceal his real design of retreating much farther, or to try to maintain his ground in Macedonia , if nobody pursued him, is hard to determine. Here he lay one night at anchor, sending to what friends he had in the town, and raising all the money he possibly could. But being informed of Caesar’s approach, he departed with all expedition, and came in a few days to Mitylene . Here he was detained two days by the badness of the weather; and sailed to Cilicia , and thence to Cyprus . There he was informed, that the Antiochians, and Roman citizens trading thither, had with joint consent seized the castle, and sent deputies to such of his followers as had taken refuge in the neighbouring states, not to came near Antioch at their peril. The same had happened at Rhodes to L. Lentulus, the consul of the foregoing year, to P. Lentulus a consular senator, and to some other persons of distinction; who, following Pompey in his flight, and arriving at that island, were refused admittance into the town andharbour, and received an order to withdraw immediately, which they were necessitated to comply with; for the fame of Caesar’s approach had now reached the neighbouring states.

Upon this intelligence Pompey laid aside his design of going into Syria , seized all the money he found in the public bank, borrowed as much more as he could of his friends, sent great quantities of brass on board for military uses; and having raised two thousand soldiers, amongst the public officers, merchants, and his own servants, sailed for Pelusium . Here, by accident, was king Ptolemy, a minor, warring with a great army against his sister Cleopatra; whom, some months before, by the assistance of his friends, he had expelled the kingdom, and was then encamped not far distant from her. Pompey sent to demand his protection, and a safe retreat in Alexandria , in consideration of the friendship that had subsisted between him and his father. The messengers, after discharging their commission, began to converse freely with the king’s troops, exhorting them to assist Pompey and not despise him in his adverse fortune. Among these troops were many of Pompey’s old soldiers, whom Gabinius, having draughted out of the Syrian army, had carried to Alexandria , and, upon the conclusion of the war, left there with the young king’s father.

The king’s ministers, who had the care of the government during his minority, being informed of this, either out of fear, as they afterwards pretended, lest Pompey should debauch the army, and thereby render himself master of Alexandria and Egypt ; or despising his low condition (as friends, in bad fortune, often turn enemies), spoke favourably to the deputies in public, and invited Pompey to court; but privately despatched Achillas, captain of the king’s guards, a man of singular boldness, and to murder him. They accosted him with an air of frankness, especially Septimius, who had served under him as a centurion in the war with the pirates; and inviting him into the boat, treacherously slew him. L. Lentulus was likewise seized by the king’s command, and put to death in prison.

When Caesar arrived in Asia he found that T. Ampius, having formed the design of seizing the treasures of the Ephesian Diana, and summoned all the senators in the province to bear witness to the sum taken, had quitted that project upon Caesar’s approach, and betaken himself to flight. Thus was the temple of Ephesus a second time saved from plunder by Caesar. It was remarked in the temple of Minerva at Elis , that the very day Caesar gained the battle of Pharsalia, the image of victory, which before stood fronting the statue of the goddess, turned towards the portal of the temple. The same day, at Antioch in Syria , such a noise of fighting and trumpets was heard two several times, that the inhabitants ran to arms and manned their walls. The like happened at Ptolemais . At Pergamus , in the inner recesses of the temple, called by the Greeks Adyta, where none but priests are allowed to enter, the sound of Cymbals was heard. And in the Temple of Victory, at Trallis, where a statue was consecrated to Caesar, a palm sprouted betweeh the joining of the stones that arched the roof.

Caesar, after a short stay in Asia , hearing that Pompey had been seen at Cyprus , and thence conjecturing that he was for Egypt , because of the interest he had in that kingdom, and the advantages it would afford him, left Rhodes , with a convoy of ten Rhodian galleys, and a few others from Asia , having on board two legions, one of which he ordered to follow him from Thessaly , the other detached from Fufius’s army in Achaia ; and eight hundred horse. In these legions were no more than three thousand two hundred men: the rest, fatigued with the length of the march, or weakened with wounds, had not been able to follow him. But Caesar depending on the reputation of his former exploits, scrupled not to trust the safety of his person to a feeble escort, believingno place would dare to attempt any thing against him. At Alexandria he was informed of Pompey’s death: and upon landing, was accosted in a clamorous manner by the soldiers, whom Ptolemy had left to garrison the city: and he observed that the mob appeared dissatisfied to see the fasces carried before him, which they interpreted a degradation of the sovereign authority. Though this tumult was appeased, yet each day produced some fresh disturbance, and many of the Roman soldiers were murdered in all parts of the city.

For these reasons he sent into Asia for some of the legions which he had raised out of the remains of Pompey’s army: being himself necessarily detained by the Etesian winds, which are directly contrary to any passage by sea from Alexandria . Meantime, considering the difference between Ptolemy and his sister, as subject to the cognizance of the Roman people, and of him as consul; and the rather, because the alliance with Ptolemy, the father, had been contracted during his former consulship; he gave the king and Cleopatra to understand, that it was his pleasure they should dismiss their troops, and instead of having recourse to arms, come and plead their cause before him.

Pothinus the eunuch, governor to the young king, had the chief management of affairs during his minority. This minister complained bitterly to his friends, that the king should be summoned to plead his cause before Caesar: afterwards finding among those that sided with the king, some who were disposed to enter into his views, he privately sent for the army from Pelusium to Alexandria , and conferred the chief command upon Achillas, the same we have spoken of before: inciting him by letters and promises, both in the king’s name and his own to execute such orders as he should receive from him. Ptolemy, the father, by his will had appointed the eldest of the two sons, and his elder daughter, joint heirs of the kingdom. For the more certain accomplishment of his design, he in the same will implored the protection of the Roman people; adjuring them by all the gods, and the treaties he had made at Rome , to see it put in execution. A copy of this will was sent by ambassadors to Rome , to be deposited in the public treasury; but the domestic troubles preventing it, it was left in the hands of Pompey. The original, signed and sealed, was kept at Alexandria .

While this affair was debated before Caesar, who passionately desired to terminate the matter amicably, and to the satisfaction of both parties, he was informed that the king’s army, with all the cavalry, were arrived at Alexandria . Caesar’s forces were by no means sufficient to give them battle without the town; and therefore the only course left was to secure the most convenient posts within the city, till he should get accquainted with Achillas’s designs. Meantime he ordered all the soldiers to their arms, and admonished the king, to send some persons of the greatest authority to Achillas, to forbid his approach. Discorides and Serapion, who had both been ambassadors at Rome , and in great credit with Ptolemy, the father, were deputed to this office. But no sooner did they come before Achillas, than without giving them a hearing, or enquiring after the message they brought, he ordered them to be seized and put to death. One was killed upon the spot; and the other, having received a dangerous wound, was carried off for dead by his attendants. Upon hearing this, Caesar took care to secure the king’s person, the authority of whose name would authorise his proceedings, and occasion Achillas and his associates to be esteemed seditious and rebellious.

Achillas’s army was far from being contemptible, whether we regard their number, courage, or experience in war. It amounted to twenty thousand effective men, many of whom were originally Romans, brought into the country by Gabinius, when he came to settle Auletes on the throne; and who, having afterwards married and settled in Alexandria , were devoted to the Ptolemean interest. There were also some brigades raised in Syria and Cilicia , together with a considerable number of renegade slaves, who had deserted their masters, and found protection in Egypt , by entering into the service. If any of these was seized by his master, their companions flocked to his rescue, regarding his safety as a common cause, because they were all embarked in the like guilt. These would often take upon them to put to death the king’s ministers, to plunder the rich, for the sake of increasing their pay, to invest the royal palace, to banish some, and send for others home, with other liberties of the like nature, which the Alexandrian army claims by a kind of prescription. Besides these, he had likewise two thousand horse, who, during the late troubles, and the wars that ensued, had arms. These had restored Ptolemy the father to his kingdom, killed Bibulus’s two sons, warred against the Egytians with success, and acquired a thorough experience in military affairs.

Achillas trusting to the valour of his troops, and despising the handful of men that followed Caesar, quickly made himself master of Alexandria , the palace only excepted, where Caesar thought proper to make his stand, and which he attacked briskly, though without effect. But it was on the side of the harbour that the greatest efforts were made. On that, in effect, the victory depended. Besides two and twenty constant guard-ships, there were in the port fifty galleys, from three to five banks of oars, which the year before 'had been sent to Pompey’s assistance, and were returned since the battle of Pharsalia. Had Achillas been once master of these vessels, he might have cut Caesar off from all communication with the ocean, and consequently from all hopes of receiving supplies of victuals or forces. Thus the Egyptians, in hopes of a complete victory, and the Romans to avoid a certain ruin, exerted themselves with incredible vigour. At length Caesar carried his point, and not only set fire to the vessels abovementioned, but to all that were in the arsenals, after which he passed some troops into the Isle of Pharos.

The Pharos is a tower of prodigious height and wonderful workmanship, built in an island, from whence it takes its name. This island, lying over against Alexandria , makes a haven, and is joined to the continent by a causeway of nine hundred paces, and by a bridge. Here dwell several Egyptians, who have built a town, and live by pillaging the ships that are thrown upon their coast, either by mistake or tempest. As it is situate at the entrance of the port, which is but narrow, it absolutely commands it. Caesar knowing the importance of this post, whilst the enemywere engaged in the assault, landed some troops there, seized the tower, and put a garrison into it; thereby securing a safe reception for the supplies he had sent for on allsides. In the other quarters of the town, the fight was maintained with equal advantage, neither party losing ground, because of the narrowness of the passes, which enabled them easily to support themselves. After a few men killed on necessary places, fortified them in the night. In this quarter was a small part of the king’s palace, where Caesar was lodged upon his first arrival; and adjoining thereto a theatre, that served instead of a citadel, and had a communication with the port and other arsenals. These works he increased afterwards, that they might serve instead of a rampart, to prevent his being obliged to fight against his will. Meantime Ptolemy’s youngest daughter, hoping the throne would be vacant, fled from palace to Achillas, and joined with him in the prosecution of the war. But they soon disagreed about the command, which increased the largesses to the soldiers, each party endeavouring to gain them by large presents. During these transactions, Pothinus, Ptolemy’s governor, and regent of the kingdom, being discovered in a clandestine correspondence with Achillas, whom he encouraged to the vigorous prosecution of his enterprise, Caesar ordered him to be put to death. Such was the beginning of the Alexandrian war.