THE plebeians and Senate
						of Rome [in the olden time] were
						often at strife with each other concerning the enactment of laws, the
						cancelling of debts, the division of lands, or the election of magistrates.
						Internal discord did not bring them to blows, however; these were
						dissensions merely and contests within the law, which they composed by
						making mutual concessions, and with much respect for each other. Once when the
						plebeians were going to a war they fell into such a
						controversy, but they did not use the weapons in their hands, but withdrew
						to the hill, which from this time on was called the Sacred Mount. Even
						then no violence was done, but they created a magistrate for their
						protection and called him the tribune of the plebs, to serve especially as a
						check upon the consuls, who were chosen by the Senate, so that the political
						power should not be exclusively in their hands. Whence arose still greater
						bitterness, and the magistrates were arrayed in stronger animosity to each
						other after this event, and the Senate and plebeians took sides with them,
						each believing that it would prevail over the other by augmenting the power
						of its own magistrates. In the midst of contests of this kind Marcius
						Coriolanus, having been banished contrary to justice, took refuge with the Volsci and
						levied war against his country.

This is the only case of armed strife that can be found in the ancient
						seditions, and this was caused by an exile. The sword was never carried into
						the assembly, 
						and there was no civil butchery until Tiberius Gracchus, while serving as tribune and bringing forward new
						laws, was the first to fall a victim to internal commotion; and many others
						besides, who were assembled with him at the Capitol, were slain around the
						temple. Sedition did not end with this abominable deed. Repeatedly the
						parties came into open conflict, often carrying daggers; and occasionally in
						the temples, or the assemblies, or the forum, some one serving as tribune,
						or prætor, or consul, or a candidate for those offices, or some
						person otherwise distinguished, would be slain. Unseemly violence prevailed
						almost constantly, together with shameful contempt for law and justice. As
						the evil gained in magnitude open insurrections against the government and
						large warlike expeditions against the country were undertaken by exiles, or
						criminals, or persons contending against each other for some office or
						military command. There were chiefs of factions in different places aspiring
						to supreme power, some of them refusing to disband the troops intrusted to
						them by the people, others levying forces against each other on their own
						account, without public authority. Whichever of them first got possession of
						the city, the others made war nominally against their adversaries, but
						actually against their country. They assailed it like a foreign enemy.
						Ruthless and indiscriminate massacres of citizens were perpetrated. Men were
						proscribed, others banished, property was confiscated, and some were even
						subjected to excruciating tortures.

No unseemly deed was wanting until, about fifty years after the death of
						Gracchus, Cornelius Sulla, one of these chiefs of factions, doctoring one
						evil with another, made himself the absolute master of the state for an
						indefinite period. Such officials were formerly called dictators -- an
						office created in the most perilous emergencies for six months only, and
						long since fallen into disuse. Sulla, although nominally elected, became
						dictator for life by force and compulsion. Nevertheless he became satiated
							 with power and was the first man, so far as I
						know, holding 
						supreme power, who had the courage to lay it down voluntarily and to declare that he would render an account of his
						stewardship to any who were dissatisfied with it. And so, for a considerable
						period, he walked to the forum as a private citizen in the sight of all and
						returned home unmolested, so great was the awe of his government still
						remaining in the minds of the onlookers, or their amazement at his laying it
						down. Perhaps they were ashamed to call for an accounting, or entertained
						other good feeling toward him, or a belief that his despotism had been
						beneficial to the state. Thus there was a cessation of factions for a short
						time while Sulla lived, and a compensation for the evils which Sulla had
						wrought.

After his death the troubles broke out afresh and continued until Gaius
						Cæsar, who had held the command in Gaul by election for some years, was
						ordered by the Senate to lay down his command. He charged that it was not
						the wish of the Senate, but of Pompey, his enemy, who had command of an army
						in Italy , and was scheming to
						depose him. So he sent a proposal that both should retain their armies, so
						that neither need fear the other's enmity, or that Pompey should dismiss his
						forces also and live as a private citizen under the laws in like manner with
						him-self. Both requests being refused, he marched from Gaul against Pompey in the Roman
						territory, entered it, put him to flight, pursued him into Thessaly , won a brilliant victory over him
						in a great battle, and followed him to 
						 Egypt . After Pompey had been slain
						by the Egyptians Cæsar set to work on the affairs of Egypt and remained there until he had
						settled the dynasty of that country. Then he returned to Rome . Having overpowered by war his
						principal rival, who had been surnamed the Great on account of his brilliant
						military exploits, he now ruled without disguise, nobody daring any longer
						to dispute him about anything, and was chosen, next after Sulla, dictator
						for life. Again all civil dissensions ceased until Brutus and Cassius,
						envious of his great power and desiring to restore the government of their
						fathers, slew in the Senate this most popular man, who was also the one most
						experienced in the art of government. The people mourned for him greatly. They scoured the city in pursuit of his murderers.
						They buried him in the middle of the forum and built a temple on the place
						of his funeral pile, and offered sacrifice to him as a god.

And now civil discord broke out again worse than ever and
						increased enormously. Massacres, banishments, and proscriptions of both
						senators and the so-called knights took place straightway, including great
						numbers of both classes, the chief of factions surrendering their enemies to
						each other, and for this purpose not sparing even their friends and
						brothers; so much does animosity toward rivals overpower the love of
						kindred. So in the course of events the Roman empire was partitioned, as
						though it had been their private property, by these three men: Antony,
						Lepidus, and the one who was first called Octavius, but afterward
						Cæsar from his relationship to the other Cæsar and
						adoption in his will. Shortly after this division they fell to quarrelling
						among themselves, as was natural, and Octavius, who was the superior in
						understanding and skill, first deprived Lepidus of Africa , which had fallen to his lot, and
							 afterward,
						as the result of the battle of Actium , took from Antony all the
						provinces lying between Syria and
						the Adriatic gulf. Thereupon, while all the world was filled with
						astonishment at these wonderful displays of power, he sailed to Egypt and took that country, which was the
						oldest and at that time the strongest possession of the successors of
						Alexander, and the only one wanting to complete the Roman empire as it now
						stands. In consequence of these exploits he was at once elevated to the rank of a deity
						while still living, and was the first to be thus
						distinguished by the Romans, and was called by them Augustus. He assumed to
						himself an authority like Cæsar's over the country and the subject
						nations, and even greater than Cæsar's, not needing any form of
						election, or authorization, or even the pretence of it. His government being
						strengthened by time and mastery, and himself successful in all things and
						revered by all, he left a lineage and succession that held the supreme power
						in like manner after him.

Thus, out of multifarious civil commotions, the Roman state passed into
						solidarity and monarchy. To show how these things came about I have written
						and compiled piled this narrative, which is well worth the study of those
						who wish to know the measureless ambition of men, their dreadful lust of
						power, their unwearying perseverance, and the countless forms of evil. It is
						especially necessary for me to describe these things beforehand since they
						are the preliminaries of my Egyptian history, and end where that begins, for
							 Egypt was seized in consequence
						of this last civil commotion, Cleopatra having joined forces with Antony. On
						account of its magnitude I have divided the work, first taking up the events
						that occurred from the time of Sempronius Gracchus to that of Cornelius
						Sulla; next, those that followed to the death of Cæsar. The
						remaining books of the civil wars treat of those waged by the triumvirs
						against each other and the Roman people, until the end of these conflicts,
						and the greatest achievement, the battle of Actium , fought by Octavius Cæsar against Antony
						and Cleopatra together, which will be the beginning of the Egyptian
						history.

The Romans, as they subdued the Italian nations successively in war, seized a
						part of their lands and built towns there, or established their own colonies
						in those already existing, and used them in place of garrisons. Of the land
						acquired by war they assigned the cultivated part forthwith to settlers, or
						leased or sold it. Since they had no leisure as yet to allot the part which
						then lay desolated by war (this was generally the greater part), they made
						proclamation that in the meantime those who were willing to work it might do
						so for a share of the yearly crops a tenth of the grain and a fifth of the
						fruit. From those who kept flocks was required a share of the animals, both
						oxen and small cattle. They did these things in order to multiply the
						Italian race, which they considered the most laborious of peoples, so that
						they might have plenty of allies at home. But the very opposite thing
						happened; for the rich, getting possession of the greater part of the
						undistributed lands, and being emboldened by the lapse of time to believe
						that they would never be dispossessed, and adding to their holdings the
						small farms of their poor neighbors, partly by purchase and partly by force,
						came to cultivate vast tracts instead of single estates, using for this
						purpose slaves as laborers and herdsmen, lest free laborers should be drawn
						from agriculture into the army. The ownership of slaves itself brought them
						great gain from the multitude of their progeny, who increased because they
						were exempt from military service. Thus the powerful ones became enormously
						rich and the race of slaves multiplied throughout the country, while the
						Italian people dwindled in numbers and strength, being oppressed by penury,
						taxes, and military service. If they had any respite from these evils they
						passed their time in idleness, because the land was held by the rich, who
						employed slaves instead of freemen as cultivators.

For these reasons the people became troubled lest they should no longer have
						sufficient allies of the Italian stock, and lest the government itself
						should be endangered by such a vast number of slaves. Not perceiving any
						remedy, as it was not easy, nor exactly just, to deprive men of so many
						possessions they had held so long, including their own trees, buildings, and
						fixtures, a law was once passed with difficulty at the instance of the tribunes, that
							 nobody should hold more than 500 jugera of this
							land, 
						or pasture on it more than 100 cattle or 500 sheep. To ensure the observance
						of this law it was provided also that there should be a certain number of
						freemen employed on the farms, whose business it should be to watch and
						report what was going on. Those who held possession of lands under the law
						were required to take an oath to obey the law, and penalties were fixed for
						violating it, and it was supposed that the remaining land would soon be
						divided among the poor in small parcels. But there was not the smallest
						consideration shown for the law or the oaths. The few who seemed to pay some
						respect to them conveyed their lands to their relations fraudulently, but
						the greater part disregarded it altogether.

At length Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus, an illustrious man, eager for glory,
						a most powerful speaker, and for these reasons well known to all, delivered
						an eloquent discourse, while serving as tribune, concerning the Italian
						race, lamenting that a people so valiant in war, and blood relations to the
						Romans, were declining little by little in pauperism and paucity of numbers
						without any hope of remedy. He inveighed against the multitude of slaves as
						useless in war and never faithful to their masters, and adduced the recent
						calamity brought upon the masters by their slaves in Sicily , where the demands of agriculture
						had greatly increased the number of the latter; recalling also the war waged
						against them by the Romans, which was neither easy nor short, but
						long-protracted and full of vicissitudes and dangers.
						After speaking thus he again brought forward the law, providing that nobody
						should hold more than 500 jugera of the public domain. But he added a
						provision to the former law, that the sons of the present occupiers might
						each hold one-half of that amount, and that the remainder should be divided
						among the poor by triumvirs, who should be changed annually.

This was extremely disturbing to the rich because, on account of the
						triumvirs, they could no longer disregard the law as they had done before;
						nor could they buy the allotments of others, because Gracchus had provided
						against this by forbidding sales. They collected together in groups, and
						made lamentation, and accused the poor of appropriating the results of their
						tillage, their vineyards, and their dwellings. Some said that they had paid
						the price of the land to their neighbors. Were they to lose the money with
						the land? Others said that the graves of their ancestors were in the ground,
						which had been allotted to them in the division of their fathers' estates.
						Others said that their wives' dowries had been expended on the estates, or
						that the land had been given to their own daughters as dowry. Money-lenders
						could show loans made on this security. All kinds of wailing and expressions
						of indignation were heard at once. On the other side were heard the
						lamentations of the poor--that they had been reduced from competence to
						extreme penury, and from that to childlessness, because they were unable to
						rear their offspring. They recounted the military services they had
						rendered, by which this very land had been acquired, and were angry that
						they should be robbed of their share of the common property. They reproached
						the rich for employing slaves, who were always faithless and ill-tempered
						and for that reason unserviceable in war, instead of freemen, citizens, and
						soldiers. While these classes were lamenting and indulging in mutual
						accusations, a great number of others, composed of colonists, or inhabitants
						of the free towns, or persons otherwise interested in the lands and who were
						under like apprehensions, flocked in and took sides with their respective
						factions. Emboldened by numbers and exasperated against each other they
						attached themselves to turbulent crowds, and waited for the voting on the
						new law, some trying to prevent its enactment by all means, and others
						supporting it in every possible way. In addition to personal interest the
						spirit of rivalry spurred both sides in the preparations they were making
						against each other for the day of the comitia.

What Gracchus had in his mind in proposing the measure was not wealth, but an
						increase of efficient population. Inspired greatly by the usefulness of the
						work, and believing that nothing more advantageous or admirable could ever
						happen to Italy , he took no account
						of the difficulties surrounding it. When the time for voting came he
						advanced many other arguments at considerable length and also asked them
						whether it was not just to divide among the common people what belonged to
						them in common; whether a citizen was not worthy of more consideration at
						all times than a slave; whether a man who served in the army was not more
						useful than one who did not; and whether one who had a share in the country
						was not more likely to be devoted to the public interests. He did not dwell
						long on this comparison between freemen and slaves, which he considered
						degrading, but proceeded at once to a review of their hopes and fears for
						the country, saying that the Romans had acquired most of their territory by
						conquest, and that they had hopes of occupying the rest of the habitable
						world, but now the question of greatest hazard was, whether they should gain
						the rest by having plenty of brave men, or whether, through their weakness
						and mutual jealousy, their enemies should take away what they already
						possessed. After exaggerating the glory and riches on the one side and the
						danger and fear on the other, he admonished the rich to take heed, and said
						that for the realization of these, hopes they ought to bestow this very land
						as a free gift, if necessary, on men who would rear children, and not, by
						contending about small things, overlook larger ones; especially since they
						were receiving an ample compensation for labor expended in the undisputed
						title to 500 jugera each of free land, in a high state of cultivation,
						without cost, and half as much more for each son of those who had sons.
						After saying much more to the same purport and exciting the poor, as well as
						others who were moved by reason rather than by the desire for gain, he
						ordered the scribe to read the proposed law.

Marcus Octavius, another tribune, who had been induced by those in possession
						of the lands to interpose his veto (for among the Romans the tribune's veto
						always prevailed), ordered the scribe to keep silence. Thereupon Gracchus
						reproached him severely and adjourned the comitia to the following day. Then
						he stationed a sufficient guard, as if to force Octavius against his will,
						and ordered the scribe with threats to read the proposed law to the
						multitude. He began to read, but when Octavius again vetoed he stopped. Then
						the tribunes fell to wrangling with each other, and a considerable tumult
						arose among the people. The leading citizens besought the tribunes to submit
						their controversy to the Senate for decision. Gracchus seized on the
						suggestion, believing that the law was acceptable to all well-disposed
						persons, and hastened to the senate-house. There, as he had only a few
						followers and was upbraided by the rich, he ran back to the forum and said
						that he would take the vote at the comitia of the following day, both on the
						law and on the magistracy of Octavius, to determine whether a tribune who
						was acting contrary to the people's interest could continue to hold his
						office. And so he did, for when Octavius, nothing daunted, again interposed,
						Gracchus distributed the pebbles to take a vote on him first. When the first
						tribe voted to abrogate the magistracy of Octavius, Gracchus turned to him
						and begged him to desist from this veto. As he would not yield, the votes of
						the other tribes were taken. There were thirty-five tribes at that time. The
						seventeen that voted first angrily sustained this motion. If the eighteenth
						should do the same it would make a majority. Again did Gracchus, in the
						sight of the people, urgently importune Octavius in his present extreme
						danger not to prevent this most pious work, so useful to all Italy , and not to frustrate the wishes so
						earnestly entertained by the people, whose desires he ought rather to share
						in his character of tribune, and not to risk the loss of his office by
						public condemnation. After speaking thus he called the gods to witness that
						he did not willingly do any despite to his colleague. As Octavius was still
						unyielding he went on taking the vote. Octavius was forthwith reduced to the
						rank of a private citizen and slunk away unobserved.

Quintus Mummius was chosen tribune in his place, and the agrarian law was
						enacted. The first triumvirs appointed to divide the land were Gracchus
						himself, the proposer of the law, his brother of the same name, and his
						father-in-law, Appius Claudius, since the people still feared that the law
						might fail of execution unless Gracchus should be put in the lead with his
						whole family. Gracchus became immensely popular by reason of the law and was
						escorted home by the multitude as though he were the founder, not of a
						single city or race, but of all the nations of Italy . After, this the victorious party returned to the
						fields from which they had come to attend to this business. The defeated
						ones remained in the city and talked the matter over, feeling bitterly, and
						saying that as soon as Gracchus should become a private citizen he would be
						sorry that he had done despite to the sacred and inviolable office of
						tribune, and had opened such a fountain of discord in Italy .

At the advent of summer the notices for the election of tribunes were given,
						and as the day for voting approached it was very evident that the rich were
						earnestly promoting the election of those most inimical to Gracchus. The
						latter, fearing that evil would befall if he should not be reelected for the
						following year, summoned his friends from the fields to attend the comitia,
						but as they were occupied with their harvest he was obliged, when the day
						fixed for the voting drew near, to have recourse to the plebeians of the
						city. So he went around asking each one separately to elect him tribune for
						the ensuing year, on account of the danger he had incurred for them. When
						the voting took place the first two tribes pronounced for Gracchus. The rich
						objected that it was not lawful for the same man to hold the office twice in
						succession. The tribune Rubrius, who had been chosen by lot to preside over
						the comitia, was in doubt about it, and Mummius, who had been chosen in
						place of Octavius, urged him to turn over the comitia to his charge. This he
						did, but the remaining tribunes contended that the presidency should be
						decided by lot, saying that when Rubrius, who had been chosen in that way,
						resigned, the casting of lots ought to be done over again for all. As there
						was much strife over this question, Gracchus, who was getting the worst of
						it, adjourned the voting to the following day. In utter despair he clothed
						himself in black, while still in office, and led his son around the forum
						and introduced him to each man and committed him to their charge, as if he
						were about to perish at the hands of his enemies.

The poor were moved with deep sorrow, and rightly so, both on their own
						account (for they believed that they were no longer to live in a free state
						under equal laws, but were reduced to servitude by the rich), and on account
						of Gracchus himself, who had incurred such danger and suffering in their
						behalf. So they all accompanied him with tears to his house in the evening,
						and bade him be of good courage for the morrow. Gracchus cheered up,
						assembled his partisans before daybreak, and communicated to them a signal
						to be displayed in case of a fight. He then took possession of the temple on
						the Capitoline hill, where the voting was to take place, and occupied the
						middle of the assembly. As he was obstructed by the other tribunes and by
						the rich, who would not allow the votes to be taken on this question, he
						gave the signal. There was a sudden shout from those who saw it, and a
						resort to violence in consequence. Some of the partisans of Gracchus took
						position around him like body-guards. Others, having girded themselves,
						seized the fasces and staves in the hands of the lictors and broke them in
						pieces. They drove the rich out of the assembly with such disorder and
						wounds that the tribunes fled from their places in terror, and the priests
						closed the doors of the temple. Many ran away pell-mell and scattered wild
						rumors. Some said that Gracchus had deposed all the other tribunes, and this
						was believed because none of them could be seen. Others said that he had
						declared himself tribune for the ensuing year without an election.

Under these circumstances the Senate assembled at the temple of Fides. It is astonishing to me
						that they never thought of appointing a dictator in this emergency, although
						they had often been protected by the government of a single ruler in such
						times of peril. Although this resource had been found most useful in former
						times few people remembered it, either then or later. After reaching the
						decision that they did reach, they marched up to the Capitol, Cornelius
						Scipio Nasica, the pontifex maximus, leading the way and calling out with a
						loud voice, "Let those who would save the country follow me." He wound the
						border of his toga about his head either to induce a greater number to go
						with him by the singularity of his appearance, or to make for himself, as it
						were, a helmet as a sign of battle for those who looked on, or in order to
						conceal from the gods what he was about to do. When he arrived at the temple
						and advanced against the partisans of Gracchus they yielded to the
						reputation of a foremost citizen, for they saw the Senate following with
						him. The latter wrested clubs out of the hands of the Gracchans themselves,
						or with fragments of broken benches or other apparatus that had been brought
						for the use of the assembly, began beating them, and pursued them, and drove
						them over the precipice. In the tumult
						many of the Gracchans perished, and Gracchus himself was caught near the temple, and was
						slain at the door close by the statues of the kings. All the bodies were
						thrown by night into the Tiber .

So perished on the Capitol, and while still tribune, Gracchus, the son of the
						Gracchus who was twice consul, and of Cornelia, daughter of that Scipio who
						subjugated Carthage . He lost
						his life in consequence of a most excellent design, which, however, he
						pursued in too violent a manner. This shocking affair, the first that was
						perpetrated in the public assembly, was seldom without parallels thereafter
						from time to time. On the subject of the murder of Gracchus the city was
						divided between sorrow and joy. Some mourned for themselves and for him, and
						deplored the present condition of things, believing that the commonwealth no
						longer existed, but had been supplanted by force and violence. Others
						considered that everything had turned out for them exactly as they wished.
						These things took place at the time when Aristonicus was contending with the
						Romans for the government of Asia .

After Gracchus was slain Appius Claudius died, and Fulvius Flaccus and
						Papirius Carbo were appointed, in conjunction with the younger Gracchus, to
						divide the land. As the persons in possession neglected to hand in lists of
						their holdings, a proclamation was issued that informers should furnish
						testimony against them. Immediately a great number of embarrassing lawsuits
						sprang up. Wherever a new field had been bought adjoining an old one, or
						wherever a division of land had been made with allies, the whole district
						had to be carefully inquired into on account of the measurement of this one
						field, to discover how it had been sold and how divided. Not all owners had
						preserved their contracts, or their allotment titles, and even those that
						were found were often ambiguous. When the land was resurveyed some owners
						were obliged to give up their fruit-trees and farm-buildings in exchange for
						naked ground. Others were transferred from cultivated to uncultivated lands,
						or to swamps, or pools. In fact, the measuring had not been carefully done
						when the land was first taken from the enemy. As the original proclamation
						authorized anybody to work the undistributed land who wished to do so, many
						had been prompted to cultivate the parts immediately adjoining their own,
						till the line of demarkation between them had faded from
						view. The progress of time also made many changes. Thus the injustice done
						by the rich, although great, was not easy of ascertainment. So there was
						nothing but a general turn-about, all parties being moved out of their own
						places and settled down in other people's.

The Italian allies who complained of these disturbances, and
						especially of the lawsuits hastily brought against them, chose Cornelius
						Scipio, the destroyer of Carthage , to defend them against these grievances. As he
						had availed himself of their very valiant services in war he was reluctant
						to disregard their request. So he came into the Senate, and although, out of
						regard for the plebeians, he did not openly find fault with the law of
						Gracchus, he expatiated on its difficulties and held that these causes ought
						not to be decided by the triumvirs, because they did not possess the
						confidence of the litigants, but should be turned over to others. As his
						view seemed reasonable, they yielded to his persuasion, and the consul
						Tuditanus was appointed to give judgment in these cases. But when he took
						hold of the work he saw the difficulties of it, and marched against the
						Illyrians as a pretext for not acting as judge, and since nobody brought
						cases for trial before the triumvirs they relapsed into idleness. From this
						cause hatred and indignation arose among the people against Scipio because
						they saw him, in whose favor they had often opposed the aristocracy and
						incurred their enmity, electing him consul twice contrary to law, now taking
						the side of the Italian allies against them. When Scipio's enemies observed
						this, they cried out that he was determined to abolish the law of Gracchus
						utterly and was about to inaugurate armed strife and bloodshed for that
						purpose.

When the people heard these charges they were in a state of alarm until
						Scipio, after placing near his couch at home one evening a tablet on which
						he intended to write during the night the speech he intended to deliver
						before the people, was found dead in his bed without a wound. Whether this
						was done by Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi (aided by her daughter,
						Sempronia, who was married to Scipio, and was unloved and unloving because
						she was deformed and childless), lest the law of Gracchus should be
						abolished, or whether, as some think, he committed suicide because he saw
						plainly that he could not accomplish what he had promised, is not known.
						Some say that slaves, who were subjected to torture, testified that unknown
						persons were introduced through the rear of the house by night who
						suffocated him, and that those who knew about it hesitated to tell because
						the people were angry with him still and rejoiced at his death. So died
						Scipio, and although he had been of immense service to the Roman power he
						was not honored with a public funeral; so much does the anger of the present
						moment outweigh gratitude for the past. And this event, sufficiently
						important in itself, took place as an incident of the sedition of
							Gracchus.

Those who were in possession of the lands even after these events postponed
						the division on various pretexts for a very long time. Some thought that the
						Italian allies, who made the greatest resistance to it, ought to be admitted
						to Roman citizenship so that, out of gratitude for the greater favor, they
						should no longer quarrel about the land. The Italians were glad to accept
						this, because they preferred Roman citizenship to
						possession of the fields. Fulvius Flaccus, who was then both consul and
						triumvir, exerted himself to the utmost to bring it about, but the Senate
						was angry at the proposal to make their subjects equal citizens with themselves.
						For this reason the attempt was abandoned, and the people,
						who had been so long in the hope of acquiring land, became disheartened.
						While they were in this mood Gaius Gracchus, who had made himself agreeable
						to them as a triumvir, offered himself for the tribuneship. He was the
						younger brother of Tiberius Gracchus, the promoter of the law, and had been
						silent for some time on the subject of the fate of his brother, but since
						many of the senators treated him scornfully he announced himself as a
						candidate for the office of tribune. As soon as he was
						elected to this distinguished position he began to lay plots against the
						Senate, and proposed that a monthly distribution of corn should be made to
						each citizen at the public expense, which had not been customary before.
						Thus he got the leadership of the people quickly by one measure of policy,
						in which he had the coöperation of Fulvius Flaccus. Directly after
						that he was chosen tribune for the following year, for in cases where there
						was not a sufficient number of candidates the law authorized the people to
						choose from the whole number then in office.

Thus Gaius Gracchus became tribune a second time. Having bought the
						plebeians, as it were, he began, by another like political
						manœuvre, to court the equestrian order, who hold the middle place
						between the Senate and the plebeians. He transferred the courts of justice,
						which had become discredited by reason of bribery, from the senators to the
						knights, reproaching the former especially with the recent examples of
						Aurelius Cotta, Salinator, and, third in the list, Manius Aquilius (the one
						who subdued Asia ), all notorious
						bribe-takers, who had been acquitted by the judges, although ambassadors
						sent to complain against them were still present, going around uttering
						hateful accusations against them. The Senate was extremely ashamed of these
						things and yielded to the law, and the people ratified it. In this way were
						the courts of justice transferred from the Senate to the knights. It is said
						that soon after the passage of this law Gracchus remarked that he had broken
						the power of the Senate once for all. This saying of Gracchus has been even
						more confirmed by experience in the course of events. This power of sitting
						in judgment on all Romans and Italians, including the senators themselves,
						in all matters as to property, civil rights, and banishment, exalted the
						knights like rulers over them and put senators on the same level with
						subjects. Moreover, as the knights voted in the election to sustain the
						power of the tribunes, and obtained from them whatever they wanted in
						return, they became more and more formidable to the senators. So it shortly
						came about that the political mastery was turned upside down, the power
						being in the hands of the knights, and the honor only remaining with the Senate. The knights went so far that they
						not only held power over the senators, but they openly flouted them beyond
						their right. They also became addicted to bribe-taking, and having once
						tasted these enormous gains, they indulged in them even more basely and
						immoderately than the senators had done. They suborned accusers against the rich and did away with
						prosecutions for bribe-taking altogether, partly by concert of action and
						partly by force and violence, so that the practice of this kind of
						investigation became entirely obsolete. Thus the judiciary law gave rise to
						another struggle of factions, which lasted a long time and was not less
						baneful than the former ones.

Gracchus made long roads throughout Italy and thus put a multitude of contractors and artisans
						under obligations to him and made them ready to do whatever he wished. He
						proposed the founding of numerous colonies. He also called on the Latin allies to demand the full
						rights of Roman citizenship, since the Senate could not with decency refuse
						this privilege to their blood relations. To the other allies, who were not
						allowed to vote in Roman elections, he sought to give the right of suffrage,
						in order to have their help in the enactment of laws which he had in
						contemplation. The Senate was very much alarmed at this, and it ordered the
						consuls to give the following public notice, "Nobody who does not possess
						the right of suffrage shall stay in the city or approach within forty stades
						of it while voting is going on concerning these laws." The Senate also
						persuaded Livius Drusus, another tribune, to interpose his veto against the
						laws proposed by Gracchus, but not to tell the people his reasons for doing
						so; for a tribune was not required to give reasons for his veto. In order to
						conciliate the people they gave Drusus the privilege of founding twelve
						colonies, and the plebeians were so much pleased with this that they began
						to scoff at the laws proposed by Gracchus.

Having lost the favor of the rabble, Gracchus sailed for Africa in company with Fulvius Flaccus,
						who, after his consulship, had been chosen tribune for the same reasons as
						Gracchus himself. A colony had been voted to Africa on account of its reputed fertility, and these men
						had been expressly chosen the founders of it in order to get them out of the
						way for a while, so that the Senate might have a respite from demagogism.
						They marked out a town for the colony on the place where Carthage had formerly stood,
						disregarding the fact that Scipio, when he destroyed it, had devoted it with
						curses to sheep-pasturage forever. They assigned 6000 colonists to this
						place, instead of the smaller number fixed by law, in order further to curry
						favor with the people thereby. When they returned to Rome they invited the 6000 from the whole
						of Italy . The functionaries who
						were still in Africa laying out the
						city wrote home that wolves had pulled up and scattered the boundary marks
						made by Gracchus and Fulvius, and the soothsayers considered this an ill
						omen for the colony. So the Senate summoned the comitia, in which it was
						proposed to repeal the law concerning this colony. When
						Gracchus and Fulvius saw their failure in this matter they were furious, and
						declared that the Senate had lied about the wolves. The boldest of the
						plebeians joined them, carrying daggers, and proceeded to the Capitol, where
						the assembly was to be held in reference to the colony.

Now the people were assembled, and Fulvius had begun speaking about the
						business in hand, when Gracchus arrived at the Capitol attended by a
						body-guard of his partisans. Disturbed by what he knew about the
						extraordinary plans on foot he turned aside from the meeting-place of the
						assembly, passed into the portico, and walked about waiting to see what
						would happen. Just then a plebeian named Antyllus, who was sacrificing in
						the portico, saw him in this disturbed state, seized him by the hand, either
						because he had heard something or suspected something, or was moved to speak
						to him for some other reason, and asked him to spare his country. Gracchus,
						still more disturbed, and startled like one detected in a crime, gave the
						man a piercing look. Then one of his party, although no signal had been
						displayed or order given, inferred merely from the very sharp glance that
						Gracchus cast upon Antyllus that the time for action had come, and thought
						that he should do a favor to Gracchus by striking the first blow. So he drew
						his dagger and slew Antyllus. A cry was raised, the dead body was seen in
						the midst of the crowd, and all who were outside fled from the temple in
						fear of a like fate. Gracchus went into the assembly desiring to exculpate
						himself of the deed. Nobody would so much as listen to him. All turned away
						from him as from one stained with blood. Gracchus and Flaccus were
						nonplussed and, having lost the chance of accomplishing what they wished,
						they hastened home, and their partisans with them. The rest of the crowd
						occupied the forum throughout the night as though some calamity were
						impending. Opimius, one of the consuls, who was staying in the city, ordered
						an armed force to be stationed at the Capitol at daybreak, and sent heralds
						to convoke the Senate. He took his own station in the temple of Castor and
						Pollux in the centre of the city and there awaited events.

When these arrangements had been made the Senate summoned Gracchus and
						Flaccus from their homes to the senate-house to defend themselves. But they
						ran out armed toward the Aventine 
						hill, hoping that if they could seize it first the Senate would agree to
						some terms with them. They ran through the city offering freedom to the
						slaves, but none listened to them. With such forces as they had, however,
						they occupied and fortified the temple of Diana, and sent Quintus, the son
						of Flaccus, to the Senate seeking to come to an arrangement and to live in
						peace. The Senate replied that they should lay down their arms, come to the
						senate-house, tell what they wanted, or else send no more messengers. When
						they sent Quintus a second time the consul Opimius arrested him, as being no
						longer an ambassador after he had been warned, and at the same time sent an
						armed force against the Gracchans. Gracchus fled across the river by the
						Sublician bridge, with one slave, to a grove where he presented his throat
						to the slave, as he was on the point of being arrested. Flaccus took refuge
						in the workshop of an acquaintance. As his pursuers did not know which house
						he was in they threatened to burn the whole row. The man who had given
						shelter to the suppliant hesitated to point him out, but directed another
						man to do so. Flaccus was seized and put to death. The heads of Gracchus and
						Flaccus were carried to Opimius, and he gave their weight in gold to those
						who brought them. The people plundered their houses. Opimius arrested their
						fellow-conspirators, cast them into prison, and ordered that they should be
						strangled. He allowed Quintus, the son of Flaccus, to choose his own mode of
						death. After this a lustration was performed in behalf of the city for the
						bloodshed, and the Senate ordered the building of a temple to Concord in the
						forum.

So the sedition of the younger Gracchus came to an end. Not long afterward a
						law was enacted to permit the holders to sell the land about which they had
						quarrelled; for even this had been forbidden by the law of the elder
						Gracchus. Presently the rich bought the allotments of the poor, or found
						pretexts for seizing them by force. So the condition of the poor became even
						worse than it was before, until Spurius Borius, a tribune of the people,
						brought in a law providing that the work of distributing the public domain
						should no longer be continued, but that the land should belong to those in
						possession of it, who should pay rent for it to the people, and that the
						money so received should be distributed. This distribution was a kind of
						solace to the poor, but it did not serve to increase the population. By
						these devices the law of Gracchus (most excellent and useful if it could
						have been carried out) was once for all frustrated, and a little later the
						rent itself was abolished at the instance of another tribune. So the
						piebeians lost everything. Whence resulted a still further decline in the
						numbers of both citizens and soldiers, and in the revenue from the land and
						the distribution thereof; and about fifteen years after the enactment of the
						law of Gracchus, the laws themselves fell into abeyance by reason of the
						slackness of the judicial proceedings.

About this time the consul Scipio [Nasica] demolished the theatre begun by
						Lucius Cassius, and now nearly finished, because he considered this also the
						source of new seditions or because he thought it not altogether desirable
						that the Romans should become accustomed to Grecian pleasures. The censor,
						Quintus Cæcelius Metellus, attempted to degrade Glaucia, a
						senator, and Apuleius Saturninus, who had already been a tribune, on account
						of their disgraceful mode of life, but was not able to do so because his
						colleague would
						not agree to it. Accordingly Saturninus, a little later, in
						order to have revenge on Metellus, became a candidate for the tribuneship
						again, seizing the occasion when Glaucia held the office of prætor
						and presided over the election of the tribunes; but Nonius, a man of noble
						birth, who used much plainness of speech in reference to Saturninus and
						reproached Glaucia bitterly, was chosen for the office. As they feared lest
						he should punish them as tribune, they made a rush upon him with a crowd of
						ruffians just as he was going away from the comitia, pursued him into a
						certain inn, and stabbed him. As this murder had a pitiful and shocking
						aspect, the adherents of Glaucia came together early the next morning,
						before the people had assembled, and declared Saturninus elected tribune. In
						this way the killing of Nonius was hushed up, since everybody was afraid to
						call Saturninus to account because he was a tribune.

Metellus was banished by them at the instigation of Gaius Marius, who was
						then in his sixth consulship, and was the secret enemy of Metellus. Thus
						they all helped each other. Saturninus brought forward a law to divide the
						land which the Cimbri (a Celtic tribe lately driven out by
						Marius) had seized in the country now called Gaul by the Romans, and which was considered as no longer
						Gallic but Roman territory. It was provided also in this law that if the
						people should enact it the senators should take an oath within five days to
						obey it, and that any one who should refuse to do so should be expelled from
						the Senate and should pay a fine of twenty talents for the benefit of the
						people. Thus they intended to punish those who should take it with a bad
						grace, and especially Metellus, who was too high-spirited to submit to the
						oath. Such was the proposed law. Saturninus appointed the day for holding
						the comitia and sent messengers to summon from the country districts those
						in whom he had most confidence, because they had served in the army under
						Marius. As the law gave the larger share to the Italian allies the city
						people were not pleased with it.

Sedition broke out in the comitia. Those who attempted to prevent the passage
						of the laws proposed by the tribunes were assaulted by Saturninus and driven
						away from the rostra. The city folks exclaimed that thunder was heard in the
						assembly, in which case it is not permitted by Roman custom to finish the
						business that day. As the adherents of Saturninus persisted nevertheless,
						the city people girded themselves, seized whatever clubs they could lay
						their hands on, and dispersed the rustics. The latter were rallied by
						Saturninus; they attacked the city folks with clubs, overcame them, and
						passed the law. When this was done Marius, in his capacity as consul,
						forthwith proposed to the Senate that they consider concerning taking the
						oath. Knowing that Metellus was a man of fixed opinion and firm in whatever
						he might believe or commit himself to, he gave his own opinion publicly, but
						deceitfully, saying that he would never willingly take this oath himself.
						When Metellus had agreed with him in this, and the others had praised them
						both, Marius adjourned the Senate. On the fifth day thereafter (the last day
						prescribed in the law for taking the oath) he called them together in haste
						about the tenth hour, saying that he was afraid of the people because they
						were so zealous for the law. He saw a way, however, to avoid it, and he
						proposed the following trick--to swear that they would obey the law as far
						as it was a law, and thus at once disperse the country people by stratagem.
						Afterward it could be easily shown that this thing, which had been enacted
						by violence and in spite of thunder, contrary to the custom of their
						ancestors, was not a law.

After speaking thus he did not wait for the result, but while all were in
						silent amazement at the plot, and confused because there was no time to be
						lost and no opportunity for thinking, he rose and went to the temple of
						Saturn, where the quæstors were accustomed to administer oaths,
						and took the oath first with his friends. The rest followed his example, as
						each one feared for his own safety. Metellus alone refused to swear, but
						stood fearlessly by his first determination. Saturninus proceeded against
						him at once on the next day. He sent an officer for him and dragged him out
						of the senate-house. As the other tribunes defended him Glaucia and
						Saturninus hastened to the country people and told them that they would
						never get the land, and that the law would not be executed, unless Metellus
						were banished. They proposed a decree of banishment against him and directed
						the consuls to interdict fire and water and shelter to him, and appointed a
						day for the ratification of this decree. Great was the indignation of the
						city people, who constantly escorted Metellus, carrying daggers. He thanked
						them and praised them for their good intentions, but said that he could not
						allow any danger to befall the country on his account. After saying this he
						withdrew from the city. Saturninus got the decree ratified, and Marius made
						proclamation that it was a part of the law.

In this way was Metellus, a most admirable man, sent into banishment.
						Thereupon Saturninus was made tribune a third time and he had for a
						colleague one who was thought to be a fugitive slave, but who claimed to be
						a son of the elder Gracchus. The multitude supported him in the election
						because they regretted Gracchus. When the election for consuls came on
						Marcus Antonius was chosen as one of them by common consent. The aforesaid
						Glaucia and Memmius contended for the other place. Memmius was the more
						illustrious man by far, and Glaucia and Saturninus were fearful of the
						result. So they sent a gang of ruffians to attack him with clubs while the
						election was going on. They fell upon him in the midst of the comitia and
						beat him to death in the sight of all. The assembly was broken up in terror.
						Neither laws nor courts nor sense of shame remained. The people ran together
						in anger the following day intending to kill Saturninus, but he had
						collected another mob from the country and, with Glaucia and Gaius Saufeius,
						the quæstor, seized the Capitol. The Senate voted them public
						enemies. Marius was vexed; nevertheless he armed some of his forces
						reluctantly, and, while he was delaying, some other persons cut off the
						water-supply from the Capitoline temple. Saufeius was near perishing with
						thirst and proposed to set the temple on fire, but Glaucia and Saturninus,
						who hoped that Marius would assist them, surrendered first, and after them
						Saufeius. As everybody demanded that they should be put to death, Marius
						shut them up in the senate-house as though he intended to deal with them in
						a more legal manner. The crowd considered this a mere pretext. They tore the
						tiles off the roof and stoned them to death, including a quæstor,
						a tribune, and a prætor, who were still wearing their insignia of
						office.

Very many others were swept out of existence in this sedition. Among them was
						that other tribune who was supposed to be the son of Gracchus, and who
						perished on that first day of his magistracy. Freedom, democracy, laws,
						reputation, official position, were no longer of any use to anybody, since
						even the tribunician office, which had been devised for the restraint of
						wrong-doers and the protection of the plebeians, and was sacred and
						inviolable, now committed such outrages and suffered such indignities. When
						the party of Saturninus was destroyed the Senate and people clamored for the
						recall of Metellus, but Publius Furius, a tribune who was not the son of a
						free citizen but of a freedman, boldly resisted them. Not even Metellus, the
						son of Metellus, who besought him in the presence of the people with tears
						in his eyes, and threw himself at his feet, could move him. From this
						spectacle the son ever afterward bore the name of Metellus Pius. The
						following year Furius was called to account for his obstinacy by the new
						tribune, Gaius Canuleius. The people did not wait for the argument, but tore Furius
						in pieces. Thus every year some new deed of abomination was
						committed in the forum. Metellus was allowed to return, and it is said that
						a whole day was not sufficient for the greetings of those who went to meet
						him at the city gates. Such was the third civil strife (that of Saturninus)
						which succeeded those of the two Gracchi, and such results it brought to the
						Romans.

While they were thus occupied the so-called Social War, in which many Italian
						peoples were engaged, broke out. It began unexpectedly, grew to great
						proportions rapidly, and extinguished the Roman seditions for a long time by
						a new terror. When it was ended it gave rise to new seditions under more
						powerful leaders, who did not work by introducing new laws, or by playing
						the demagogue, but by employing whole armies against each other. I have
						treated it in this history because it had its origin in a Roman sedition and
						resulted in another one much worse. It began in this way. Fulvius Flaccus in
						his consulship first openly excited among the
						Italians the desire for Roman citizenship, so as to be partners in the
						hegemony instead of subjects. When he introduced this idea and strenuously
						persisted in it, the Senate, for that reason, sent him away to take command
						in a war, in the course of which his consulship expired, but he obtained the
						tribuneship after that and managed to have the younger Gracchus for a
						colleague, with whose coöperation he brought forward other measures
						in favor of the Italians. When they were both killed, as I have previously
						related, the Italians were still more excited. They could not bear to be
						considered subjects instead of equals, or to think that Flaccus and Gracchus
						should suffer such calamities while working for their political advantage.

After them the tribune Livius Drusus, a man of most 
						illustrious birth, promised the Italians, at their urgent request, that he
						would bring forward a new law to give them citizenship. They desired this
						especially because by that one step they would become rulers instead of
						subjects. In order to conciliate the plebeians to this measure he led out to
							 Italy and Sicily several colonies which had been
						voted some time before, but not yet planted. He endeavored to bring to an
						agreement the Senate and the equestrian order, who were then in sharp
						antagonism to each other, in reference to the law courts. As he was not able
						to restore the courts to the Senate openly, he tried the following artifice
						on both of them. As the senators had been reduced by the seditions to
						scarcely 300 in number, he brought forward a law that an equal number should
						be added to their enrolment from the knights, to be chosen according to
						merit, and that the law courts should be made up from all of these
						hereafter. He provided in the law that they should make investigations about
						bribery, as accusations of that kind were almost unknown, since the custom
						of bribe-taking prevailed without restraint. This was the plan that he
						contrived for both of them, but it turned out contrary to his expectations,
						for the senators were indignant that so large a number should be added to
						their enrolment at one time and be transferred from knighthood to the
						highest rank. They thought it not unlikely that they would form a faction in
						the Senate by themselves and contend against the old senators more
						powerfully than ever. The knights, on the other hand, suspected that, by
						this doctoring, the courts of justice would be transferred from their order
						to the Senate exclusively. Having acquired a relish for the great gains and
						power of the judicial office, this suspicion disturbed them. Most of them
						fell into doubt and distrust toward each other, discussing which ones seemed
						more worthy than others to be enrolled among the 300; and envy against their
						betters filled the breasts of the remainder. Above all were they angry at
						the revival of the charge of bribery, which they thought had been ere this
						entirely suppressed, so far as they were concerned.

Thus it came to pass that both the Senate and the knights, although opposed
						to each other, were united in hating Drusus. Only the plebeians were
						gratified with the colonies. The Italians, in whose interest chiefly Drusus
						was devising these plans, were apprehensive about the law providing for the
						colonies, because they thought that the Roman public domain (which was still
						undivided and which they were cultivating, some by force and others
						clandestinely) would be taken away from them, and that in many cases they
						might even be disturbed in their private holdings. The Etruscans and the
						Umbrians had the same fears as the Italians, and when they were
						summoned to the city, as it was thought, by the consuls, ostensibly for the
						purpose of complaining against the law of Drusus, but actually, as is
						believed, for the purpose of killing him, they cried down the law publicly
						and waited for the day of the comitia. Drusus learned of the plot against
						him and did not go out frequently, but transacted business from day to day
						in the atrium of his house, which was poorly lighted. One evening as he was
						sending the crowd away he exclaimed suddenly that he was wounded, and fell
						down while uttering the words. A shoemaker's knife was found thrust into his
						hip.

Thus was Drusus also slain while serving as tribune. The knights, in order to
						make his policy a ground of accusation against their enemies, persuaded the
						tribune Quintus Varius to bring forward a law to prosecute those who should,
						either openly or secretly, aid the Italians to acquire citizenship. They
						hoped to bring all the leaders under malicious indictment, and themselves to
						sit in judgment on them, and that when their enemies were out of the way
						they should be more powerful than ever in the government of Rome . When the other tribunes interposed
						their veto the knights surrounded them with drawn daggers and enacted the
						measure, whereupon accusers at once brought actions against the most
						illustrious of the senators. Of these Bestia did not respond, but went into
						exile voluntarily rather than surrender himself into the hands of his
						enemies. After him Cotta went before the court, made a brilliant defence of
						his administration of public affairs, and openly reviled the knights. He,
						too, departed from the city before the vote of the judges was taken.
						Mummius, the one who had conquered Greece , was basely ensnared by the knights, who promised to
						acquit him, but condemned him to banishment. He passed the remainder of his
						life at Delos .

As this wickedness prevailed more and more against the best citizens, the
						people were grieved because they were deprived all at once of so many men
						who had rendered such great services. When the Italians learned of the
						killing of Drusus and of the reason alleged for banishing the others, they
						considered it no longer bearable that those who were laboring for their
						political advancement should suffer such outrages, and as they saw no other
						means of acquiring citizenship they decided to revolt from the Romans
						altogether, and to make war against them with all their might. They sent
						envoys to each other secretly, formed a league, and exchanged hostages as a
						pledge of good faith. The Romans were in ignorance of these facts for a long
						time, being preoccupied by the judicial proceedings and the seditions in the
						city. When they heard what was going on they sent men around to the towns,
						choosing those who were best acquainted with each, to collect information
						quietly. One of these saw a young man who was being taken as a hostage from
						the town of Asculum to another
						town, and informed Servilius, the proconsul in those parts. (It appears that
						there were proconsuls at that time governing the various parts of Italy ; Hadrian revived the custom a long
						time afterward when he held the supreme power, but it did not long survive
						him.) Servilius hastened to Asculum and indulged in very menacing language to the
						people, who were celebrating a festival, and they put him to death,
						supposing that the plot was discovered. They also killed Fonteius, his
						legate (for so they call those of the senatorial order who accompany the
						governors of provinces as assistants). After these were slain none of the
						other Romans in Asculum were
						spared. The inhabitants fell upon them, slaughtered them all, and plundered
						their goods.

When the revolt broke out all the neighboring peoples showed their
						preparedness at the same time, the Marsi, the Peligni, the Vestini, the
						Marrucini; and after them the Picentines, the Frentani, the Hirpini, the
						Pompeiians, the Venusini, the Apulians, the Lucanians, and the Samnites, all of whom had been hostile to the
						Romans before; also all the rest extending from the river Liris (which is
						now, I think, the Liternus) to the extremity of the Adriatic gulf, both
						inland and sea-coast. They sent ambassadors to Rome to complain that although they had coöperated
						in all ways with the Romans in building up the empire, the latter had not
						been willing to admit their helpers to citizenship. The Senate answered
						sternly that if they repented of what they had done they could send
						ambassadors, otherwise not. The Italians, in despair of any other remedy,
						went on with their preparations for war. Besides the soldiers which were
						kept for guards at each town, they had forces in common amounting to about
						100,000 foot and horse. The Romans sent an equal force against them, made up
						of their own citizens and of the Italian peoples who were still in alliance
						with them.

The Romans were led by the consuls Sextus Julius Cæsar and Publius
						Rutilius Lupus, for in this great civil war both consuls marched forth at
						once, leaving the gates and walls in charge of others, as was customary in
						cases of danger arising at home or very near by. When the war was found to
						be complicated and many-sided, they sent their most renowned men as
						lieutenant-generals to aid the consuls: to Rutilius, Gnæus
						Pompeius, the father of Pompey the Great, Quintus Cæpio, Gaius
						Perpenna, Gaius Marius, and Valerius Messala; to Sextus Cæsar,
						Publius Lentulus, a brother of Cæsar himself, Titus Didius,
						Licinius Crassus, Cornelius Sulla, and Marcellus. All these served under the
						consuls and the country was divided among them. The consuls visited all
						parts of the field of operations, and the Romans sent them additional forces
						continually, knowing that it was a great conflict. The Italians had generals
						for their united forces besides those of the separate towns. The chief
						commanders were Titus Lafrenius, Gaius Pontilius, Marius Egnatius, Quintus
						Pompædius, Gaius Papius, Marcus Lamponius, Gaius Judacilius,
						Herius Asinius, and Vettius Cato. They divided their army in equal parts,
						took their positions against the Roman generals, performed many notable
						exploits, and suffered many disasters. The most memorable events of each
						class I shall here summarize.

Vettius Cato defeated Sextus Julius, killed 2000 of his men, and marched
						against æsernia, which adhered to Rome. L. Scipio and L. Acilius,
						who were in command here, escaped in the disguise of slaves. The enemy,
						after a considerable time, reduced it by famine. Marius Egnatius captured
						Venafrum by treachery and slew two Roman cohorts there. Publius Presenteius
						defeated Perpenna, who had 10,000 men under his command, killed 4000 and
						captured the arms of the greater part of the others, for which reason the
						consul Rutilius deprived Perpenna of his command and gave his division of
						the army to Gaius Marius. Marcus Lamponius destroyed some 800 of the forces
						under Licinius Crassus and drove the remainder into the town of Grumentum.

Gaius Papius captured Nola by treachery and offered to the 2000 Roman
						soldiers in it the privilege of serving under him if they would change their
						allegiance. They did so, but as their officers refused the proposal the
						latter were taken prisoners and starved to death by Papius. In conjunction
						with Stabias he captured Minturnæ, and Salernum, which was a Roman
						colony. The prisoners and the slaves from these places were taken into the
						military service. Then he plundered the entire country around Nuceria. The
						towns in the vicinity were struck with terror and submitted to him, and when
						he demanded military assistance they furnished him about 10,000 foot and
						1000 horse. With these Papius laid siege to Acerræ. Sextus
						Cæsar, with 10,000 Gallic foot and certain Numidian and
						Mauretanian horse and foot, advanced toward Acerræ. Papius took a
						son of Jugurtha, formerly king of Numidia, named Oxynta, who was under
						charge of a Roman guard at Venusia, led him out of that place, clothed him
						in royal purple, and showed him frequently to the Numidians who were in
						Cæsar's army. Many of them deserted, as if to their own king, so
						that Cæsar was obliged to send the rest back to Africa, as they
						were not trustworthy. Papius attacked him rashly, and had already made a
						breach in his fortified camp when Cæsar debouched with his horse
						through the other gates and slew about 6000 of his men, after which
						Cæsar withdrew from Acerræ. Canusia and Venusia and many
						other towns in Apulia sided with Judacilius. Some that did not submit he
						besieged, and he put to death the principal Roman citizens in them, but the
						common people and the slaves he enrolled in his army.

The consul Rutilius and Gaius Marius built bridges over the river Liris at no
						great distance from each other. Vettius Cato pitched his camp opposite them,
						but nearer to the bridge of Marius, and placed an ambush by night in some
						ravines around the bridge of Rutilius. Early in the morning, after he had
						allowed Rutilius to cross the bridge, he started up from ambush and killed a
						large number of the enemy on the dry land and drove many into the river. In
						this fight Rutilius himself was wounded in the head by a missile and died
						soon afterward. Marius was on the other bridge and when he guessed, from the
						bodies floating down stream, what had happened, he pushed away those in his
						front, crossed the river, and captured the camp of Cato, which was guarded
						by only a small force, so that Cato was obliged to spend the night where he
						had won his victory, and to retreat in the morning for want of provisions.
						The body of Rutilius and those of many other patricians were brought to Rome
						for burial. The corpses of the consul and his numerous comrades made a
						piteous spectacle and the mourning lasted many days. The Senate decreed from
						this time on that those who were killed in war should be buried where they
						fell, lest others should be deterred by the spectacle from entering the
						army. When the enemy heard of this they made a similar decree for
						themselves.

There was no successor to Rutilius in the consulship for the remainder of the
						year, as Sextus Cæsar did not have leisure to go to the city and
						hold the comitia. The Senate appointed G. Marius and Q. Cæpio to
						command the forces of Rutilius in the field. The opposing general, Q.
						Pompædius, fled as a pretended deserter to this Cæpio.
						He brought with him and gave as a pledge two slave babies, clad with the
						purple-bordered garments of free-born children, pretending that they were
						his own sons. As further confirmation of his good faith he brought masses of
						lead plated with gold and silver. He urged Cæpio to follow him in
						all haste with his army and capture the hostile army while destitute of a
						leader. Cæpio was deceived and followed him. When they had arrived
						at a place where an ambush had been laid, Pompædius ran up to the
						top of a hill as though he were searching for the enemy, and gave his own
						men a signal. The latter sprang out of their concealment and cut
						Cæpio and most of his force in pieces. The Senate joined the rest
						of Cæpio's army to that of Marius.

While Sextus Cæsar was passing through a rocky defile with 30,000
						foot and 5000 horse Marius Egnatius suddenly fell upon him and defeated him
						in it. He retreated on a litter, as he was sick, to a certain stream where
						there was only one bridge, and there he lost the greater part of his force
						and the arms of the survivors. He escaped to Teanum with difficulty and
						there he armed the remainder of his men as best he could.
						Reënforcements were sent to him speedily and he marched to the
						relief of Acerræ, which was still besieged by Papius, but when
						their camps were pitched opposite each other neither of them dared to attack
						the other.

Cornelius Sulla and Gaius Marius defeated the Marsians, who had attacked
						them. They pursued the enemy vigorously as far as the walls enclosing their
						vineyards. The Marsians scaled these walls with loss, but Marius and Sulla
						did not deem it wise to follow them farther. Cornelius Sulla was encamped on
						the other side of these enclosures and when he knew what had happened he
						came out to meet the Marsians, as they tried to escape, and killed a great
						number. More than 6000 Marsians were slain that day, and the arms of a still
						greater number were captured by the Romans. The Marsians were rendered as
						furious as wild beasts by this disaster. They armed their forces again and
						prepared to march against the enemy, but did not dare to take the offensive
						or to begin a battle. They are a very warlike race, and it is said that no
						triumph was ever awarded for a victory over them except for this single
						disaster. There had been up to this time a saying, "No triumph over Marsians
						or without Marsians."

Judacilius and T. Lafrenius and P. Ventidius united their forces near Mount
						Falerinus and defeated Gnæus Pompeius and pursued him to the city
						of Firmum. Then they went different ways. Lafrenius besieged Pompeius, who
						had shut himself up in Firmum. The latter armed his remaining forces, but
						did not come to an engagement. Having learned that another army was
						approaching, he sent Sulpicius around to take Lafrenius in the rear while he
						made a sally in front. Battle was joined and both sides were having a
						doubtful fight when Sulpicius set fire to the enemy's camp. When the latter
						saw this they fled to Asculum in disorder and without a general, for
						Lafrenius had fallen in the battle. Pompeius then advanced and laid siege to
						Asculum.

Asculum was the native town of Judacilius, and as he feared for its safety he
						hastened to its relief with eight cohorts. He sent word beforehand to the
						inhabitants that when they should see him advancing at a distance they
						should make a sally against the besiegers, so that the enemy should be
						attacked on both sides at once. The inhabitants were afraid to do so;
						nevertheless Judacilius forced his way into the city through the midst of
						the enemy with what followers he could get, and upbraided the citizens for
						their cowardice and disobedience. As he despaired of saving the city he
						first put to death all of his enemies, who had been at variance with him
						before and who, out of jealousy, had prevented the people from obeying his
						recent orders. Then he erected a funeral pile in the temple and placed a
						couch upon it, and had a feast with his friends, and while the drinking-bout
						was at its height he swallowed poison, threw himself on the pile, and
						ordered his friends to set fire to it. Thus perished Judacilius, a man who
						considered it glorious to die for his country. Sextus Cæsar was
						invested with the consular power by the Senate after his term of office had
						expired. He attacked 20,000 of the enemy at some place while they were
						changing camping-places, killed about 8000 of them, and captured the arms of
						a much larger number. He died of a disease while pushing the long siege of
						Asculum; the Senate appointed Gaius Bæbius his successor.

While these events were transpiring on the Adriatic side of Italy, the
						inhabitants of Etruria and Umbria and other neighboring peoples on the other
						side of Rome heard of them and all were excited to revolt. The Senate,
						fearing lest they should be surrounded by enemies for want of guards,
						garrisoned the sea-coast from Cumæ to the city with freedmen, who
						were then for the first time enrolled in the army on account of the scarcity
						of soldiers. The Senate also voted that those Italians who had adhered to
						their alliance should be admitted to citizenship, which was the one thing
						they all desired most. They sent this decree around among the Etruscans, who
						gladly accepted the citizenship. By this favor the Senate made the faithful
						more faithful, confirmed the wavering, and mollified their enemies by the
						hope of similar treatment. The Romans did not enroll the new citizens in the
						thirty-five existing tribes, lest they should outvote the old ones in the
						elections, but incorporated them in ten new tribes, which voted last. So it
						often happened that their vote was useless, since a majority was obtained
						from the thirty-five tribes that voted first. This fact was either not
						noticed by the Italians at the time or they were satisfied with what they
						had gained, but it was observed later and became the source of a new
						conflict.

The insurgents along the Adriatic coast, before they learned of the change of
						sentiment among the Etruscans, sent 15,000 men to their assistance by a long
						and difficult road. Gnæus Pompeius, who was now consul, fell upon
						them and killed 5000 of them. The rest made their way homeward through a
						trackless region, in a severe winter, living on acorns; and half of them
						perished. The same winter Porcius Cato, the colleague of Pompeius, was
						killed while fighting with the Marsians. While Sulla was encamped near the
						Pompeiian mountains Lucius Cluentius pitched his camp in a contemptuous
						manner at a distance of only three stades from him, Sulla did not tolerate
						this insolence, but attacked Cluentius without waiting for his own foragers to come in. He was worsted and put to
						flight, but when he was reënforced by his foragers he turned and
						defeated Cluentius. The latter then moved his camp to a greater distance.
						Having received certain Gallic reenforcements he again drew near to Sulla
						and just as the two armies were coming to an engagement a Gaul of enormous
						size advanced and challenged any Roman to single combat. A Mauritanian
						soldier of short stature accepted the challenge and killed him, whereupon
						the Gauls became panic-stricken and fled. Cluentius' line of battle was thus
						broken and the remainder of his troops did not stand their ground, but fled,
						in disorder to Nola. Sulla followed them and killed 3000 in the pursuit, and
						as the inhabitants of Nola received them by only one gate, lest the enemy
						should rush in with them, he killed about 20,000 more outside the walls and
						among them Cluentius himself, who fell fighting bravely.

Then Sulla moved against the Hirpini and attacked the town of
						Æculanum. The inhabitants, who expected aid from the Lucanians
						that very day, asked Sulla to give them time for consideration. He
						understood the trick and gave them one hour, and meanwhile piled fagots
						around their walls, which were made of wood, and at the expiration of the
						hour set them on fire. They were terrified and surrendered the town. Sulla
						plundered it because it had not been delivered up voluntarily but by
						necessity. He spared the other towns that gave themselves up, and in this
						way the entire population of the Hirpini was brought under subjection. Then
						Sulla moved against the Samnites, not where Mutilus, the Samnite general,
						guarded the roads, but by another circuitous route where his coming was not
						expected. He fell upon them suddenly, killed many, and scattered the rest in
						disorderly flight. Mutilus was wounded and took refuge with a few followers
						in Æsernia. Sulla destroyed his camp and moved against Bovianum,
						where the common council of the rebels was held. The city had three towers.
						While the inhabitants were looking at Sulla from one of these he ordered a
						detachment to capture whichever of the others they could, and to make a
						signal by means of smoke. When the smoke was seen he made an attack in front
						and, after a severe fight of three hours, took the city.
						These were the successes of Sulla during that summer. When winter came he
						returned to Rome to solicit the consulship.

Gnæus Pompeius brought the Marsians, the Marrucini, and the Vestini
						under subjection. Gaius Cosconius, another Roman prætor, advanced
						against and burned Salapia. He received the surrender of Cannæ and
						laid siege to Canusium. He had a severe fight with the Samnites, who came to
						its relief. After great slaughter on both sides Cosconius was beaten and
						retreated to Cannæ. A river separated the two armies, and
						Trebatius sent word to Cosconius either to come over to his side and fight
						him, or to withdraw and let him cross. Cosconius withdrew, and while
						Trebatius was crossing attacked him and got the better of him, and, while he
						was flying toward the stream, killed 15,000 of his men. The remainder took
						refuge with Trebatius in Canusium. Cosconius overran the territory of
						Larinum, Venusia, and Asculum, and invaded that of the Pœdiculi,
						and within two days received their surrender.

Cæcilius Metellus, his successor in the prætorship, attacked the Apulians and overcame them in battle.
						Pompædius, one of the rebel generals, here lost his life. The
						survivors joined Metellus separately. Such was the course of events
						throughout Italy as regards the Social War, which had raged with violence
						thus far and until the whole of Italy came into the Roman state except the
						Lucanians and the Samnites. These also seem to have obtained what they
						desired somewhat later. They were each enrolled in tribes of their own, like
						those who had been admitted to citizenship before, so that they might not,
						by being mingled with the old citizens, vote them down in the elections by
						force of numbers.

About the same time dissensions arose in the city between debtors and
						creditors, since the latter exacted the money due them with interest,
						although an old law distinctly forbade lending on interest and imposed a
						penalty upon any one doing so. It seems that the ancient Romans, like the
						Greeks, abhorred the taking of interest on loans as something knavish, and
						hard on the poor, and leading to contention and enmity; and by the same kind
						of reasoning the Persians considered lending itself as having a tendency
							 to deceit and lying. But, since time had
						sanctioned the practice of taking interest, the creditors demanded it
						according to custom. The debtors, on the other hand, put off the payment by
						causing war and civil commotion. Some indeed threatened to visit the legal
						penalty on the interest-takers. The prætor Asellio, who had charge
						of these matters, as he was not able to compose their differences by
						persuasion, allowed them to proceed against each other in the courts, thus
						bringing the conflict of law and custom before the judges. The lenders,
						exasperated that the old law should be revived, killed the prætor
						in the following manner. He was offering sacrifice to Castor and Pollux in
						the forum, with a crowd standing around as was usual at such a ceremony. In
						the first place somebody threw a stone at him. He dropped the libation-bowl
						and ran toward the temple of Vesta. They got ahead of him and prevented him
						from reaching the temple, and after he had fled into a certain tavern they
						cut his throat. Many of his pursuers, thinking that he had taken refuge with
						the Vestal virgins, ran in there, where it was not lawful for men to go.
						Thus was Asellio, while serving as prætor, and pouring out the
						libation, and wearing the sacred gilded vestments customary in such
						ceremonies, slain at the second hour of the day, in the midst of the forum,
						by the side of the sacrificial offerings. The Senate offered a reward of
						money to any free person, and freedom to any slave, and impunity to any
						accomplice, who should give testimony leading to the conviction of the
						murderers of Asellio, but nobody gave any information. The money-lenders
						covered up everything.

Hitherto the murders and seditions had been merely intestine squabbles.
						Afterward the chiefs of factions assailed each other with great armies,
						according to the usage of war, and the country lay as a prize between them.
						The beginning and origin of these contentions came about directly after the
						Social War, in this wise. When Mithridates, king of Pontus and of other
						nations, invaded Bithynia and Phrygia and that part of Asia adjacent to
						those countries, as I have related in the preceding book, the consul Sulla
						was chosen by lot to the command of Asia and the Mithridatic war, but was
						still in Rome. Marius thought that this would be an easy and lucrative war
						and he desired the command of it. So he prevailed upon the tribune, Publius
						Sulpicius, by many promises, to help him obtain it. He also led the new
						Italian citizens, who had very little power in the elections, to hope that
						they should be distributed among all the tribes--not putting forward
						anything concerning his own advantage, but with the expectation of employing
						them as loyal servants in his every attempt. Sulpicius straightway brought
						forward a law for this purpose. If it were enacted Marius
						and Sulpicius would have everything they wanted, because the new citizens
						far outnumbered the old ones. The old citizens saw this and opposed the new
						ones with all their might. They fought each other with sticks and stones,
						and the evil increased continually. The consuls, becoming apprehensive, as
						the day for voting on the law drew near, proclaimed a vacation of many days'
						duration, such as was customary on festal occasions, in order to postpone
						the voting and the danger.

Sulpicius would not wait for the vacation's end. He ordered his faction to
						come to the forum with concealed daggers and to do whatever the exigency
						might require, and not to spare the consuls themselves upon occasion. When
						everything was in readiness he denounced the vacation as illegal and ordered
						the consuls, Cornelius Sulla and Quintus Pompeius, to put an end to it at
						once, in order to proceed to the enactment of laws. A tumult arose, and
						those who had been armed drew their daggers and threatened to kill the
						consuls, who were making opposition. Finally Pompeius escaped secretly and
						Sulla withdrew on the pretext of taking advice. In the meantime the son of
						Pompeius, who was the son-in-law of Sulla, and who was speaking his mind
						rather freely, was killed by the Sulpicians. Presently Sulla returned and
						annulled the vacation, but hurried away to Capua, where his army was
						stationed, in order to cross over to Asia to take command of the war against
						Mithridates, for he knew nothing as yet of the designs against himself. As
						the vacation was annulled and Sulla had left the city, Sulpicius enacted his
						law, and Marius, for whose sake it was done, was forthwith chosen commander
						of the war against Mithridates in place of Sulla.

When Sulla heard of this he resolved to decide the question by war. He called
						the army together in a conference. They were eager for the war against
						Mithridates because it promised much plunder, and they feared that Marius
						would enlist other soldiers instead of themselves. Sulla spoke of the
						indignity put upon him by Sulpicius and Marius, and while he did not openly
						allude to anything else (for he did not dare as yet to mention this kind of
						a war), he urged them to be ready to obey his orders. They understood what
						he meant, and as they feared lest they should miss the campaign they spoke
						boldly what Sulla had in his mind, and told him to be of good courage, and
						to lead them to Rome. Sulla was overjoyed and led six legions thither
						forthwith, but all of his superior officers, except one quæstor,
						left him and hastened to the city, because they would not submit to the idea
						of leading an army against their country. Envoys met him on the road and
						asked him why he was marching with armed forces against his country.
							" To deliver her from her tyrants," he replied. He gave the same
						answer to a second and a third embassy that came to him, one after another,
						but he announced to them finally that the Senate and Marius and Sulpicius
						might meet him in the Campus Martius if they liked, and that he would do
						whatever might be agreed upon after consultation. As he was approaching, his
						colleague, Pompeius, came to meet him and praised him for what he had done,
						for Pompeius was delighted, and coöperated with him in every way.
						As Marius and Sulpicius needed some short interval for preparation, they
						sent other messengers, in the guise of envoys from the Senate, directing him
						not to move his camp nearer than forty stades from the city until they could
						consider of the business in hand. Sulla and Pompeius understood their game
						perfectly and promised to comply, but as soon as the envoys were returning
						they followed them.

Sulla took possession of the Cœlian gate and of the adjoining wall
						with one legion of soldiers, and Pompeius occupied the Colline gate with
						another. A third advanced to the Sublician bridge, and a fourth remained on
						guard in front of the walls. With the remainder Sulla entered the city,
						being in appearance and in fact an enemy. The inhabitants round about tried
						to fight him off by hurling missiles from the roofs until he threatened to
						burn the houses; then they desisted. Marius and Sulpicius went, with some
						forces they had hastily armed, to meet the invaders near the
						Æsquiline forum, and here a battle took place between the
						contending parties, the first that was regularly fought in Rome with trumpet
						and signal under the rules of war, and not at all in the similitude of a
						faction fight. To such extremity of evil had the recklessness of party
						strife progressed among them. Sulla's forces were beginning to waver when
						Sulla seized a standard and exposed himself to danger in the foremost ranks.
						Out of regard for their general and fear of ignominy if they should abandon
						their standard, they rallied at once. Sulla ordered up fresh troops from his
						camp and sent others around by the socalled Suburran road to take the enemy
						in the rear. The Marians fought feebly against these new-comers, and as they
						feared lest they should be surrounded they called to their aid the other
						citizens who were still fighting from the houses, and proclaimed freedom to
						slaves who would share their labors. As nobody came forward they fell into
						utter despair and fled at once out of the city, together with those of the
						nobility who had coöperated with them.

Sulla advanced to the so-called Via Sacra and there, in sight of everybody,
						punished certain soldiers who had plundered persons on the road. He
						stationed guards at intervals throughout the city, he and Pompeius keeping
						watch by night. Each kept moving about his own command to see that no
						calamity was brought about either by the frightened people or by the
						victorious troops: They summoned the people to an assembly at daybreak and
						lamented the condition of the republic, which had been so long given over to
						demagogues, and said that they had done what they had done as a matter of
						necessity. They proposed that no question should ever again be brought
						before the people which had not been previously considered by the Senate, an
						ancient practice which had been abandoned long ago. Also that the voting
						should not be by tribes, but by centuries, as King Servius Tullius had
						ordained. They thought that by these two measures--namely, that no law
						should be brought before the people unless it had been previously before the
						Senate, and that the voting should be controlled by the well-to-do and
						sober-minded rather than by the pauper and reckless classes--there would no
						longer be any starting-point for civil discord. They proposed many other
						measures for curtailing the power of the tribunes, which had become
						extremely tyrannical. They enrolled 300 of the best citizens at once in the
						list of senators, who had been reduced at that time to a very small number
						and had fallen into contempt for that reason. They annulled all the acts
						performed by Sulpicius after the vacation had been proclaimed by the
						consuls, as being illegal.

Thus the seditions proceeded from strife and contention to murder, and from
						murder to open war, and now the first army of her own citizens had invaded
						Rome as a hostile country. From this time the civil
						dissensions were decided only by the arbitrament of arms. There were
						frequent attacks upon the city and battles before the walls and other
						calamities incident to war. Henceforth there was no restraint upon violence
						either from the sense of shame, or regard for law, institutions, or country.
						Now Sulpicius, who still held the office of tribune, together with Marius,
						who had been consul six times, and his son Marius, also Publius Cethegus,
						Junius Brutus, Gnæus and Quintus Granius, Publius Albinovanus,
						Marcus Lætorius, and others with them, about twelve in number,
						fled from Rome, because they had stirred up the sedition, had borne arms
						against the consuls, had incited slaves to insurrection, had been voted
						enemies of the Roman people, and anybody meeting them had been authorized to
						kill them with impunity or to drag them before the consuls, and their goods
						had been confiscated. Detectives were in pursuit of these men. They caught
						Sulpicius and killed him.

Marius escaped them and fled to Minturnæ without a companion or a
						servant. While he was resting in a secluded house the magistrates of the
						city, whose fears were excited by the proclamation of the Roman people, but
						who hesitated to be the murderers of a man who had been six times consul and
						had performed so many brilliant exploits, sent a Gaul who was living there
						to kill him with a sword. It is said that as the Gaul was approaching the
						pallet of Marius in the dusk he thought he saw the gleam and flash of fire
						darting from his eyes, and that Marius rose from his bed and shouted to him
						in a thundering voice, "Do you dare to kill Gaius Marius? " The Gaul turned
						and fled out of doors like a madman, exclaiming, "I cannot kill Gaius
						Marius." As the magistrates had come to their previous decision with
						reluctance, so now a kind of religious awe came over them as they remembered
						the prophecy uttered while he was a boy, that he should be consul seven
						times. It was said that while he was a boy seven young eaglets alighted on
						his breast, and that the soothsayers predicted that he would attain the
						highest office seven times.

Bearing these things in mind and believing that the Gaul had been inspired
						with fear by divine influence, the magistrates of Minturnæ sent
						Marius out of the town forthwith, to seek safety wherever he could. As he
						knew that Sulla was searching for him and that horsemen were pursuing him,
						he moved toward the sea by unfrequented roads and came to a hut where he
						rested, covering himself up with leaves. Hearing a noise, he concealed
						himself more carefully with the leaves. Hearing a somewhat louder noise, he
						rushed to the boat of an old fisherman, overpowered him, leaped into it,
						and, although a storm was raging, he cut the rope, spread the sail, and
						committed himself to chance. He was driven to an island where he found a
						ship navigated by his own friends, and sailed thence to Africa. He was
						prohibited from landing there by the governor, Sextius, because he was an
						enemy, and he passed the winter in his ship a little beyond the province of
						Africa, along the shore of Numidia. While he was sailing thither he was
						joined by Cethegus, Granius, Albinovanus, Lætorius, and others,
						including the son of Marius himself, who had gained tidings of his approach.
						They had fled from Rome to Hiempsal, prince of Numidia, and now they had run
						away from him, fearing lest they should be delivered up. They were ready to
						do just as Sulla had done, that is, to master their country by force, but as
						they had no army they waited for some opportunity.

In Rome Sulla, who had been the first one to seize the city by force of arms,
						and was now able perhaps to wield supreme power, having rid himself of his
						enemies, desisted from violence of his own accord. He sent his army forward
						to Capua and resumed his functions as consul. The faction under banishment,
						especially the rich ones, and many wealthy women, who now found a respite
						from the terror of arms, bestirred themselves for the return of their male
						relatives from exile. They spared neither pains nor expense to this end,
						even conspiring against the persons of the consuls when they thought they
						could not secure the recall of their friends while the consuls survived.
						Sulla's army furnished ample protection for himself even after he should
						cease to be consul, since he had been voted commander of the war against
						Mithridates. The people commiserated the fears of the other consul, Quintus
						Pompeius, for his personal safety, and gave him the command of Italy and of
						the army appertaining to it, which was then under Gnæus Pompeius.
						When the latter learned this fact he was greatly displeased. Nevertheless he
						received Quintus in the camp, and, after transacting the necessary business
						with him the following day, withdrew for a short time as a private person,
						but a little later a crowd that had collected around the consul under
						pretence of listening to him killed him. After the guilty ones had fled,
						Gnæus came to the camp in a high state of indignation over the
						killing of a consul contrary to law. Notwithstanding his displeasure he
						forthwith resumed his command over them.

When the murder of Pompeius became known in the city, Sulla became apprehensive for his own
						safety and was surrounded by friends wherever he went, and had them with him even by
						night. He did not remain long in the city, but went to
						the army at Capua and from thence to Asia. The friends of the exiles,
						encouraged by Cinna, Sulla's successor in the consulship, excited the new
						citizens in favor of the scheme of Marius, that they should be distributed
						among the old tribes, so that they should not be powerless by reason of
						voting last. This was preliminary to the recall of Marius and his friends.
						Although the old citizens resisted with all their might, Cinna
						coöperated with the new ones. It was supposed that he had been
						bribed with 300 talents to do this. The other consul, Octavius, sided with
						the old citizens. The partisans of Cinna took possession of the forum with
						concealed daggers, and with loud cries demanded that they should be
						distributed among all the tribes. The more reputable part of the plebeians
						adhered to Octavius, and they also carried daggers. While Octavius was still
						at home awaiting the result, the news was brought to him that the majority
						of the tribunes had vetoed the proposed action, but that the new citizens
						had started a riot, drawn their daggers on the street, and assaulted the
						opposing tribunes on the rostra. When Octavius heard this he ran down
						through the Via Sacra with a very dense mass of men, burst into the forum
						like a torrent, pushed through the midst of the crowd, and separated them.
						He struck terror into them, pushed on to the temple of Castor and Pollux,
						and drove Cinna away. His companions fell upon the new citizens without
						orders, killed many of them, put the rest to flight, and pursued them to the
						city gates.

Cinna, who had been emboldened by the numbers of the new citizens to think
						that he should conquer, seeing the victory won contrary to his expectation
						by the bravery of the few, ran through the city calling the slaves to his
						assistance by an offer of freedom. As none responded he hastened to the
						towns near by, which had lately been admitted to Roman citizenship, Tibur,
						Præneste, and the rest as far as Nola, inciting them all to
						revolution and collecting money for the purposes of war. While Cinna was
						making these preparations and plans, certain senators of his party joined
						him, among them Gaius Milo, Quintus Sertorius, and Gaius Marius the younger.
						The Senate decreed that since Cinna had left the city in danger while
						holding the office of consul, and had offered freedom to the slaves, he
						should no longer be consul, or even a citizen, and elected in his stead
						Lucius Merula, the priest of Jupiter ( flamen Dialis ). It
						is said that this priest alone wore the flamen's cap at all times, the
						others wearing it only during sacrifices. Cinna proceeded to Capua, where
						there was another Roman army, the officers of which, and the senators who
						were present, he courted. He went to meet them as consul in an assembly,
						where he laid down the fasces as though he were a private citizen, and
						shedding tears, said, "From you, citizens, I received this authority. The
						people voted it to me; the Senate has taken it away from me without your
						consent. Although I am the sufferer by this wrong I grieve amid my own
						troubles equally for your sakes. What need is there that we should solicit
						the favor of the tribes in the elections hereafter? What need have we of
						you? Where will be your power in the assemblies, in the elections, in the
						choice of consuls? If you do not confirm what you bestow, you will be robbed
						whenever you give your decision."

He said this to stir them up, and after exciting much pity for himself he
						rent his garments, leaped down from the rostra, and threw himself on the
						ground before them, where he lay a long time. With tears in their eyes they
						raised him up; they restored him to the curule chair; they lifted up the
						fasces and bade him be of good cheer, as he was consul still, and lead them
						wherever he would. At their instance the officers came forward and took the
						military oath to support Cinna, and administered it each to the soldiers
						under him. When he had been confirmed in this way he traversed the allied
						cities and stirred them up also, because it was on their account chiefly
						that this misfortune had happened to him. They furnished him both money and
						soldiers; and many others, even of the aristocratic party in Rome, to whom a
						stable form of government was irksome, came and joined him. While Cinna was
						thus occupied, the consuls, Octavius and Merula, fortified the city with
						trenches, repaired the walls, and planted engines on them. To raise an army
						they sent around to the towns that were still faithful and also to the
						neighboring Gauls. They also summoned Gnæus Pompeius, the
						proconsul who commanded the army on the Adriatic, to come in haste to the
						aid of his country.

Pompeius came and encamped before the Colline gate. Cinna advanced against
						him and encamped near him. When Gaius Marius heard of these transactions he
						sailed to Etruria with his fellow-exiles and about 500 slaves who had joined
						their masters from Rome. Filthy and longhaired, he marched through the towns
						presenting a pitiable appearance, descanting on his battles, his victories
						over the Cimbri, and his six consulships; and what was extremely pleasing to
						them, promising, and also seeming, to be faithful to their interests in the
						matter of the voting. In this way he collected 6000 Etruscans and joined
						Cinna, who received him gladly by reason of their common interest in the
						present enterprise. After their armies were joined they encamped on the
						banks of the Tiber and divided their forces in three parts: Cinna and Carbo
						opposite the city, Sertorius above it, and Marius toward the sea. The two
						latter threw bridges across the river in order to cut off the city's
						food-supply. Marius captured Ostia and plundered it. Cinna sent a force and
						captured Ariminum in order to prevent an army coming to the city from the
						subject Gauls.

The consuls were alarmed. They needed more troops, but they were unable to
						call Sulla because he had already crossed over to Asia. They ordered
						Cæcilius Metellus, who was carrying on the remainder of the Social
						War against the Samnites, to make peace on the best terms he could, and come
						to the rescue of his beleaguered country. Metellus would not agree to what
						the Samnites demanded, and when Marius heard of this he made an engagement
						with them to grant all that they asked from Metellus. In this way the
						Samnites became allies of Marius. Appius Claudius, a military tribune, who
						had command of the defences of Rome at the hill called the Janiculum, had
						once received a favor from Marius which the latter now reminded him of, in
						consequence of which he admitted him into the city, opening a gate for him
						at about daybreak. Then Marius admitted Cinna. They were thrust out by
						Octavius and Pompeius, who attacked them together, but a severe
						thunder-storm broke upon the camp of Pompeius, and he was killed by
						lightning together with others of the nobility.

After Marius had stopped the passage of food-supplies from the sea, or by way
						of the river above, he hastened to attack the neighboring towns where grain
						was stored for the Romans. He fell upon their garrisons unexpectedly and
						captured Antium, Aricia, Lanuvium, and others. There were some also that
						were delivered up to him by treachery. Having cut off their supplies by land
						in this manner, he advanced boldly against Rome, by the so-called Appian
						Way, before any other supplies were brought to them by another route. He and
						Cinna, and their lieutenant-generals, Carbo and Sertorius, halted at a
						distance of 100 stades from the city and went into camp. Octavius, Crassus,
						and Metellus had taken position against them at the Alban Mount, where they
						observed the enemy's movements. Although they considered themselves superior
						in bravery and numbers, they hesitated to risk hastily their country's fate
						on the hazard of a single battle. Cinna sent heralds around the city to
						offer freedom to slaves who would desert to him, and forthwith a large
						number did desert. The Senate was alarmed. Anticipating the most serious
						consequences from the people if the scarcity of corn should be protracted,
						it changed its mind and sent envoys to Cinna to treat for peace. The latter
						asked them whether they had come to see him as a consul or as a private
						citizen. They were at a loss for an answer and went back to the city; and
						now a large number of freemen flocked to Cinna, some from fear of famine and
						others because they had been previously favorable to his party and had been
						waiting to see which way the scales would turn.

Now Cinna began to despise his enemies and drew near to the wall, halting at
						the distance of a stone's throw, where he encamped. Octavius and his party
						were undecided and fearful, and hesitated to attack him on account of the
						desertions and the negotiations. The Senate was greatly perplexed and
						considered it a dreadful thing to depose Lucius Merula, the priest of
						Jupiter, who had been chosen consul in place of Cinna, and who had done
						nothing wrong in his office. Yet on account of the impending danger it
						reluctantly sent envoys to Cinna again, and this time as consul. They no
						longer expected favorable terms, so they only asked that Cinna should swear
						to them that he would abstain from bloodshed. He refused to take the oath,
						but he promised nevertheless that he would not willingly be the cause of
						anybody's death. He directed, however, that Octavius, who had gone around
						and entered the city by another gate, should keep away from the forum lest
						anything should befall him against Cinna's will. This answer he delivered to
						the envoys from a high platform in his character as consul. Marius stood
						beside the curule chair silent, but showed by the asperity of his
						countenance how much murder he would commit. When the Senate had accepted
						these terms and had invited Cinna and Marius to enter (for it was understood
						that all the things that Cinna had subscribed to were the doings of Marius),
						the latter said with a scornful smile that it was not lawful for the
						banished to enter. Forthwith the tribunes voted to repeal the decree of
						banishment against him and all the others who were expelled under the
						consulship of Sulla.

Accordingly Cinna and Marius entered the city and everybody received them
						with fear. Straightway they began to plunder without restraint the goods of
						those who were supposed to be of the opposite party. Cinna and Marius had
						sworn to Octavius, and the augurs and soothsayers had predicted, that he
						would suffer no harm, yet his friends advised him to fly. He replied that he
						would never desert the city while he was consul. So he withdrew from the
						forum to the Janiculum with the nobility and what was left of his army,
						where he occupied the curule chair and wore his robes of office, attended by
						lictors as a consul. Here he was attacked by Censorinus with a body of
						horse, and again his friends and the soldiers who stood by him urged him to
						fly and brought him a horse, but he disdained even to arise, and awaited
						death. Censorinus cut off his head and carried it to Cinna, and it was
						suspended in the forum in front of the rostra, the first head of a consul
						that was so exposed. After him the heads of others who were slain were
						suspended there. This shocking custom, which began with Octavius, was not
						discontinued, but was handed down to subsequent intestine massacres. Now the
						victors sent out spies to search for their enemies of the senatorial and
						equestrian orders. After the knights were killed no further attention was
						paid to them, but all the heads of senators were exposed in front of the
						rostra. Neither reverence for the gods, nor the indignation of men, nor the
						fear of odium for their acts existed any longer among them. After committing
						savage deeds they turned to hideous sights. They killed remorselessly and
						severed the necks of men already dead, and they paraded these horrors before
						the public eye, either to inspire fear and terror, or for a monstrous
						spectacle.

Gaius Julius and Lucius Julius, two brothers, Atilius Serranus, Publius
						Lentulus, Gaius Numatorius, and Marcus Bæbius were arrested in the
						street and killed. Crassus was pursued with his son. He anticipated the
						pursuers by killing his son, but was himself killed by them. Marcus
						Antonius, the orator, fled to a certain country place, where he was
						concealed and entertained by the farmer, who sent his slave to a tavern for
						wine of a better quality than he was in the habit of buying. The innkeeper
						asked him why he wanted the better quality. The slave whispered the reason
						to him, bought the wine, and went back. The seller ran and told Marius. When
						Marius heard this he sprang up with joy as though he would rush to do the
						deed himself, but he was restrained by his friends. A tribune was despatched
						to the house, who sent some soldiers upstairs, whom Antonius, a delightful
						speaker, entertained with a long discourse. He moved their pity by
						recounting many and various things, until the tribune, who was at a loss to
						know what had happened, rushed into the house and, finding his soldiers
						listening to Antonius, killed him while he was still addressing them, and
						sent his head to Marius.

Cornutus concealed himself in a hut and was saved by his slaves in an
						ingenious way. They found a dead body and placed it on a funeral pile, and
						when the searchers came they set fire to it and said that they were burning
						the body of their master, who had hanged himself. In this way he was saved
						by his slaves. Quintus Ancharius watched his opportunity till Marius was
						about to offer sacrifice in the Capitol, hoping that the temple would be a
						more propitious place for him. But when he approached and saluted Marius,
						the latter, who was just beginning the sacrifice, ordered the guards to kill
						him in the Capitol forthwith; and his head, with that of the orator
						Antonius, and those of others who had been consuls and prætors,
						was exposed in the forum. Burial was not permitted to any of the slain. The
						bodies of such men as these were torn in pieces by birds and dogs. There was
						also much private and irresponsible murder committed by the factions upon
						each other. There were banishments, and confiscations of property, and
						depositions from office, and a repeal of the laws enacted during Sulla's
						consulship. All of Sulla's friends were put to death, his house was razed to
						the ground, his property confiscated, and himself voted a public enemy.
						Search was made for his wife and children, but they escaped. Altogether no
						sort of calamity was wanting, either general or particular.

In addition to the foregoing and under the similitude of legal authority, and
						after so many had been put to death without trial, accusers were suborned to
						make false charges against Merula, the priest of Jupiter, who was hated
						because he had been the successor of Cinna in the consulship, although he
						had committed no other fault. Accusation was also brought against Lutatius
						Catulus, who had been the colleague of Marius in the war against the Cimbri,
						and whose life Marius once saved. It was charged that he had been very
						ungrateful to Marius and was bitter against him when he was banished. These
						men were put under secret surveillance, and when the day for holding court
						arrived were summoned to trial (the proper way was to put the accused under
						arrest after they had been cited four times at certain fixed intervals), but
						Merula had opened his own veins, and a tablet lying at his side showed that
						when he cut his veins he had removed his flamen's cap, for it was accounted
						a sin for the priest to wear it at his death. Catulus suffocated himself
						with burning charcoal in a chamber newly plastered and still moist. So these
						two men perished. The slaves who had joined Cinna in answer to his
						proclamation and had thereupon been freed and were at this time enrolled in
						the army by Cinna himself, broke into and plundered houses, and killed
						persons whom they met on the street. Some of them attacked their own masters
						particularly. After Cinna had forbidden this several times, but without
						avail, he surrounded them with his Gallic soldiery one night while they were
						taking their rest, and killed them all. Thus did the slaves receive fit
						punishment for their repeated treachery to their masters.

The following year Cinna was chosen consul for the second
						time, and Marius for the seventh time; to whom, notwithstanding his
						banishment and proscription, the augury of the seven young eaglets was yet
						fulfilled. But he died in the first month of his consulship, while forming
						all sorts of terrible designs against Sulla. Cinna caused Valerius Flaccus
						to be chosen in his place and sent him to Asia, and when Flaccus lost his
						life Cinna chose Carbo as his successor.

Sulla now hastened his return to meet his enemies, having quickly finished
						all his business with Mithridates, as I have already related. Within less
						than three years he had killed 160,000 men, recovered Greece, Macedonia,
						Ionia, Asia, and many other countries that Mithridates had previously
						occupied, taken the king's fleet away from him, and from such vast
						possessions restricted him to his paternal kingdom alone. He returned with a
						large and well-disciplined army, devoted to him and elated by its exploits.
							 He had abundance of ships, money, and apparatus
						suitable for all emergencies, and was an object of terror to his enemies.
						Carbo and Cinna were in such fear of him that they despatched emissaries to
						all parts of Italy to collect money, soldiers, and supplies. They took their
						leading citizens into friendly intercourse and appealed especially to the
						newly created citizens of the towns, pretending that it was on their account
						that they were threatened with the present danger. They hastily repaired the
						ships, and recalled those that were in Sicily, guarded the coast, and, with
						fear and trembling, made rapid preparations in every way.

Sulla wrote to the Senate in a tone of superiority concerning himself. He
						recounted what he had done in Africa in the Jugurthine war while he was
						still quæstor, what he had done as lieutenant in the Cimbric war,
						as prætor in Cilicia and in the Social war, and as consul. Most of
						all he dwelt upon his recent victories in the Mithridatic war, enumerating
						to them the many nations that had been under Mithridates and that he had
						recovered for the Romans. Of nothing did he make more account than that
						those who had been banished from Rome by Cinna had fled to him, and that he
						had received the helpless ones and supported them in their affliction. In
						return for which he said that he had been declared a public enemy by his
						foes, his house had been destroyed, his friends put to death, and his wife
						and children had with difficulty made their escape to him. He would be there
						presently to take vengeance, for them and for the entire city, upon the
						guilty ones. He assured the other citizens, and the new citizens, that he
						made no complaint against them. When the contents of the letters became
						known fear fell upon all, and they began sending messengers to reconcile him
						with his enemies and to tell him in advance that if he wanted any security
						he should write to the Senate at once. They ordered Cinna and Carbo to cease
						recruiting soldiers until Sulla's answer should be received. They promised
						to do so, but as soon as the messengers had gone they proclaimed themselves
						consuls for the ensuing year so that they need not come back to the city
						directly to hold the election. They traversed Italy, collecting soldiers
						whom they carried across by detachments on shipboard to Liburnia, as they expected to meet Sulla there.

The first detachment had a prosperous voyage. The next one
						encountered a storm and those who reached land went home immediately, as
						they did not relish the prospect of fighting their fellow-citizens. When the
						rest learned this they refused to cross to Liburnia. Cinna was angry and
						called them to an assembly in order to coerce them. They, angry also and
						ready to defend themselves, assembled. One of the lictors, who was clearing
						the road for Cinna, struck somebody who was in the way and one of the
						soldiers struck the lictor. Cinna ordered the arrest of the offender,
						whereupon a clamor rose on all sides, stones were thrown at him, and those
						who were near him drew their swords and stabbed him. So Cinna also perished
						during his consulship. Carbo recalled those who had been sent over by ship
						to Liburnia. As he was solicitous about the present state of things, he did
						not go back to the city, although the tribunes summoned him with urgency to
						hold an election for the choice of a colleague. When they threatened to
						reduce him to the rank of a private citizen he came back and ordered the
						holding of the consular election, but as the omens were unfavorable he
						postponed it to another day. When that day came lightning struck the temples
						of Luna and of Ceres; so the augurs prorogued the comitia beyond the summer
						solstice, and Carbo remained the sole consul.

Sulla answered those who came to him from the Senate, saying that he would
						never be on friendly terms with the men who had committed such crimes. Still
						he would not prevent the city from extending clemency to them. As for
						security he said that, as he had a devoted army, he could better furnish
						lasting security to them, and to those who had fled to his camp, than they
						to him; whereby it was made plain in a single sentence that he would not
						disband his army, but was contemplating the exercise of supreme power. He
						demanded of them his former dignity, his property, and the sacerdotal
						office, and that they should restore to him in full measure whatever other
						honors he had previously held. He sent some of his own men with the Senate's
						messengers to confer about these matters. As soon as they learned from the
						Brundusians that Cinna was dead and that Rome was in an unsettled state,
						they went back to Sulla without transacting their business. He started with
						five legions of Italian troops and 6000 horse, to whom
						he added some other forces from the Peloponnesus and Macedonia, in all about
						40,000 men. He led them from the Piræus to Patræ, and
						then sailed from Patræ to Brundusium in 
							1600 ships. The Brundusians received him without a fight, for
						which favor he afterward gave them exemption from customs-duties, which they
						enjoy to this day. Then he put his army in motion and went forward.

He was met on the road by Cæcilius Metellus Pius, who had been
						chosen some time before to finish up the Social War, but who did not return
						to the. city for fear of Cinna and Marius. He had been awaiting the turn of
						events in Liguria, and now offered himself as a volunteer ally with the
						force under his command, as he was still a proconsul; for those who have
						been chosen to this office retain it till they come back to Rome. After
						Metellus, came Pompey, who not long afterward was surnamed the Great, son of
						the Pompeius who was killed by lightning and who was supposed to be
						unfriendly to Sulla. The son removed this suspicion by coming with a legion
						which he had collected from the territory of Picenum on the reputation of
						his father, who had been very influential there. A little later he recruited
						two more legions and became Sulla's most useful right-hand man in these
						affairs. So Sulla held him in honor, though still very young; and they say
						he rose at the entrance of none other than this youth. After the war was
						finished Sulla sent him to Africa to drive out the party of Carbo and to
						restore Hiempsal (who had been expelled by the Numidians) to his kingdom.
						For this service Sulla allowed him a triumph over the Numidians, although he
						was under age, and was still in the equestrian order. He took his start to
						greatness from this beginning, and was sent against Sertorius in Spain and
						later against Mithridates in Pontus. Cethegus also joined Sulla, although
						with Cinna and Marius he had been violently hostile to him and had been
						driven out of the city with them. He was now a suppliant, and offered his
						services to Sulla in any capacity he might desire.

Sulla now had plenty of soldiers and a sufficient number of friends of the
						higher orders, whom he used as lieutenants. He and Metellus, who were both
						proconsuls, marched in advance, for it seems that Sulla, who had been
						appointed proconsul against Mithridates, had at no time laid down his
						command, although he had been voted a public enemy at the instance of Cinna.
						Now Sulla moved against his enemies with a most intense yet concealed
						hatred. The people in the city, who had formed a pretty fair judgment of the
						character of the man, and who remembered his former attack and capture of
						the city, and who took into account the decrees they had proclaimed against
						him, and who had witnessed the destruction of his house, the confiscation of
						his property, the killing of his friends, and the narrow escape of his
						family, were in a state of terror. Conceiving that there was no middle
						ground between victory and utter destruction, they united with the consuls
						to resist Sulla, but with trepidation. They despatched messengers throughout
						Italy to collect soldiers, provisions, and money, and, as in cases of
						extreme peril, they omitted nothing that zeal and earnestness could suggest.

Gaius Norbanus and Lucius Scipio, who were then the consuls, and with them
						Carbo, who had been consul the previous year (all of them moved by equal
						hatred of Sulla and more fearful than others because they knew that they
						were more to blame for what had been done), levied the best possible army
						from the city, obtained an additional one from Italy, and marched against
						Sulla in detachments. They had 200 cohorts of 500 men each at first, and
						their forces were considerably augmented afterward. The sympathies of the
						people were much in favor of the consuls, because the action of Sulla, who
						was marching against his country, seemed to be that of an enemy, while that
						of the consuls, even if they were working for themselves, was ostensibly the
						cause of the republic. Many persons, too, who knew that they had shared the
						guilt of the consuls, and who were believed to share their fears,
						coöperated with them. They knew very well that Sulla was not
						meditating merely prevention, correction, and alarm for them, but
						destruction, death, confiscation, and complete extermination. In this they
						were not mistaken, for the war ruined everything. From 10,000 to 20,000 men
						were slain in a single battle more than once. Fifty thousand on both sides
						lost their lives around the city, and to the survivors Sulla was unsparing
						in severity, both to individuals and to communities, until, finally, he made
						himself the undisputed master of the whole Roman government, so far as he
						wished or cared to be.

It seems, too, that divine Providence foretold to them the results of this
						war. Sights terrible and unexpected were observed by many, both in public
						and in private, throughout all Italy. Ancient, awe-inspiring oracles were
						remembered. Many monstrous things happened. A mule gave birth to a colt. A
						pregnant woman was delivered of a viper instead of a baby. There was a
						severe earthquake divinely sent and some of the temples in Rome were thrown
						down (the Romans gave altogether too much attention to such things). The
						Capitol, that had been built by the kings 400 years before, burned down, and
						nobody could discover the cause of the fire. All things seemed to point to a
						succession of slaughters, to the conquest of Italy and of the Romans
						themselves, to the capture of the city, and a change in the form of
						government.

This war began as soon as Sulla arrived at Brundusium, which was in the 174th
						Olympiad. Considering the magnitude of the work accomplished, its length was
						not great, compared with such wars in general, since the combatants rushed
						upon each other with the fury of private enemies. For this reason greater
						and more distressing calamities than usual befell the eager participants in
						a short space of time. Nevertheless the war lasted three years in Italy
						alone, until Sulla had secured the supreme power, but in Spain it continued
						even after Sulla's death. Battles, skirmishes, sieges, and fighting of all
						kinds were numerous throughout Italy, both regular engagements under the
						generals and by detachments, and all were noteworthy. The greatest and most
						remarkable of them I shall mention in this book. First of all Sulla and
						Metellus fought a battle against Norbanus at Canusium and killed 6000 of his
						men, while Sulla's loss was seventy, but many of his men were wounded.
						Norbanus retreated to Capua.

While Sulla and Metellus were near Teanum, L. Scipio advanced against them
						with another army which was very downhearted and longed for peace. The
						Sullan faction knew this and sent envoys to Scipio to negotiate, not because
						they hoped or desired to come to an agreement, but because they expected to
						create dissensions in Scipio's army, which was in a state of dejection. In
						this they succeeded. Scipio took hostages for the armistice and marched down
						to the plain. Only three from each side came to the conference, hence what
						passed between them is not known. It seems that during the armistice Scipio
						sent Sertorius to his colleague, Norbanus, to communicate with him
						concerning the negotiation and that there was a cessation of hostilities
						while they were waiting for an answer. Sertorius on his way took possession
						of Suessa, which had espoused the side of Sulla, and Sulla made complaint of
						this to Scipio. The latter, either because he was privy to the affair or
						because he did not know what answer to make concerning the strange act of
						Sertorius, sent back Sulla's hostages. His army blamed the consuls for the
						unjustifiable seizure of Suessa during the armistice and for the surrender
						of the hostages, who were not demanded back, and made a secret agreement
						with Sulla to go over to him if he would draw nearer. This he did and
						straightway they all went over en masse, so that the
						consul, Scipio, and his son Lucius, alone of the whole army, were left
						nonplussed in their tent, where they were captured by Sulla. That Scipio was
						not aware of a conspiracy of this kind, embracing his whole army, seems to
						me inexcusable in a general.

When Sulla was unable to induce Scipio to change, he sent him away with his
						son unharmed. He also sent other envoys to Norbanus at Capua to open
						negotiations, either because he was apprehensive of the result (since the
						greater part of Italy still adhered to the consuls), or in order to play the
						same game on him that he had played on Scipio. As nobody came back and no
						answer was returned (for it seems that Norbanus feared lest he should be
						accused by his army in the same way that Scipio had been), Sulla again
						advanced, devastating all hostile territory. Norbanus did the same thing on
						other roads. Carbo hastened to the city and caused Metellus, and all the
						other senators who had joined Sulla, to be decreed public enemies. It was at
						this time that the Capitol was burned. Some attributed this deed to Carbo,
						others to the consuls, others to somebody sent by Sulla. It was a great
						mystery; nor am I able now to conjecture what caused the fire. Sertorius,
						who had been some time previously chosen prætor for Spain, after
						the taking of Suessa fled to his provincet and as the former
						prætors refused to recognize his authority, he stirred up a great
						deal of trouble for the Romans there. In the meantime the forces of the
						consuls were constantly increasing from the major part of. Italy, which
						still adhered to them, and also from the neighboring Gauls on the Po. Nor
						was Sulla idle. He sent messengers to all parts of Italy that he could
						reach, to collect troops by friendship, by fear, by money, and by promises.
						In this way the remainder of the summer was consumed on both sides.

The consuls for the following year were Papirius Carbo again and Marius, the
						nephew of the great Marius, then twenty-seven years of age. At first the
						winter and severe frost kept the combatants apart. At the beginning of
						spring, on the banks of the river Æsis, there was a severe
						engagement lasting from early morning till noon between Metellus and
						Carinas, Carbo's lieutenant. Carinas was put to flight after heavy loss,
						whereupon all the country thereabout seceded from the consuls to Metellus.
						Carbo came up with Metellus and besieged him until he heard that Marius, the
						other consul, had been defeated in a great battle near Præneste,
						when he led his forces back to Ariminum. Pompey hung on his rear doing
						damage. The defeat at Præneste was in this wise. Sulla captured
						the town of Setia. Marius, who was encamped near
						by, drew a little farther away. When he arrived at the so-called sacred lake
						(Sacriportus) he gave battle and fought bravely. When his left wing began to
						give way five cohorts of foot and two of horse decided not to wait for open
						defeat, but lowered their standards together and went over to Sulla. This
						was the beginning of a terrible disaster to Marius. His shattered army fled
						to Præneste with Sulla in hot pursuit. The Præestians
						gave shelter to those who arrived first, but when Sulla pressed upon them
						the gates were closed, and Marius was hauled up by ropes. There was another
						great slaughter around the walls by reason of the closing of the gates.
						Sulla captured a large number of prisoners. All the Samnites among them he
						killed, because they were always ill-affected toward the Romans.

About the same time Metellus gained a victory over the other army of Carbo,
						and here again five cohorts, for safety's sake, deserted to Metellus during
						the battle. Pompey overcame Marcius near Senæ and plundered the
						town. Sulla, having shut Marius up in Præneste, drew a line of
						circumvallation around the town a considerable distance from it and left the
						work in charge of Lucretius Ofella, as he intended to reduce Marius by
						famine, not by fighting. When Marius saw that his condition was hopeless he
						hastened to put his private enemies out of the way. He wrote to Brutus, the
						city prætor, to call the Senate together on some pretext or other
						and to kill Publius Antistius, the other Papirius, Lucius Domitius, and
						Mucius Scævola, the pontifex maximus. Of these the two first were
						slain in their seats as Marius had ordered, assassins having been introduced
						into the senate-house for this purpose. Domitius ran out, but was killed at
						the door, and Scævola was killed a little farther away. Their
						bodies were thrown into the Tiber, for it was now the custom not to bury the
						slain. Sulla sent an army to Rome in detachments by different roads with
						orders to seize the gates, and if they were repulsed to rendezvous at Ostia.
						The towns on the way received them with fear and trembling, and the city
						opened its gates to them because the people were oppressed by hunger, and
						because, of present evils, they were accustomed to yield to the ones which
						were immediately weighing upon them.

When Sulla learned this he came on immediately and established his army
						before the gates in the Campus Martius. He went inside himself, all of the
						opposite faction having fled. Their property was at once confiscated and
						exposed to public sale. Sulla summoned the people to an assembly, where he
						lamented the necessity of his present doings and told them to cheer up, as
						the troubles would soon be over and the government go as it ought. Having
						arranged such matters as were pressing and put some of his own men in charge
						of the city, he set out for Clusium, where the war was still raging. In the
						meantime a body of Celtiberian horse, sent by the prætors in
						Spain, had joined the consuls, and there was a cavalry fight on the banks of
						the river Glanis. Sulla killed about fifty of the enemy, and then 270 of the
						Celtiberian horse deserted to him, and Carbo himself killed the rest of
						them, either because he was angry at the desertion of their countrymen or
						because he feared similar action on their own part. About the same time
						Sulla overcame another detachment of his enemies near Saturnia, and Metellus
						sailed around toward Ravenna and took possession of the level, wheat-growing
						country of Uritanus. Another Sullan division effected an entrance into
						Neapolis by treachery in the night, killed all the inhabitants except a few
						who had made their escape, and seized the triremes belonging to the city. A
						severe battle was fought near Clusium between Sulla himself and Carbo,
						lasting all day. Neither party had the advantage when darkness put an end to
						the conflict.

In the plain of Spoletium, Pompey and Crassus, both Sulla's officers, killed
						some 3000 of Carbo's men and besieged Carinas, the opposing general. Carbo
						sent reënforcements to Carinas, but Sulla learned of their
						movement, laid an ambush for them, and killed about 2000 of them on the
						road. Carinas escaped by night during a heavy rain-storm and thick darkness,
						and although the besiegers were aware of some movement, they made no
						opposition on account of the storm. Carbo sent Marcius with eight legions to
						the relief of his colleague, Marius, at Præneste, having heard
						that he was suffering from hunger. Pompey fell upon them from ambush in a
						defile, defeated them, killed a large number, and surrounded the remainder
						on a hill. Marcius made his escape, leaving his fires burning. His army
						blamed him for being caught in an ambush and stirred up an angry mutiny. One
						whole legion marched off under their standards to Ariminum without orders.
						The rest separated and went home in squads, so that only seven cohorts
						remained with their general. Marcius, having made a mess of it in this way,
						returned to Carbo. However, Marcus Lamponius from Lucania, Pontius Telesinus
						from Samnium, and Gutta the Capuan, with 70,000 men, hastened to deliver
						Marius from the siege, but Sulla occupied a pass which was the only approach
						to the place, and blocked the road. Marius now despaired of aid from
						without, and built a citadel in the wide space between himself and the
						enemy, within which he collected his soldiers and his engines, and from
						which he attempted to force his way through the besieging army of Lucretius.
						The attempt was renewed several days in different ways, but he accomplished
						nothing and was again shut up in Præneste.

About the same time Carbo and Norbanus went by a short road to attack the
						camp of Metellus in Faventia just before nightfall. There was only one hour
						of daylight left, and there were thick vineyards thereabout. They made their
						plans for battle in hot temper and not with good judgment, hoping to take
						Metellus unawares and to stampede him. But they were beaten, both the place
						and the time being unfavorable for them. They became entangled in the vines,
						and suffered a heavy slaughter, losing some 10,000 men. About 6000 more
						deserted, and the rest were dispersed, only 1000 getting back to Ariminum in
						good order. Another legion of Lucanians under Albinovanus, when they heard
						of this defeat, went over to Metellus to the great chagrin of their leader.
						As the latter was not able to restrain this impulse of his men, he, for the
						time, returned to Norbanus. Not many days later he sent secretly to Sulla,
						and having obtained a promise of safety from him, if he should accomplish
						anything important, he invited Norbanus and his lieutenants, Gaius Antipater
						and Flavius Fimbria (brother of the one who committed suicide in Asia),
						together with such of Carbo's lieutenants as were then present, to a feast.
						When they had all assembled except Norbanus (he was the only one who did not
						come), Albinovanus killed them all at the banquet and then fled to Sulla.
						Norbanus having learned that, in consequence of this disaster, Ariminum and
						many other camps in the vicinity were going over to Sulla, and being unable
						to rely on the good faith and firm support of any of his friends there
						present, since he found himself in adversity, took ship as a private
						individual and sailed to Rhodes. When, at a later period, Sulla demanded his
						surrender, and while the Rhodians were deliberating on it, he killed himself
						in the market-place.

Carbo sent Damasippus in haste with two other legions to Præneste
						to relieve Marius, who was still besieged, but not even these could force
						their way through the pass that was guarded by Sulla. The Gauls who
						inhabited the country lying between Ravenna and the Alps went over to
						Metellus en masse and Lucullus won a victory over another
						body of Carbo's forces near Placentia. When Carbo learned these facts,
						although he still had 30,000 men around Clusium, and the two legions of
						Damasippus, and others under Carinas and Marcius, besides a large force of
						Samnites, who were courageously enduring hardships at the pass, he fell into
						despair and weakly fled to Africa with his friends, although he was still
						consul, in order to make a stand there instead of in Italy. Of those whom he
						left behind, the army around Clusium had a battle with Pompey in which they
						lost 20,000. Naturally, after this greatest disaster of all, the remainder
						of the army dissolved in fragments and each man went to his own home.
						Carinas, Marcius, and Damasippus went with all the forces they had to the
						pass in order to force their way through it in conjunction with the
						Samnites. Failing in the attempt, they marched to Rome, thinking that the
						city might be easily taken, as it was bereft of men and provisions, and they
						encamped in the Alban territory at a distance of 100 stades from it.

Sulla feared for the safety of the city, and sent his cavalry forward with
						all speed to hinder their march, and then hastened in person with his whole
						army and encamped alongside the Colline gate around the temple of Venus
						about noon. The enemy were already encamped around the city. A battle was
						fought at once, late in the afternoon. On the right wing Sulla was
						victorious. His left wing was vanquished and fled to the gates. The old
						soldiers on the walls, when they saw the enemy rushing in with their own
						men, dropped the portcullis. It fell upon and killed many soldiers and many
						senators. But the majority, impelled by fear and necessity, turned and
						fought the enemy. The fighting continued through the night and a great many
						were killed. The generals, Telesinus and Albinus, were killed and their camp
						was taken. Lamponius the Lucanian, Marcius, and Carinas, and the other
						generals of the faction of Carbo, fled. It was estimated that 50,000 men on
						both sides lost their lives in this engagement. Prisoners, to the number of
						more than 8000, were shot down with darts by Sulla because they were mostly
						Samnites. The next day Marcius and Carinas were captured and brought in.
						Sulla did not spare them because they were Romans, but killed them both and
						sent their heads to Lucretius at Præneste to be displayed around
						the walls.

When the Prænestians saw them and knew that Carbo's army was
						completely destroyed, and that Norbanus himself had fled from Italy, and
						that Rome and all the rest of Italy were in the power of Sulla, they
						surrendered their city to Lucretius. Marius hid himself in an underground
						tunnel and shortly afterward committed suicide. Lucretius cut off his head
						and sent it to Sulla, who exposed it in the forum in front of the rostra. It
						is said that he indulged in a jest at the youth of the consul, saying that
						one ought to be a rower before he manages the helm. When Lucretius took
						Præneste he seized the senators who had held commands under
						Marius, and put some of them to death and cast the others into prison. The
						latter were put to death by Sulla when he came that way. All the others who
						were taken in Præneste he ordered to march out to the plain
						without arms, and when they had done so he chose out a very few who had been
						in any way serviceable to him. The remainder he ordered to be divided into
						three parts, consisting of Romans, Samnites, and Prænestians
						respectively. When this had been done he announced to the Romans by herald
						that they had merited death, but nevertheless he would pardon them. The
						others he massacred to the last man. He allowed their wives and children to
						go unharmed. He plundered the town, which was extremely rich at that time.
						In this way was Præneste served. Norba, another town, still
						resisted with all its might until Æmilius Lepidus was admitted to
						it in the night by treachery. The inhabitants were maddened by this treason.
						Some killed themselves, or fell on each other's swords, others strangled
						themselves with ropes. Still others closed the gates and set fire to the
						town. A strong wind fanned the flames, which so far consumed the place that
						no plunder was left in it. In this way did these stout-hearted men
						perish.

After accomplishing these deeds throughout Italy by war, fire, and murder,
						Sulla's generals visited the several cities and established garrisons at the
						suspected places. Pompey was despatched to Africa against Carbo and to
						Sicily against Carbo's friends who had taken refuge there. Sulla himself
						called the Roman people together in an assembly and made them a speech
						vaunting his own exploits and making other menacing statements in order to
						inspire terror. He finished by saying that he would bring about a change
						which would be beneficial to the public if they would obey him. He would not
						spare one of his enemies, but would visit them with the utmost severity. He
						would take vengeance by every means in his power on all prætors,
						quæstors, military tribunes, and everybody else who had committed
						any hostile act after the day when the consul Scipio violated the agreement
						made with him. After saying this he forthwith proscribed about forty
						senators and 1600 knights. He seems to have been the first one to punish by
						proscription, to offer prizes to assassins and rewards wards to informers,
						and to threaten with punishment those who should conceal the proscribed.
						Shortly afterward he added the names of other senators to the proscription.
						Some of these, taken unawares, were killed where they were caught, in their
						houses, in the streets, or in the temples. Others were picked up, carried to
						Sulla, and thrown down at his feet. Others were dragged through the city and
						trampled on, none of the spectators daring to utter a word of remonstrance
						against these horrors. Banishment was inflicted upon some and confiscation
						upon others. Spies were searching everywhere for those who had fled from the
						city, and those whom they caught they killed.

There was much killing, banishment, and confiscation also among those
						Italians who had obeyed Carbo, or Marius, or Norbanus, or their lieutenants.
						Severe judgments of the courts were rendered against them throughout all
						Italy on various charges--for exercising military command, for serving in
						the army, for contributing money, for rendering other service, or even
						giving counsel against Sulla. Hospitality, private friendship, the borrowing
						or lending of money, were alike accounted crimes. Now and then one would be
						arrested for doing a kindness to a suspect, or merely for being his
						companion on a journey. These accusations abounded mostly against the rich.
						When charges against individuals failed Sulla took vengeance on whole
						communities. He punished some of them by demolishing their citadels, or
						destroying their walls, or by imposing heavy fines and contributions on
						them. Among most of them he placed colonies of his troops in order to hold
						Italy under garrisons, sequestrating their lands and houses and dividing
						them among his soldiers, whom he thus made true to him during his life and
						even after his death. As they could not be secure in their own holdings
						unless all of Sulla's affairs were on a firm foundation, they were his
						stoutest champions even after he was deceased. While the affairs of Italy
						were in this state, Pompey sent a force and captured Carbo, who had fled
						with many persons of distinction from Africa to Sicily and thence to the
						island of Cossyra. He ordered his officers to kill all of the others without
						bringing them into his presence; but Carbo, who had been thrice consul, he
						caused to be brought before his feet in chains, and after making a public
						harangue at him, killed him and sent his head to Sulla.

When everything had been accomplished against his enemies as he desired, and
						there was no longer any hostile force except that of Sertorius, who was far
						distant, Sulla sent Metellus into Spain against him and managed everything
						in the city to suit himself. There was no longer any occasion for laws, or
						elections, or for casting lots, because everybody was shivering with fear
						and in hiding, or dumb. Everything that Sulla had done as consul, or as
						proconsul, was confirmed and ratified, and his gilded equestrian statue was
						erected in front of the rostra with the inscription, "Cornelius Sulla, a
						fortunate commander," for so his flatterers called him on account of his
						unbroken success against his enemies. And this flattering title still
						attaches to him. I have come across a history which relates that Sulla was
						styled Epaphroditus by a decree of the Senate itself. This does not seem to
						me to be inappropriate for he was also called Faustus (lucky), which name
						seems to have very nearly the same signification as Epaphroditus. There was
						also an oracle given to him somewhere which, in response to his question
						concerning the future, assured his prosperous career as follows:-- 
					 "Believe me, Roman, the Cyprian goddess cares for the race of Æneas
						and has given it great power. Render yearly gifts to all the immortals, and
						do not forget them. Convey gifts to Delphi. There is also a place where men
						go up under snowy Taurus, a wide-reaching city of the Carians, whose inhabitants have named it for Aphrodite. Give the
						goddess an axe and you shall gain sovereign power." 
					 Whichever decree the Romans voted when they erected the statue, they seem to
						me to have made the inscription by way of jest or cajolery. However, Sulla
						sent a golden crown and an axe to Venus with this inscription:-- 
					 "The dictator Sulla dedicates this to thee, Venus, because in a dream he saw
						thee in panoply setting the army in order of battle and fighting with the
						weapons of Mars."

Thus Sulla became king, or tyrant, de facto, not elected,
						but holding power by force and violence. As, however, he needed some
						pretence of being elected it was managed in this way. The kings of the
						Romans in the olden time were chosen for their bravery, and when one of them
						died the senators held the royal power in succession for five days each,
						until the people could decide who should be the new king. This five-day
						ruler was called the Interrex, which means king for the time being. The
						retiring consuls always presided over the election of their successors in
						office, and if there chanced to be no consul at such a time an Interrex was
						appointed for the purpose of holding the consular comitia. Sulla took
						advantage of this custom. There were no consuls at this time, Carbo having
						lost his life in Sicily and Marius in Præneste. So Sulla went out
						of the city for a time and ordered the Senate to choose an Interrex. They
						chose Valerius Flaccus, expecting that he would soon hold the consular
						comitia. But Sulla wrote to Flaccus to bring before the people the
						proposition that he (Sulla) considered it advisable, under present
						circumstances, that the city should be governed by a dictator according to a
						custom that had been abandoned 400 years. He told them not
						to appoint the dictator for any definite time, but until the city and Italy
						and the whole government, so shaken by factions and wars, should be put upon
						a firm foundation. That this proposal referred to Sulla himself was not at
						all doubtful. Sulla made no concealment of it. At the conclusion of the
						letter he declared openly that, in his judgment, he could be serviceable to
						the city in that capacity.

Such was Sulla's letter. The Romans were unwilling, but they had no more
						opportunities for elections according to law, and they considered that this
						matter was not altogether in their own power. So, in the absence of
						everything else, they welcomed this pretence of an election as an image and
						semblance of freedom and chose Sulla their absolute master for as long a
						time as he pleased. There had been autocratic rule of the dictators before,
						but it was limited to short periods. But in Sulla's time it first became
						unlimited and so an absolute tyranny; yet they added, for propriety's sake,
						that they chose him dictator for the enactment of such laws as he might deem
						best and for the regulation of the commonwealth. Thus the Romans, after
						having government by kings for sixty Olympiads, and a democracy, under
						consuls chosen yearly, for 100 Olympiads, resorted to kingly government
						again. This was in the 175th Olympiad according to the Greek calendar, but
						there were no Olympic games then except races in the stadium, since Sulla
						had carried away the athletes and all the sights and shows to Rome to
						celebrate his victories in the Mithridatic and Italian wars, under the
						pretext that the masses needed a breathing-spell and recreation after their
						toils.

Nevertheless, as the form of the republic remained he
						allowed them to appoint consuls. Marcus Tullius and Cornelius Dolabella were
						chosen. But Sulla, like a reigning sovereign, was dictator over the consuls.
						Twenty-four axes were borne in front of him, as was customary with
						dictators, the same number that were borne before the ancient kings, and he
						had a large body-guard also. He repealed laws and he enacted others. He
						forbade anybody to hold the office of prætor until after he had
						held that of quæstor, or to be consul before he had been
						prætor, and he prohibited any man from holding the same office a
						second time till after the lapse of ten years. He reduced the tribunician
						power to such an extent that it seemed to be destroyed. He curtailed it by a
						law which provided that one holding the office of tribune should never
						afterward hold any other office; for which reason all men of reputation or
						family, who formerly contended for this office, shunned it thereafter. I am
						not able to say positively whether Sulla transferred this office from the
						people to the Senate, where it is now lodged, or not. To the Senate itself,
						which had been much thinned by the seditions and wars, he added about 300
						members from the best of the knights, taking the vote of the tribes for each
						one. To the plebeians he added more than 10,000 slaves of proscribed
						persons, choosing the youngest and strongest, to whom he gave freedom and
						Roman citizenship, and he called them Cornelii after himself. In this way he
						made sure of having 10,000 men among the plebeians always ready to obey his
						commands. In order to provide the same kind of safeguard throughout Italy he
						distributed to the twenty-three legions that had served under him a great
						deal of land among the communities, as I have already related, some of which
						was public property and some taken from the communities by way of fine.

So terrible was he and so uncontrollable in anger that he slew in the middle
						of the forum Q. Lucretius Ofella, the one who had besieged and captured
						Præneste and the consul Marius, and had won the final victory for
						him. He did this because, in spite of the new law, Lucretius persisted,
						though Sulla opposed and forbade, in being a candidate for the consulship
						while he was still in the equestrian order and before he had been
						quæstor and prætor, presuming on the greatness of his
						services, according to the former custom, and captivating the populace. Then
						Sulla assembled the people and said to them, "Know, citizens, and learn from
						me, that I caused the death of Lucretius because he disobeyed me." And then
						he told the following story: "A husbandman was bitten by fleas while
						ploughing. He stopped his ploughing twice in order to clear them out of his
						shirt. When they bit him. again he burned his shirt, so that he might not be
						so often interrupted in his work. And I tell you, who have felt my hand
						twice, to take warning lest the third time fire be brought in requisition."
						With these words he terrified them and thereafter ruled as he pleased. He
						had a triumph on account of the Mithridatic war, during which some of the
						scoffers called his government " the royalty disavowed" because only the
						name of king was concealed. Others took the contrary view, judging from his
						acts, and called it "the tyranny confessed."

Into such evils were the Romans and all the Italians plunged by this war; and
						so likewise were all the countries beyond Italy by the recent piracies, or
						by the Mithridatic war, or by the many exhausting taxes levied to meet the
						deficit in the public treasury due to the seditions. All the allied nations
						and kings, and not only the tributary cities, but those which had delivered
						themselves to the Romans voluntarily under sworn agreements, and those which
						by virtue of their furnishing aid in war or for some other merit were
						autonomous and not subject to tribute, all were now required to pay and to
						obey. Some that had surrendered themselves under treaty arrangements were
						deprived of their territory and their harbors. Sulla decreed that Alexander
						(the son of Alexander the former sovereign of Egypt), who had been reared in
						Cos and given to Mithridates by the inhabitants of that island, and had fled
						to Sulla and become intimate with him, should be king of Alexandria. He did
						this because the government of Alexandria was destitute of a sovereign in
						the male line, and the women of the royal house wanted a man of the same
						lineage, and because he (Sulla) expected to reap a large reward from the
						rich kingdom. As Alexander behaved himself in a very offensive manner toward
						them, relying upon Sulla, the Alexandrians, on the nineteenth day of his
						reign, dragged him from the palace to the gymnasium and put him to death; so
						little fear had they of foreigners, either by reason of the magnitude of
						their own government or their inexperience as yet of external dangers.

The following year Sulla, although he was dictator, undertook
						the consulship a second time, with Metellus Pius for his colleague, in order
						to preserve the pretence and form of democratic government. It is perhaps
						from this example that the Roman emperors now make a showing of consuls to
						the country and even exhibit themselves in that capacity, considering it not
						unbecoming to hold the office of consul in connection with the supreme
						power. The next year the people, in order to pay court to Sulla, chose him
						consul again, but he refused the office and nominated Servilius Isauricus
						and Claudius Pulcher for their suffrages, and voluntarily laid down the
						supreme power, although nobody was troubling him. This act seems wonderful
						to me--that Sulla should have been the first, and till then the only one, to
						abdicate such vast power without compulsion, not to sons (like Ptolemy in
						Egypt, or Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia, or Seleucus in Syria), but to the very
						people over whom he had tyrannized. Almost incredible is it that after
						incurring so many dangers in forcing his way to this power he should have
						laid it down of his own free will after he had acquired it. Paradoxical
						beyond anything is the fact that he was afraid of nothing, although more
						than 100,000 young men had perished in this war, and he had destroyed of his
						enemies ninety senators, fifteen consulars, and 2600 of the so-called
						knights, including the banished. The property of these men had been
						confiscated and many of their bodies cast out unburied. Undaunted by the
						relatives of these persons at home, or by the banished abroad, or by the
						cities whose 
						towers and walls he had thrown down and whose lands, money,
						and privileges he had swept away, Sulla now returned to private life.

So great was this man's boldness and good fortune. It is said that he made a
						speech in the forum when he laid down his power in which he offered to give
						the reasons for what he had done to anybody who should ask them. He
						dismissed the lictors with their axes and discontinued his body-guard, and
						for a long time walked to the forum with only a few friends, the multitude
						looking upon him with awe even then. Once only when he was going home he was
						reproached by a boy. As nobody restrained this boy he made bold to follow
						Sulla to his house, railing at him, and Sulla, who had opposed the greatest
						men and states with towering rage, endured his reproaches with calmness and
						as he went into the house said, divining the future either by his
						intelligence or by chance, "This young man will prevent any other holder of
						such power from laying it down." This saying was shortly confirmed to the
						Romans, for Gaius Cæsar never laid down his power. Sulla seems to
						me to have been the same masterful and able man in all respects, whether
						striving to reach supreme power from private life, or changing back to
						private life from supreme power, or later when passing his time in rural
						solitude; for he retired to his own estate at Cumæ in Italy and
						there occupied his leisure in hunting and fishing. He did this not because
						he was afraid to live a private life in the city, nor because he had not
						sufficient bodily strength for whatever he might try to do. He was still of
						virile age and sound constitution, and there were 120,000 men throughout
						Italy who had recently served under him in war and had received large gifts
						of money and land from him, and there were the 10,000 Cornelii ready in the
						city, besides other people of his party devoted to him and still formidable
						to his opponents, all of whom rested upon Sulla's safety their hopes of
						impunity for what they had done in coöperation with him. But I
						think that he was satiated with war, with power, with city affairs, and that
						he took to rural life finally because he loved it.

Directly after his retirement the Romans, although delivered
						from slaughter and tyranny, began gradually to fan the flames of new
						seditions. Quintus Catulus and Æmilius Lepidus were chosen
						consuls, the former of the Sullan faction and the latter of the opposite
						party. They hated each other bitterly and began to quarrel immediately, from
						which it was plain that fresh troubles were brewing. While he was living in
						the country Sulla had a dream in which he thought he saw his Genius already
						calling him. Early in the morning he told the dream to his
						friends and in haste began writing his will, which he finished that day.
						After sealing it he was taken with a fever towards evening and died the same
						night. He was sixty years of age and had been the most fortunate of men even
						to the very last, and realized in all respects the title he bore; that is,
						if one can be considered fortunate who obtains all that he desires.
						Immediately a dissension sprang up in the city over his remains, some
						proposing to bring them in a procession through Italy and exhibit them in
						the forum and give him a public funeral. Lepidus and his faction opposed
						this, but Catulus and the Sullan party prevailed. Sulla's corpse was borne
						through Italy on a golden litter with royal splendor. Musicians and horsemen
						in great numbers went in advance and a great multitude of armed men followed
						on foot. His fellow-soldiers flocked from all directions under arms to join
						the procession, and each one was assigned his place in due order as he came.
						The crowd of other people that came together was unprecedented. The
						standards and the fasces that he had used while living and ruling were borne
						in the procession.

When the remains reached the city they were borne through the streets with an
						enormous procession. More than 2000 golden crowns which had been made in
						haste were carried in it, the gifts of cities and of the legions that he had
						commanded and of individual friends. It would be impossible to describe all
						the splendid things contributed to this funeral. From fear of the assembled
						soldiery all the priests and priestesses escorted the remains, each in
						proper costume. The entire Senate and the whole body of magistrates attended
						with their insignia of office. A multitude of the Roman knights followed
						with their peculiar decorations, and, in their turn, all the legions that
						had fought under him. They came together with eagerness, all hastening to
						join in the task, carrying gilded standards and silver-plated shields, such
						as are still used on such occasions. There was a countless number of
						trumpeters who by turns played the most mournful dirges. Loud cries were
						raised, first by the Senate, then by the knights, then by the soldiers, and
						finally by the plebeians. For some really longed for Sulla, but others were
						afraid of his army and his dead body, as they had been of himself when
						living. As they looked at the present spectacle and remembered what this man
						had accomplished they were amazed, and agreed with their opponents that he
						had been most beneficial to his own party and most formidable to themselves
						even in death. The corpse was shown in the forum on the rostra, where public
						speeches were usually made, and the most eloquent of the Romans then living
						delivered the funeral oration, as Sulla's son, Faustus, was still very
						young. Then strong men of the senators took up the litter and carried it to
						the Campus Martius, where only kings were buried, and the knights and the
						army coursed around the funeral pile. And this was the last of Sulla.

Directly after their return from the funeral the consuls fell into a wordy
						quarrel and the citizens began to take sides with them. Lepidus, in order to
						curry favor with the Italians, said that he would restore the land which
						Sulla had taken from them. The Senate was afraid of both factions and made
						them take an oath that they would not carry their differences to the point
						of war. To Lepidus the province of transalpine Gaul was assigned by lot and
						he did not come back to the comitia because he would be released in the
						following year from his oath about making war on the Sullans; for it was
						considered that the oath was binding only during the term of office. As his
						designs did not escape observation he was recalled by the Senate, and as he
						knew why he was recalled he came with his whole army, intending to bring
						them into the city with him. As he was prevented from doing this, he ordered
						his men under arms and Catulus did the same on the other side. A battle was
						fought not far from the Campus Martius. Lepidus was defeated and, soon
						giving up the struggle, sailed shortly afterward to Sardinia, where he died
						of a wasting disease. His army was frittered away little by little and
						dissolved, the greater part of it was conducted by Perpenna to Sertorius in
						Spain.

There remained of the Sullan troubles the war with Sertorius, which had been
						going on for eight years, and was not an easy war
						to the Romans since it was waged not merely against Spaniards, but against
						other Romans and Sertorius. He had been chosen governor of Spain while he
						was coöperating with Carbo against Sulla; and after taking the city
						of Suessa during the armistice he fled and assumed his prætorship.
						He had an army from Italy itself and he raised another from the
						Celtiberians, and drove out of Spain the former prætors, who, in
						order to favor Sulla, refused to surrender the government to him. He had
						also fought nobly against Metellus, who had been sent against him by Sulla.
						Having acquired a reputation for bravery he enrolled a council of 300
						members from the friends who were with him, and called it the Roman Senate
						in derision of
						the real one. After Sulla died, and Lepidus later, he obtained
						another army of Italians which Perpenna, the lieutenant of Lepidus, brought
						to him and it was supposed that he intended to march against Italy itself,
						and would have done so had not the Senate become alarmed and sent another
						army and general into Spain in addition to the former ones. This general was
						Pompey, who was still a young man, but renowned for his exploits in the time
						of Sulla, in Africa and in Italy itself.

Pompey courageously crossed the Alps, not in the face of such difficulties as
						Hannibal experienced, but he opened another passage around the sources of
						the Rhone and the Eridanus. These issue from the Alpine mountains not far
						from each other. One of them runs through transalpine Gaul and empties into
						the Tyrrhenian sea; the other from the interior of the Alps to the Adriatic.
						The name of the latter has been changed from the Eridanus to the Po. Directly Pompey
						arrived in Spain Sertorius cut in pieces a whole legion of
						his army, that had been sent out foraging, with its animals and servants. He
						also plundered and destroyed the Roman town of Lauro before the very eyes of
						Pompey. In this siege a woman tore out with her fingers the eyes of a
						soldier who had insulted her and was trying to commit an outrage upon her.
						When Sertorius heard of this he put to death the whole cohort that was
						supposed to be addicted to such brutality, although it was composed of
						Romans. Then the armies were separated by the advent of winter.

When spring came they resumed hostilities, Metellus and Pompey coming from
						the Pyrenees mountains, where they had wintered, and Sertorius and Perpenna
						from Lusitania. They met near the town of Sucro. While the fight was going
						on flashes of lightning came unexpectedly from a clear sky, but these
						trained soldiers were not in the least dismayed. They continued the fight,
						with heavy slaughter on both sides, until Metellus defeated Perpenna and
						plundered his camp. On the other hand, Sertorius defeated Pompey, who
						received a dangerous wound from a spear in the thigh, and this put an end to
						that battle. Sertorius had a white fawn that was tame and allowed to move
						about freely. When this fawn was not visible Sertorius considered it a bad
						omen. He became low-spirited and abstained from fighting; nor did he mind
						the enemy's scoffing at the fawn. When she made her appearance running
						through the woods Sertorius would run to meet her and, as though he were
						inspired by her, he would begin to harass the enemy. Not long afterward
						Sertorius fought a great battle near Seguntia, lasting from noon till night.
						Sertorius fought on horseback and vanquished Pompey, killing nearly 6000 of
						his men and losing about half that number himself. Metellus at the same time
						destroyed about 5000 of Perpenna's army. The day after this
						battle Sertorius, with a large reënforcement of barbarians,
						attacked the camp of Metellus unexpectedly towards evening with the
						intention of besieging it with a trench, but Pompey hastened up and caused
						Sertorius to desist from his bold enterprise. In this way they passed the
						summer, and again they separated to winter quarters.

The following year, which was in the 176th Olympiad, two
						countries were acquired by the Romans by bequest. Bithynia was left to them
						by Nicomedes, and Cyrene by Ptolemy Apion, of the house of the
						Lagidæ. There were wars and wars; the Sertorian was raging in
						Spain, the Mithridatic in the East, that of the pirates on the entire sea,
						and another one around Crete against the Cretans themselves, besides the
						gladiatorial war in Italy, which started suddenly and became very serious.
						Although distracted by so many conflicts the Romans sent another army of two
						legions into Spain. With these and the other forces in their hands Metellus
						and Pompey again descended from the Pyrenees mountains to the Ebro and
						Sertorius and Perpenna advanced from Lusitania to meet them. At this
						juncture many of the soldiers of Sertorius deserted to Metellus.

Sertorius was so exasperated by this that he visited savage and barbarous
						punishment upon many of his men and fell into disrepute in consequence. The
						soldiers blamed him particularly because wherever he went he surrounded
						himself with a body-guard of Celtiberian spearmen instead of Romans,
						removing the latter in favor of the former. Nor could they bear to be
						reproached with treachery by him while they were serving under an enemy of
						the Roman people. That they should be charged with bad faith by Sertorius
						while they were acting in bad faith to their country on his account, was the
						very thing that vexed them most. Nor did they consider it just that those
						who remained with the standards should be condemned because others deserted.
						Moreover, the Celtiberians took this occasion to insult them as men under
						suspicion. Still they were not altogether alienated from Sertorius since
						they derived advantages from his service, for there was no other man of that
						period more skilled in the art of war or more successful in it. For this
						reason, and on account of the rapidity of his movements, the Celtiberians
						gave him the name of Hannibal, whom they considered the boldest and most
						crafty general ever known in their country. In this way the army stood
						affected toward Sertorius. The forces of Metellus overran many of his towns
						and brought the men belonging to them under subjection. While Pompey was
						laying siege to Pallantia and underrunning the walls with wooden supports,
						Sertorius suddenly appeared on the scene and raised the siege. Pompey
						hastily set fire to the timbers and retreated to Metellus. Sertorius rebuilt
						the part of the wall which had fallen and then attacked his enemies who were
						encamped around the castle of Calagurris and killed 3000 of them. And so
						this year went by in Spain.

In the following year the Roman generals plucked up rather
						more courage and advanced in an audacious manner against the towns that
						adhered to Sertorius, drew many away from him, assaulted others, and were
						much elated by their success. No great battle was fought, but again . . . until the following year, when they advanced
						again even more audaciously. Sertorius was now evidently misled by a god, for he
						relaxed his labors, fell into habits of luxury, and gave
						himself up to women, and to carousing and drinking, for which reason he was
						defeated continually. He became hot-tempered, from various suspicions, and
						extremely cruel in punishment, and distrustful of everybody, so much so that Perpenna, who had belonged to the faction of
						Lepidus and had come hither as a volunteer with a considerable army, began
						to fear for his own safety and formed a conspiracy with ten other men
						against him. The conspiracy was betrayed, some of the guilty ones were
						punished and others fled, but Perpenna escaped detection in some
						unaccountable manner and applied himself all the more to carry out the
						design. As Sertorius was never without his guard of spearmen, Perpenna
						invited him to a banquet, plied him and his guards with wine, and
						assassinated him after the feast.

The soldiers straightway rose in tumult and anger against Perpenna, their
						hatred of Sertorius being suddenly turned to affection for him, as people
						generally mollify their anger toward the dead, and when the one who has
						injured them is no longer before their eyes recall his virtues with tender
						memory. Reflecting on their present situation they despised Perpenna as
						though he had been a private individual, for they considered that the
						bravery of Sertorius had been their only salvation. They were angry with
						Perpenna, and the barbarians were no less so; most of all were the
						Lusitanians, of whose services Sertorius had especially availed himself.
						When the will of Sertorius was opened a bequest to Perpenna was found in it,
						and thereupon still greater anger and hatred of him entered into the minds
						of all, since he had committed such an abominable crime, not merely against
						his ruler and commanding general, but against his friend and benefactor. And
						they would not have abstained from violence had not Perpenna bestirred
						himself, making gifts to some and promises to others. Some he terrified with
						threats and some he killed in order to strike terror into the rest. He came
						forward and made a speech to the multitude, and released from confinement
						some whom Sertorius had imprisoned, and dismissed some of the Spanish
						hostages. Reduced to submission in this way they obeyed him as
						prætor (for he held the next rank to Sertorius) yet they were not
						without bitterness toward him even then. As he grew bolder he became very
						cruel in punishments, and put to death three of the nobility who had fled
						together from Rome to him, and also his own nephew.

As Metellus had gone to other parts of Spain,-- for he considered it no
						longer a difficult task for Pompey alone to vanquish Perpenna, -- these two
						skirmished and made tests of each other for several days, but did not bring
						their whole strength into the field. On the tenth day, however, a great
						battle was fought between them. They resolved to decide the contest by one
						engagement--Pompey because he despised the generalship of Perpenna; Perpenna
						because he did not believe that his army would long remain faithful to him,
						and he could now engage with nearly his whole strength. Pompey, as might
						have been expected, soon got the better of this inferior general and
						disaffected army. Perpenna was defeated all along the line and concealed
						himself in a thicket, more fearful of his own troops than of the enemy's. He
						was seized by some horsemen and dragged toward Pompey's headquarters, loaded
						with the execrations of his own men, as the murderer of Sertorius, and
						crying out that he could give Pompey a great deal of information about the
						factions in Rome. This he said either because it was true, or in order to be
						brought safe to Pompey's presence, but the latter sent orders to kill him
						before bringing him into his presence, fearing lest the news that Perpenna
						wanted to communicate should be the source of new troubles at Rome. Pompey
						seems to have behaved very prudently in this matter, and his action added to
						his high reputation. So ended the war in Spain with the life of Sertorius. I
						think that if he had lived longer the war would not have ended so soon or so
							successfully.

At the same time Spartacus, a Thracian by birth, who had once served as a
						soldier with the Romans, but had since been a prisoner and sold for a
						gladiator, and was in the gladiatorial training-school at Capua, persuaded
						about seventy of his comrades to strike for their own
						freedom rather than for the amusement of spectators. They overcame the
						guards and ran away. They armed themselves with clubs and daggers that they
						took from people on the roads and took refuge on Mount Vesuvius. There many
						fugitive slaves and even some freemen from the fields joined Spartacus, and
						he plundered the neighboring country, having for subordinate officers two
						gladiators named Œnomaus and Crixus. As he divided the plunder
						impartially he soon had plenty of men. Varinius Glaber was first sent
						against him and afterward Publius Valerius, not with regular armies, but
						with forces picked up in haste and at random, for the Romans did not
						consider this a war as yet, but a raid, something like an outbreak of
						robbery. When they attacked Spartacus they were beaten. Spartacus even
						captured the horse of Varinius; so narrowly did a Roman prætor
						escape being captured by a gladiator. After this still greater numbers
						flocked to Spartacus till his army numbered 70,000 men. For these he
						manufactured weapons and collected apparatus.

Rome now sent out the consuls with two legions. One of them overcame Crixus
						with 30,000 men near Mount Garganus, two-thirds of whom perished together
						with himself. Spartacus endeavored to make his way through the Apennines to
						the Alps and the Gallic country, but one of the consuls anticipated him and
						hindered his march while the other hung upon his rear. He turned upon them
						one after the other and beat them in detail. They retreated in confusion in
						different directions. Spartacus sacrificed 300 Roman prisoners to the manes
						of Crixus, and marched on Rome with 120,000 foot, having burned all his
						useless material, killed all his prisoners, and butchered his pack-animals
						in order to expedite his movement. Many deserters offered themselves to him,
						but he would not accept them. The consuls again met him in the country of
						Picenum. Here was another great battle and then, too, a great defeat for the
						Romans. Spartacus changed his intention of marching on Rome. He did not
						consider himself ready as yet for that kind of a fight, as his whole force
						was not suitably armed, for no city had joined him, but only slaves,
						deserters, and riff-raff. However, he occupied the mountains
						around Thurii and took the city itself. He prohibited the bringing in of
						gold or silver by merchants, and would not allow his own men to acquire any,
						but he bought largely of iron and brass and did not interfere with those who
						dealt in these articles. Supplied with abundant material from this source
						his men provided themselves with plenty of arms and continued in robbery for
						the time being. When they next came to an engagement with the Romans they
						were again victorious, and returned laden with spoils.

This war, so formidable to the Romans (although 
						ridiculous and contemptible in the beginning, considered as the work of
						gladiators), had now lasted three years. When the election of new
						prætors came on, fear fell upon all, and nobody offered himself as
						a candidate until Licinius Crassus, a man distinguished among the Romans for
						birth and wealth, assumed the prætorship and marched against
						Spartacus with six new legions. When he arrived at his destination he
						received also the two legions of the consuls, whom he decimated by lot for
						their bad conduct in several battles. Some say that Crassus, too, having
						engaged in battle with his whole army, and having been defeated, decimated
						the whole army and was not deterred by their numbers, but destroyed about
						4000 of them. Whichever way it was, he demonstrated to them that he was more
						dangerous to them than the enemy. Presently he overcame 10,000 of the
						Spartacans, who were encamped somewhere in a detached position, and killed
						two-thirds of them. He then marched boldly against Spartacus himself,
						vanquished him in a brilliant engagement, and pursued his fleeing forces to
						the sea, where they tried to pass over to Sicily. He overtook them and
						enclosed them with a line of circumvallation consisting of ditch, wall, and
						paling.

Spartacus tried to break through and make an incursion into the Samnite
						country, but Crassus slew about 6000 of his men in the morning and as many
						more towards evening. Only three of the Roman army were killed and seven
						wounded, so great was the improvement in their morale 
						inspired by the recent punishment. Spartacus, who was expecting from
						somewhere a reënforcement of horse, no longer went into battle with
						his whole army, but harassed the besiegers by frequent sallies here and
						there. He fell upon them unexpectedly and continually, threw bundles of
						fagots into the ditch and set them on fire and made their labor difficult.
						He crucified a Roman prisoner in the space between the two armies to show
						his own men what fate awaited them if they did not conquer. When the Romans
						in the city heard of the siege they thought it would be disgraceful if this
						war against gladiators should be prolonged. Believing also that the work
						still to be done against Spartacus was great and severe they ordered up the
						army of Pompey, which had just arrived from Spain, as a
						reënforcement.

On account of this vote Crassus tried in every way to come to an engagement
						with Spartacus so that Pompey might not reap the glory of the war. Spartacus
						himself, thinking to anticipate Pompey, invited Crassus to come to terms
						with him. When his proposals were rejected with scorn he resolved to risk a
						battle, and as his cavalry had arrived he made a dash with his whole army
						through the lines of the besieging force and pushed on to Brundusium with
						Crassus in pursuit. When Spartacus learned that Lucullus had just arrived in
						Brundusium from his victory over Mithridates he despaired of everything and
						brought his forces, which were even then very numerous, to close quarters
						with Crassus. The battle was long and bloody, as might have been expected
						with so many thousands of desperate men. Spartacus was wounded in the thigh
						with a spear and sank upon his knee, holding his shield in front of him and
						contending in this way against his assailants until he and the great mass of
						those with him were surrounded and slain. The remainder of his army was
						thrown into confusion and butchered in crowds. So great was the slaughter
						that it was impossible to count them. The Roman loss was about 1000. The
						body of Spartacus was not found. A large number of his men fled from the
						battle-field to the mountains and Crassus followed them thither. They
						divided themselves in four parts, and continued to fight until they all
						perished except 6000, who were captured and crucified along the whole road
						from Capua to Rome.

Crassus accomplished his task within six months, whence arose a contention
						for honors between himself and Pompey. Crassus did not dismiss his army, for
						Pompey did not dismiss his. Both were candidates for the consulship. Crassus
						had been prætor as the law of Sulla required. Pompey had been
						neither prætor nor quæstor, and was only thirty-four
						years old. He promised the tribunes of the people that much of their former
						power should be restored. When they were chosen consuls they did not even then dismiss their armies, which were stationed near
						the city. Each one offered an excuse. Pompey said that he was waiting the
						return of Metellus for his Spanish triumph. Crassus said that Pompey ought
						to dismiss his army first. The people, seeing fresh seditions brewing and
						fearing two armies encamped round about, besought the consuls, while they
						were occupying the curule chairs in the forum, to be reconciled to each
						other. At first both of them repelled these solicitations. When certain
						persons, who seemed to be divinely inspired, predicted many direful
						consequences if the consuls did not come to an agreement, the people again
						implored them with lamentation and the greatest dejection, reminding them of
						the evils produced by the contentions of Marius and Sulla. Crassus yielded
						first. He came down from his chair, advanced to Pompey, and offered him his
						hand in the way of reconciliation. Pompey rose and hastened to meet him.
						They shook hands amid general acclamations and the people did not leave the
						assembly until the consuls had given orders in writing to disband the
						armies. Thus was the well-grounded fear of another great dissension happily
						dispelled. This was about the sixtieth year in the course of the civil
						convulsions, reckoning from the killing of Tiberius Gracchus. 
							 GAIUS MARIUS 
							 Visconti's Rom. Icon. (Duruy)

AFTER the reign of Sulla, and the later operations of Sertorius and Perpenna in Spain,
						other internal commotions of a similar nature took place among the Romans
						until Gaius Cæsar and Pompey the Great waged war against each
						other, and Cæsar made an end of Pompey and was himself killed in
						the senate-chamber because he was accused of exercising royal power. How
						these things came about and how both Pompey and Cæsar lost their
						lives, this second book of the Civil Wars will show. Pompey had lately cleared the
						sea of pirates, who were then more numerous than ever before,
						and afterward had overthrown Mithridates, king of Pontus, and regulated his
						kingdom and the other nations that he had subdued in the East.
						Cæsar was still a young man, but powerful in speech and action,
						daring in every way, ambitious of everything, and profuse beyond his means
						in the pursuit of honors. While yet ædile and prætor he
						had incurred great debts and had made himself wonderfully agreeable to the
						multitude, who always sing the praises of those who are lavish in
						expenditures.

At this time Lucius Catiline was a person of importance, of great celebrity, and
						high birth, but a madman. It was believed that he had killed his own son
						because of his own love for Aurelia Orestilla, who was not willing to marry
						a man who had a son. He had been a friend and zealous partisan of Sulla. He
						had reduced himself to 
						 
							 CICERO 
							 In the Museum at Madrid (Bernoulli) 
						 
						 poverty in order to gratify his ambition, but still he was courted by the powerful, both men and women, and he became a candidate for the consulship as a step leading to absolute power. He confidently expected to be elected; but the suspicion of his ulterior designs defeated him, and Cicero, the most eloquent orator and the rhetorician of the period, was chosen instead. Catiline, by way of raillery and contempt for those who voted for him, called him Novus Homo (a new man) on account of his obscure birth (for so they call those who achieve distinction by their own merits and not by those of their ancestors); and because he was not born in the city he called him Inquilinus (a lodger), by which term they designate those who occupy houses belonging to others. From this time Catiline abstained wholly from politics as not leading quickly and surely to absolute power, but as full of the spirit of contention and malice. He procured much money from many women who hoped that their husbands would get killed in the uprising, and he formed a conspiracy with a number of senators and knights, and collected together a body of plebians, foreign residents, and slaves. His leading fellow-conspirators were Cornelius Lentulus and Cethegus, who were then city praetors. He sent emissaries throughout Italy to those of Sulla's soldiers who had squandered the gains of their former life of plunder and who longed for similar doings. For this purpose he sent Gaius Manlius to Fæsulæ in Etruria and others to Picenum and Apulia, who enlisted soldiers for him secretly.

All these facts, while they were still secret, were communicated to Cicero by Fulvia, a
								woman of quality. Her lover, Quintus Curius, one of the conspirators
								with Catiline, who had been expelled from the Senate for debauchery,
								told his mistress in a vain and boastful way that he would soon be
								in a position of great power. And now a
								rumor of what was transpiring in Italy was noised about.
								Accordingly, Cicero stationed guards at intervals throughout the
								city, and sent many of the nobility to the suspected places to watch
								what was going on. Catiline, although nobody had ventured to lay
								hands on him, because the facts were not yet publicly known,
								was nevertheless fearful lest
								suspicion should increase with time. Trusting to rapidity of
								movement he forwarded money to Fæsulæ and directed his
								fellow-conspirators to kill Cicero and set the city on fire at a
								number of different places the same night. Then he departed to join
								Gaius Manlius, intending to collect additional forces and invade the
								city while burning. So extremely vain was he that he had the rods
								and axes borne before him as though he were a proconsul, and he
								proceeded on his journey to Manlius, enlisting soldiers as he went.
								Lentulus and his fellow-conspirators decided that when they should
								learn that Catiline had arrived at Fæsulæ, Lentulus and Cethegus
								should present themselves at Cicero's door early in the morning with
								concealed daggers, expecting to be admitted because of their rank;
								enter into conversation with him in the vestibule on some subject,
								no matter what; draw him away from his own people, and kill him;
								that Lucius Bestia, the tribune, should at once call an assembly of
								the people by heralds and accuse Cicero of timidity and of stirring
								up war and disturbing the city without cause, and that on the night
								following Bestia's speech the city should be set on fire by others
								in twelve places and plundered, and the leading citizens killed.

Such were the designs of Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Cassius, the
						chiefs of the conspiracy, and they waited for the appointed time. Meanwhile
						ambassadors of the Allobroges, who were in the city making complaint against
						their magistrates, were solicited to join the conspiracy of Lentulus in
						order to cause an uprising against the Romans in Gaul. Lentulus sent in
						company with them, to Catiline, a man of Croton named Vulturcius, who
						carried letters without signatures. The Allobroges being in doubt
						communicated the matter to Fabius Sanga, the patron of their state--it was
						the custom of all the subject states to have patrons at Rome. Sanga
						communicated the facts to Cicero, who captured the Allobroges and Vulturcius
						on their journey and brought them straightway before the Senate. They confessed to their
						understanding with Lentulus and testified in his presence that Cornelius
						Lentulus had often said that it was written in the book of fate that three
						Cornelii should be monarchs of Rome, two of whom, Cinna and Sulla, had
						already been such.

When they had so testified the Senate deprived Lentulus of his office. Cicero
						put each of the conspirators under arrest at the houses of the
						prætors, and returned directly to take the vote of the Senate
						concerning them. In the meantime there was a great tumult around the
						senate-house, the affair being as yet little understood, and those who did
						understand it being alarmed. The slaves and freedmen of Lentulus and
						Cethegus, reënforced by numerous artisans, made a circuit by back
						streets and assaulted the houses of the prætors in order to rescue
						their masters. When Cicero heard of this he hurried out of the senate-house
						and stationed the necessary guards and then came back and hastened the
						taking of the vote. Silanus, the consul-elect, spoke first, as it was the
						custom among the Romans for the one who was about to assume that office to
						deliver his opinion first, because, as I think, he would have most to do
						with the execution of the decrees, and hence would give more careful
						consideration and circumspection to each. It was the opinion of Silanus that
						the culprits should suffer the extreme penalty, and many senators agreed
						with him until it came Nero's turn to deliver his opinion. Nero judged that
						it would be best to keep them under guard until Catiline should be beaten in
						the field and they could obtain the most accurate knowledge of the facts.

Gaius Cæsar was not free from the suspicion of complicity with
						these men, but Cicero did not venture to bring into the controversy one so
						popular with the masses. Cæsar proposed that Cicero should
						distribute the culprits among the towns of Italy, according to his own
						discretion, to be kept until Catiline should be beaten in fight, and that
						then they should be regularly tried, instead of inflicting an irremediable
						punishment upon members of the nobility in advance of argument and trial. As
						this opinion appeared to be just and acceptable, most of the senators
						changed completely, until Cato openly manifested his suspicion of
						Cæsar; and Cicero, who had apprehensions concerning the coming
						night (lest the crowd who were concerned with the conspiracy and were still
						in the forum in a state of suspense, fearful for themselves and the
						conspirators, might do something desperate), persuaded the Senate to give
						judgment against them without trial as persons caught in the act. Cicero
						immediately, while the Senate was still in session, conducted each of the
						conspirators from the houses where they were in custody to the prison,
						without the knowledge of the crowd, and saw them put to death. Then he went
						back to the forum and signified that they were dead. The crowd dispersed in
						alarm, congratulating themselves that they had not been found out. Thus the
						city breathed freely once more after the great fear that had weighed upon it
						that day.

Catiline had assembled about 20,000 troops, of whom 
						one-fourth part were already armed, and was moving toward Gaul in order to
						complete his preparations, when Antonius, the other consul, overtook him
						beyond the Alps 
						and easily defeated the madly conceived adventure of the man, which was
						still more madly put to the test without preparation. Neither Catiline nor
						any of the nobility who were associated with him deigned to fly, but all
						perished at close quarters with their enemies. Such was the end of the
						uprising of Catiline, which almost brought the city to the extreme of peril.
						Cicero, who had been hitherto distinguished only for eloquence, was now in
						everybody's mouth as a man of action, and was considered unquestionably the
						saviour of his country on the eve of its destruction, for which reason the
						thanks of the assembly were bestowed upon him, amid general acclamations. At
						the instance of Cato the people saluted him as the Father of his Country.
						Some think that this appellation, which is now bestowed upon those emperors
						who are deemed worthy of it, had its beginning with Cicero. Although they
						are in fact kings, it is not given to them with their other titles
						immediately upon their accession, but is decreed to them in the progress of
						time, not as a matter of course, but as a final testimonial of the greatest
						services.

Cæsar, who had been chosen prætor for Spain, was detained in the
						city by his creditors, as he owed much more than he could pay, by reason of
						his political expenses. He was reported as saying that he needed 25,000,000
							sesterces in order to have nothing at all. However, he arranged
						with those who were detaining him as best he could and proceeded to Spain.
						Here he neglected the transaction of public business, the administration of
						justice, and all matters of that kind because he considered them of no use
							 to his
						purposes, but he raised an army and attacked the 
						independent Spanish tribes one by one until he made the whole country
						tributary to the Romans. He also sent much money to the public treasury at
						Rome. For these reasons the Senate awarded him a triumph. He was making
						preparations outside the walls for a most splendid procession, during the
						days when candidates for the consulship were required to present themselves.
						It was not lawful for one who was going to have a triumph to enter the city
						and then go back again for the triumph. As Cæsar was very anxious
						to secure the office, and his procession was not yet ready, he sent to the
						Senate and asked permission to stand for the consulship while absent,
						through the intercession of friends, for although he knew it was against the
						law it had been done by others. Cato opposed his proposition and used up the
						last day for the presentation of candidates, in speech making. Thereupon
						Cæsar abandoned his triumph, entered the city, offered himself as
						a candidate, and waited for the comitia.

In the meantime Pompey, who had acquired great glory and power by his
						Mithridatic war, was asking the Senate to ratify numerous concessions that
						he had granted to kings, princes, and cities. Many senators, however, moved
						by envy, made opposition, and especially Lucullus, who had held the command
						against Mithridates before Pompey, and who considered that the victory was
						his, since he had left the king in a state of extreme weakness for Pompey.
						Crassus coöperated with Lucullus in this matter. Pompey was
						indignant and made friends with Cæsar and promised under oath to
						support him for the consulship. The latter thereupon brought Crassus into
						friendly relations with Pompey. Thus these three most powerful men
						coöperated together for their mutual advantage. This coalition the
						Roman writer Varro treated in a book entitled Tricaranus (the
						three-headed monster). The Senate had its suspicions of them and elected
						Lucius Bibulus as Cæsar's colleague to hold him in check.

Strife sprang up between them immediately and they proceeded to arm
						themselves secretly against each other. Cæsar, who was a master of
						dissimulation, made speeches in the Senate in the interest of harmony with
						Bibulus, as though he were taking care lest harm should come to the republic
						from their disagreement. As he was believed to be sincere, Bibulus was
						thrown off his guard. While Bibulus was unprepared and suspecting nothing,
						Cæsar secretly got a large band of soldiers in readiness and
						brought before the Senate measures for the relief of the poor by the
						distribution of the public land to them. The best part of this land around
							Capua, which was leased for the
						public benefit, he proposed to bestow upon those who were the fathers of at
						least three children, by which means he bought for himself the favor of a
						multitude of men. Twenty-thousand, who had three children each, came forward
						at once. As many senators opposed his motion he pretended
						to be indignant at their injustice, and rushed out of the Senate and did not
						convene it again for the remainder of the year, but harangued the people
						from the rostra. In a public assembly he asked Pompey and Crassus what they
						thought about his proposed laws. Both gave their approval, and the people
						came to the voting-place carrying concealed daggers.

The Senate (since no one called it together and it was not lawful for one
						consul to do so without the consent of the other) assembled at the house of
						Bibulus, but did nothing to counteract the force and preparation of
						Cæsar. They planned, however, that Bibulus should oppose
						Cæsar's laws, so that they should seem to be overcome by force
						rather than by their own negligence. Accordingly, Bibulus burst into the
						forum while Cæsar was still speaking. Strife and tumult arose,
						blows were given, and those who had daggers broke the fasces and insignia of
						Bibulus and wounded some of the tribunes who stood around him. Bibulus was
						in no wise terrified, but bared his neck to Cæsar's partisans and
						loudly called on them to strike. "If I cannot persuade Cæsar to do
						right," he said, "I will affix upon him the guilt and stigma of my death."
						His friends, however, led him, against his will, out of the crowd and into
						the neighboring temple of Jupiter Stator. Cato was indignant at these
						proceedings, and, being a young man, forced his way to the midst of the
						crowd and began to make a speech, but was lifted up and dragged out by
						Cæsar's partisans. Then he went around secretly by another street
						and again mounted the rostra; but as he despaired of making a speech, since
						nobody would listen to him, he abused Cæsar roundly until he was
						ejected by the Cæsarians, and Cæsar secured the
						enactment of his laws.

The plebeians swore to observe these laws forever, and Cæsar
						directed the Senate to do the same. Many of them, including Cato, refused,
						and Cæsar proposed and the people enacted the death penalty to the
						recusants. Then they became alarmed and took the oath, including the
							tribunes, for it was
						no longer of any use to speak against it after the law had been confirmed by
						the others. And now Vettius, a plebeian, ran into the forum with a drawn
						dagger and said that he had been sent by Bibulus, Cicero, and Cato to kill
						Cæsar and Pompey, and that the dagger had been given to him by
						Postumius, the lictor of Bibulus. Although this affair was open to suspicion
						on both sides, Cæsar made use of it to inflame the multitude and
						postponed the examination of the assailant. Vettius was thrown into prison
						and killed the same night. As this transaction was variously commented on,
						Cæsar did not let it pass unnoticed, but said that it had been
						done by the opposite party who were afraid of exposure. Finally, the people furnished him a guard to protect him
						against conspirators, and Bibulus abstained from public business altogether,
						like a private citizen, and did not go out of his house for the remainder of
						his official term.

As Cæsar now had the sole administration of public affairs, he did
						not make any further inquiry concerning Vettius. He brought forward new laws
						to win the favor of the multitude, and caused all of Pompey's acts to be
						ratified, as he had promised him. The so-called knights, who held the middle
						place in rank between the Senate and the plebeians, and were extremely
						powerful in all ways by reason of their wealth, and of the farming of the
						provincial revenues which they contracted for, and who kept for this purpose
						multitudes of very trusty servants, had been asking the Senate for a long
						time to release them from a part of what they owed to the treasury. The
						Senate was consuming time on this question. As Cæsar did not want
						anything of the Senate then, but was employing the people only, he released
						the publicans from a third part of their contracts. For this unexpected
						favor, which was far beyond their deserts, the knights extolled
						Cæsar to the skies. Thus a more powerful body of defenders than
						that of the plebeians was added to Cæsar's support through one
						political act. He gave spectacles and combats of wild beasts beyond his
						means, borrowing money on all sides, and surpassing all former exhibitions
						in lavish display and splendid gifts, in consequence of which he was
						appointed governor of both Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul for five years,
						with the command of four legions.

As Cæsar saw that he would be away from home a long time, and
						believed that envy would be in proportion to benefits conferred, he gave his
						daughter in marriage to Pompey, although she was betrothed to
						Cæpio, because he feared that even a friend might become envious
						of his great success. He promoted the boldest of his partisans to the
						principal offices for the ensuing year. He designated his friend Aulus
						Gabinius as consul, with Lucius Piso as his colleague, whose daughter,
						Calpurnia, Cæsar married, although Cato cried out that the
						government was debauched by marriages. For tribunes he chose Vatinius and
						Clodius Pulcher, although the latter had been suspected of an amour with the
						wife of Cæsar himself during a religious ceremony of women, but whom
						Cæsar did not bring to trial because Clodius was very popular with
						the masses; but he divorced his wife. Others prosecuted Clodius for impiety
						at the sacred rites, and Cicero made the argument for the prosecution. When
						Cæsar was called as a witness he refused to testify against
						Clodius, but even raised him to the tribuneship as a foil to Cicero who was
						already decrying the triumvirate as tending toward monarchy. Thus
						Cæsar turned a private grievance to useful account and benefited
						one enemy in order to revenge himself on another. It appears, however, that
						Clodius had previously requited Cæsar by helping him to secure the
						governorship of Gaul.

Such were the acts of Cæsar's consulship. He then laid down his magistracy and proceeded directly to his
						new government. Clodius now brought an accusation against Cicero for putting
						Lentulus and Cethegus and their followers to death without trial. Cicero, who had exhibited the highest courage
						in that transaction, became utterly unnerved at his trial. He put on coarse
						raiment and, defiled with squalor and dirt, supplicated those whom he met in
						the streets, not being ashamed to annoy people who knew nothing about the
						business, so that his doings excited laughter rather than pity by reason of
						his unseemly aspect. Into such trepidation did he fall at this single trial
						of his own, although he had been managing other people's causes successfully
						all his life. In like manner they say that Demosthenes the Athenian did not
						stand his ground when accused, but fled before the trial. When Clodius
						interrupted Cicero's supplications on the streets with contumely, he gave
						way to despair and, like Demosthenes, went into voluntary exile. A multitude
						of his friends went out of the city with him, and the Senate recommended him
						to the attention of cities, kings, and princes. Clodius demolished his house
						and his villas. Clodius was so much elated by this affair that he compared
						himself with Pompey, who was then the most powerful man in Rome.

Accordingly, Pompey held out to Milo, who was Clodius' colleague in office
						and a bolder spirit than himself, the hope of the consulship, and incited
						him against Clodius, and directed him to procure a vote for the recall of
						Cicero. He hoped that when Cicero should come back he would no longer speak
						against the existing status (the triumvirate), remembering what he had
						suffered, but would make trouble for Clodius and bring punishment upon him.
						Thus Cicero, who had been exiled by means of Pompey, was recalled by means of Pompey
						about sixteen months after his banishment, and the Senate
						rebuilt his house and his villas at the public expense. He was received
						magnificently at the city gates. It is said that a whole day was consumed by
						the greetings extended to him, as was the case with Demosthenes when he
						returned.

In the meantime Cæsar, who had performed the many
						brilliant exploits in Gaul and Britain which have been described in my
						Celtic history, had returned with vast riches to Cisalpine Gaul on the river
						Po to give his army a short respite from continuous fighting. From this
						place he sent large sums of money to many persons in Rome, to those who were
						holding the yearly offices and to persons otherwise distinguished as
						governors and generals, and they went thither by turns to meet him. So many of them came that 120
						lictors could be seen around him at one time, and more than 200 senators,
						some returning thanks for what they had already received, others asking for
						money or seeking some other advantage for themselves from the same quarter.
						All things were now possible to Cæsar by reason of his large army,
						his great riches, and his readiness to oblige everybody. Pompey and Crassus,
						his partners in the triumvirate, came also. In their conference it was
						decided that Pompey and Crassus should be elected consuls again and that
						Cæsar's governorship over his provinces should be extended for
						five years more. Thereupon they separated and Domitius Ahenobarbus offered
						himself as a candidate for the consulship against Pompey. When the appointed
						day came, both went down to the Campus Martius before daylight to attend the
						comitia. Their followers got into an altercation and came to blows, and
						finally somebody assaulted the torchbearer of Domitius with a sword. There
						was a scattering straightway, and Domitius escaped with difficulty to his
						own house. Even Pompey's clothing was carried home stained with blood, so
						great was the danger incurred by both candidates.

Accordingly, Pompey and Crassus were chosen consuls and
						Cæsar's governorship was extended for five years according to the
						agreement. The provinces were allotted with an army to each consul in the
						following manner: Pompey chose Spain and Africa, but sent friends to take
						charge of them, he himself remaining in Rome. Crassus took Syria and the
						adjacent country because he wanted a war with the Parthians, which he
						thought would be easy as well as glorious and gainful. But when he took his
						departure from the city there were many unfavorable omens, and the tribunes
						forbade the war against the Parthians, who had done no wrong to the Romans.
						As he would not obey, they invoked public imprecations on him, which Crassus
						disregarded; wherefore he perished in Parthia, together with his son of the
						same name, and his army, not quite 10,000 of whom, out of 100,000, escaped
						to Syria. The disaster to Crassus will be described in my Parthian history.
						As the Romans were suffering from scarcity, they appointed Pompey the sole
						manager of the grain supply and gave him, as in his operations against the
						pirates, twenty assistants from the Senate. These he distributed in like
						manner among the provinces while he superintended the whole, and thus Rome
						was very soon provided with abundant supplies, by which means Pompey again
						gained great reputation and power.

About this time the daughter of Cæsar, who was married to Pompey,
						died in childbirth, and fear fell upon all lest, with the termination of
						this marriage connection, Cæsar and Pompey with their great armies
						should come into conflict with each other, especially as the commonwealth
						had been for a long time disorderly and unmanageable. The magistrates were
						chosen by means of money, and faction fights, with dishonest zeal, with the
						aid of stones and even swords. Bribery and corruption prevailed in the most
						scandalous manner. The people themselves went to the elections to be bought.
						A case was found where a deposit of 800 talents had been made to obtain the
							 consulship. The consuls holding office yearly
						could not hope to lead armies or to command in war because they were shut
						out by the power of the triumvirate. The baser ones strove for gain, instead
						of military commands, at the expense of the public treasury or from the
						election of their own successors. For these reasons good men abstained from
						office altogether. The disorder was such that at one time the republic was
						without consuls for eight months, Pompey conniving at the state of affairs
						in order that there might be need of a dictator.

Many citizens began to talk to each other about this, saying
						that the only remedy for existing evils was the one-man power, but that
						there was need of a man who combined strength of character and mildness of
						temper, thereby indicating Pompey, who had a sufficient army under his
						command and who appeared to be both a friend of the people and a leader of
						the Senate by virtue of his rank, a man of temperance and self-control and
						easy of access, or at all events so considered. This expectation of a
						dictatorship Pompey discountenanced in words, but in fact he did everything
						secretly to promote it, and willingly overlooked the prevailing disorder and
						the interregnum consequent upon it. Milo, who had assisted him in his
						controversy with Clodius, and had acquired great popularity by the recall of
						Cicero, now sought the consulship, as he considered it a favorable time in
						view of the present interregnum; but Pompey kept postponing the comitia until
						Milo became disgusted, believing that Pompey was
						false to him, and withdrew to his native town of Lanuvium, which they say
						was the first city founded in Italy by Diomedes on his return from Troy, and
						which is situated about 150 stades from Rome.

Clodius happened to be coming from his own country-seat on horseback and he
						met Milo at Bovillæ. They merely exchanged hostile scowls and
						passed along; but one of Milo's servants attacked Clodius, either because he
						was ordered to do so or because he wanted to kill his master's enemy, and
						stabbed him through the back with a dagger. Clodius' groom carried him
						bleeding into a neighboring inn. Milo followed with his servants and
						finished him, -- whether he was still alive, or already dead, is not known,
						-- for, although he claimed that he had neither advised nor ordered the
						killing, he was not willing to leave the deed unfinished because he knew
						that he would be accused in any event. When the news of this affair was
						circulated in Rome, the people were thunderstruck, and they passed the night
						in the forum. When daylight came, the corpse of Clodius was displayed on the
						rostra. Some of the tribunes and the friends of Clodius and a great crowd
						with them seized it and carried it to the senate-house, either to confer
						honor upon it, as he was of senatorial birth, or as an act of contumely to
						the Senate for conniving at such deeds. There the more reckless ones
						collected the benches and chairs of the senators and made a funeral pile for
						him, which they lighted and from which the senate-house and many buildings
						in the neighborhood caught fire and were consumed with the corpse of
						Clodius.

Such was the hardihood of Milo that he was moved less by fear of punishment
						for the murder than by indignation at the honor bestowed upon Clodius at his
						funeral. He collected a crowd of slaves and rustics, and, after sending some
						money to be distributed among the people and buying Marcus Cælius,
						one of the tribunes, he came back to the city with the greatest boldness.
						Directly he entered, Cælius dragged him to the forum to be tried
						by those whom he had bribed, as though by an assembly of the people,
						pretending to be very indignant and not willing to grant any delay, but
						hoping that if those present should acquit him he would escape a more
						regular trial. Milo said that the deed was not premeditated, since one would
						not set out with such intentions encumbered with his luggage and his wife.
						The remainder of his speech was directed against Clodius as a desperado and
						a friend of desperadoes, who had set fire to the senate-house and burned it
						to ashes with his body. While he was still speaking the other tribunes, with
						the unbribed portion of the people, burst into the forum armed.
						Cælius and Milo escaped disguised as slaves, but there was a heavy
						slaughter of the others. Search was not made for the friends of Milo, but
						all who were met with, whether citizens or strangers, were killed, and
						especially those who wore fine clothes and gold rings. As the government was
						without order these ruffians, who were for the most part slaves and were
						armed men against unarmed, indulged their rage and, making an excuse of the
						tumult that had broken out, they turned to pillage. They abstained from no
						crime, but broke into houses, looking for any kind of portable property, but
						pretending to be searching for the friends of Milo. For several days Milo
						was their excuse for burning, stoning, and every sort of outrage.

The Senate assembled in consternation and looked to Pompey, intending to make
						him dictator at once, for they considered this necessary as a cure for the
						present evils; but at the suggestion of Cato they appointed him consul
						without a colleague, so that by ruling alone he might have the power of a
						dictator with the responsibility of a consul. He was the first of consuls
						who had two of the greatest provinces, and an army, and the public money,
						and the one-man power in the city, by virtue of being sole consul. In order
						that Cato might not cause obstruction by his presence, it was decreed that
						he should go to Cyprus and take the island away from King Ptolemy--a law to
						that effect having been enacted by Clodius because once, when he was
						captured by pirates, the avaricious Ptolemy contributed only two talents for
						his ransom. When Ptolemy heard of the decree he threw his money into the sea
						and killed himself, and Cato settled the government of Cyprus. Pompey
						proposed the prosecution of offenders and especially of those guilty of
						bribery and corruption. He thought that the seat of the public disorder was
						there, and that by beginning there he should effect a speedy cure. He
						brought forward a law, that any citizen who chose to do so might call for an
						accounting from anybody who had held office from the time of his own first
						consulship to the present. This embraced a period of a little less than
						twenty years, during which Cæsar also had been consul; wherefore
						Cæsar's friends suspected that he included so long a time in order
						to cast reproach and contumely on Cæsar, and urged him to
						straighten out the present crookedness rather than stir up the past to the
						annoyance of so many distinguished men, among whom they named
						Cæsar. Pompey pretended to be indignant at the mention of
						Cæsar's name, as though he were above suspicion, and said that his
						own second consulship was embraced in the period, and that he had reached
						back a considerable time in order to effect a complete cure of the evils
						from which the republic had been so long wasting away.

After making this answer he passed his law, and straightway there ensued a
						great number and variety of prosecutions. In order that the jurors might act
						without fear Pompey stationed soldiers around them and superintended them in
						person. The first ones convicted were absentees: Milo for the murder of
						Clodius; Gabinius both for violation of law and for impiety, because he had
						invaded Egypt without a decree of the Senate and contrary to the Sibylline
						books; Hypsæus, Memmius, Sextius, and many others for bribery and
						for corrupting the populace. The people interceded for Scaurus, but Pompey
						made proclamation that they should wait for the decision of the court. When
						the crowd again interrupted the accusers, Pompey's soldiers made a charge
						and killed several. Then the people held their tongues and Scaurus was
						convicted. All of them were banished. Gabinius was fined in addition. The
						Senate praised Pompey highly for these proceedings, voted him two more
						legions, and extended the term of his provincial government. As Pompey's law
						offered impunity to any one who should turn state's evidence, Memmius, who
						had been convicted of bribery, called Lucius Scipio, the father-in-law of
						Pompey himself, to trial for like participation in bribery. Thereupon Pompey
						put on mourning and many of the jurors did the same. Memmius took pity on
						the republic and withdrew the accusation.

Pompey, as though he had completed the reforms that made the one-man power
						necessary, now made Scipio his colleague in the consulship for the remainder
						of the year. At the expiration of his term, however, although others were
						invested with the consulship, he was none the less the supervisor, and
						ruler, and all-in-all in Rome. He enjoyed the good-will of the Senate,
						particularly because they were jealous of Cæsar, who did not
						consult the Senate during his consulship, and because Pompey had so speedily
						restored the sick commonwealth, and had not made himself troublesome or
						offensive to any of them during his term of office. The banished ones went
						to Cæsar in crowds and advised him to beware of Pompey, saying
						that his law about bribery was especially directed against himself.
						Cæsar cheered them up and spoke well of Pompey. He also induced
						the tribunes to bring in a law to enable himself to stand for the consulship
						a second time while absent, and this was enacted while Pompey was still
						consul and without opposition from him. Cæsar suspected that the
						Senate would resist this project and feared lest he should be reduced to the
						condition of a private citizen and exposed to his enemies. So he tried to retain his
						power until he should be elected consul, and asked the
						Senate to grant him a little more time in his present command of Gaul, or of
						a part of it. Marcellus, who succeeded Pompey as consul, forbade it. They
						say that when this was announced to Cæsar, he clapped his hand on
						his sword-hilt and exclaimed, "This shall give it to me."

Cæsar built the town of Novum Comum at
						the foot of the Alps and gave it the Latin rights, which included a
						provision that those who had exercised the yearly chief magistracy should be
						Roman citizens. One of these men, who had held this office and was
						consequently considered a Roman citizen, was beaten with rods for some
						reason by order of Marcellus in defiance of Cæsar--a punishment
						that was never inflicted on Roman citizens. Marcellus in his passion
						revealed his real intention that the blows should be the marks of the
						foreigner, and he told the man to carry his scars and show them to
						Cæsar. So insulting was Marcellus. Moreover, he proposed to send
						successors to take command of Cæsar's provinces before his time
						had expired, but Pompey interfered, making a pretence of fairness and
						good-will, saying that they ought not to put an indignity on a distinguished
						man who had been so extremely useful to his country, merely on account of a
						short interval of time; but he made it plain that Cæsar's command
						must come to an end immediately on its expiration. For this reason the
						bitterest enemies of Cæsar were chosen consuls for the ensuing year: Æmilius Paulus and
						Claudius Marcellus, cousin of the Marcellus before mentioned. Curio, who was
						also a bitter enemy of Cæsar, but extremely popular with the
						masses and a most accomplished speaker, was chosen tribune. Cæsar
						was not able to influence Claudius with money, but he bought the neutrality
						of Paulus for 1500 talents and the assistance of
						Curio with a still larger sum, because he knew that the latter was heavily
						burdened with debt. With the money thus obtained Paulus built and dedicated
						to the Roman people the Basilica that bears his name, a very beautiful
						structure.

Curio, in order that he might not be detected changing sides too suddenly,
						brought forward vast plans for repairing and building roads, of which he was
						to be superintendent for five years. He knew that he could not carry any
						such measure, but he hoped that Pompey's friends would oppose him so that he
						might have that as an excuse for opposing Pompey. Things turned out as he
						had anticipated, so that he had a pretext for disagreement. Claudius
						proposed the sending of successors to take command of Cæsar's
						provinces, as his term was now expiring. Paulus was silent. Curio, who was
						thought to differ from both, praised the motion of Claudius, but added that
						Pompey ought to resign his provinces and army just like Cæsar, for
						in this way he said the commonwealth would be made free and be relieved from
						fear in all directions. Many opposed this as unjust, because Pompey's term
						had not yet expired. Then Curio came out more openly and decidedly against
						appointing successors to Cæsar unless Pompey also should lay down
						his command; for since they were both suspicious of each other, he contended
						that there could be no lasting peace to the commonwealth unless both were
						reduced to the character of private citizens. He said this because he knew
						that Pompey would not give up his command and because he saw that the people
						were incensed against Pompey on account of his prosecutions for bribery. As
						Curio's position was plausible, the plebeians praised him as the only one
						who was willing to incur the enmity of both Pompey and Cæsar in
						order to fulfil worthily his duties as a citizen; and once they escorted him
						home like an athlete, scattering flowers, as though he had won the prize in
						some great and difficult contest, for nothing was considered more perilous
						then than to have a difference with Pompey.

Pompey, while lying sick in Italy, wrote an artful letter to the
						Senate, praising Cæsar's exploits and also recounting his own from
						the beginning, saying that he had been invested with a third consulship, and
						with provinces and an army afterward, which he had not solicited, but had
						been called to serve the public weal. He added that the powers which he had
						accepted unwillingly he would gladly yield to those who wished to take them
						back, and would not wait the time fixed for their expiration. The artfulness
						of this communication consisted in showing the fairness of Pompey and in
						exciting prejudice against Cæsar, as though the latter was not
						willing to give up his command even at the appointed time. When Pompey came
						back to the city, he spoke to the senators in the same way and then, also,
						promised to lay down his command. As a friend and marriage connection of
						Cæsar he said that the latter would very cheerfully do the same,
						for his had been a long and laborious contest against very warlike peoples;
						he had added much to the Roman power and now he would come back to his
						honors and his sacrificings and
						take his rest. He said these things in order that successors to
						Cæsar might be sent at once, while he (Pompey) should merely stand
						on his promise. Curio exposed his artifice, saying that promises were not
						sufficient, and insisting that Pompey should lay down his command now and
						that Cæsar should not be disarmed until Pompey himself had
						returned to private life. On account of private enmity, he said, it would
						not be advisable either for Cæsar or for the Romans that such
						great authority should be held by one man. Rather should each of them have
						power against the other in case one should attempt violence against the
						commonwealth. Throwing off all disguise, he denounced Pompey unsparingly as
						one aiming at supreme power, and said that unless he would lay down his
						command now, when he had the fear of Cæsar before his eyes, he
						would never lay it down at all. He moved that, unless they both obeyed, both
						should be voted public enemies and military forces be levied against them.
						In this way he concealed the fact that he had been bought by
						Cæsar.

Pompey was angry with him and threatened him and at once withdrew indignantly
						to his country-seat. The Senate now had suspicions of both, but it
						considered Pompey the better republican of the two, and it hated
						Cæsar because he had not shown it proper respect during his
						consulship. Some of the senators really thought that it would not be safe to
						the commonwealth to deprive Pompey of his power until after Cæsar
						should lay down his, since the latter was outside of the city and was the
						man of more towering designs. Curio held the contrary opinion, that they had
						need of Cæsar against the power of Pompey, or otherwise that both
						armies should be disbanded at the same time. As the Senate would not agree
						with him he dismissed it, leaving the whole business still unfinished. He
						had the power to do so as tribune. Thus Pompey had occasion to regret that
						he had restored the tribunician power to its pristine vigor after it had
						been reduced to extreme feebleness by Sulla. Nevertheless, one decree was
						voted before the session was ended, and that was that Cæsar and
						Pompey should each send one legion of soldiers to Syria to defend the
						province on account of the disaster to Crassus. Pompey artfully recalled.
						the legion that he had lately lent to Cæsar on account of the
						disaster to Cæsar's two generals, Titurius and Cotta.
						Cæsar awarded to each soldier 250 drachmas and sent the legion to
						Rome together with another of his own. As the expected danger did not show
						itself in Syria, these legions were sent into winter quarters at Capua.

The persons who had been sent by Pompey to Cæsar to bring these
						legions spread many reports derogatory to Cæsar and repeated them
						to Pompey. They said that Cæsar's army was wasted by protracted
						service, that the soldiers longed for their homes and would change to the
						side of Pompey as soon as they should cross the Alps. They spoke in this way
						either from ignorance or because they were corrupted. In fact, every soldier
						was strongly attached to Cæsar and labored zealously for him,
						under the force of discipline and the influence of the gain which war
						usually brings to victors and which they received from Cæsar also;
						for he gave with ar lavish hand in order to mould them to his designs. They
						knew what his designs were, but they stood by him nevertheless. Pompey
						believed what was reported to him and collected neither soldiers nor
						apparatus suitable for so great a contest. In the Senate the opinion of each member
						was asked and Claudius craftily divided the question and took the votes
						separately, thus: "Shall successors be sent to Cæsar?" and again,
						"Shall Pompey be deprived of his command?" The majority voted against the
						latter proposition, and it was decreed that successors to Cæsar
						should be sent. Then Curio put the question whether both should lay down
						their commands, and 22 senators voted in the negative while 370 went back to
						the opinion of Curio in order to avoid civil discord. Then Claudius dismissed the
						Senate, exclaiming, "Enjoy your victory and have Cæsar for a
						master."

Suddenly a false rumor came that Cæsar had crossed the Alps and was
						marching on the city, whereupon there was a great tumult and consternation
						on all sides. Claudius moved that the army at Capua be turned against
						Cæsar as a public enemy. When Curio opposed him on the ground that
						the rumor was false he exclaimed, "If I am prevented by the vote of the
						Senate from taking steps for the public safety, I will take such steps on my
						own responsibility as consul." After saying this he darted out of the Senate
						and proceeded to the suburbs with his colleague, where he presented a sword
						to Pompey, and said, "I and my colleague command you to march against
						Cæsar in behalf of your country, and we give you for this purpose
						the army now at Capua, or in any other part of Italy, and whatever
						additional forces you yourself choose to levy." Pompey promised to obey the
						orders of the consuls, but he added, "unless we can do better," thus dealing
						in trickery and still making a pretence of fairness. Curio had no power
						outside of the city (for it was not permitted to the tribunes to go beyond
						the walls), but he publicly deplored the state of affairs and demanded that
						the consuls should make proclamation that nobody need obey the conscription
						ordered by Pompey. As he could accomplish nothing, and as his term of office
						as tribune was about expiring, and he feared for his safety and despaired of
						being able to render any further assistance to Cæsar, he hastily
						departed to join the latter.

Cæsar had lately recrossed the straits from Britain and, after
						traversing the Gallic country along the Rhine, had passed the Alps with 5000
						foot and 300 horse and arrived at Ravenna, which was contiguous to Italy and
						the last town in his government. After embracing Curio and returning thanks
						for what he had done for him, he looked over the present situation. Curio
						advised him to bring his whole army together now and lead it to Rome, but
						Cæsar thought it best still to try and come to terms. So he
						directed his friends to make an agreement in his behalf, that he should
						deliver up all his provinces and soldiers, except that he should retain two
						legions and Illyria with Cisalpine Gaul until he should be chosen consul.
						This was satisfactory to Pompey, but the consuls refused. Cæsar
						then wrote a letter to the Senate, which Curio carried a distance of 1300 stades in three days and delivered to
						the newly elected consuls as they entered the senate-house on the first
							 of the
						calends of January. The letter embraced a
						calm recital of all that Cæsar had done from
						the beginning of his career and a proposal that he would lay down his
						command at the same time with Pompey, but that if Pompey should retain his
						command he would not lay down his own, but would come quickly and avenge his
						country's wrongs and his own. When this letter was read, as it was
						considered a declaration of war, a vehement shout was raised on all sides
						that Lucius Domitius be appointed as Cæsar's successor. Domitius
						took the field immediately with 4000 of the new levies.

Since Antony and Cassius, who succeeded Curio as tribunes, agreed with the
						latter in opinion, the Senate became more bitter than ever and declared
						Pompey's army the protector of Rome, and that of Cæsar a public
						enemy. The consuls, Marcellus and Lentulus, ordered Antony and his friends
						out of the Senate lest they should suffer some harm, although they were
						tribunes. Then Antony sprang from his chair in anger and with a loud voice
						called gods and men to witness the indignity put upon the sacred and
						inviolable office of tribune, saying that while they (the tribunes) were
						expressing the opinion which they deemed conducive to the public interest,
						they were driven out with contumely though they had wrought no murder or
						other outrage. Having spoken thus he rushed out like one possessed,
						predicting war, slaughter, proscription, banishment, confiscation, and
						various other impending evils, and invoking direful curses on the authors of
						them. Curio and Cassius rushed out with him, for a detachment of Pompey's
						army was already observed standing around the senate-house. The tribunes
						made their way to Cæsar the next night with the utmost speed,
						concealing themselves in a hired carriage, and disguised as slaves.
						Cæsar showed them in this condition to his army, whom he excited
						by saying that his soldiers, after all their great deeds, had been
						stigmatized as public enemies and that distinguished men like these, who had
						dared to speak out for them, had been thus driven with ignominy from the
							city.

The war had now been begun on both sides and already openly declared. The
						Senate, thinking that Cæsar's army would be slow in arriving from
						Gaul and that he would not rush into so great an adventure with a small
						force, directed Pompey to assemble 130,000 Italian soldiers, chiefly
						veterans who had had experience in war, and to recruit as many able-bodied
						men as possible from the neighboring provinces. They voted him for the war
						all the money in the public treasury at once, and their own private fortunes
						in addition if they should be needed for the pay of the soldiers. With the
						fury of party rage they levied additional contributions on the allied
						cities, which they collected with the greatest possible haste.
						Cæsar had sent messengers to bring his own army, but as he was
						accustomed to rely upon the terror caused by the celerity and audacity of
						his movements, rather than on the magnitude of his preparations, he decided
						to take the aggressive in this great war with his 5000 men and to anticipate
						the enemy by seizing the advantageous positions in Italy.

Accordingly, he sent forward some centurions with a few of his bravest troops
						in peaceful garb to go inside the walls of Ariminum and take it by surprise.
						This was the first town in Italy after leaving Cisalpine Gaul. Toward
						evening Cæsar himself rose from a banquet on a plea of
						indisposition, leaving some friends who were still feasting. He mounted his
						chariot and drove toward Ariminum, his cavalry following at a short
						distance. When his course brought him to the river Rubicon, which forms the
						boundary line of Italy, he stopped and, while gazing at the stream, revolved
						in his mind the evils that might result from his crossing it with arms.
						Recovering himself he said to those who were present, "My friends, stopping
						here will be the beginning of sorrows for me; crossing over will be such for
						all mankind." Thereupon, he crossed with a rush like one inspired, uttering
						the common phrase, "Let the die be cast." Then he resumed his hasty
						journey and took possession of Ariminum about daybreak, advanced beyond it,
						stationed guards at the commanding positions, and, either by force or by
						kindness, mastered all whom he fell in with. As is usual in cases of panic,
						there was flight and migration from all the country-side in disorder and
						tears, the people having no exact knowledge, but thinking that
						Cæsar had arrived with an army of boundless strength.

When the consuls learned the facts they did not allow Pompey to act according
						to his own judgment, experienced as he was in military affairs, but urged
						him to traverse Italy and raise troops, as though the city were on the point
						of being captured. The Senate also was alarmed at Cæsar's
						unexpectedly swift advance, for which it was still unprepared, and in its
						panic repented that it had not accepted Cæsar's proposals, which
						it considered just at last, after fear had turned it from party rage to the
						counsels of prudence. Many portents and signs in the sky took place. It
						rained blood. Sweat issued from the statues of the gods. Lightning struck
						several temples. A mule gave birth to a colt. There were many other prodigies
						which betokened an overturn and change in the form of government for all
						time. Prayers were offered up in public as was customary in times of danger,
						and the people who remembered the evil times of Marius and Sulla, clamored
						that both Cæsar and Pompey ought to lay down their commands as the
						only means of averting war. Cicero proposed to send messengers to
						Cæsar in order to come to an arrangement.

As the consuls opposed all accommodation Favonius, in ridicule of Pompey for
						something he had said a little before, advised him to stamp on the ground
						with his foot and raise armies in that way. "You can have them," replied
						Pompey, "if you will follow me and not consider it such a terrible thing to
						leave Rome, and Italy also if need be. Places and houses are not strength
						and freedom to men; but men, wherever they may be, have these qualities
						within themselves, and by defending themselves shall recover their homes."
						After saying this and after threatening those who should remain behind and
						desert their country's cause in order to save their fields and their goods,
						he left the Senate and the city immediately to take command of the army at
						Capua, and the consuls followed him. The other senators remained undecided a
						long time and passed the night together in the senate-house. At daybreak,
						however, most of them departed and hastened after Pompey.

At Corfinium Cæsar came up with and besieged Lucius Domitius, who
						had been sent to be his successor in the command of Gaul but who did not
						have all of his 4000 men with him. The inhabitants of Corfinium captured him
						at the gates, as he was trying to escape, and brought him to
							Cæsar. 
						The latter received the soldiers of Domitius, who offered themselves to him,
						with kindness, in order to encourage others to join him, and he allowed
						Domitius to go unharmed wherever he liked, and to take his money with
							him. He hoped perhaps that Domitius would
						stay with him on account of this beneficence, but he did not prevent him
						from joining Pompey. While these transactions were taking place so swiftly,
						Pompey hastened from Capua to Luceria and thence to Brundusium in order to
						cross the Adriatic to Epirus and complete his preparations for war there. He
						wrote letters to all the provinces and the commanders thereof, to princes,
						kings, and cities to send aid for carrying on the war with the greatest
						possible speed, and this they did zealously. Pompey's own army was in Spain
						ready to move wherever it might be needed. Pompey gave some of the legions
						he already had in Italy to the consuls to be moved from Brundusium to
						Epirus.

The consuls crossed safely to Dyrrachium, which some persons, by reason of
						the following error, consider the same as Epidamnus. A barbarian king of the
						region, Epidamnus by name, built a city on the sea-coast and named it after
						himself. Dyrrachus, the son of his daughter and of Neptune (as is supposed),
						added a dockyard to it which he named Dyrrachium. When the brothers of this
						Dyrrachus made war against him, Hercules, who was returning from Erythea,
						formed an alliance with him for a part of his territory; wherefore the
						Dyrrachians claim Hercules as their founder because he had a share of their
						land, not that they repudiate Dyrrachus, but because they pride themselves
						on Hercules even more as a god. In the battle which took place it is said
						that Hercules killed Ionius, the son of Dyrrachus, by mistake, and that
						after performing the funeral rites he threw the body into the sea in order
						that it might bear his name. At a
						later period the Briges, returning from Phrygia, took possession of the city
						and the surrounding country. They were supplanted by the Taulantii, an
						Illyrian tribe, who were displaced in their turn by the Liburnians, another
						Illyrian tribe, who were in the habit of making piratical expeditions
						against their neighbors, with very swift ships. Hence the Romans call swift
						ships liburnicœ, because these were the first
						ones they came in conflict with. The people who had been expelled from
						Dyrrachium by the Liburnians procured the aid of the Corcyreans, who then
						ruled the sea, and drove out the Liburnians. The Corcyreans mingled their
						own colonists with them and thus it came to be considered a Greek port; but
						the Corcyreans changed its name, because they considered it unpropitious,
						and called it Epidamnus from the town just above it, and Thucydides gives it
						that name also. Nevertheless, the former name prevailed finally and it is
						now called Dyrrachium.

A portion of Pompey's forces had crossed to Dyrrachium with the consuls.
						Pompey led the remainder to Brundusium, where he awaited the return of the
						ships that had carried the others over. Here Cæsar advanced
						against him, and he defended himself by walls and dug trenches in the
							city until his fleet came back.
						Then he took his departure in the early evening, leaving the bravest of his
						troops on the walls. These also sailed away after nightfall, with a
						favorable wind. Thus Pompey and his whole army abandoned Italy and passed
						over to Epirus. Cæsar, seeing the general drift of public opinion
						toward Pompey, was at a loss which way to turn or from what point to begin
						the war. As he had apprehensions of Pompey's army in Spain, which was large
						and well disciplined by long service (lest while he was pursuing Pompey it
						should fall upon his rear), he decided to march to Spain and destroy that
						army first. He now divided his forces into five parts, one of which he left
						at Brundusium, another at Hydrus, and another at Tarentum to guard Italy.
						Another he sent under command of Quintus Valerius to take possession of the
						grain-producing island of Sardinia, which he did. He sent Asinius Pollio to
						Sicily, which was then under the command of Cato. When Cato asked him
						whether he had brought the order of the Senate, or that of the people, to
						take possession of a government that had been assigned to another, Pollio
						replied, "The master of Italy has sent me on this business." Cato answered
						that in order to spare the lives of those under his command he would not
						make resistance there. He then sailed away to Corcyra and from Corcyra to
							Pompey.

Cæsar hastened to Rome. He found the people shuddering with
						recollection of the horrors of Marius and Sulla and he cheered them with the
						prospect and promise of clemency. In proof of his kindness to his enemies,
						he said that he had taken Lucius Domitius prisoner and allowed him to go
						away unharmed with his money. Nevertheless, he broke the bolts of the public
						treasury, and when Metellus, one of the tribunes, tried to prevent him from
						entering, threatened him with death. He took away money hitherto untouched,
						which, they say, had been deposited there long ago, at the time of the
						Gallic invasion, with a public curse upon anybody who should take it out
						except in case of a war with the Gauls. Cæsar said that he had
						subjugated the Gauls completely and thus released the commonwealth from the
						curse. He then placed Æmilius Lepidus in charge of the city, and
						the tribune, Mark Antony, in charge of Italy and of the army guarding it.
						Outside of Italy he chose Curio to take command of Sicily in place of
							Cato, and
						Quintus Valerius for Sardinia. He sent Gaius Antonius to Illyria and
						intrusted Cisalpine Gaul to Licinius Crassus. He ordered the building of two
						fleets with all speed, one in the Adriatic and the other in the Tyrrhenian
						sea, and appointed Hortensius and Dolabella their admirals while they were
						still under construction.

Having prevailed so far as to make Italy inaccessible to Pompey,
						Cæsar went to Spain, where he encountered Petreius and Afranius,
						Pompey's lieutenants, and was worsted by them at first and afterward had an
						indecisive engagement with them near the town of Ilerda. He pitched his camp on
						some high ground and obtained his supplies by means of a bridge across the
						river Sicoris. Suddenly a freshet of melting snow carried away his bridge
						and cut off a great number of his men on the opposite side. These were
						destroyed by the forces of Petreius. Cæsar himself, with the rest
						of his army, suffered very severely from the difficulty of the place, from
						hunger, from the weather, and from the enemy, his situation being in no wise
						different from that of a siege. Finally, on the approach of summer, Afranius
						and Petreius withdrew to the interior of Spain to recruit more soldiers, but
						Cæsar continually anticipated them, blocked their passage, and
						prevented their advance. He also surrounded one of their divisions that had
						been sent forward to capture his camp. They raised their shields over their
						heads in token of surrender, but Cæsar neither captured nor
						slaughtered them, but allowed them to go back to Afranius unharmed, after
						his usual manner of winning the favor of his enemies. Whence it came to pass
						that there was continual intercourse between the camps and talk of
						reconciliation among the rank and file.

To Afranius and some of the other officers it now seemed best to abandon
						Spain to Cæsar, provided they could go unharmed to Pompey.
						Petreius opposed this and ran through the camp killing those of
						Cæsar's men whom he found holding communication with his own. He
						even slew with his own hand one of his officers who tried to restrain him.
						Moved by these acts of severity on the part of Petreius, the minds of the
						soldiers were still more attracted to the clemency of Cæsar. Soon
						afterward Cæsar managed to cut off the enemy's access to water,
						and Petreius was compelled by necessity to come with Afranius to a
						conference with Cæsar between the two armies. Here it was agreed
						that they should abandon Spain to Cæsar, and that he should
						conduct them unharmed to the other side of the river Varus and
						allow them to proceed thence to Pompey. Arrived at this stream,
						Cæsar called a meeting of all those who were from Rome or Italy
						and addressed them as follows: " My enemies (for by still using this term I
						shall make my meaning clearer to you), I did not destroy those of you who
						surrendered to me when you had been sent to seize my camp, nor the rest of
						your army when I had cut you off from water, although Petreius had
						previously slaughtered those of my men who were intercepted on the other
						side of the river Sicoris. If there is any gratitude among you for these
						favors tell them to all of Pompey's soldiers." After speaking thus he
						dismissed them uninjured, and he appointed Quintus Cassius governor of
						Spain. So much for the operations of Cæsar.

Attius Varus commanded the Pompeian forces in Africa, and Juba, king of the
						Mauritanian Numidians, was in alliance with him. Curio sailed from Sicily
						against them in behalf of Cæsar with two legions, twelve war
						vessels, and a number of ships of burden. He landed at Utica and put to
						flight a body of Numidian horse in a small cavalry engagement near that
						place, and allowed himself to be saluted as Imperator by the soldiers with
						their arms still in their hands. This title is an honor conferred upon
						generals by their soldiers, who thus testify that they consider them worthy
						to be their commanders. In the olden time the generals accepted this honor
						only for the greatest exploits. At present I understand that the distinction
						is limited to cases where at least 10,000 of the enemy have been killed.
						While Curio was crossing from Sicily the inhabitants of Africa thinking
						that, in emulation of the glory of Scipio, he would establish his quarters
						near the camp of the latter, poisoned the water in the neighborhood. Their
						expectation was fulfilled. Curio encamped there and his army immediately
						fell sick. When they drank the water their eyesight became dim as in a mist,
						and sleep with torpor ensued, and after that frequent vomiting and spasms of
						the whole body. For this reason Curio changed his camp to the neighborhood
						of Utica itself, leading his enfeebled army through an extensive marshy
						region. But when they received the news of Cæsar's victory in
						Spain they took courage and put themselves in order of battle in a narrow
						space along the seashore. Here a severe battle was fought in which Curio
						lost only one man, while Varus lost 600 killed, besides a still larger
						number wounded.

Meantime, while Juba was advancing a false report preceded him, that he had
						turned back at the river Bagradas, which was not far distant, because his
						kingdom had been invaded by his neighbors, and that he had left Saburra, his
						general, with a small force at the river. Curio believed this report and
						about the third hour of a hot summer day led the greater part of his army
						against Saburra by a sandy road destitute of water; for even if there were
						any streams there in winter they were now dried up by the heat of the sun.
						He found the river in possession of Saburra and of the king himself.
						Disappointed in his expectation Curio retreated to some hills, oppressed by
						fatigue, heat, and thirst. When the enemy beheld him in this condition they
						crossed the river prepared for fight. Curio despised the danger and very
						imprudently led his enfeebled army down to the plain, where he was
						surrounded by the Numidian horse. Here for some time he sustained the attack
						by retiring slowly and drawing his men together into a small space, but
						being much distressed he retreated again to the hills. Asinius Pollio, at
						the beginning of the trouble, had retreated with a small force to the camp
						at Utica lest Varus should make an attack upon it as soon as he should hear
						the news of the disaster at the river. Curio perished fighting bravely,
						together with all his men, not one returning to Utica after Pollio. Such was
						the result of the battle at the river Bagradas. Curio's head was cut off and
						carried to Juba.

As soon as the news of this disaster reached the camp at Utica, Flamma, the
						admiral, fled, fleet and all, not taking a single one of the land forces on
						board, but Pollio rowed out in a small boat to the merchant ships that were
						lying at anchor near by and besought them to come to the shore and take the
						army on board. Some of them did so by night. The soldiers came aboard in
						such crowds that some of the small boats were sunk. Of those who were
						carried out to sea, and who had money with them, many were thrown overboard
						by the merchants for the sake of the money. So much for those who put to
						sea, but similar calamities, while it was still night, befell those who
						remained on shore. At daybreak they surrendered themselves to Varus, but
						Juba came up and, having collected them under the walls, put them all to the
						sword, claiming that they were the remainder of his victory, and paying no
						attention to the remonstrances of even Varus. Thus the two Roman legions
						that sailed to Africa with Curio were totally destroyed, together with the
						cavalry, the light-armed troops, and the servants belonging to the army.
						Juba, after vaunting his great exploit to Pompey, returned home.

About this time [Gaius] Antonius was defeated in Illyria by Pompey's
						lieutenant, Octavius, and another army of Cæsar mutinied at
						Placentia, crying out against their officers for prolonging the war and not
						paying them the five minæ 
						that Cæsar had promised them as a donative while they were still
						at Brundusium. When Cæsar heard of this he flew from Massilia to
						Placentia and coming before the soldiers, who were still in a state of
						mutiny, addressed them as follows: " You know what kind of speed I use in
						everything I undertake. This war is not prolonged by us, but by the enemy,
						who have fled from us. You reaped great advantages from my command in Gaul,
						and you took an oath to me for the whole of this war and not for a part
						only; and now you abandon us in the midst of our labors, you revolt against
						your officers, you propose to give orders to those from whom you are bound
						to receive orders. Being myself the witness of my liberality to you
						heretofore I shall now execute the law of our country by decimating the ninth legion,
						where this mutiny began." Straightway a cry went up from the whole legion,
						and the officers threw themselves at Cæsar's feet in supplication.
						Cæsar yielded little by little and so far remitted the punishment
						as to designate 120 only (who seemed to have been the leaders of the
						revolt), and chose twelve of these by lot to be put to death. One of the
						twelve proved that he was absent when the conspiracy was formed, and
						Cæsar put to death in his stead the centurion who had accused him.

After thus quelling the mutiny at Placentia Cæsar proceeded to
						Rome, where the trembling people chose him dictator without any decree of
						the Senate and without the intervention of a magistrate. But he, either
						deprecating the office as likely to prove invidious or not desiring it,
						after holding it only eleven days (as some say) designated himself and
						Publius Isauricus as consuls. He
						appointed or changed the governors of provinces according to his own
						pleasure. He assigned Marcus Lepidus to Spain, Aulus Albinius to Sicily,
						Sextus Peducæus to Sardinia, and Decimus Brutus to the newly
						acquired Gaul. He distributed corn to the suffering people and at their
						petition he allowed the return of all exiles except Milo. When he was asked
						to decree an abolition of debts, on the ground that the wars and seditions
						had caused a fall of prices, he refused it, but appointed appraisers of
						vendible goods which debtors might give to their creditors instead of
							money. When
						this had been done, about the winter solstice, he sent for his whole army to
						rendezvous at Brundusium and he himself took his departure in the month of
						December, according to the Roman calendar, not waiting for the beginning of
						his consulship on the calends of the new year, which was close at hand. The
						people followed him to the city gates, urging him to come to an arrangement
						with Pompey, for it was evident that whichever of them should conquer would
						wield sovereign power. Cæsar departed on his journey and travelled
						with all possible speed.

In the meantime Pompey was using all diligence to build ships and collect
						additional forces of men and money. He captured forty of Cæsar's
						ships in the Adriatic and guarded against his crossing. He disciplined his
						army and took part in the exercises of both infantry and cavalry, and was
						foremost in everything, notwithstanding his age. In this way he readily
						gained the good-will of his soldiers; and the people flocked to see Pompey's
						military drills as to a spectacle. Cæsar at that time had ten
						legions of infantry and 10,000 Gallic horse. Pompey had five legions from
						Italy, with which he had crossed the Adriatic, and the cavalry belonging to
						them; also the two surviving legions that had served with Crassus in the
						Parthian war and a certain part of those who had made the incursion into
						Egypt with Gabinius, making altogether eleven legions of Italian troops and
						about 7000 horse. He had auxiliaries also from Ionia, Macedonia,
						Peloponnesus, and Bœotia, Cretan archers, Thracian slingers, and
						Pontic javelin-throwers. He had also some Gallic horse and others from
						Galatia in the east, together with Commageneans sent by Antiochus,
						Cilicians, Cappadocians, some from Lesser Armenia, also Pamphylians and
						Pisidians. Pompey did not intend to use all these for fighting. Some were
						employed in garrison duty, in building fortifications, and in other service
						for the Italian soldiers, so that none of the latter should be kept away
						from the battles. Such were Pompey's land forces. He had 600 war-ships
						perfectly equipped, of which about 100 were manned by Romans and were
						understood to be much superior to the rest. He also had a great number of
						transports and ships of burthen. There were numerous naval commanders for
						the different divisions, and Marcus Bibulus had the chief command over all.

When all was in readiness Pompey called the senators, the knights, and the
						whole army to an assembly and addressed them as follows: "Fellow-soldiers,
						the Athenians, too, abandoned their city for the sake of liberty when they
						were fighting against invasion, because they believed that it was not houses
						that made a city, but men; and after they had done so they presently
						recovered it and made it more renowned than even before. So, too, our own
						ancestors abandoned the city when the Gauls invaded it, and Camillus hasted
						from Ardea and recovered it. All men of sound mind think that their country
						is wherever they can preserve their liberty. Because we were thus minded we
						sailed hither, not as deserters of our native land, but in order to prepare
						ourselves to defend it gloriously against one who has long conspired against
						it, and, by means of bribe-takers, has at last seized Italy by a sudden
						invasion, and whom you have decreed a public enemy. He now sends governors
						to take charge of your provinces. He appoints others over the city and still
						others throughout Italy. With such audacity has he deprived the people of
						their own government. If he does these things while the war is still raging
						and while he is apprehensive of the result and when we intend, with a god's
						help, to bring him to punishment, what cruelty, what violence is he likely
						to abstain from if he wins the victory? And while he is doing these things
						against the fatherland certain men, who have been bought with money that he
						obtained from our province of Gaul, coöperate with him, choosing to
						be his slaves instead of his equals.

"I have not failed and I never will fail to fight with you and for you. I
						give you my services both as soldier and as general. If I have had any
						experience in war, if it has been my good fortune to remain unvanquished to
						this day, I pray the gods to continue all these blessings in our present
						need and that I may become a man of destiny for my country in her perils as
						I was in extending her dominion. Surely we may trust in the gods and in the
						righteousness of the war, which has for its noble and just object the
						defence of our country's constitution. In addition to this we may rely upon
						the magnitude of the preparations which we behold on land and sea, which are
						all the time growing and will be augmented still more as soon as we come
						into action. We may say that all the nations of the East and around the
						Euxine Sea, both Greek and barbarian, stand with us, and the kings, who are
						friends of the Roman people or of myself, are supplying us soldiers, arms,
						provisions, and other implements of war. Come to your task then with a
						spirit worthy of your country, of yourselves, and of me, mindful of the
						wrongs you have received from Cæsar, and ready to obey my orders
						promptly."

When Pompey had thus spoken the whole army, including the senators and a
						great many of the nobility who were with him, applauded him vociferously and
						told him to lead them wherever he would. Pompey thought that as the weather
						was bad and the sea boisterous Cæsar would not attempt to cross
						till the end of winter, but would be occupied in the meantime with his
						duties as consul. So he ordered his naval officers to keep watch of the sea,
						and then divided his army and sent it into winter quarters in Thessaly and
						Macedonia. So heedlessly did Pompey form his judgment of what was about to
						take place. Cæsar, as I have already said, hastened to Brundusium
						about the winter solstice, intending to strike terror into his enemies by
						taking them by surprise. Although he found neither provisions, nor
						apparatus, nor his whole army collected at Brundusium, he, nevertheless,
						called those who were present to an assembly and addressed them as
						follows:--

"Fellow-soldiers,--you who are joined with me in the greatest of
						undertakings,--neither the winter weather, nor the delay of our comrades,
						nor the want of suitable preparation shall check my onset. I consider
						rapidity of movement the best substitute for all these things. I think that
						we who are first at the rendezvous should leave behind us here our servants,
						our pack-animals, and all our apparatus in order that the ships which are
						here may take us on board and carry us over at once without the enemy's
						knowledge. Let us oppose our good fortune to the winter weather, our courage
						to the smallness of our numbers, and to our want of supplies the abundance
						of the enemy, which will be ours to take as soon as we touch the land, if we
						realize that nothing is ours unless we conquer. Let us go then and possess
						ourselves of their servants, their apparatus, their provisions, while they
						are spending the winter under cover. Let us go while Pompey thinks that I am
						spending my time in winter quarters also, or in processions and sacrifices
						appertaining to my consulship. It is needless to tell you that the most
						potent thing in war is the unexpected. It will be glorious for us to carry
						off the first honors of the coming conflict and to prepare a safe pathway
						yonder for those who will immediately follow us. For my part I would rather
						now be sailing than talking, so that I may come in Pompey's sight while he
						thinks me engaged in my official duties at Rome. Although I am certain that
						you agree with me I await your response."

The whole army cried out with enthusiasm that he should lead on.
						Cæsar at once led, from the platform to the seashore, five legions
						of foot-soldiers and 600 chosen horse, but as a storm came up he was obliged
						to cast anchor. It was now the winter solstice and the wind kept him back,
						against his will, and held him in Brundusium, to his great disappointment,
						until the first day of the new year. In the meantime two more legions arrived and Cæsar embarked these also and started in the
						winter time on merchant ships, for he had only a few war-ships and these
						were guarding Sardinia and Sicily. The ships were driven by the winds to the
						Ceraunian Mountains and Cæsar sent them back immediately to bring
						the rest of the army. He then marched by
						night against the town of Oricum by a rough and narrow path, with his force
						divided in several parts on account of the difficulties of the road, so that
						if his army had been anticipated he might have been easily beaten. With much
						trouble he got his detachments together about daylight and the commander of
						the garrison of Oricum, having been forbidden by the townsmen to oppose the
						entrance of a Roman consul, delivered the keys of the place to
						Cæsar and remained with him in a position of honor. Lucretius and
						Minucius, who were on the other side of Oricum with eighteen war-ships
						guarding merchant ships loaded with corn for Pompey, sunk the latter to
						prevent them from falling into Cæsar's hands, and fled to
						Dyrrachium. From Oricum Cæsar hastened to Apollonia, the inhabitants
						of which received him. Straberius, the commander of the garrison, abandoned
						the city.

Cæsar assembled his army and congratulated them on the success they
						had achieved by their rapid movement in mid-winter, on conquering such a sea
						without war-ships, on taking Oricum and Apollonia without a fight, and on
						capturing the enemy's supplies, as he had predicted, without Pompey's
						knowledge. "If we can anticipate him in reaching Dyrrachium, his military
						arsenal," he added, "we shall be in possession of all the things they have
						collected by the labors of a whole summer." After speaking thus he led his
						soldiers directly toward Dyrrachium over a long road, not stopping day or
						night. Pompey, being advised beforehand, marched toward the same place from
							Macedonia with extreme haste
						also, cutting down trees along the road, in order to obstruct
						Cæsar's passage, destroying bridges, and setting fire to all the
						supplies he met with, considering it of the greatest importance (as it was)
						to defend his own arsenal. If either of them saw any dust, or fire, or smoke
						at a distance they thought it was caused by the other, and they strove like
						athletes in a race. They did not allow themselves time for food or sleep.
						All was haste and eagerness mingled with the shouts of guides who carried
						torches, causing tumult and fear as when hostile armies are ever drawing
						nearer and nearer to each other. Some of the soldiers from fatigue threw
						away their loads. Others hid themselves in ravines and were left behind,
						exchanging their fear of the enemy for a moment's rest.

In the midst of such vicissitudes on either side Pompey arrived first at
						Dyrrachium and encamped near it. He sent a fleet and retook Oricum and kept
						the strictest watch on the sea. Cæsar pitched his camp so that the
						river Alor ran between himself
						and Pompey. By crossing the stream they had occasional cavalry skirmishes
						with each other. The armies did not come to a general engagement, however,
						for Pompey was still exercising his new levies and Cæsar waited
						for the forces left at Brundusium. The latter apprehended that if these
						should sail in merchant ships in the spring they would not escape Pompey's
						triremes, which would be patrolling the sea, as guard ships, in great
						numbers, but if they should cross in winter while the enemy were lying
						inside among the islands they might perhaps be unnoticed, or might force
						their way by the strength of the wind and the size of their ships. So he
						sent orders to them to hasten. As they did not come he decided to cross over
						secretly to that army, because no one else could bring them so easily. He
						concealed his intention and sent three servants to the river, a distance of
						twelve stades, to procure a fast-sailing vessel and a first rate pilot as
						for a messenger sent by Cæsar.

Then he rose from supper pretending to be fatigued and told his friends to
						remain at the table. He put on the clothing of a private person, stepped
						into a chariot, and drove away to the ship, pretending to be the one sent by
						Cæsar. He gave the rest of his orders through his servants and
						remained concealed by the darkness of the night and unrecognized. As there
						was a severe wind blowing the servants told the pilot to be of good courage
						and seize this opportunity to avoid the enemy who were in the neighborhood.
						The pilot made his way down the river by rowing. When they came toward the
						mouth they found it broken into surf by the wind and the sea. The pilot at
						the instigation of the servants put forth all his efforts, but as he could
						make no progress he became fatigued and gave it up. Then Cæsar
						threw off his disguise and called out to him, " Brave the tempest with a
						stout heart, you carry Cæsar and Cæsar's fortunes." Both
						the rowers and the pilot were astounded and all took fresh courage and
						gained the mouth of the river, but the wind and waves cast the ship high on
						the bank. As the dawn was near and they feared lest the enemy should
						discover them in the daylight, Cæsar, after accusing his evil
						genius for its invidiousness, allowed the ship to return, and it sailed up
						the river with a strong wind.

Some of Cæsar's friends were astonished at this act of bravery;
						others blamed him, saying that it was a deed becoming a soldier but not a
						general. As Cæsar saw that he could not conceal a second attempt
						he ordered Postumius to sail to Brundusium in his place and tell Gabinius to
						cross over with the army immediately, and if he did not obey, to give the
						same order to Antony, and if he failed then to give it to Calenus. Another
						letter was written to the whole army in case all three should hesitate,
						saying, "that every one who was willing to do so should follow Postumius on
						shipboard and sail to any place where the wind might carry them, and not to
						mind what happened to the ships, because Cæsar did not want ships
						but men." Thus did Cæsar put his trust in fortune rather than in
							prudence. Pompey, in order to anticipate
						Cæsar's reënforcements, made haste and led his army
						forward prepared for battle. While two of his soldiers were searching in
						midstream for the best place to cross the river, one of Cæsar's
						men attacked and killed them both, whereupon Pompey drew back, as he
						considered this event inauspicious. All of his friends blamed him for
						missing this capital opportunity.

When Postumius arrived at Brundusium Gabinius did not obey the order, but led
						those who were willing to go with him by way of Illyria by forced marches.
						Almost all of them were destroyed by the Illyrians and Cæsar was
						obliged to endure the outrage on account of his preoccupation. Antony
						embarked the remainder of the army and sailed for Apollonia with a favorable
						wind. About noon the wind failed and twenty of Pompey's ships, that had put
						out to search the sea, discovered and pursued them. There was great fear on
						Cæsar's vessels lest in this calm the warships of the enemy should
						ram them with their prows and sink them. They prepared themselves for battle
						and began to discharge stones and darts, when suddenly the wind sprang up
						stronger than before, filled their great sails unexpectedly, and enabled
						them to complete their voyage without fear. The pursuers were left behind
						and they suffered severely from the wind and waves in the narrow sea and
						were scattered along a harborless and rocky coast. With difficulty they
						captured two of Cæsar's ships that ran on a shoal. Antony brought
						the remainder to the port of Nymphæum.

Now Cæsar had his whole army together and so had Pompey his. They
						encamped opposite each other on hills in numerous redoubts. There were
						frequent collisions around each of these redoubts while they were making
						lines of circumvallation and trying to cut off each other's supplies. In one
						of these fights in front of a redoubt Cæsar's men were worsted,
						and a centurion, of the name of Scæva, while performing many deeds
						of valor, was wounded in the eye with a dart. He advanced in front of his
						men beckoning with his hand as though he wished to say something. When
						silence was obtained he called out to one of Pompey's centurions, who was
						likewise distinguished for bravery, "Save one of your equals, save your
						friend, send somebody to lead me by the hand, for I am wounded." Two
						soldiers advanced to him thinking that he was a deserter. One of these he
						killed before the stratagem was discovered and he cut off the shoulder of
						the other. This he did because he despaired of saving himself and his
						redoubt. His men, moved by shame at this act of self-devotion, rushed
						forward and saved the redoubt. Minucius, the commander of the post, also
						suffered severely. It is said that he received 120 missiles on his shield,
						was wounded six times, and, like Scæva, lost an eye. Cæsar
						honored them both with many military gifts. A certain man of Dyrrachium
						having offered to betray the town to him, Cæsar went by agreement
						with a small force by night to the gates at the temple of Artemis. . . . The
						same winter Pompey's father-in-law (Scipio) advanced with another army from
						Syria. Cæsar's general, Gaius Calvisius, had an engagement with
						him in Macedonia, was beaten, and lost a whole legion except 800 men.

As Cæsar could obtain no supplies by sea, on account of Pompey's
						naval superiority, his army began to suffer from hunger and was compelled to
						make bread from herbs. When deserters brought loaves of this kind to
						Pompey, thinking that he would be gladdened by the spectacle, he was not at
						all pleased, but said, "What kind of wild beasts are we fighting with ?"
						Then Cæsar, compelled by necessity, drew his whole army together
						in order to force Pompey to fight even against his will. The latter occupied
						a number of the redoubts that Cæsar had vacated and remained
						quiet. Cæsar was greatly vexed at this and ventured upon an
						extremely difficult and chimerical task; that is, to carry a line of
						circumvallation around the whole of Pompey's positions from sea to sea,
						thinking that even if he should fail he would acquire great renown from the
						boldness of the enterprise. The circuit was 1200 stades. So,
						great was the work that Cæsar undertook. Pompey built a line of
						countervallation. Thus they parried each other's efforts. Nevertheless, they
						fought one great battle in which Pompey defeated Cæsar in the most
						brilliant manner and pursued his men in headlong flight to his camp and took
						many of his standards. The eagle (the standard held in highest honor by the
						Romans) was saved with difficulty, the bearer having just time to throw it
						over the palisade to those within.

While this remarkable defeat was in progress Cæsar brought up other
						troops from another quarter, but these also fell into a panic even when they
						beheld Pompey still far distant. Although they were already close to the
						gates they would neither make a stand, nor enter in good order, nor obey the
						commands given to them, but all fled pell-mell without shame, without
						orders, without reason. Cæsar ran among them and with reproaches
						showed them that Pompey was still far distant, yet under his very eye some
						threw down their standards and fled, while others bent their gaze upon the
						ground in shame and did nothing; so great consternation had befallen them.
						One of the standard bearers, with his standard reversed, dared to thrust the
						end of it at Cæsar himself, but the attendants of the latter cut
						him down. When the soldiers entered the camp they did not station any
						guards. All precautions were neglected and the fortification was left
						unprotected, so that it is probable that Pompey might then have captured it
						and brought the war to an end by that one engagement had not Labienus,
						misled by a god, persuaded him to pursue the fugitives instead. Moreover
						Pompey himself hesitated, either because he suspected a stratagem when he
						saw the gates unguarded or because he considered the war already decided by
						this battle. So he turned against those outside of the camp and made a heavy
						slaughter and took twenty-eight standards in the two engagements of this
						day, but he here missed his second opportunity to give the finishing stroke
						to the war. It is reported that Cæsar said, "The war would have
						been ended to-day in the enemy's favor if they had had a commander who knew
						how to make use of a victory."

Pompey sent letters to all the kings and cities magnifying his victory, and
						he expected that Cæsar's army would come over to him directly,
						conceiving that it was oppressed by hunger and cast down by defeat, and
						especially the officers because apprehensive of punishment for their bad
						conduct in the battle. But the latter, as though some god had brought them
						to repentance, were ashamed of their fault, and as Cæsar chided
						them gently and granted them pardon, they became still more angry with
						themselves and by a surprising change demanded that they should be decimated
						according to the law of their country. When Cæsar did not agree to
						this they were still more mortified, and acknowledged that he had been
						shamefully treated by them. They cried out that he should at least put the
						standard bearers to death because they themselves would never have run away
						unless the standards had turned in flight first. Cæsar would not
						consent to this, but he reluctantly punished a few. So great was the zeal
						excited among all by his moderation that they demanded to be led against the
						enemy immediately. They urged him vehemently, beseeching and promising to
						wipe out their disgrace by a splendid victory. Of their own accord they
						visited each other in military order and took an oath by companies, under
						the eye of Cæsar himself, that they would not leave the field of
						battle except as victors.

Wherefore Cæsar's friends urged him to avail himself of the army's
						repentance and eagerness promptly, but he said in the hearing of the host,
						that he would take a better opportunity to lead them against the enemy, and
						he exhorted them to be mindful of their present zeal. He privately
						admonished his friends that it was necessary first for the soldiers to
						recover from the very great alarm of their recent defeat, and for the enemy
						to lose something of their present high confidence. He confessed also that
						he had made a mistake in encamping before Dyrrachium where Pompey had
						abundance of supplies, whereas he ought to have drawn him to some place
						where he would be subject to the same scarcity as themselves. After saying
						this he marched directly to Apollonia and from there to Thessaly, advancing
						by night in order to conceal his movements. The small town of Gomphi 
						to which he came refused to open its gates to him, and he took it by storm
						and allowed his army to plunder it. The soldiers, who had suffered much from
						hunger, stuffed themselves immoderately and drank wine to excess. The
						Germans among them were especially ridiculous under the influence of drink.
						It seems probable that Pompey might have attacked them then and gained
						another victory had he not disdainfully neglected a close pursuit. After
						seven days of rapid marching Cæsar encamped near Pharsalus. It is
						said that among the notable calamities of Gomphi the bodies of twenty
						venerable men of the first rank were found lying on the floor in an
						apothecary's shop, not wounded, and with goblets near them, as though they
						were drunk, and that one of them, like a physician, was seated in a chair
						and had dealt out poison to them.

After Cæsar had withdrawn Pompey called a council of war, at which
						Afranius advised that they should make use of their naval force in which
						they were much superior, and being masters of the sea should harass
						Cæsar, who was now wandering and destitute, and that Pompey
						himself should conduct his infantry with all haste to Italy, which was well
						disposed toward him and was now free from a hostile army. Having mastered
						it, together with Gaul and Spain, they could attack Cæsar again
						from their own home, the seat of imperial power. Although this was the best
						possible advice Pompey disregarded it and allowed himself to be persuaded by
						those who said that Cæsar's army would presently desert to him on
						account of hunger, and that there was not much left of it anyway after the
						victory of Dyrrachium. They said it would be disgraceful to abandon the
						pursuit of Cæsar when he was in flight, and for the victor to flee
						as though vanquished. Pompey sided with these advisers partly
						out of regard for the opinions of the eastern nations that were looking on,
						partly to prevent any harm befalling Lucius Scipio, who was still in
						Macedonia, but most of all because he thought that he ought to fight while
						his army was in high spirits. Accordingly he advanced and pitched his camp
						opposite to Cæsar's near Pharsalus, so that they were separated
						from each other by a distance of thirty stades.

Pompey's supplies came from every quarter, for the roads, harbors, and
						strongholds had been so provided beforehand that food was brought to him at
						all times from the land, and every wind blew it to him from the sea.
						Cæsar, on the other hand, had only what he could find with
						difficulty and seize by hard labor. Yet even so nobody deserted him, but
						all, by a kind of divine fury, longed to come to close quarters with the
						enemy. They considered that they, who had been trained in arms for ten
						years, were much superior to the new levies of Pompey in fighting, but that
						for digging ditches and building fortifications and for laborious foraging
						they were weaker by reason of their age. Tired as they were they altogether
						preferred to perform some deed of valor rather than perish with hunger in
						inaction. Pompey perceived this and he considered it dangerous to risk
						everything on a single battle with disciplined and desperate men, and
						against the amazing luck of Cæsar. It would be easier and safer to
						reduce them by want as they controlled no fertile territory, and could get
						nothing by sea, and had no ships for rapid flight. So he decided on the most
						prudent calculation to protract the war and wear out the enemy by hunger
						from day to day.

Pompey was surrounded by a great number of senators, of equal rank with
						himself, by very distinguished knights, and by many kings and princes. Some
						of these, by reason of their inexperience in war, others because they were
						too much elated by the victory at Dyrrachium, others because they
						outnumbered the enemy, and others because they were quite tired of the war
						and preferred a quick decision rather than a sound one -- all urged him to
						fight, pointing out to him that Cæsar was always drawn up for
						battle and challenging him. Pompey answered along this very line of argument
						by saying that Cæsar was compelled to do so by his want of
						supplies, and that they had the more reason to remain quiet because
						Cæsar was pushed by necessity. Yet, harassed by the whole army,
						which was unduly puffed up by the victories at Dyrrachium, and by men of
						rank who accused him of being fond of power and of delaying purposely in
						order to prolong his authority over so many men of his own rank -- and for
						this reason called him derisively king of kings and Agamemnon, because
						that general also ruled over kings while war lasted -- he allowed himself to
						be moved from his own purpose and gave in to them, being deceived now by the
						god that had misled him on other occasions during the whole of this war. He
						had now become, contrary to his nature, sluggish and dilatory in all
							things, 
						and he prepared for battle against his will, to his own hurt and that of the
						men who had persuaded him to it.

That same night three of Cæsar's legions started out to forage; for
						Cæsar himself approved Pompey's dilatory proceedings and had no
						idea that he would change, and accordingly sent them out to procure food.
						When he perceived that the enemy was preparing to fight he was delighted at
						the pressure which he conjectured had been put upon Pompey by his army, and
						he recalled all of his forces at once and made preparations on his own side.
						He offered sacrifice at midnight and invoked Mars and his own ancestress,
						Venus (for it was believed that from Æneas and his son, Ilus, was
						descended the Julian race, with a slight change of name), and he vowed that
						he would build a temple in Rome as a thank-offering to her as the Bringer of
						Victory if everything went well. Thereupon a flame from heaven flew through
						the air from Cæsar's camp to Pompey's, where it was extinguished.
						Pompey's men said that it signified a brilliant victory for them over their
						enemies, but Cæsar interpreted it as meaning that he should fall
						upon and extinguish the fame and power of Pompey. When Pompey was
						sacrificing the same night some of the victims escaped and could not be
						caught, and a swarm of bees settled on the altar, the type of weakness. 
						Shortly before daylight a panic occurred in his army. He himself went around
						and quieted it and then fell into a deep sleep.

When his friends aroused him he said that he had just dreamed that he had
						dedicated a temple in Rome to Venus the Bringer of Victory. His friends and
						his whole army when they heard of this were delighted, being in ignorance of
						Cæsar's vow, and they went about their work in a reckless and
						contemptuous way as though it were already accomplished. Many of them
						adorned their tents with laurel branches, the insignia of victory, and their
						slaves prepared magnificent banquets for them. Some of them began already to
						contend with each other for Cæsar's office of Pontifex Maximus.
						Pompey, being experienced in military affairs, turned away from these
						squabbles with concealed indignation. He remained altogether silent in
						hesitancy and dread, as though he were no longer commander but under
						command, and as though he were doing everything under compulsion and against
						his judgment; such dejection had come over this man of great deeds (who,
						until this day, had been most fortunate in every undertaking), either
						because he had not carried his point when he had decided what was the best
						course but was about to cast the die involving the safety of so many men and
						also involving his own reputation, until now invincible; or because some
						presentiment of approaching evil troubled him, presaging his complete
						downfall that very day from a position of such vast power. After merely
						saying to his friends that whichever should conquer, that day would be the
						beginning of great evils to the Romans for all future time, he began to make
						arrangements for the battle. In this remark some people thought his real
						intentions escaped him, involuntarily expressed in a moment of fright, and
						they inferred that if Pompey had been victorious he would not have laid down
						the supreme power.

Cæsar's army (for since many writers differ I shall follow the most
						credible Roman authorities, who give the most careful enumeration of the
						Italian soldiers, in whom they place most confidence, but do not make much
						account of the allied forces or record them exactly, regarding them as
						foreigners and as contributing to them little real assistance) consisted of
						about 22,000 men and of these about 1000 were cavalry. Pompey had more than
						double that number, of whom about 7000 were cavalry. Some of the most
						trustworthy writers say that 70,000 Italian soldiers were engaged in this
						battle. Others give the smaller number, 60,00000. Still others, grossly
						exaggerating, say 400,000. Of the whole number some say Pompey's forces were to
						those of Cæsar as one-and-a-half to one, others say that he had
						two parts out of three. So much doubt is there as to the exact truth.
						However that may be, each of them placed his chief reliance on his Italian
						troops. In the way of allied forces Cæsar had cavalry from both
						Cisalpine and Transalpine Gaul, besides some light-armed Greeks, consisting
						of Dolopians, Acarnanians, and Ætolians. Such were
						Cæsar's allies. Pompey had a great number from all the eastern
						nations, part horse, part foot. From Greece he had Lacedemonians marshalled
						by their own kings, and others from Peloponnesus and Bœotians with
						them. The Athenians marched to his aid also, although proclamation had been
						made on both sides that no harm should be done to them by the soldiers,
						since they were the priests of the Thesmophoræ. Nevertheless, they wished to
						share in the glory of the war because this was a contest for the Roman
							leadership.

Besides the Greeks almost all the nations that one meets in making the
						circuit of the eastern sea sent aid to Pompey: Thracians, Hellespontines,
						Bithynians, Phrygians, Ionians, Lydians, Pamphylians, Pisidians,
						Paphlagonians, Cilicians, Syrians, Phœnicians, Hebrews, and their
						neighbors the Arabs, Cyprians, Rhodians, Cretan slingers, and other
						islanders. Kings and princes were there leading their own troops:
						Deïotarus, the tetrarch of Galatia in the East, and Ariarthes, king
						of Cappadocia. Taxiles commanded 
							 THESSALY & SOUTHERN MACEDONIA 
						 
					 
					 the Armenians from the hither side of the Euphrates. Those from the other
						side were led by Megabates, the lieutenant of King Artabazes. Some other
						small princes took part with Pompey in the work. It was said that sixty
						ships from Egypt were contributed to him by the sovereigns of that country,
						Cleopatra and her brother, who was still a boy. But these did not take part
						in the battle, nor did any other naval force. They remained idle at Corcyra.
						Pompey seems to have acted very foolishly in this respect in disregarding
						the fleet, in which he excelled so greatly that he could have deprived the
						enemy of all the supplies brought to them from abroad, and in risking a
						battle on land with men who boasted that they were inured to every kind of
						toil and who were ferocious fighters. Although he had been on his guard
						against them at Dyrrachium, a certain spell seems to have come over him at a
						time when it would inure most to Cæsar's advantage. Under this
						spell also Pompey's army was most nonsensically puffed up, and rendered
						insubordinate to its own commander, and hurried into action without previous
						experience in war. But this was the ordering of divine Providence to bring
						in the imperial power which now embraces everything.

Then each of the commanders assembled his soldiers and made an appeal to
						them. Pompey spoke as follows: "You, my fellow soldiers, are the leaders in
						this task rather than the led, for while I was still desirous of wearing
						Cæsar out by hunger you urged on this engagement. Since,
						therefore, you are the arbiters of the battle, conduct yourselves like those
						who are greatly superior in numbers. Despise the enemy as victors do the
						vanquished, as young men do the old, as fresh troops do those who are
						wearied with many toils. Fight like those who have the power and the means,
						and the consciousness of a good cause. We are contending for liberty and
						country. On our side are the laws and honorable fame, and this great number
						of senators and knights, against one man who has seized the government by
							robbery. Go forward
						then, as you have determined to do, with good hope, keeping in vision the
						flight of the enemy at Dyrrachium, and the great number of their standards
						that we captured in one day when we defeated them there." Such was Pompey's
						speech.

Cæsar addressed his men as follows: "My friends, we have already
						overcome our most formidable enemies, and are now about to encounter not
						hunger and want, but men. This day will decide everything. Remember what you
						promised me at Dyrrachium. Remember how you swore to each other in my
						presence that you would never leave the field except as conquerors. These
						men, fellow-soldiers, are the same that we met at the Pillars of Hercules,
						the same that we drove out of Italy. They are the same who sought to disband
						us without honors, without a triumph, without rewards, after the toils and
						struggles of ten years, after we had finished those great wars, after
						innumerable victories, and after we had added 400 nations in Spain, Gaul,
						and Britain to our country's sway. I have not been able to prevail upon them
						by offering fair terms, nor to win them by benefits. You know that I
						dismissed them unharmed, hoping that we should obtain justice from them.
						Recall all these facts to your minds to-day, and if you have had any
						experience of me recall also my care for you, my good faith, and the
						generosity of my gifts to you. 
					 74 "Nor is it difficult for hardy and veteran soldiers to overcome new
						recruits who are without experience in war, and who, moreover, like boys,
						spurn the rules of discipline and of obedience to their commander. I learn
						that he was afraid and unwilling to come to an engagement. His star has
						already passed its zenith; he has become slow and hesitating in all his
						acts, and no longer commands, but obeys the orders of others. I say these
						things of his Italian forces only. As for his allies, do not think about
						them, pay no attention to them, do not fight with them at all. They are
						Syrian, Phrygian, and Lydian slaves, always ready for flight or servitude. I
						know very well, and you will presently see, that Pompey himself will not
						assign them any place in his line of battle. Give your attention to the
						Italians only, even though these allies come running around you like dogs
						trying to frighten you. When you have put the enemy to flight let us spare
						the Italians as being our own kindred, but slaughter the allies in order to
						strike terror into the others. Before all else, in order that I may know
						that you are mindful of your promise to choose victory or death, throw down
						the walls of your camp as you go out to battle and fill up the ditch, so
						that we may have no place of refuge if we do not conquer, and so that the
						enemy may see that we have no camp and know that we are compelled to occupy
							theirs."

Nevertheless, after he had thus spoken Cæsar detailed 2000 of his
						oldest men to guard the tents. The rest, as they passed out, demolished
						their fortification in the profoundest silence and filled up the ditch with
						the debris. When Pompey saw this, although some of his friends thought that
						it was a preparation for flight, he knew it was an exhibition of daring and
						groaned in spirit, that although they had with them famine, the most
						appropriate cure for such wild beasts, he must now meet these creatures in a
						hand-to-hand contest. But there was no drawing back now, his affairs being
						on the razor's edge. Wherefore, leaving
						4000 of his Italian troops to guard his camp, Pompey drew up the remainder
						between the city of Pharsalus and the river Enipeus opposite the place where
						Cæsar was marshalling his forces. Each of them ranged his Italians
						in front, divided into three lines with a moderate space between them, and
						placed his cavalry on the wings of each division. Archers and slingers were
						mingled among all. Thus were the Italian troops disposed, on which each
						commander placed his chief reliance. The allied forces were marshalled by
						themselves rather for show than for use. There was great clamor and
						confusion of tongues among Pompey's auxiliaries. Pompey stationed the
						Macedonians, Peloponnesians, Bœotians, and Athenians near the
						Italian legions, as he approved of their good order and quiet behavior. The
						rest, as Cæsar had anticipated, he ordered to lie in wait by
						tribes outside of the line of battle, and when the engagement should become
						close to surround the enemy, to pursue, to do what damage they could, and to
						plunder Cæsar's camp, which was without defences.

The centre of Pompey's formation was commanded by his father-in-law, Scipio,
						the left wing by Domitius Ahenobarbus, and the right by Lentulus. Afranius
						and Pompey guarded the camp. On Cæsar's side the commanders were P.
						Sulla, Antony, and Cn. Domitius. Cæsar took a convenient place in
						the tenth legion, as was his custom. When the enemy saw this they
						transferred, to face that legion, the best of their horse, in order to
						surround it if they could, by their superiority of numbers. When
						Cæsar perceived this movement he placed 3000 of his bravest
						foot-soldiers in ambush and ordered them, when they should see the enemy
						trying to flank him, to rise, dart forward, and thrust their spears directly
						in the faces of the men because, as they were fresh and inexperienced and
						still in the bloom of youth, they could not endure injury to their
							faces. Thus they laid their plans against each other,
						and each commander passed through the ranks of his own troops, attending to
						what was needful, exhorting his men to courage, and giving them the
						watchword, which on Cæsar's side was "Venus the Victorious," and
						on Pompey's "Hercules the Invincible."

When all was in readiness on both sides they waited for some time in profound
						silence, hesitating, looking steadfastly at each other, each expecting the
						other to begin the battle. They were stricken with sorrow for the great
						host, for never before had such large Roman armies confronted the same
						danger together. They had pity for the valor of these men (the elite of both
						parties), especially because they saw Romans embattled against Romans. As
						the danger came nearer, the ambition that had inflamed and blinded them was
						extinguished, and gave place to fear. Reason purged the mad passion for
						glory, estimated the peril, and exposed the cause of the war, showing how
						two men contending with each other for supremacy had put themselves in a
						position where the one who should be vanquished could no longer hold even
						the humblest place, and how so great a number of the nobility were incurring
						the same risk on their account. The leaders reflected also that they, who
						had lately been friends and relatives by marriage, and had
						coöperated with each other in many ways to gain rank and power, had
						now drawn the sword for mutual slaughter and were leading to the same
						impiety those serving under them, men of the same city, of the same tribe,
						blood relations, and in some cases brothers against brothers. Even these
						circumstances were not wanting in this battle; because many unexpected
						things must happen when thousands of the same nation come together in the
						clash of arms. Reflecting on these things each of them was seized with
						unavailing repentance, and since this day was to decide for each whether he
						should be the highest or the lowest of the human race, they hesitated to
						begin the fight. It is said that both of them shed tears.

While they were waiting and looking at each other the day was advancing. All
						the Italian troops stood motionless in their places, but when Pompey saw
						that his allied forces were falling into confusion by reason of the delay he
						feared lest the disorder should spread from them before the beginning of the
						battle. So he gave the signal first and Cæsar reëchoed
						it. Straightway the trumpets, of which there were many distributed among so
						great a host, aroused the soldiers with their inspiring blasts, and the
						standard-bearers and officers put themselves in motion and exhorted their
						men. The latter advanced confidently to the encounter, but with stolidity
						and absolute silence, like men who had had experience in many similar
						engagements. And now, as they came nearer together, there was first a
						discharge of arrows and stones. Then as the cavalry were a little in advance
						of the infantry they charged each other. Those of Pompey prevailed and began
						to flank the tenth legion. Cæsar then gave the signal to the
						cohorts in ambush and these, starting up suddenly, advanced to meet the
						cavalry, and with spears elevated aimed at the faces of the riders. The
						latter could not endure the enemy's savagery, nor the blows on their mouths
						and eyes, but fled in disorder. Thereupon Cæsar's men, who had just now been afraid
						of being surrounded, fell upon the flank of Pompey's infantry which was
						denuded of its cavalry supports.

When Pompey learned this he ordered his infantry not to advance farther, not
						to break the line of formation, and not to hurl the javelin, but to bring
						their spears to a rest and ward off the onset of the enemy. Some persons
						praise this order of Pompey as the best in a case where one is attacked in
						flank, but Cæsar criticises it in his letters. He says that the blows are
						delivered with more force, and that the spirits of the men are raised, by
						running, while those who stand still lose courage by reason of their
						immobility and become excellent targets for those charging against them. So,
						he says, it proved in this case, for the tenth legion, with Cæsar
						himself, surrounded Pompey's left wing, now deprived of cavalry, and
						assailed it with javelins in flank, where it stood immovable; until,
						finally, the assailants threw it into disorder, routed it, and this was the
						beginning of the victory. In the rest of the field killing and wounding of
						all kinds were going on, but no cry came from the scene of carnage, no
						lamentation from the wounded or the dying, only sighs and groans from those
						who were falling honorably in their tracks. The allies, who were looking at
						the battle as at a game, were astonished at the discipline of the
						combatants. So dumfounded were they that they did not dare attack
						Cæsar's tents, although they were guarded only by a few old men.
						Nor did they accomplish anything else, but stood in a kind of stupor.

As Pompey's left wing began to give way his men even still retired step by
						step and in perfect order, but the allies who had not been in the fight,
						fled with headlong speed, shouting, "we are vanquished," dashed upon their
						own tents and fortifications as though they had been the enemy's, and pulled
						down and plundered whatever they could carry away in their flight. Now the
						rest of Pompey's legions, perceiving the disaster to the left wing, retired
						slowly at first, in good order, and still resisting as well as they could;
						but when the enemy, flushed with victory, pressed upon them they turned in
						flight. Then, in order that they might not rally, and that this might be the
						end of the whole war and not of one battle merely, Cæsar, with the
						greatest prudence, sent heralds everywhere among the ranks to order the
						victors to spare their own countrymen and to smite only the auxiliaries. The
						heralds drew near to the retreating enemy and told them to stand still
						without fear. As this proclamation was passed from man to man they halted,
						and the phrase "stand without fear" began to be passed as a sort of
						watchword among Pompey's soldiers; for, being Italians, they were clad in
						the same style as Cæsar's men and spoke the same language.
						Accordingly, the latter passed by them and fell upon the auxiliaries, who
						were not able to resist, and made a very great slaughter among them.

When Pompey saw the retreat of his men he became dazed and retired slowly to
						his camp, and when he reached his tent he sat down speechless, resembling Ajax, the son of
						Telamon, who, they say, suffered in like manner in the midst of his enemies
						at Troy, being deprived of his senses by a god. Very few of the rest
						returned to the camp, for Cæsar's proclamation caused them to
						remain unharmed, and as their enemies had passed beyond them they dispersed
						in groups. As the day was declining Cæsar ran hither and thither
						among his troops and besought them to continue their exertions till they
						should capture Pompey's 
							 JULIUS CÆSAR AS IMPERATOR 
							 In the Palace of the Conservators, Rome 
						 
					 
					 camp, telling them that if they allowed the enemy to rally they would be the
						victors for only a single day, whereas if they should take the enemy's camp
						they would finish the war with this one blow. He stretched out his hands to
						them and took the lead in person. Although they were weary in body, the
						words and example of their commander lightened their spirits. Their success
						so far, and the hope of capturing the enemy's camp and the contents thereof,
						excited them; for in the midst of hope and prosperity men feel fatigue
						least. So they fell upon the camp and assaulted it with the utmost disdain
						for the defenders. When Pompey learned this he started up from his strange
						silence, exclaiming, "What! in our very camp?" Having spoken thus he changed
						his clothing, mounted a horse, and fled with four friends, and did not draw
						rein until he reached Larissa early the next morning. So Cæsar
						established himself in Pompey's camp as he had promised to do when he was
						preparing for the battle, and ate Pompey's supper, and the whole army
						feasted at the enemy's expense.

The losses of Italians on each side -- for there was no report of the losses
						of auxiliaries, either because of their multitude or because they were
						despised -- were as follows: in Cæsar's army. thirty centurions
						and 200 legionaries, or, as some authorities have it, 1200; on Pompey's side ten senators, among whom was Lucius
						Domitius, the same who had been sent to succeed Cæsar himself in
						Gaul, and about forty distinguished knights. Some exaggerating writers put
						the loss in the remainder of his forces at 25,000, but Asinius Pollio, who
						was one of Cæsar's officers in this battle, records the number of
						dead Pompeians found as 6000. Such was the result of the famous battle of Pharsalus.
						Cæsar himself carries off the palm for first and second place by
						common consent, and with him the tenth legion. The third place is taken by
						the centurion Crastinus, whom Cæsar asked at the beginning of the
						battle what result he anticipated, and who responded proudly, "We shall
						conquer, O Cæsar, and you will thank me either living or dead."
						The whole army testifies that he darted through the ranks like one possessed
						and did many brilliant deeds. When sought for he was found among the dead,
						and Cæsar bestowed military honors on his body and buried it, and
						erected a special tomb for him near the common burial-place of the
							others.

From Larissa Pompey continued his flight to the sea where he embarked in a
						small boat, and meeting a ship by chance he sailed to Mitylene. There he
						joined his wife, Cornelia, and they embarked with four triremes which had
						come to him from Rhodes and Tyre. He decided not to sail for Corcyra and
						Africa, where he had other large military and naval forces as yet untouched,
						but intended to push on eastward to the king of the Parthians, expecting to
						receive every assistance from him. He concealed his intention until he
						arrived at Cilicia, where he revealed it hesitatingly to his friends; but
						they advised him to beware of the Parthian, against whom Crassus had lately
						led an expedition, and who was puffed up by his victory over the latter, and
						especially not to put in the power of these barbarians the beautiful
						Cornelia, who had formerly been the wife of Crassus. Then he made a second proposal respecting
						Egypt and Juba. The latter they despised as
						not sufficiently distinguished, but they all agreed about going to Egypt,
						which was near and was a great kingdom, still prosperous and abounding in
						ships, provisions, and money. Its sovereigns, although children, were allied
						to Pompey by their father's friendship. For these reasons he sailed to
						Egypt.

Cleopatra, who had previously reigned with her brother, had been lately
						expelled from Egypt and was collecting an army in Syria. Ptolemy, her
						brother, was at Mount Casius in Egypt, lying in wait for her invasion, and, as Providence would
						have it, the wind carried Pompey thither. Seeing a large army on the shore
						he stopped his ship, judging that the king was there, which was the fact. So
						he sent messengers to tell of his arrival and to speak of his father's
						friendship. The king was then about thirteen years of age and was under the
						tutelage of Achillas, who commanded his army, and the eunuch Pothinus, who
						had charge of his treasury. These took counsel together concerning Pompey.
						There was present also Theodotus, a rhetorician of Samos, the boy's tutor,
						who offered the infamous advice that they should lay a trap for Pompey and
						kill him in order to curry favor with Cæsar. His opinion prevailed.
						So they sent a miserable skiff to bring him, pretending that the sea was
						shallow and not adapted to large ships. Some of the king's attendants came
						in the skiff, among them a Roman, named Sempronius, who was then serving in the king's army and had
						formerly served under Pompey himself. He gave his hand to Pompey in the
						king's name and directed him to take passage in the boat to the young man as
						to a friend. At the same time the whole army was marshalled along the shore
						as if to do honor to Pompey, and the king was plainly seen in the midst of
						them wearing a purple robe.

Pompey's suspicions were aroused by all that he observed -- the marshalling
						of the army, the meanness of the skiff, and the fact that the king himself
						did not come to meet him nor send any of his high dignitaries. Nevertheless,
						he entered the skiff, repeating to himself these lines of Sophocles,
						"Whoever resorts to a tyrant becomes his slave, even if he were free when he
						went." While rowing to the shore all were silent, and this made him still
						more suspicious. Finally, either recognizing Sempronius as a Roman soldier
						who had served under him or guessing that he was such because he alone
						remained standing (for, according to military discipline, a soldier does not
						sit in the presence of his commander), he turned to him and said, "Do I not
						know you, comrade? " The other nodded and, as Pompey turned away, he
						immediately gave him the first stab and the others followed his example.
						Pompey's wife and friends who saw this at a distance cried out and, lifting
						their hands to heaven, invoked the gods, the avengers of violated faith.
						Then they sailed away in all haste as from an enemy's country.

The servants of Pothinus cut off Pompey's head and kept it for
						Cæsar, in expectation of a large reward, but he visited condign
						punishment on them for their nefarious deed. The remainder of the body was
						buried by somebody on the shore, and a small monument was erected over it,
						on which somebody else wrote this inscription: -- 
					 "What a pitiful tomb is here for one who had temples in abundance." 
					 In the course of time the monument was wholly covered with sand, and the
						bronze images that had been erected to Pompey by his partisans at a later
						period near Mount Casius had been degraded and removed to the secret recess
						of the temple, but in my time they were sought for and found by the Roman
						emperor Hadrian, while making a journey thither, who cleared away the
						rubbish from the monument and made it again conspicuous, and placed Pompey's
						images in their proper places. Such was the end of Pompey, who had carried
						on the greatest wars and had made the greatest additions to the empire of
						the Romans, and had acquired by that means the title of Great. He had never
						been defeated before, but had remained unvanquished and most
						fortunate from his youth till now. From his twenty-third to his fifty-eighth
						year he had not ceased to exercise royal power, but on account of his
						jealousy of Cæsar he had seemed to rule in the interest of the
						people.

Lucius Scipio, Pompey's father-in-law, and the other notables who had escaped
						from the battle of Pharsalus, more prudent than Pompey, proceeded to Corcyra
						and joined Cato, who had been left there with another army and 300 triremes.
						The leaders apportioned the fleet among themselves, and Cassius sailed to
						Pharnaces in Pontus to induce him to take up arms against Cæsar.
						Scipio and Cato embarked for Africa, relying on Varus and his army and his
						ally, Juba, king of Numidia. The elder son of Pompey, together with Labienus
						and Scapula, each with his own part of the army, hastened to Spain and,
						having detached it from Cæsar, collected a new army of Spaniards,
						Celtiberians, and slaves, and made formidable preparations for war. So great
						were the forces still remaining which Pompey had prepared, and which Pompey
						himself over-looked and ran away from in his insanity. Cato had been chosen
						commander of the forces in Africa, but he declined the appointment since
						there were consulars present who outranked him, he having held only the
						prætorship in Rome. So Lucius Scipio was made the commander and he
						collected and drilled a large army there. Thus two armies of considerable
						magnitude were brought together against Cæsar, one in Africa and
						the other in Spain.

Cæsar remained two days at Pharsalus after the victory, offering
						sacrifice and giving his army a respite from fighting. Then he set free his
						Thessalian allies and granted pardon to the suppliant Athenians, and said to
						them, " How often will the glory of your ancestors save you from
						self-destruction?" On the third day he marched eastward, having learned that
						Pompey had fled thither, and for want of triremes he essayed to cross the
						Hellespont in skiffs. Here Cassius came upon him in mid-stream, with a part
						of his fleet, as he was hastening to Pharnaces. Although he might have
						mastered these small boats with his numerous triremes he was panic-stricken
						by Cæsar's astounding success, which was then heralded with
						consternation everywhere, and he thought that Cæsar had sailed
						purposely against him. So he extended his hands in entreaty from his trireme
						toward the skiff, begged pardon, and surrendered his fleet. So great was the
						power of Cæsar's prestige. I can see no other reason myself, nor
						can I think of any other instance where fortune was more propitious in a
						trying emergency than when Cassius, a most valiant man, with seventy
						triremes, fell in with Cæsar when he was unprepared, but did not
						venture to come to blows with him. And yet he who thus disgracefully
						surrendered to Cæsar, through fear alone, when the latter was
						crossing the straits, afterward murdered him in Rome when he was at the
						height of his power; by which fact it is evident that the panic which then
						seized Cassius was due to the fortune by which Cæsar was
							uplifted.

Being thus unexpectedly saved, Cæsar passed the Hellespont and
						granted pardon to the Ionians, the Æolians, and the other peoples
						who inhabit the great peninsula called by the common name of Lower Asia, and
						who sent ambassadors to him to ask it. Learning that Pompey had gone to
						Egypt he sailed for Rhodes. He did not wait there for his army, which was
						coming forward by detachments, but embarked with those whom he had on board
						the triremes of Cassius and the Rhodians. Letting nobody know whither he
						intended to go he set sail toward evening, telling the other pilots to steer
						by the torch of his own ship by night and by his signal in the daytime.
						After they had proceeded a long way from the land he ordered his pilot to
						steer for Alexandria. After a three days' sail he arrived there. He was
						received by the king's guardians, the king himself being still at Mount
						Casius. At first, on account of the smallness of his forces, he pretended to
						take his ease, receiving visitors in a friendly way, traversing the city,
						admiring its beauty, and listening to the lectures of the philosophers while
						he stood among the crowd. Thus he gained the good-will and esteem of the
						Alexandrians as one who had no designs against them.

When his soldiers arrived by sea he punished Pothinus and Achillas with death
						for their crime against Pompey. (Theodotus escaped and was afterward
						crucified by Cassius, who found him wandering in Asia. ) The
						Alexandrians thereupon rose in tumult, and the king's army marched against
						Cæsar and various battles took place around the palace and on the
						neighboring shores. In one of these Cæsar escaped by leaping into
						the sea and swimming a long distance in deep water. The Alexandrians
						captured his cloak and hung it up as a trophy. He fought the last battle
						against the king on the banks of the Nile, in which he won a decisive victory. He
						consumed nine months in this strife, at the end of
						which he established Cleopatra on the throne of Egypt in place of her
						brother. He ascended the Nile with 400 ships, exploring the country in
						company with Cleopatra and enjoying himself with her in other ways. The
						details of these events are related more particularly in my Egyptian
						history. Cæsar could not bear to look at the head of Pompey when
						it was brought to him, but ordered that it be buried, and set apart for it a
						small plot of ground near the city which was dedicated to Nemesis, but in my
						time, while the Roman emperor Trajan was exterminating the Jewish race in
						Egypt, it was devastated by them in the exigencies of the war.

After Cæsar had performed these exploits in Alexandria he hastened
						by way of Syria against Pharnaces. The latter had Already accomplished many
						of his aims, had seized some of the Roman countries, had fought a battle
						with Cæsar's lieutenant, Domitius, and won a very brilliant
						victory over him. Being much elated by this affair he had subjugated the
						city of Amisus in Pontus, which adhered to the Roman interest, sold their
						inhabitants into slavery, and made all their boys eunuchs. On the approach
						of Cæsar he became alarmed and repented of his deeds, and when
						Cæsar was within 200 stades he sent ambassadors to him to treat
						for peace. They bore a golden crown and foolishly offered him the daughter
						of Pharnaces in marriage. When Cæsar learned what they were
						bringing he moved forward with his army, walking in advance and chatting
						with the ambassadors until he arrived at the camp of Pharnaces, when he
						merely said, "Why should I not take instant vengeance on this parricide?"
						Then he sprang upon his horse and at the first shout put Pharnaces to flight
						and killed a large number of the enemy, although he had with him only about
						1000 of his own cavalry who had accompanied him in the advance. Here it is
						said that he exclaimed, "O fortunate Pompey, who wast considered and named
						the Great for warring against such men as these in the time of Mithridates,
						the father of this man." Of this battle he wrote to Rome the words, "I came,
						I saw, I conquered."

After this, Pharnaces was glad to escape to the kingdom which Pompey had
						assigned to him on the Bosporus. As Cæsar had no time to waste on
						small matters while such great wars were still unfinished elsewhere, he
						returned to the province of Asia and while passing through it transacted
						public business in the cities, which were oppressed by the farmers of the
						revenue, as I have shown in my Asiatic history. Learning that a sedition had broken out in Rome and that
						Antony, his master of horse, had occupied the forum with soldiers, he laid
						aside everything else and hastened to the city. When he arrived there the
						sedition had been quieted, but another one sprang up against himself in the
						army because the promises made to them after the battle of Pharsalus had not
						been kept, and because they had been held in service beyond the term fixed
						by law. They demanded that they should be dismissed to their homes.
						Cæsar had made them certain indefinite promises at Pharsalus, and
						others equally indefinite after the war in Africa should be finished. Now he
						sent them a promise of 1000 drachmas more to each man. They answered him
						that they did not want any more promises but all cash down. Sallustius
							Crispus, who
						had been sent to them on this business, had a narrow escape. He would have
						been killed if he had not fled. When Cæsar learned of this he
						stationed the legion, with which Antony had been guarding the city, around
						his own house and the city gates, as he apprehended attempts at plunder.
						Then, notwithstanding all his friends were alarmed and cautioned him against
						the fury of the soldiers, he went boldly among them while they were still
						riotous in the Campus Martius, without sending word beforehand, and showed
						himself on the platform.

The soldiers ran together tumultuously without arms, and, as was their
						custom, saluted their commander who had suddenly appeared among them. When
						he bade them tell what they wanted they were so surprised that they did not
						venture to speak openly of the donative in his presence, but they adopted
						the more moderate course of demanding their discharge from the service,
						hoping that, since he needed soldiers for the unfinished wars, he would
						speak about the donative himself. But, contrary to the expectation of all,
						he replied without hesitation, " I discharge you." Then, to their still
						greater astonishment, and while the silence was most profound, he added,
						"And I will give you all that I have promised when I have my triumph with
						others." At this expression, as unexpected as it was kind to them, shame
						immediately took possession of all, and reflection, together with jealousy
						at the thought of their abandoning their commander in the midst of such
						great wars and of others joining in the triumph instead of themselves, and
						of their losing the gains of the war in Africa, which were expected to be
						great, and becoming enemies of Cæsar himself as well as of the
						opposite party. Moved by these fears they remained still more silent and
						embarrassed, hoping that Cæsar would yield and change his mind on
						account of his immediate necessity. But he remained silent also, until his
						friends urged him to say something more to them and not leave his old
						comrades of so many campaigns with a short and austere word. Then he began
						to speak, addressing them first as "citizens," not "fellow-soliders," which
						implied that they were already discharged from the army and were private
						individuals.

They could endure it no longer, but cried out that they repented of what they
						had done, and besought him to keep them in his service. But Cæsar
						turned away and was leaving the platform when they shouted with greater
						eagerness and urged him to stay and punish them for their misdeeds. He
						delayed a while longer, not going away and not turning back, but pretending
						to be undecided. At length he came back and said that he would not punish
						any of them, but that he was grieved that even the tenth legion, to which he
						had always given the first place of honor, should join in such a riot. "And
						this legion alone," he continued, "I will discharge from the service.
						Nevertheless, when I return from Africa I will give them all that I have
						promised. And when the wars are ended I will give lands to all, not as Sulla
						did by taking it from the present holders and colonizing the takers among
						the losers, and making them everlasting enemies to each other, but I will
						give the public land, and my own, and will purchase what may be needful."
						There was clapping of hands and joyful acclaim on all sides, but the tenth
						legion was plunged in grief because to them alone Cæsar appeared
						inexorable. They begged him to choose a portion of their number by lot and
						put them to death. But Cæsar, seeing that there was no need of
						stimulating them any further when they had repented so bitterly, became
						reconciled to all, and departed straightway for the war in Africa.

He crossed from Rhegium to Messana and went to Lilybæum. Here, learning
						that Cato was guarding the enemy's magazines with a fleet and a part of the
						land forces at Utica, and that he had with him 300 men who had for a long
						time constituted their council of war and were called the Senate, and that
						the commander, L. Scipio, and the flower of the army were at Adrumetum, he
						sailed against 
						the latter. He arrived at a time when Scipio had gone away to
						meet Juba, and he drew up his forces for battle near Scipio's very camp in
						order to come to an engagement with the enemy at a time when their commander
						was absent. Labienus and Petreius, Scipio's lieutenants, attacked him,
						defeated him badly, and pursued him in a haughty and disdainful manner until
						Labienus' horse was wounded in the belly and threw him, and his attendants
						carried him off. Petreius, thinking that he had made a thorough test of the
						army and that he could conquer whenever he liked, drew off his forces,
						saying to those around him, "Let us not deprive our general, Scipio, of the
						victory." In one part of the day's work did Cæsar's luck show
						itself, in that the victorious enemy seems to have abandoned the field at
						the very moment of success. It is said that in the flight Cæsar
						dashed up to his whole line and turned it around and seizing one of those who
						carried the principal standards (the eagles) dragged him to the front.
						Finally, Petreius retired and Cæsar was glad to do the same. Such
						was the result of Cæsar's first battle in Africa.

Not long afterward it was reported that Scipio himself was advancing with
						eight legions of foot, 20,000 horse (of which most were Africans), and a
						large number of light-armed troops, and thirty elephants; together with King
						Juba, who had some 30,000 foot-soldiers in addition, raised for this war,
						and 20,000 Numidian cavalry, besides a large number of spearmen and sixty
						elephants. Cæsar's army began to be alarmed and a tumult broke out
						among them on account of the disaster they had already experienced and of
						the reputation of the forces advancing against them, and especially of the
						numbers and bravery of the Numidian cavalry. War with elephants, to which
						they were unaccustomed, also frightened them. 
						But Bocchus, another Mauritanian prince, seized Cirta, which was the capital
						of Juba's kingdom. When this news reached Juba he started for home at once
						with his army, leaving thirty of his elephants only with Scipio. Thereupon
						Cæsar's men plucked up courage to such a degree that the fifth
						legion begged to be pitted against the elephants, and it overcame them
						valiantly. From that day to the present this legion has borne the figure of
						an elephant on its standards.

The battle was long, severe, and doubtful in all parts of the field until
						toward evening, when victory declared itself on the side of Cæsar,
						who went straight on and captured Scipio's camp and did not desist, even in
						the night, from reaping the fruits of his victory until he had made a clean
							sweep. The enemy scattered in small bodies
						wherever they could. Scipio himself with Afranius, abandoning everything,
						fled by sea with twelve open ships. And thus was this army also, composed of
						nearly 80,000 men who had been under long training and were inspired with
						hope and courage by the previous battle, in the second engagement,
						completely annihilated. And now Cæsar's fame began to be
						celebrated as of a man of invincible fortune, and those who were vanquished
						by him attributed nothing to his merit, but ascribed everything, including
						their own blunders, to Cæsar's luck. And it seems that the result
						of this war also was due to the bad generalship of the commanders who, as in
						Thessaly, neglected their opportunity to wear out Cæsar by delay
						until his supplies were exhausted, in this foreign land, and in like manner
						failed to reap the fruits of their first victory by pushing it sharply to
						the end.

As these facts became known at Utica some three days later, and as
						Cæsar was marching right against that place, a general flight
						began. Cato did not detain anybody. He gave ships to all the nobility who
						asked for them, but himself adhered firmly to his post. When the inhabitants
						of Utica promised to intercede for him before doing so for themselves, he
						answered with a smile that he did not need any intercessors with
						Cæsar, and that Cæsar knew it very well. Then he placed
						his seal on all the public property and gave the accounts of each kind to
						the magistrates of Utica. Toward evening he bathed and dined. He ate in a
						sitting posture, as had been his custom since Pompey's death. He changed his habits
						in no respect. He partook of the dinner, neither more nor less than usual.
						He conversed with the others present concerning those who had sailed away
						and inquired whether the wind was favorable and whether they would make
						sufficient distance before Cæsar should arrive the next morning.
						Nor did he change any of his habits when he retired to rest, except that he
						embraced his son rather more affectionately than usual. As he did not find
						his sword in its accustomed place by his couch, he exclaimed that he had
						been betrayed by his servants to the enemy. "What weapon shall I use if I am
						attacked in the night ?" he said. When they besought him to do no
						violence to himself but to go to sleep without his sword, he replied still
						more plausibly, "Could I not strangle myself with my clothing if I wished
						to, or knock my brains out against the wall, or throw myself headlong to the
						ground, or destroy myself by holding my breath?" Much more he said to the
						same purport until he persuaded them to bring back his sword. When it had
						been put in its place he called for Plato's treatise on the soul and began
						to read.

When he had read the book through and when he thought that those who were
						stationed at the doors were asleep, he stabbed himself under the breast. His
						intestines protruded and the attendants heard a groan and rushed in.
						Physicians replaced his bowels, which were still uninjured, in his body, and
						after sewing up the wound put a bandage around it. When Cato came to himself
						he dissembled again. Although he blamed himself for the insufficiency of the
						wound, he expressed thanks to those who had saved him and said that he only
						needed sleep. The attendants then retired, taking the sword with them, and
						closed the door, thinking that he had become quiet. When Cato thought that
						they were asleep, he tore off the bandage with his hands without making any
						noise, opened the suture of the wound, enlarged it with his nails like a
						wild beast, plunged his fingers into his stomach, and tore out his entrails
						until he died, being then about fifty years of age. He was considered the
						most steadfast of all men in upholding any opinion that he had once espoused
						and in adhering to justice, rectitude, and morality, not as a matter of
						custom merely, but rather from high-souled considerations. He had married
						Marcia, the daughter of Philippus, when she was a virgin. He was extremely
						fond of her and had had children by her. Nevertheless, he gave her to
						Hortensius, one of his friends, -- who desired to have children but was
						married to a barren wife, -- until she bore a child to him also, when Cato
						took her back to his own house as though he had merely loaned her. Such a man was Cato. The Uticans gave him a magnificent
						funeral. Cæsar said that Cato had envied him the
						opportunity for a deed of honor, but when Cicero pronounced an encomium
						on him which he styled the Cato, Cæsar wrote an
						answer to it which he called the Anti-Cato.

Juba and Petreius, in view of the circumstances, perceiving no chance of
						flight or safety, slew each other with swords at a banquet. Cæsar
						made Juba's kingdom tributary to the Romans and appointed Sallustius Crispus
						its governor. He pardoned the Uticans and the son of Cato. He captured the
						daughter of Pompey together with her two children in Utica and sent them
						safe to young Pompey. Of the 300 he put to death all that he found. Lucius Scipio, the
						general-in-chief, was overtaken by a storm, and met a hostile fleet and bore
						himself bravely until he was overpowered, when he stabbed himself and leaped
						into the sea. This was the end of Cæsar's war in Africa.

When Cæsar returned to Rome he had four triumphs together: one for
						his Gallic wars, in which he had added many great nations to the Roman sway
						and subdued others that had revolted; one for the Pontic war against
						Pharnaces; one for the war in Africa against the African allies of L.
						Scipio, in which the historian Juba (the son of King Juba), then an infant,
						was led a captive. Between the Gallic and the Pontic triumphs he introduced
						a kind of Egyptian triumph, in which he led some captives
						taken in the naval engagement on the Nile. Although he took care not to inscribe any Roman names
						in his triumph (as it would have been unseemly in his eyes and base and
						inauspicious in those of the Roman people to triumph over fellow-citizens),
						yet all these misfortunes were represented in the processions and the men
						also by various images and pictures, all except Pompey, the only one whom he
						did not venture to exhibit, since the latter was still greatly regretted by
						all. The people, although restrained by fear, groaned over their domestic
						ills, especially when they saw the picture of Lucius Scipio, the
						general-in-chief, wounded in the breast by his own hand, casting himself
						into the sea, and Petreius committing self-destruction at the banquet, and
						Cato torn open by himself like a wild beast. They applauded the death of
						Achillas and Pothinus, and laughed at the flight of Pharnaces.

It is said that money to the amount of 60,500 talents [of silver] was borne
						in the procession and 2822 crowns of gold weighing 20,414 pounds, from which
						wealth Cæsar made apportionments immediately after the triumph,
						paying the army all that he had promised and more. Each soldier received
						5000 Attic drachmas, each centurion double, and each tribune of infantry and
						præfect of cavalry fourfold that sum. To each plebeian citizen
						also was given an Attic mina. He gave also various spectacles with horses
						and music, a combat of foot-soldiers, 1000 on each side, and a cavalry fight
						of 200 on each side. There was also another combat of horse and foot
						together. There was a combat of elephants, twenty against twenty, and a
						naval engagement of 4000 oarsmen, where 1000 fighting men contended on each
						side. He erected a temple to Venus, his ancestress, as he had vowed to do
						when he was about to begin the battle of Pharsalus, and he laid out ground
						around the temple which he intended to be a forum for the Roman people, not
						for buying and selling, but a meeting-place for the transaction of public
						business, like the public squares of the Persians, where the people assemble
						to seek justice or to learn the laws. He placed a beautiful image of
						Cleopatra by the side of the goddess, which stands there to this day. He
						caused an enumeration of the people to be made, and it is said that it was
						found to be only one-half of the number existing before this war. To such a degree had the rivalry of these two
						men reduced the city.

Cæsar, now in his fourth consulship, marched against young Pompeius
						in Spain. This was all that was left of the civil war, but it was not to be
						despised, for such of the nobility as had escaped from Africa had assembled
						here. The army was composed of soldiers from Pharsalus and Africa itself,
						who had come hither with their leaders, and of Spaniards and Celtiberians, a
						strong and warlike race. There was a great number of emancipated slaves also
						in Pompeius' camp. All had been under discipline four years and were ready
						to fight with desperation. Pompeius was misled by this fact and did not
						postpone the battle, but engaged Cæsar straightway on his arrival,
						although the older ones, who had learned by experience at Pharsalus and
						Africa, advised him to wear Cæsar out by delay and reduce him to
						want, as he was in a hostile country. Cæsar made the journey from
						Rome in twenty-seven days, coming with a heavily-laden army by a very long
							 route. Fear fell upon his soldiers as never
						before, in consequence of the reports received of the numbers, the
						discipline, and the desperate valor of the enemy.

For this reason Cæsar himself also was ready to move slowly until
						Pompeius approached him at a certain place where he was reconnoitering and
						accused him of cowardice. Cæsar could not endure this reproach. He
						drew up his forces for battle near Corduba and then, too, gave Venus for
						his watchword. Pompeius, on the other hand, gave Piety for
						his. When battle was joined fear seized upon Cæsar's army and
						hesitation was joined to fear. Cæsar, lifting his hands toward
						heaven, implored all the gods that his many glorious deeds be not stained by
						this single disaster. He ran up and encourged his soldiers. He took his
						helmet off his head and shamed them to their faces and exhorted them. As
						they abated nothing of their fear he seized a shield from a soldier and said
						to the officers around him, "This shall be the end of my life and of your
						military service." Then he sprang forward in advance of his line of battle
						toward the enemy so far that he was only ten feet distant from them. Some
						200 missiles were aimed at him, some of which he dodged while others were
						caught on his shield. Then each of the tribunes ran toward him and took
						position by his side, and the whole army rushed forward and fought the
						entire day, advancing and retreating by turns until, toward evening,
						Cæsar with difficulty won the victory. It was reported that he
						said that he had often fought for victory, but that this time he had fought
						even for existence.

After a great slaughter the Pompeians fled to Corduba, and Cæsar,
						in order to prevent the fugitives from preparing for another battle, ordered
						a siege of that place. The soldiers, wearied with toil, piled the bodies and
						arms of the slain together, fastened them to the earth with spears, and
						encamped behind this kind of a wall. On the following day the city was
						taken. Scapula, one of the Pompeian leaders, erected a funeral pile on which
						he consumed himself. The heads of Varus, Labienus, and other distinguished
						men were brought to Cæsar. Pompeius himself fled from the
						scene of his defeat with 150 horsemen toward Carteia, where he had a fleet,
						and entered the dockyard secretly as a private individual borne in a litter.
						When he saw that the men here despaired of their safety he feared lest he
						should be delivered up, and took to flight again. While going on board a
						small boat his foot was caught by a rope, and a man who attempted to cut the
						rope with his sword cut the sole of his foot instead. So he sailed to a
						certain place for medical treatment. Being pursued thither he fled by a
						rough and thorny road that aggravated his wound, until fagged out he took a
						seat under a tree. Here his pursuers came upon him and he was cut down while
						defending himself bravely. His head was brought to Cæsar who gave
						orders for its burial. Thus this war also, contrary to expectation, was
						brought to an end in one battle. A younger brother of this Pompeius, also
						named Pompeius but called by his first name, Sextus, collected those who
						escaped from this fight; but as yet he kept moving about in concealment and
						lived by robbery.

Having ended the civil wars Cæsar hastened to Rome, honored and
						feared as no one had ever been before. All kinds of honors were devised for
						his gratification without stint, even such as were superhuman -- sacrifices,
						games, statues in all the temples and public places, by every tribe, by all
						the provinces, and by the kings in alliance with Rome. His likeness was
						painted in various forms, in some cases crowned with oak as the savior of
						his country, by which crown the citizens were accustomed formerly to reward
						those to whom they owed their safety. He was proclaimed the Father of his
						Country and chosen dictator for life and consul for ten years, and his
						person was declared sacred and inviolable. It was decreed that he should
						transact business on a throne of ivory and gold; that he should perform his
						sacerdotal functions always in triumphal costume; that each year the city
						should celebrate the days on which he had won his victories; that every five
						years the priests and Vestal virgins should offer up public prayers for his
						safety; and that the magistrates immediately upon their inauguration should
						take an oath not to oppose any of Cæsar's decrees. In honor of his
							 gens the name of the month Quintilis was changed to
						July. Many temples were decreed to him as to a god, and one was dedicated in
						common to him and the goddess Clemency, who were represented as clasping
						hands.

Thus while they feared his power they besought his clemency. There were some
						who proposed to give him the title of king, but when he learned of their
						purpose he forbade it with threats, saying that it was an inauspicious name
						by reason of the curse of their ancestors. He dismissed the
						prætorian cohorts that had served as his bodyguard during the
						wars, and showed himself with the ordinary public attendance only. To him in this state and while he was transacting business
						in front of the rostra, the Senate, preceded by the consuls, each one in his
						robes of office, brought the decree awarding him the honors aforesaid. He
						extended his hand to them, but did not rise when they approached nor while
						they remained there, which afforded his slanderers a pretext for accusing
						him of wishing to be greeted as a king. He accepted all the honors conferred
						upon him except the ten-year consulship. As consuls for the ensuing year he
						designated himself and Antony, his master of horse, and he appointed
						Lepidus, who was then governor of Spain, but was administering it by his
						friends, master of horse in place of Antony. Cæsar also recalled
						the exiles, except those who were banished for some very grave offence. He
						pardoned his enemies and forthwith advanced many of those who had fought
						against him to the yearly magistracies, or to the command of provinces and
						armies. Therefore the wearied people especially hoped that he would restore
						the republic to them as Sulla did after he had grasped the same power. But
						in this they were disappointed.

Some person among those who wished to spread the report of his desire to be
						king placed a crown of laurel on his statue, bound with a white fillet. The
						tribunes, Marullus and Cæsetius, sought out this person and put
						him in prison, pretending to gratify Cæsar in this way, as he had
						threatened any who should talk about making him king. Cæsar was
						well satisfied with their action. Some others who met him at the city gates
						as he was returning from some place greeted him as king, and when the people
						groaned, he said with happy readiness to those who had thus saluted him, "I
						am no king, I am Cæsar," as though they had mistaken his name. The
						attendants of Marullus found out which man began the
						shouting and ordered the officers to bring him to trial before his tribunal.
						Cæsar was at last vexed and accused the faction of Marullus before
						the Senate of conspiring to make him odious by artfully accusing him of
						aiming at royalty. He added that they were deserving of death, but that it
						would be sufficient if they were deprived of their office and expelled from
						the Senate. Thus he confirmed the suspicion that he desired the title, and
						that he was privy to the attempts to confer it upon him, and that his
						tyranny was already complete; for the cause of their punishment was their
						zeal against the title of king, and, moreover, the office of tribune was
						sacred and inviolable according to law and the ancient oath. By not waiting
						for the expiration of their office he sharpened the public indignation.

When Cæsar perceived this he repented, and, reflecting that this
						was the first severe and arbitrary act that he had done without military
						authority and in time of peace, it is said that he ordered his friends to
						protect him, since he had given his enemies the handle they were seeking
						against him. But when they asked him if he would bring together again his
						Spanish cohorts as a body-guard, he said, "There is nothing more unlucky
						than perpetual watching; that is the part of one who is always afraid." Nor
						were the attempts to claim royal honors for him brought to an end even thus,
						for, while he was in the forum looking at the games of the Lupercal, seated
						on his golden chair before the rostra, Antony, his colleague in the
						consulship, who was running naked and anointed, as was the priests' custom
						at that festival, sprang upon the rostra and put a diadem on
						his head. At this sight some few clapped their hands, but the greater number
						groaned, and Cæsar threw off the diadem. Antony again put it on
						him and again Cæsar threw it off. While they were thus contending
						the people remained silent, being in suspense to see how it would end. When
						they saw that Cæsar prevailed they shouted for joy, and at the
						same time applauded him because he did not accept it.

And now Cæsar, either renouncing his hope, or tired out, and
						wishing to avoid the plot and accusation, or giving up the city to certain
						of his enemies, or to cure his bodily ailment of epilepsy and convulsions,
						which came upon him suddenly and especially when he was inactive, conceived
						the idea of a long campaign against the Getæ and the Parthians.
						The Getæ, a hardy, warlike, and neigh-boring nation, were to be
						attacked first. The Parthians were to be punished for their perfidy toward
						Crassus. He sent across the Adriatic in advance sixteen legions of foot and
						10,000 horse. And now another rumor gained currency that the Sibylline books
						had predicted that the Parthians would never submit to the Romans until the
						latter should be commanded by a king. For this reason some people ventured
						to say that Cæsar ought to be called dictator and emperor of the
						Romans, as he was in fact, or whatever other name they might prefer to that
						of king, and that he ought to be distinctly named king of the nations that
						were subject to the Romans. Cæsar declined this also, and was
						wholly engaged in hastening his departure from the city in which he was
						exposed to such envy.

Four days before his intended departure he was slain by his enemies in the
						senate-house, either from jealousy of his fortune and power, now grown to
						enormous proportions, or, as they themselves alleged, from a desire to
						restore the republic of their fathers; for they well knew that if he should
						conquer those nations he would be a king without a doubt. 
						But I think that they took, as a pretext for their own design, this plan for
						an additional title, which really made no difference to them except in name,
						for in fact a dictator is exactly the same as a king. Chief among the
						conspirators were two men, Marcus Brutus, surnamed Cæpio (son of
						the Brutus who was put to death during the Sullan revolution), who had sided
						with Cæsar after the disaster of Pharsalus, and Gaius Cassius, the
						one who had surrendered his triremes to Cæsar in the Hellespont,
						both having been of Pompey's party. Among the conspirators also was Decimus
						Brutus Albinus, one of Cæsar's dearest friends. All of them had
						been held in honor and trust by Cæsar at all times. He had
						employed them in the largest affairs. When he went to the war in Africa he
						gave them the command of armies, putting Decimus Brutus in charge of
						Transalpine, and Marcus Brutus of Cisalpine, Gaul.

Brutus and Cassius, who had been designated as prætors at the same
						time, had a controversy with each other as to which of them should be the
						city prætor, this being the place of highest honor, either because
						they were really ambitious of the distinction or as a pretence so that they
						might not seem to have a common understanding with each other.
						Cæsar, who was chosen umpire between them, is reported to have
						said to his friends that justice seemed to be on the side of Cassius, but
						that he must nevertheless favor Brutus. He exhibited the same affection and
						preference for this man in all things. It was even thought that Brutus was
						his son, as Cæsar was the lover of his mother, Servilia (Cato's
						sister) at the time of his birth, for which reason,
						when he won the victory at Pharsalus, it is said that he gave an immediate
						order to his officers to save Brutus by all means. Whether Brutus was
						ungrateful, or ignorant of his mother's fault, or disbelieved it, or was
						ashamed of it; whether he was such an ardent lover of liberty that he
						preferred his country to everything, or whether it was because he was a
						descendant of that Brutus of the olden time who expelled the kings, he was
						aroused and shamed to this deed principally by people who secretly affixed
						to the statues of the elder Brutus and also to the tribunal of Brutus
						himself such writings as these, "Brutus, are you corrupted by bribes?"
						"Brutus, are you dead?" or "would that you were still alive!" or, "your
						posterity is unworthy of you," or, "you are not the descendant of that
						Brutus." These and many like incentives fired the young man to a deed like
						that of his own ancestor.

While the talk about the kingship was going on, and just before there was to
						be a meeting of the Senate, Cassius met Brutus, and, seizing him by the
						hand, said, "What shall we do in the senate-house if Cæsar's
						flatterers propose a decree making him king?" Brutus replied that he would
						not be there. Then Cassius asked him further, "What if we are summoned there
						as prætors, what shall we do then, my good Brutus? " "I will
						defend my country to the death," he replied. Cassius embraced him, saying, "
						Which of the nobility will you allow to share your thought? Do you think
						that artisans and shopkeepers have written those clandestine messages on
						your tribunal, or rather the noblest Romans, those who ask from the other
						prætors games, horse-races, and combats of wild beasts, but from
						you liberty, as a boon worthy of your ancestry?" Thus did they disclose to
						each other what they had been privately thinking about for a long time. Each
						of them tested those of their own friends, and of Cæsar's also,
						whom they considered the most courageous of either faction. Of their own
						friends they inveigled two brothers, Cæsilius and Bucolianus, and
						besides these Rubrius Ruga, Quintus Ligarius, Marcus Spurius, Servilius
						Casca, Servius Galba, Sextius Naso, and Pontius Aquila. These were of their
						own faction. Of Cæsar's friends they secured Decimus Brutus, whom
						I have already mentioned, also Gaius Casca, Trebonius, Tillius Cimber, and
						Minucius Basillus.

When they thought that they had a sufficient number, and that it would not be
						wise to divulge the plot to any more, they pledged each other without oaths
						or sacrifices, yet no one changed his mind or betrayed the secret. They
						sought a time and place. Time was pressing because Cæsar was to
						depart on his campaign four days hence and would thereupon have a body-guard
						of soldiers. They chose the Senate as the place, believing that, even though
						the senators did not know of it beforehand, they would join heartily when
						they saw the deed. It was said that this happened in the case of Romulus
						when he changed from a king to a tyrant. They thought that this deed, like
						that one of old, taking place in open Senate, would seem to be performed not
						by private plotters, but in behalf of the country, and that, being in the
						public interest, there would be no danger from Cæsar's army. At
						the same time they thought the honor would be theirs because the public
						would not be ignorant that they took the lead. For these reasons they
						unanimously chose the Senate as the place, but they were not agreed as to
						the mode. Some thought that Antony ought to be killed also because he was
						consul with Cæsar, and was his most powerful friend, and the one
						of most repute with the army; but Brutus said that they would win the glory
						of tyrannicide from the death of Cæsar alone, because that would
						be the killing of a king. If they should kill his friends also, the deed
						would be imputed to private enmity and to the Pompeian faction.

The day before the meeting of the Senate Cæsar went to sup with
						Lepidus, his master of horse, taking Decimus Brutus Albinus with him to the
							drinking-bout. While they were in their cups the conversation turned on
						the question, "What is the best kind of death for a man?" Various opinions
						were given, but Cæsar alone expressed the preference for a sudden
						death. In this way he foretold his own end, and conversed about what was to
						happen on the morrow. After the banquet a certain bodily faintness came over
						him in the night, and his wife, Calpurnia, had a dream, in which she saw him
						streaming with blood, for which reason she tried to prevent him from going
						out in the morning. When he offered sacrifice there were many unfavorable
						signs. He was about to send Antony to dismiss the Senate when Decimus, who
						was with him, persuaded him, in order not to incur the charge of disregard
						for the Senate, to go there and dismiss it himself. Accordingly he was borne
						thither in a litter. Games were going on in Pompey's theatre, and the Senate
						was about to assemble in one of the adjoining buildings, as was the custom
						when the games were taking place. 
						Brutus and Cassius were early at the portico in front of the theatre, very
						calmly engaging in public business as prætors with those seeking
						their services. When they heard of the bad omens at Cæsar's house
						and that the Senate was to be dismissed, they were greatly disconcerted.
						While they were in this state of mind a certain person took Casca by the
						hand and said, "You kept the secret from me, although I am your friend, but
						Brutus has told me all." Casca was suddenly conscience-stricken and
						shuddered, but his friend, smiling, continued, "Where shall you get the
						money to stand for the ædileship?" Then Casca recovered himself.
						While Brutus and Cassius were conferring and talking together, Popillius
						Læna, one of the senators, drew them aside and said that he joined
						them in his prayers for what they had in
						mind, and he urged them to make haste. They were confounded, but remained
						silent from terror.

While Cæsar was being borne to the Senate one of his intimates, who
						had learned of the conspiracy, ran to his house to tell what he knew. When
						he arrived there and found only Calpurnia he merely said that he wanted to
						speak to Cæsar about urgent business, and then waited for him to
						come back from the Senate, because he did not know all the particulars of
						the affair. Meantime Artemidorus, whose hospitality Cæsar had
						enjoyed at Cnidus, ran to the Senate and found him already murdered. A
						tablet informing him of the conspiracy was put into Cæsar's hand
						by another person while he was sacrificing in front of the curia, but he
						went in immediately and it was found in his hand after his death. Directly
						after he stepped out of the litter Popillius Læna, who a little
						before had joined his prayers with the party of Cassius, accosted
						Cæsar and engaged him aside in earnest conversation. The sight of
						this proceeding and especially the length of the conversation struck terror
						into the hearts of the conspirators, and they made signs to each other that
						they would kill themselves rather than be captured. As the conversation was
						prolonged they saw that Læna did not seem to be revealing anything
						to Cæsar, but rather to be urging some petition. They recovered
						themselves and when they saw him return thanks to Cæsar after the
						conversation they took new courage. It was the custom of the magistrates,
						when about to enter the Senate, to take the auspices at the entrance. Here
						again Cæsar's first victim was without a heart, or, as some say,
						the beginning of the entrails was wanting. A soothsayer said that this was a
						sign of death. Cæsar, laughing, said that the same thing had
						happened to him when he was beginning his campaign against Pompeius in
						Spain. The soothsayer replied that he had been in very great danger then and
						that now the omen was still more entitled to credence. 
						So Cæsar ordered him to sacrifice again. None of the victims were
						more propitious; but being ashamed to keep the Senate waiting, and being
						urged by his enemies in the guise of friends, he went in disregarding the
						omens. For it was fated that Cæsar should meet his doom.

The conspirators had left Trebonius, one of their number, to engage Antony in
						conversation at the door. The others, with concealed daggers, stood around
						Cæsar like friends as he sat in his chair. Then one of them,
						Tillius Cimber, came up in front of him and petitioned him for the recall of
						his brother, who had been banished. When Cæsar answered that the
						matter must be deferred, Cimber seized hold of his purple robe as though
						still urging his petition, and pulled it away so as to expose his neck,
						exclaiming, "Friends, what are you waiting for?" Then first Casca, who was
						standing over Cæsar's head, drove his dagger at his throat, but
						missed his aim and wounded him in the breast. Cæsar snatched his
						toga from Cimber, seized Casca's hand, sprang from his chair, turned around,
						and hurled Casca with great violence. While he was in this position another
						one stabbed him with a dagger in the side, which was exposed by his turning
							around, 
						Cassius wounded him in the face, Brutus smote him in the thigh, and
						Bucolianus between the shoulder-blades. With rage and outcries
						Cæsar turned now upon one and now upon another like a wild animal,
						but after receiving the wound from Brutus he despaired and, veiling himself
						with his robe, he fell in a decent position at the foot of Pompey's statue.
						They continued their attack after he had fallen until he had received
						twenty-three wounds. Several of them while thrusting with their swords
						wounded each other.

When the murderers had perpetrated their crime, in a sacred place, on one
						whose person was sacred and inviolable, there was an
						immediate flight from the curia and throughout the whole city. Some senators
						were wounded in the tumult and others killed. Many other citizens and
						strangers were murdered also, not designedly, but as such things happen in
						public commotions, by the mistakes of 
							 JULIUS CÆSAR AS PONTIFEX MAXIMUS 
							 In the Vatican Museum, Rome 
						 
					 
					 those into whose hands they fell. Gladiators, who had been armed early in the
						morning for that day's spectacles, ran out of the theatre into the balcony
						of the Senate. The theatre itself was emptied in haste and panic-terror, and
						the markets were plundered. All citizens closed their front doors and put
						themselves in a posture of defence on their roofs. Antony fortified his
						house, apprehending that the conspiracy was against him as well as
						Cæsar. Lepidus, the master of horse, being in the forum at the
						time, learned what had been done and ran to the island in the river where he
						had a legion of soldiers, which he transferred to the plain in order to be
						in greater readiness to execute Antony's orders; for he yielded to Antony as
						a closer friend of Cæsar and also as consul. While pondering over
						the matter they were strongly moved to avenge the death of Cæsar,
						but they feared lest the Senate should espouse the side of the murderers and
						so they concluded to await events. There had been no military guard around
						Cæsar, for he did not like guards except the usual attendants of
						the magistracy. Many civilian officers and a large crowd of citizens and
						strangers, of slaves and freedmen, had accompanied him from his house to the
						Senate, but had fled en masse, all except three slaves,
						who placed the body in a litter and, with uneven step (being an uneven
						number), bore him homeward who, a little before, had been master of the
						earth and sea.

The murderers wished to make a speech in the Senate, but as nobody remained
						there they wrapped their togas around their left arms to serve as shields,
						and, with swords still reeking with blood, ran, crying out that they had
						slain a king and tyrant. One of them bore a cap on the end of a spear as a
						symbol of freedom and exhorted the people to restore the government of their
						fathers and recall the memory of the elder Brutus and of those who took the
						oath together against the ancient kings. With them ran some with drawn
						swords who had not participated in the deed, but wanted to share the glory,
						among whom were Lentulus Spinther, Favonius, Aquinus, Dolabella, Murcus, and
						Patiscus. These did not share the glory, but they suffered punishment with
						the guilty. As the people did not flock to them they were disconcerted and
						alarmed. Although the Senate had at first fled through ignorance and alarm,
						they had confidence in it nevertheless as being their own relatives and
						friends, and oppressed equally with themselves by the tyranny. They had
						apprehensions of the plebeians and of Cæsar's soldiers, many of
						whom were then present in the city, some lately dismissed from the service
						and to whom lands had been allotted; others who had been already settled,
						but had come in to serve as an escort for Cæsar on his departure
						from the city. The assassins had fears of Lepidus, too, and of the army
						under him in the city, and also of Antony in his character as consul, lest
						he should consult the people alone, instead of the Senate, and bring some
						fearful punishment upon them.

In this frame of mind they hastened up to the Capitol with their gladiators.
						There they took counsel and decided to bribe the populace, hoping that if
						some would begin to praise the deed others would join in from love of
						liberty and longing for the republic. They thought that the Roman people
						were still exactly the same as they had heard that they were at the time
						when the elder Brutus expelled the kings. They did not perceive that they
						were counting on two incompatible things, namely, that people could be
						lovers of liberty and bribe-takers at the same time. The latter class were
						much easier to find of the two, because the government had been corrupt for
						a long time. The plebeians were now much mixed with foreign blood, freedmen
						had equal rights of citizenship with them, and slaves were dressed in the
						same fashion as their masters. Except in the case of the senatorial rank the
						same costume was common to slaves and to free citizens. Moreover the
						distribution of corn to the poor, which took place in Rome only, drew
						thither the lazy, the beggars, the vagrants of all Italy. The multitude of
						discharged soldiers no longer returned one by one to their native places as
						formerly, fearing that some of them might be accused of having engaged in
						iniquitous wars, but were sent in groups to unjust allotments of
						lands and houses belonging to others. These were now encamped in temples and
						sacred enclosures under one standard, and one person appointed to lead them
						to their colony, and as they had already sold their own be longings
						preparatory to their departure they were in readiness to be bought for any
							purpose.

From so many men of this kind a considerable crowd was drawn speedily and
						without difficulty to the party of Cassius in the forum. These, although
						bought, did not dare to praise the murder, because they feared
						Cæsar's reputation and doubted what course the rest of the people
						might take. So they shouted for peace as being for the public advantage, and
						with one accord recommended this policy to the magistrates, intending by
						this device to secure the safety of the murderers; for there could
						be no peace without amnesty to them. While they were thus engaged the
						prætor Cinna, a relative of Cæsar by marriage, made his
						appearance, advanced unexpectedly into the middle of the forum, laid aside
						his prætorian robe, as if disdaining the gift of a tyrant, and
						called Cæsar a tyrant and his murderers tyrannicides. He extolled
						their deed as exactly like that of their ancestors, and ordered that the men
						themselves should be called from the Capitol as benefactors and rewarded
						with public honors. So spake Cinna, but when the hirelings saw that the
						unbought portion of the crowd did not agree with them they did not call for
						the men in the Capitol, nor did they do anything else but continually demand
						peace.

But after Dolabella, a young man of noble family who had been chosen by
						Cæsar as consul for the remainder of his own year when he was
						about to leave the city, and who had put on the consular garb and taken the
						other insignia of the office, came forward next and railed against the man
						who had advanced him to this dignity and pretended to have been privy to the
						conspiracy against him, and that his hand alone was unwillingly absent --
						some say that he even proposed a decree that this day should be consecrated
						as the birthday of the republic -- then the hirelings took new courage,
						seeing that they had both a prætor and a consul on their side, and
						demanded that Cassius and his friends be summoned from the Capitol. They
						were delighted with Dolabella and thought that now they had a young
						optimate, who was also consul, to oppose against Antony. Only Cassius and
						Marcus Brutus came down, the latter with his hand still bleeding from the
						wound he had received when he and Cassius were dealing blows at
						Cæsar. When they reached the forum neither of them said anything
						which betokened humility. On the contrary they praised each other as for
						something confessedly admirable. They considered the city fortunate and bore
						special testimony to the merits of Decimus Brutus because he had furnished
						them gladiators at a critical moment. They exhorted the people to be like
						their ancestors, who had expelled the kings, although the latter were
						exercising the government not by violence like Cæsar, but had been
						chosen according to law. They advised the recall of Sextus Pompey (the son
						of Pompey the Great, the defender of the republic against Cæsar),
						who was still warring against Cæsar's lieutenants in Spain. They
						also recommended that the tribunes, Cæsetius and Marullus, who had
						been deposed by Cæsar, should be recalled from exile.

After they had thus spoken Cassius and Brutus returned directly to the
						Capitol, because they had not yet entire confidence in the present posture
						of affairs. Having first enabled their friends and relatives to come to them
						in the temple, they chose from among them messengers to treat on their
						behalf with Lepidus and Antony for conciliation and the preservation of
						liberty, and for warding off the evils that would befall the country if they
						should not come to an agreement. This the messengers asked, not extolling
						the deed that had been done, however, for they did not dare to do this in
						the presence of Cæsar's friends. They asked that it be tolerated
						now that it was done, out of pity for the perpetrators (who had been
						actuated, not by hatred toward Cæsar, but by love of country), and
						out of compassion for the city exhausted by long-continued civil strife, and
						which a new sedition might deprive of the good men still remaining.
							" If enmity were entertained against certain persons," they
						said, "it would be an act of impiety to gratify it in a time of public
						danger. It would be far preferable to sink private animosity in the public
						weal, or, if anybody were irreconcilable, at least to postpone his private
						grievances for the present."

Antony and Lepidus wished to avenge Cæsar, as I have already said,
						either on the score of friendship, or of the oaths they had sworn, or
						because they were aiming at the supreme power themselves and thought that
						their course would be easier if so many men of such rank were put out of the
						way at once. But they feared the friends and relatives of these men and the
						leaning of the rest of the Senate toward them, and especially they feared
						Decimus Brutus, who had been chosen by Cæsar governor of Cisalpine
						Gaul, which had a large army. So they decided to watch a future opportunity
						and to try if possible to draw over to themselves the army of Decimus, which
						was already disheartened by its protracted labors. Having come to this
						decision, Antony replied to the messengers, "We shall do nothing from
						private enmity, yet in consequence of the crime and of the oaths we have all
						sworn to Cæsar, that we would either protect his person or avenge
						his death, a solemn regard for our oath requires us to drive out the guilty
						and to live with a smaller number of innocent men rather than that all
						should be liable to the divine curse. Yet for our own part, although this
						seems to us the proper course, we will consider the matter with you in the
						Senate and we will agree to whatever may be decided in common to be
						propitious for the city."

Thus did Antony make a safe answer. The messengers returned their thanks and
						went away full of hope, for they had entire confidence that the Senate would
						cooperate with them. Antony ordered the magistrates to have the city watched
						by night, stationing guards at intervals as in the daytime, and he had fires
						lighted throughout the city. By this means the friends of the murderers were
						enabled to traverse the city the whole night, going to the houses of the
						senators and beseeching them in behalf of these men and of the republic. On
						the other hand, the leaders of the colonized soldiers ran about uttering
						threats lest they should fail to hold the lands set apart, either already
						assigned or proclaimed to them. And now the more honest citizens began to
						recover courage when they learned how small was the number of the
						conspirators, and when they remembered Cæsar's merits they became
						much divided in opinion. That same night Cæsar's money and his
						official papers were transferred to Antony's house, either because Calpurnia
						thought that they would be safer there or because Antony ordered it.

While these things were taking place Antony, by means of a notice sent around
						by night, called the Senate to meet before daybreak at the temple of Tellus,
						which was very near his own house, because he did not dare to go to the
						senate-house situated just below the Capitol, where the gladiators were
						aiding the conspirators, nor did he wish to disturb the city by bringing in
						the army. Lepidus, however, did that. As daylight was approaching the
						senators assembled at the temple of Tellus, including the prætor
						Cinna, clothed again in the robe of office which he had cast off the
						previous day as the gift of a tyrant. Some of the unbribed people and some
						of Cæsar's veterans, when they saw him, were indignant that he,
						although a relative of Cæsar, should have been the first to
						slander him in a public speech, threw stones at him, pursued him, and when
						he had taken refuge in a house brought fagots and were about to set it on
						fire when Lepidus came up with his soldiers and stopped them. This was the
						first decided expression of opinion in favor of Cæsar. The
						hirelings, and the murderers themselves, were alarmed by it.

In the Senate only a small number were free from sympathy with the act of
						violence and indignant at the murder. Most of them sought to aid the
						murderers in various ways. They proposed first to invite them to be present
						under a pledge of safety and sit in council with them, thus changing them
						from criminals to judges. Antony did not oppose this because he knew they
						would not come; and they did not come. Then, in order to test the feeling of
						the Senate, some of them extolled the deed openly and without disguise,
						called the men tyrannicides, and proposed that they should be rewarded.
						Others were opposed to giving rewards, saying that the men did not want them
						and had not done the deed for the sake of reward, but thought that they
						should merely be thanked as public benefactors. Still others were opposed to
						thanking them and thought that it would be sufficient to grant them
						impunity. Such were the devices to which they resorted, and were trying to
						discover which of these courses the Senate would be inclined to accept
						first, hoping that after a little that body would be more easily led on by
						them to the other measures. The honester portion revolted at the murder as
						impious, but out of respect for the great families of the murderers would
						not oppose the granting of impunity, yet they were indignant at the proposal
						to honor them as public benefactors. Others argued that if impunity were
						granted it would not be fitting to refuse the most ample means of safety.
						When one speaker said that honoring them would be dishonoring
						Cæsar, it was answered that it was not permissible to prefer the
						interests of the dead to those of the living. Another having said plainly
						that one of two things must be decided beforehand -- either that
						Cæsar was a tyrant or that his murderers were to be pardoned as an
						act of clemency -- the others [Cæsar's enemies] seized upon this
						simple proposition and asked that an opportunity be given them of expressing
						themselves by vote concerning the character of Cæsar, under the
						solemn pledge that, if they voluntarily should give their unbiased judgment,
						the penalty of the oath should not befall them for having previously voted
						Cæsar's decrees under compulsion -- never willingly and never
						until they were in fear for their own lives, after the killing of Pompey and
						of numberless others besides Pompey.

When Antony, who had been looking on and waiting, saw that sufficient
						material for discussion had been introduced which was not open to dispute,
						he resolved to balk their scheme by exciting fear and anxiety for
						themselves. Seeing a great number of these senators themselves who had been
						designated by Cæsar for city magistracies, priestly offices, and
						the command of provinces and armies (for, as he was going on a long
						expedition, he had appointed them for five years), Antony proclaimed silence
						as consul and said: "Those who are asking for a vote on the character of
						Cæsar ought to consider in the first place that all the things
						done and decreed under his government and while he was the chosen ruler of
						the state remain in full force. If it is decided that he usurped the
						government by violence, his body should be cast out unburied and all his
						acts annulled. These acts, to speak briefly, embrace the whole earth and
						sea, and most of them will stand whether we like them or not, as I shall
						presently show. Those things which alone belong to us to decide, because
						they concern us alone, I will propose to you first, so that you may gain a
						conception of the more difficult questions from a consideration of the
						easier ones. Almost all of us have held office under Cæsar; or do
						so still, having been chosen thereto by him; or will do so soon, having been
						designated in advance by him; for, as you know, he had disposed of the city
						offices, the yearly magistracies, and the command of provinces and armies
						for five years. If you are willing to resign these offices (for this is
						entirely in your power), I will put that question to you first and then I
						will take up the remaining ones."

Having lighted this kind of a firebrand among them, not in reference to
						Cæsar, but to themselves, Antony relapsed into silence. They rose
						immediately en masse, and with loud clamor protested
						against new elections or submitting their claims to the people. They
						preferred to keep a firm hold on what they possessed. Some were opposed to
						new elections because they were not of lawful age, or for some other
						unavowed reason, and among these was the consul Dolabella himself, who could
						not legally stand for an election to that office as he was only twenty-five
						years old. Although he had pretended yesterday that he had a share in the
						conspiracy, a sudden change came over him, and now he reviled the majority
						for seeking to confer honor on murderers and dishonoring their own
						magistrates under the pretext of securing the safety of the former. Some
						encouraged Dolabella himself and the other magistrates to believe that they
						would obtain for them the same positions from the people's gratitude without
						any change of officers, but simply by the more legal method of election in
						place of monarchical appointment, and that it would be an additional honor
						to them to hold the same places under the monarchy and the republic. While
						these speakers were still talking some of the prætors, in order to
						ensnare the opposing faction, laid aside their robes of office as if they
						were about to exchange them for a more legal title to their places, in
						common with the others; but the others did not fall into the trap. They knew
						that these men could not control the future election.

While affairs were proceeding thus, Antony and Lepidus went out of the
						Senate, having been called for by a crowd that had been assembling for some
						time. When they were perceived in an elevated place, and the shouters had
						been with difficulty silenced, one of their number, either of his own
						volition or because he was prompted, called out, "Have a care lest you
						suffer a like fate." Antony loosened his tunic and showed him a coat-of-mail
						inside, thus exciting the beholders, as though it were impossible even for
						consuls to be safe without arms. Some cried out that the deed must be
						avenged, but a greater number demanded peace. To those who called for peace
						Antony said, "That is what we are striving for, that it may come and be
						permanent, but it is hard to get security for it when so many oaths and
						solemnities were of no avail in the case of Cæsar." Then, turning
						to those who demanded vengeance, he praised them as more observant of the
						obligations of oaths and religion, and added, "I myself would join you and
						would be the first to call for vengeance if I were not the consul, who must
						care for what is called expedient rather than for what is just. So these
						people who are inside tell us. So Cæsar himself perhaps thought
						when, for the good of the country, he spared those citizens whom he captured
						in war, and was slain by them."

When Antony had in this way worked upon both parties by turns, those who
						wanted to have vengeance on the murderers asked Lepidus to execute it. As
						Lepidus was about to speak those who were standing at a distance asked him
						to go down to the forum where all could hear him equally well. So he went
						directly there, thinking that the crowd was now changing its mind, and when
						he had taken his place on the rostra he groaned and wept in plain sight for
						some time. Then recovering himself, he said, "Yesterday I stood with
						Cæsar here, where now I am com- pelled to ask what you wish me to
						do about his murder." Many cried out "Avenge Cæsar." The hirelings
						shouted on the other side, "Peace for the republic." To the latter he
						replied, "Agreed, but what kind of a peace do you mean? By what sort of
						oaths shall it be confirmed? We all swore the national oaths to
						Cæsar and we have trampled on them -- we who are considered the
						most distinguished of the oath-takers." Then, turning to those who called
						for vengeance, he said, "Cæsar, that truly sacred and revered man,
						has gone from us, but we hesitate to deprive the republic of those who still
						remain. Our conscript fathers," he added, "are considering these matters,
						and this is the opinion of most of them." They shouted again, "Avenge him
						yourself." "I would like to," he replied, "and it is right that I should do
						it even alone, but it is not fitting that you and I should wish to do it
						alone, or alone set ourselves up against them."

While Lepidus was employing such devices the hirelings, who knew that he was
						ambitious, praised him and offered him Cæsar's place as pontifex
						maximus. He was delighted. "Mention this to me later," he said, "if you
						consider me worthy of it," whereupon the mercenaries, encouraged by their
						offer of the priesthood, insisted still more strongly on peace. "Although it
						is contrary to religion and law," he said, "I will do what you wish." So
						saying he returned to the Senate, where Dolabella had consumed all the
						intervening time in unseemly talk about his own office. Antony, who was
						waiting to see what the people would do, looked at Dolabella with derision,
						for the two were at variance with each other. After enjoying the spectacle
						sufficiently and perceiving that the people would not do anything rashly, he
						decided, under compulsion, to extend protection to the murderers (concealing
						the necessity, however, and pretending to act in this way as a matter of the
						greatest favor), and at the same time to have Cæsar's acts
						ratified and his plans carried into effect by common agreement. Accordingly
						he commanded silence again and spoke as follows:--

"Fellow-citizens, while you have been considering the case of the offenders I
						have not joined in the debate. When you called for a vote on Cæsar
						instead of on them, I had brought forward, until this moment, only one of
						Cæsar's acts. This one threw you into these many present
						controversies, and not without reason, for if we resign our offices we shall
						confess that we (so many and of such high rank as we are) came by them
						undeservedly. Consider the matters that cannot be easily controlled by us.
						Reckon them up by cities and provinces, by kings and princes. Almost all of
						these, from the rising to the setting sun, Cæsar either subdued
						for us by force and arms, or organized by his laws, or confirmed in their
						allegiance by his favors and kindness. Which of these powers do you think
						will consent to be deprived of what they have received, unless you mean to
						fill the world with new wars -- you who propose to spare these wretches for
						the sake of your exhausted country? But, omitting the more distant dangers
						and apprehensions, we have others not only near at hand, but even of our own
						household throughout Italy itself,-- men who are here after receiving the
						rewards of victory, many of them with arms in their hands and in the same
						organization in which they fought, men assigned to colonies by
						Cæsar (many thousands of whom are still in the city), -- what
						think you they will do if they are deprived of what they have received, or
						expect to receive, in town and country? The past night showed you a sample.
						They were coursing the streets with threats against you who were
						supplicating in behalf of the murderers.

"Think you that Cæsar's fellow-soldiers will allow his body to be
						dragged through the streets, dishonored, and cast away unburied -- for our
						laws prescribe such treatment for tyrants? Will they consider the rewards
						they have received for their victories in Gaul and Britain secure, when he
						who gave them is treated with contumely? What will the Roman people
						themselves do? What the Italians? What ill-will of gods and men will attend
						you if you put ignominy upon one who advanced your dominion to shores of the
						ocean hitherto unknown? Will not such fickleness on our part be held in
						greater reprobation and condemnation if we vote to confer honor on those who
						have slain a consul in the senate-house, an inviolable man in a sacred
						place, in full senate, under the eyes of the gods, and if we dishonor one
						whom even our enemies honor for his bravery ? I warn you to abstain from
						these proceedings as being sacrilegious in themselves and not in our power.
						I move that all the acts and intentions of Cæsar be ratified and
						that the authors of the crime be by no means applauded (for that would be
						neither pious, nor just, nor consistent with the ratification of
						Cæsar's acts). Let them be spared, if you please, as an act of
						clemency only, for the sake of their families and friends, if the latter
						will accept it in this sense in behalf of the murderers and acknowledge it
						in the light of a favor."

When Antony had said these things with intense feeling and impetuosity, all
						the others remaining silent and agreeing, the following decree was passed:
						"There shall be no prosecution for the murder of Cæsar, but all of
						his acts and decrees are confirmed, because this policy is deemed
						advantageous to the commonwealth." The friends of the murderers insisted
						that those last words should be added for their security, implying that
						Cæsar's acts were confirmed as a measure of utility and not of
						justice; and in this matter Antony yielded to them. When this decree had
						been voted the leaders of the colonists who were present asked for another
						act special to themselves, in addition to the general one, in order to
						confirm their colonies. Antony did not oppose this, but rather intimidated
						the Senate to pass it. So this was adopted, and another like it concerning
						the colonists who had been already sent out. The Senate was thereupon
						dismissed, and a number of senators collected around Lucius Piso, whom
						Cæsar had made the custodian of his will and urged him not to
						make the will public, and not to give the body a public funeral, lest some
						new disturbance should arise therefrom. As he would not yield they
						threatened him with a public prosecution for defrauding the people of such
						an amount of wealth which ought to go into the public treasury; thus giving
						new signs that they were suspicious of a tyranny.

Then Piso called out with a loud voice and demanded that the consuls should
						reconvene the senators, who were still present, which was done, and then he
						said: "These men who talk of having killed a tyrant are already so many
						tyrants over us in place of one. They forbid the burying of a Pontifex
						Maximus and they threaten me when I produce his will. Moreover, they intend
						to confiscate his property as that of a tyrant. They have ratified
						Cæsar's acts as regards themselves, but they annul those which
						relate to him. It is no longer Brutus or Cassius who do this, but those who
						instigated them to the murder. Of
						his burial you are the masters. Of his will I am, and never will I betray
						what has been intrusted to me unless somebody kills me also." This speech
						excited clamor and indignation on all sides, and especially among those who
						hoped that they should obtain something from the will. It was decreed that
						the will should be read in public and that Cæsar should have a
						public funeral. Thereupon the Senate adjourned.

When Brutus and Cassius learned what had been done they sent messengers to
						the plebeians, whom they invited to come up to them at the Capitol.
						Presently a large number came together and Brutus addressed them as follows:
						" Here, citizens, we meet you, we who yesterday met together with you in the
						forum. We have come hither, not as taking refuge in a sanctuary (for we have
						done nothing wrong), nor in a citadel (for as regards our own affairs we
						intrust ourselves to you), but the sudden and unexpected attack made upon
						Cinna compelled us to do so. I know that our enemies accuse us of perjury
						and say that we render a lasting peace difficult. What we have to reply to
						these accusations we will say in your presence, citizens, with whose help we
						shall do what remains to be done for the restoration of democratic
						government. After Gaius Cæsar advanced from Gaul with hostile arms
						against his country, and Pompey, the most popular man among you, suffered as
						he did, and after him a great number of other good citizens, who had been
						driven into Africa and Spain, had perished, Cæsar was naturally
						apprehensive, although his power was firmly intrenched, and we granted him
						amnesty at his request and confirmed it by oath. If he had required us to
						swear not only to condone the past, but to be willing slaves for the future,
						what would our present accusers have done? For my part I think that, being
						Romans, they would have chosen to die many times rather than take an oath of
						voluntary servitude.

"If Cæsar did no more against your liberty then are we perjured.
						But if he restored to you neither the magistracies of the city nor those of
						the provinces, neither the command of armies, the priestly offices, the
						leadership of colonies, nor any other posts of honor; if he neither
						consulted the Senate about anything nor asked the authority of the people,
						but if Cæsar's command was all in all; if he was not even ever
						satiated with our misfortunes as Sulla was (for Sulla, when he had destroyed
						his enemies restored to you the government of the commonwealth, but
						Cæsar, as he was going away for another long military expedition,
						anticipated by his appointments your elections for five years), what sort of
						freedom was this in which not a ray of hope could be any longer discerned?
						What shall I say of the defenders of the people, Cæsetius and
						Marullus? Were not the incumbents of a sacred and inviolable office
						ignominiously banished? Although the law and the oath prescribed by our
						ancestors forbid calling the tribunes to account during their term of
						office, Cæsar banished them even without a trial. Have
							 we then, or has he, done violence
						to inviolable persons -- unless you say that Cæsar was sacred and
						inviolable, upon whom we conferred that distinction not of our own free
						will, but by compulsion, and not until he had invaded his country with arms
						and killed a great number of our noblest and best citizens? Did not our
						fathers in a democracy and without compulsion take an oath that the office
						of tribune should be sacred and inviolable, and declare with maledictions
						that it should remain so forever? What has become of the public tribute?
						What of the public accounts? Who opened the public treasury without our
						consent? Who removed part of the consecrated money? Who threatened with
						death another tribune who opposed him?

"'But what kind of an oath after this will be a guarantee of peace ?' they
						ask. If there is no tyrant there will be no need of oaths. Our fathers never
						needed any. If anybody else seeks to establish tyranny, no faith, no oath,
						will ever bind Romans to the tyrant. This we said before, while we were
						still in danger; this we will continue to say forever for our country's
						sake. We, who held places of honor securely at the hands of Cæsar,
						had a higher regard for our country than for our offices. They slander us
						about the colonies and so excite you against us. If there are any present
						who have been settled in colonies, or are about to be settled, you will
						gratify me by making yourselves known."

A large number did so, whereupon Brutus continued, "Bravo, my men, you have
						done well to come here with the others. You ought, since you receive due
						honors and bounties from your country, to give her equal honor in return as
						she sends you forth. The Roman people gave you to Cæsar to fight
						against the Gauls and Britons, and your valiant deeds call for recognition
						and recompense. But Cæsar, taking advantage of your military oath,
						led you against your country much against your will. He led you against our
						best citizens in Africa, in like manner against your will. If this were all
						that you had done you would perhaps be ashamed to ask reward for such
						exploits, but since neither envy, nor time, nor the forgetfulness of men can
						extinguish the glory of your deeds in Gaul and Britain, you shall have the
						rewards due to them, such as the people gave to those who served in the army
						of old, yet not by taking land from your unoffending fellow-citizens, nor by
						dividing other people's property with new-comers, nor by considering it
						proper to requite your services by means of acts of injustice. When our
						ancestors overcame their enemies they did not take from them all their land.
						They shared it with them and colonized a portion of it with Roman soldiers,
						who were to serve as guards over the vanquished. If the conquered territory
						was not sufficient for the colonies, they added some of the public domain or
						bought other land with the public money. In this way the people colonized
						you without harm to anybody. But Sulla and Cæsar, who invaded
						their country like a foreign land and needed guards and garrisons against
						their own country, did not dismiss you to your homes, nor buy land for you,
						nor divide among you the property of citizens which they confiscated, nor
						did they make compensation for the relief of those who were despoiled,
						although those who despoiled them had plenty of money from the treasury and
						plenty from confiscated estates. They took, by the law of war, -- nay, by
						the practice of robbery, -- from Italians who had committed no offence, who
						had done no wrong, their land and houses, tombs and temples, which we do not
						take away even from foreign enemies, except a mere tenth of their produce by
						way of tax.

"They divided among you the property of your own people, the very ones who
						sent you with Cæsar to the Gallic war, and who offered up their
						prayers at your festival of victory. They colonized you in that way
						collectively, under your standards and in your military organization, so
						that you could neither enjoy peace nor be free from fear of those whom you
						displaced. The man who is driven out and deprived of his goods will always
						be watching his opportunity to ensnare you. This was the very thing that the
						tyrants sought to accomplish, -- not to provide you with land, which they
						could have obtained for you elsewhere; but that you, because always beset by
						lurking enemies, might be the firm bulwark of a government that was
						committing wrongs in common with you. A common interest between tyrants and
						their satellites grows out of common crimes and common fears. And this, ye
						gods, they call colonization, in which are common the lamentations of a
						kindred people and the expulsion of innocent men from their homes. They
						purposely made you enemies to your countrymen for their own advantage. We,
						the defenders of the republic, to whom our opponents say they grant safety
						out of pity, confirm this very same land to you and will confirm it forever;
						and to this promise we call to witness the god of this temple. You have and shall keep what you have received. None of us
						will take it from you, neither Brutus, nor Cassius, nor any of us who have
						incurred danger for your freedom. The one thing wanting in this business we
						will supply -- a reconciliation with your fellow-countrymen most agreeable
						to them now, as they hear that we shall at once pay them out of the public
						money the price of this land of which they have been deprived; so that not
						only shall your colony be secure, but it shall not even be exposed to
						hatred."

While Brutus was still speaking in this sort, and after the assembly was
						dissolved, his discourse was approved by all as being entirely just. He and
						his associates were admired as men of intrepidity, and as peculiarly the
						friends of the people. The latter were favorably inclined toward them, and
						promised to coöperate with them on the following day. At daybreak
						the consuls called the people to an assembly and communicated to them the
						decisions of the Senate, and Cicero pronounced a long encomium on the decree
						of amnesty. The people were delighted with it and invited Cassius and his
						friends to come down from the Capitol. The latter asked that hostages be
						sent to them in the meantime, and, accordingly, the sons of Antony and
						Lepidus were sent. When Brutus and his associates made their appearance they
						were received with shouts of applause, and when the consuls desired to say
						something the people would not allow them to do so, but demanded that they
						should first shake hands with these men and make peace with them, which was
						done. The minds of the consuls were much disturbed by fear and envy lest the
						conspirators should get the upper hand of them in other political
						matters.

Cæsar's will was now produced and the people ordered that it be
						read at once. In it Octavius, the grandson of his sister, was adopted by
						Cæsar. His gardens were given to the people as a place of
						recreation, and to every Roman still living in the city he gave seventy-five
						Attic drachmas. 
						The people were again stirred to anger when they saw the will of this lover
						of his country, whom they had before heard accused of tyranny. Most of all
						did it seem pitiful to them that Decimus Brutus, one of the murderers,
						should have been named by him for adoption in the second degree; for it was
						customary for the Romans to name alternate heirs in case of the failure of
						the first. Whereupon there was still greater disturbance among the people,
						who considered it shocking and sacrilegious that Decimus should have
						conspired against Cæsar when he had been adopted as his son. When
						Piso brought Cæsar's body into the forum a countless multitude ran
						together with arms to guard it, and with acclamations and magnificent
						display placed it on the rostra. Wailing and lamentation were renewed for a
						long time, the armed men clashed their shields, and gradually they began to
						repent themselves of the amnesty. Antony, seeing how things were going, did
						not abandon his purpose, but, having been chosen to deliver the funeral
						oration, as a consul for a consul, a friend for a friend, a relative for a
						relative (for he was related to Cæsar on his mother's side),
						resumed his artful design and spoke as follows:--

"It is not fitting, citizens, that the funeral oration of so great a man
						should be pronounced by me alone, but rather by his whole country. The
						decrees which all of us, in equal admiration of his merit, voted to him
						while he was alive -- the Senate and the people acting together -- I will
						read, so that I may voice your sentiments rather than my own." Then he began
						to read with a severe and gloomy countenance, pronouncing each sentence
						distinctly and dwelling especially on those decrees which declared
						Cæsar to be superhuman, sacred, and inviolable, and which named
						him the father of his country, or the benefactor, or the chieftain without a
						peer. With each decree Antony turned his face and his hand toward
						Cæsar's corpse, illustrating his discourse by his action, and at
						each appellation he added some brief remark full of grief and indignation;
						as, for example, where the decree spoke of Cæsar as the father of
						his country he added that this was a testimonial of his clemency; and again,
						where he was made sacred and inviolable and everybody else was to be held
						unharmed who should find refuge with him,-- "Nobody," said Antony, "who
						found refuge with him was harmed, but he, whom you declared sacred and
						inviolable, was killed, although he did not extort these honors from you as
						a tyrant, and did not even ask for them. Most servile are we if we give such
						honors to the unworthy who do not ask for them. But you, faithful citizens,
						vindicate us from this charge of servility by paying such honors as you now
						pay to the dead."

Antony resumed his reading and recited the oaths by which all were pledged to
						guard Cæsar and Cæsar's body with all their strength,
						and all were devoted to perdition who should not avenge him against any
						conspiracy. Here, lifting up his voice and extending his hand toward the
						Capitol, he exclaimed, "Jupiter, guardian of this city, and ye other gods, I
						stand ready to avenge him as I have sworn and vowed, but since those who are
						of equal rank with me have considered the decree of amnesty beneficial, I
						pray that it may prove so." A commotion arose among the senators in
						consequence of this exclamation, which seemed to have special reference to
						them. So Antony quieted them again and recanted, saying, "It seems to me,
						fellow-citizens, that this deed is not the work of human beings, but of some
						evil spirit. It becomes us to consider the present rather than the past,
						since the greatest danger approaches, if it is not already here, lest we be
						drawn into our former civil commotions and lose whatever remains of noble
						birth in the city. Let us then conduct this sacred one to the abode of the
						blest, chanting our accustomed hymn of lamentation for him."

Having spoken thus,, he gathered up his garments like one inspired, girded
						himself so that he might have the free use of his hands, took his position
						in front of the bier as in a play, bending down to it and rising again, and
						sang first as to a celestial deity. In order to testify to Cæsar's
						godlike origin, he raised his hands to heaven and with rapid speech recited
						his wars, his battles, his victories, the nations he had brought under his
						country's sway, and the spoils he had sent home, extolling each exploit as
						miraculous, and all the time exclaiming, "Thou alone hast come forth
						unvanquished from all the battles thou hast fought. Thou alone hast avenged
						thy country of the out-rage put upon it 300 years ago, bringing to their
						knees those savage tribes, the only ones that ever broke into and burned the
						city of Rome." Many other things Antony said in a kind of divine frenzy, and
						then lowered his voice from its high pitch to a sorrowful tone, and mourned
						and wept as for a friend who had suffered unjustly, and prayed that his own
						life might be given in exchange for Cæsar's. Carried away by
						extreme passion he uncovered the body of Cæsar, lifted his robe on
						the point of a spear and shook it aloft, pierced with dagger-thrusts and red
						with the dictator's blood. Whereupon the people, like a chorus, mourned with
						him in the most lugubrious manner, and from sorrow became again filled with
						anger. After the discourse other lamentations were chanted with funeral
						music according to the national custom, by the people in chorus, to the
						dead; and his deeds and his sad fate were again recited. Somewhere from the
						midst of these lamentations Cæsar himself was supposed to speak,
						recounting the benefits he had conferred on his enemies by name, and
						speaking of the murderers themselves, exclaiming, as it were, " Oh that I
						should have spared these men to slay me!" 
						The people could endure it no longer. It seemed to them monstrous that all
						the murderers who, with the single exception of Decimus Brutus, had been
						made prisoners while belonging to the faction of Pompey, and who, instead of
						being punished, had been advanced by Cæsar to the magistracies of
						Rome and to the command of provinces and armies, should have conspired
						against him; and that Decimus should have been deemed by him worthy of
						adoption as his son.

While they were in this temper and were already near to violence, somebody
						raised above the bier an image of Cæsar himself made of wax. The body
						itself, as it lay on its back on the couch, could not be seen. The image was
						turned round and round by a mechanical device, showing the twenty-three
						wounds in all parts of the body and on the face, which gave him a shocking
						appearance. The people could no longer bear the pitiful sight presented to
						them. They groaned, and, girding themselves, they burned the senate-chamber
						where Cæsar was slain, and ran hither and thither searching for
						the murderers, who had fled some time previously. They were so mad with rage
						and grief that like wild beasts they tore in pieces the tribune Cinna on
						account of his similarity of name to the praetor Cinna who had made a speech
						against Cæsar, not waiting to hear any explanation about the
						simhilarity of name, so that no part of him was ever found for burial. They
						carried fire to the houses of the other murderers, but the domestics
						valiantly fought them off and the neighbors besought them to desist. So the
						people abstained from the use of fire, but they threatened to come back with
						arms on the following day.

The murderers fled from the city secretly. The people returned to
						Cæsar's bier and bore it as a consecrated thing to the Capitol in
						order to bury it in the temple and place it among the gods. Being prevented
						from doing so by the priests, they placed it again in the forum where in the
						olden time stood the palace of the kings of Rome. There they collected
						together sticks of wood and benches, of which there were many in the forum,
						and anything else they could find of that sort, for a funeral pile, throwing
						on it the adornments of the procession, some of which were very costly. Some
						of them cast their own crowns upon it and many military gifts. Then they set
						fire to it, and the entire people remained by the funeral pile throughout
						the night. There an altar was first erected, but now there stands the temple of Cæsar himself,
						as he was deemed worthy of divine honors; for Octavius, his son by adoption,
						who took the name of Cæsar, and, following in the footsteps of the
						latter in political matters, greatly strengthened the government founded by
						Cæsar, and which remains to this day, decreed divine honors to his
						father. From this example the Romans now pay like honors to each emperor at
						his death if he has not reigned in a tyrannical manner or made himself
						odious, although at first they could not bear to call them kings while
						living.

So died Gaius Cæsar on the so-called Ides of March, which
						correspond nearly with the middle of the Greek month Anthesterion, which day
						the soothsayer predicted that he should not survive. Cæsar
						jokingly said to him early in the morning, "Well, the Ides have come," and
						the latter, nothing daunted, answered, "But they are not past." Despising
						such prophecies, uttered with so much confidence by the soothsayer, and
						other prodigies that I have previously mentioned, Cæsar went on
						his way and was killed, being fifty-six years of age. He was a man most fortunate in all things, superhuman,
						of grand designs, and fit to be compared with Alexander. Both were men of
						the greatest ambition, both were most skilled in the art of war, most rapid
						in executing their decisions, most reckless of danger, least sparing of
						themselves, and relying as much on audacity and luck as on military skill.
						Alexander made a long journey through the desert in the hot season to visit
						the oracle of Ammon and crossed the Gulf of Pamphylia against a head sea
						successfully. A god restrained the waves for him until he had passed over,
						and sent him rain on his journey by land. In India he ventured upon an
						unknown sea. Once he was the first to ascend the scaling ladders and leaped
						over the wall among his enemies alone, and in this condition received
						thirteen wounds. Yet he was never defeated, and he finished almost every war
						in one or two battles. He conquered many barbarians in Europe and made
						himself master of Greece, a people hard to control, fond of freedom, who
						boasted that they had never obeyed anybody before him, except Philip for a
						little while under the guise of his leadership in war. He overran almost the
						whole of Asia. To sum up Alexander's fortune and power in a word, he
						acquired as much of the earth as he saw, and died while he was devising
						means to capture the rest.

The Adriatic Sea yielded to Cæsar, becoming navigable and quiet in
						mid-winter. He also crossed the western ocean to Britain, which had never
						been attempted before, and he ordered his pilots to break their ships in
						pieces by running them on the rocks of the British coast. He was exposed to the violence of another tempest
						when alone in a small boat by night, and he ordered the pilot to spread his
						sails and to keep in mind Cæsar's fortune rather than the waves of
						the sea. He often dashed against the enemy single-handed when all others
						were afraid. He fought thirty pitched battles in Gaul alone, where he
						conquered forty nations so formidable to the Romans previously that in the
						law which exempted priests and old men from military enrolment an exception
						was made of a Gallic war, in case of which priests and old men were required
						to serve in the army. Once in the course of the Alexandrian war, when he was
						left alone on a bridge in extreme peril, he threw off his purple garment,
						leaped into the sea, and, being sought by the enemy, swam under water a long
						distance, coming to the surface only at intervals to take breath, until he
						came near a friendly ship, when he made himself known by raising his hands,
						and was saved. In these civil wars, in which he engaged either through
						apprehension, as he says, or ambition, he was brought in conflict with the
						first generals of the age and with many large armies, not now of barbarians,
						but of Romans in the highest state of efficiency and good fortune, and, like
						Alexander, he overcame them all by one or two engagements with each. His
						forces were not, like Alexander's, always victorious, for they were defeated
						by the Gauls most disastrously under the command of his lieutenants, Cotta
						and Titurius; and in Spain Petreius and Afranius shut them up like an army
						besieged. At Dyrrachium and in Africa they were put to flight, and in Spain
						they were terrified by young Pompey. But Cæsar himself was always
						undaunted and was victorious at the end of every war. He grasped, partly by
						force, partly by good-will, the Roman power which ruled the earth and sea
						from the setting sun to the river Euphrates, and held it much more firmly
						and strongly than Sulla had done, and he showed himself to be a king in
						spite of opposition, even though he did not accept the title. And, like
						Alexander, he expired while planning new wars.

Their armies were equally zealous and devoted to both, and in battles they
						fought with the greatest ferocity, but were often disobedient and mutinous
						on account of the severity of their tasks. Yet they mourned and longed for
						their commanders when they were dead, and paid them divine honors. Both were
						well-formed and handsome in person, and both were descended from Jupiter,
						Alexander through Æacus and Hercules, Cæsar through
						Anchises and Venus. Both were as prompt to fight their adversaries as they
						were ready to make peace and grant pardon to the vanquished, and after
						pardon to confer benefits; for they desired only to conquer. Thus far let
						the parallel hold good, although they did not both start toward empire from
						the same footing; Alexander from the monarchy founded by Philip,
						Cæsar from a private station, well born and illustrious indeed,
						but very short of money.

Both of them despised the prodigies relating to themselves, but they did not
						deal harshly with the sooth-sayers who predicted their death; for more than
						once the very same prodigies confronted both, pointing to the same end.
						Twice in the case of each the victims were without a liver, and the first
						time it indicated a doubtful danger. It happened to Alexander when he was
						among the Oxydracæ and while he was leading his Macedonians in
						scaling the enemy's wall. The ladder broke, leaving him alone on the top.
						Taking counsel of his courage, he leaped inside the town against his
						enemies, and was struck severely in the breast and on the neck by a very
						heavy club, so that he fell down, and was rescued with difficulty by the
						Macedonians, who broke down the gates in their alarm for him. It happened to
						Cæsar in Spain while his army was in great fear of young Pompey,
						and hesitated to join battle. Cæsar dashed in advance of all into
						the space between the armies, and received 200 darts on his shield until his
						army, moved by shame and fear for his safety, rushed forward and rescued
						him. Thus in the case of each the first victims without livers presaged
						danger of death; the second presaged death itself. As Peithagoras, the
						soothsayer, was inspecting the entrails, he told Apollodorus, who was in
						fear of Alexander and Hephestion, not to be afraid of them, because they
						would both be out of the way very soon. Hephestion died immediately, and
						Apollodorus, being apprehensive lest some conspiracy might exist against
						Alexander, communicated the prophecy to him. Alexander smiled, and asked
						Peithagoras himself what the prodigy meant. When the latter replied that it
						meant fatality, he smiled again. Nevertheless, he commended Apollodorus for
						his good-will and the soothsayer for his freedom of speech.

As Cæsar was entering the Senate for the last time, as I have
						shortly before related, the same omens were observed, but he said,
						jestingly, that the same thing had happened to him in Spain. When the
						soothsayer replied that he was in danger then too, and that the omen was now
						more deadly, he yielded somewhat to the warning and sacrificed again, and
						continued to do so until he became vexed with the priests for delaying him,
						and went in and was killed. The same kind of thing happened to Alexander. As
						he was returning from India to Babylon with his army, and was nearing the
						latter place, the Chaldeans urged him to postpone his entrance for the
						present. He replied with the iambic verse, "He who guesses right is the best
							prophet." Again, the Chaldeans urged him not to march his army
						into the city while looking toward the setting sun, but to go around and
						enter facing the east. It is said that he yielded to this suggestion and
						started to go around, but being bothered by a lake and marshy ground, he
						disregarded this second prophecy also, and entered the city looking toward
						the west. Not long after entering he went down the Euphrates in a boat to
						the river Pallacotta, which takes its water from the Euphrates and carries
						it away in marshes and ponds and thus hinders the irrigation and navigation
						of the Assyrian country. While he was considering how he should dyke this
						stream and while he was sailing out to it for this purpose, it is said that
						he jeered at the Chaldeans because he had gone into Babylon and sailed out
						of it safely. But scarcely had he returned back to it when he died.
						Cæsar jeered at the prophecies in like manner, for the soothsayer
						predicted the day of his death, saying that he should not survive the Ides
						of March, and when the day came Cæsar mocked him saying, "The Ides
						have come "; and the same day he died. Thus both alike made light of the
						prophecies concerning themselves, and were not angry at the soothsayers who
						uttered them, yet they became the inevitable victims of the prophecies.

Both were students of the science and arts of their own country, of
						Greece, and of foreign nations. As to those of India, Alexander interrogated
						the Brahmins who seem to be the astronomers and learned men of that country,
						like the Magi among the Persians. Cæsar likewise interrogated the
						Egyptians while he was there restoring Cleopatra to the throne, by which
						means he made many improvements among the peaceful arts for the Romans. He
						changed the calendar, which was still in disorder by reason of the
						intercalary months till then in use, for the Romans reckoned the year by the
						moon. Cæsar changed it to the sun's course, as the Egyptians
						reckoned it. It happened in his case
						that not one of the conspirators against him escaped, but all were brought
						to condign punishment by his adopted son, just as the murderers of Philip
						were by Alexander. How they were punished the succeeding books will show. 
							 MARK ANTONY 
							 In the Vatican Museum, Rome

The Senate blamed Antony for his funeral oration over Cæsar, by
						which, chiefly, the people were incited to disregard the decree of amnesty
						lately passed, and to scour the city in order to fire the houses of the
						murderers. But he changed it from bad to good feeling toward himself by one
						capital stroke of policy. There was a certain pseudo-Marius in Rome named
						Amatius. He pretended to be a grandson of Marius, and for this reason was
						popular with the masses. Being, according to this pretence, a relative of
						Cæsar, he was pained beyond measure by the latter's death, and
						erected an altar on the site of his funeral pyre. He collected a band of
						reckless men and made himself a perpetual terror to the murderers. Some of
						these had fled from the city, and those who had accepted the command of
						provinces from Cæsar himself had gone away to take charge of the
						same, Decimus Brutus to Cisalpine Gaul, Trebonius to Asia adjoining Ionia,
						and Tillius Cimber to Bithynia. Cassius and Marcus Brutus, who were the
						special favorites of the Senate, had been chosen by Cæsar as
						governors for the following year, the former of Syria, and the latter of
						Macedonia. Being still city prætors, they remained there
						necessarily, and in their official capacity they conciliated the colonists
						by various decrees, and among others by one enabling them to sell their
						allotments, the law hitherto forbidding the alienation of the land till the
						end of twenty years.

It was said that Amatius was only waiting an opportunity to entrap Brutus and
						Cassius. On the rumor of this plot, Antony, using his
						consular authority, arrested Amatius and boldly put him to death without a
						trial. The senators were astonished at this deed as an act of violence and
						contrary to law, but they enjoyed it exceedingly because they thought that
						the situation of Brutus and Cassius would never be safe without such
						boldness. The followers of Amatius, and the plebeians generally, missing
						Amatius and feeling indignation at the deed, and especially because it had
						been done by Antony, whom the people had honored, determined that they would
						not be scorned in that way. With shouts they took possession of the forum,
						exclaiming against Antony and called on the magistrates, in place of
						Amatius, to dedicate the altar and to offer the first sacrifices on it to
						Cæsar. Having been driven out of the forum by soldiers sent by
						Antony, they became still more indignant, and vociferated more loudly, and
						some of them showed places where Cæsar's statues had been torn
						from their pedestals. One man told them that he could show a shop where the
						statues had been broken up. The others followed, and having witnessed the
						fact, they set fire to the place. Finally, Antony sent more soldiers and
						some of those who resisted were killed, others were captured, and of these
						the slaves were crucified and the freemen thrown over the Tarpeian
							rock.

So this tumult was quieted. The extreme fondness of the plebeians for Antony
						was turned into extreme hatred. The Senate was delighted, because it
						believed that Brutus and his associates could not rest secure
							otherwise. Antony also moved that Sextus Pompeius
						(the son of Pompey the Great, who was still much beloved by all) should be
						recalled from Spain, where he was still at war with Cæsar's
						lieutenants, and that he should be paid 50,000,000 of Attic drachmas out of the
						public treasury for his father's confiscated property and be appointed
						commander of the sea, as his father had been, with charge of all the Roman
						ships, wherever situated, which were needed for immediate service. The
						astonished Senate accepted each of these decrees with alacrity and applauded
						Antony the whole day; for nobody, in their estimation, was more devoted to
						the republic than the elder Pompey, and hence nobody was more regretted.
						Cassius and Brutus, who were of Pompey's faction, and the ones most honored
						by all at that time, thought that they would be entirely safe. They thought
						that what they had done would be confirmed, and the republic be at last
						restored, and their party successful. Wherefore Cicero praised Antony
							continually, and the Senate,
						perceiving that the plebeians were making plots against him on its account,
						allowed him a guard for his personal safety, chosen by himself from the
						veterans who were sojourning in the city.

Antony, either because he had done everything for this very purpose, or
						seizing the happy chance as very useful to him, enlisted his guard and kept
						adding to it till it amounted to 6000 men. They were not common soldiers. He
						thought that he should easily get the latter for his service otherwise.
						These were composed wholly of centurions, as being fit for command, and of
						long experience in war, and his own acquaintances through service under
						Cæsar. He appointed tribunes over them, chosen from their own
						number and adorned with military decoration, and these he held in honor and
						made sharers of his public councils. The Senate began to be suspicious of
						the number of his guards, and of his care in choosing them, and advised him
						to reduce them to a moderate number so as to avoid invidious remarks. He
						promised to do so as soon as the disorder among the plebeians should be
						quieted. It had been decreed that all the things done by Cæsar,
						and all that he intended to do, should be ratified. The memoranda of
						Cæsar's intentions were in Antony's possession, and
						Cæsar's secretary, Faberius, was obedient to him in every way
						since Cæsar himself, on the point of his departure, had placed all
						petitions of this kind in Antony's discretion. Antony made many additions in
						order to secure the favor of many persons. He made gifts to cities, to
						princes, and to his own guards, and although all were advised that these
						were Cæsar's memoranda, yet the recipients knew that the favor was
						due to Antony. In the same way he enrolled many new names in the list of
						senators and did many other things to please the Senate, in order that it
						might not bear him ill-will in reference to his guards.

While Antony was busy with these matters, Brutus and Cassius, seeing nobody
						among either the plebeians or the veterans inclined to be at peace with
						them, and considering that any other person might lay plots against them
						like that of Amatius, became distrustful of the fickleness of Antony, who
						now had an army under his command. Seeing that the republic was not
						confirmed by deeds, they suspected Antony for that reason also. They reposed
						most confidence in Decimus Brutus, who had three legions near by. They sent
						secretly to Trebonius in Asia and to Tillius in Bithynia, asking them to
						collect money quietly and to prepare an army. They were anxious to enter
						upon the government of the provinces assigned to them by Cæsar,
						but as the time for doing so had not yet come, they thought that it would be
						indecorous for them to leave their service as city prætors
						unfinished, and that they should incur the suspicion of an undue longing for
						power over the provinces. They preferred, nevertheless, to spend the
						remainder of their year as private citizens somewhere, as a matter of
						necessity, rather than serve as praetors in the city where they were not
						safe, and were not held in honor corresponding to the benefits they had
						conferred upon their country. Being in this state of mind, and the Senate
						holding the same opinion as themselves, the latter gave them charge of the
						supply of corn for the city from all parts of the world until the time
						should arrive for them to take command of their provinces. This was done in
						order that Brutus and Cassius might not at any time seem to have fled. So
						great was the anxiety and regard for them that the Senate cared for the
						other murderers chiefly on their account.

After Brutus and Cassius had left the city, Antony, being in possession of
						something like monarchical power, cast about for the government of a
						province and an army for himself. He desired that of Syria most of all, but
						he was not ignorant of the fact that he was under suspicion and that he
						would be more so if he should ask for it; for the Senate had secretly
						encouraged Dolabella, the other consul, to oppose Antony, as the former had
						always been at variance with the latter. Antony, knowing that this young
						Dolabella was himself ambitious, persuaded him to solicit the province of
						Syria and the army enlisted against the Parthians, in place of Cassius, and
						to ask it, not from the Senate, which had not the power to grant it, but
						from the people by a law. Dolabella was delighted, and immediately brought
						forward the law. The Senate accused him of nullifying the decrees of
						Cæsar. He replied that Cæsar had not assigned the war
						against the Parthians to anybody, and that Cassius, who had been assigned to
						the command of Syria, had himself been the first to alter the decrees of
						Cæsar by authorizing colonists to sell their allotments before the
						expiration of the legal period of twenty years. He said also that it would
						be an indignity to himself if he, being Dolabella, were not chosen for Syria instead of
						Cassius. The Senate then persuaded one of the tribunes, named Asprenas, to
						falsify the signs in the sky during the comitia, expecting that Antony, who was both consul and augur,
						and was supposed to be still at variance with Dolabella, would
						coöperate with him. But when the voting came on, and Asprenas said
						that the signs in the sky were unfavorable, as it was not his business to
						attend to this, 
							 THE YOUNG OCTAVIUS 
							 Vatican Museum (Duruy) 
						 
					 
					 Antony, angry at his lying, ordered that the tribes should go on with the
						voting on the subject of Dolabella.

Thus Dolabella became governor of Syria and general of the war against the
						Parthians and of the forces enlisted for that purpose by Cæsar,
						together with those that had gone in advance to Macedonia. Then it became
						known for the first time that Antony was coöperating with
						Dolabella. After this business had been transacted by the people, Antony
						solicited the province of Macedonia from the Senate, well knowing that after
						Syria had been given to Dolabella, they would be ashamed to deny Macedonia
						to himself, especially as it was a province without an army. They gave it to
						him unwillingly, at the same time wondering why Antony should let Dolabella
						have the army, but glad nevertheless that the latter had it rather than the
						former. They themselves took the opportunity to ask of Antony other
						provinces for Brutus and Cassius. They assigned to them Cyrenaica and Crete;
						or, as some say, both of these to Cassius and Bithynia to Brutus. Such was
						the state of affairs at Rome.

Octavius, the son of the daughter of Cæsar's sister, had been
						appointed master of Cæsar's horse for one year, for
						Cæsar at times made this a yearly office, passing it around among
						his friends. Being still a young man, he had been sent by Cæsar to
						Apollonia on the Adriatic to be educated and trained in the art of war, so
						that he might accompany Cæsar on his expeditions. Troops of horse
						from Macedonia were sent to him by turns for the purpose of drill, and
						certain army officers visited him frequently as a relative of
						Cæsar. As he received all with kindness, an acquaintance and good
						feeling grew up by means of them between himself and the army. At the end of
						a six months' sojourn in Apollonia, it was announced to him one evening that
						Cæsar had been killed in the senate-house by those who were
						dearest to him, and were then the most powerful ones under him. As the rest
						of the story was untold he was overcome by fear, not knowing whether the
						deed had been committed by the Senate as a whole or was confined to the
						immediate actors; nor whether they had already been punished by the people,
						or would be, or
						whether the people were pleased with what had been done.

Thereupon his Roman friends advised him to take refuge with the army in
						Macedonia to insure his personal safety, and that when he should learn that
						the murder was only a private transaction he should take courage and avenge
						Cæsar of his enemies; and there were high officers who promised to
						protect him if he would come. But his mother and his stepfather, Philippus,
						wrote to him from Rome not to be too confident and not to attempt anything
						rash, but to bear in mind what Cæsar, after conquering every
						enemy, had suffered at the hands of his closest friends; that it would be
						safer under present circumstances to choose a private life and hasten to
						them at Rome, but with caution. Octavius yielded to them because he did not
						know what had happened after Cæsar's death. He took leave of the
						army officers and crossed the Adriatic, not to Brundusium (for as he had
						made no test of the army at that place he avoided all risk), but to another
						town not far from it and out of the direct route, named Lupiæ.
						There he took lodgings and remained for a while.

When more accurate information about the murder and the public grief had
						reached him, together with copies of Cæsar's will and the decrees
						of the Senate, his relatives still cautioned him to beware of the enemies of
						Cæsar, as he was the latter's adopted son and heir. They even
						advised him to renounce the adoption, together with the inheritance. But he
						thought that to do so, and not to avenge Cæsar, would be
						disgraceful. So he went to Brundusium, first sending in advance to see that
						none of the murderers had laid any trap for him. When the army there
						advanced to meet him, and received him as Cæsar's son, he took
						courage, offered sacrifice, and immediately assumed the name of
						Cæsar; for it is customary among the Romans for the adopted son to
						take the name of the adoptive father. He not only assumed it, but he changed
						his own name and his patronymic completely, calling himself Cæsar
						the son of Cæsar, instead of Octavius the son of Octavius, and he
						continued to do so ever after. Directly multitudes of men from all sides
						flocked to him as Cæsar's son, some from friendship to
						Cæsar, others his freedmen and slaves, and with them other
						soldiers, who were either engaged in conveying supplies and money to the
						army in Macedonia, or bringing other money and tribute from other countries
						to Brundusium.

Encouraged by the numbers who were joining him, and by the glory of
						Cæsar, and by the good-will of all toward himself, he journeyed to
						Rome with a notable crowd which, like a torrent, grew larger and larger each
						day. Although he was safe from any open attacks by reason of the multitude
						surrounding him, he was all the more on his guard against secret ones,
						because almost all of those accompanying him were new acquaintances. Some of
						the towns were not altogether favorable to him, but Cæsar's
						veterans, who had been distributed in colonies, flocked from their
						settlements to greet the young man. They bewailed Cæsar, and
						cursed Antony for not proceeding against the monstrous crime, and said that
						they would avenge it if anybody would lead them. Octavius praised them, but
						postponed the matter for the present and sent them away. When he had arrived
						at Tarracina, about 400 stades from Rome, he received news that Cassius and
						Brutus had been deprived of Syria and Macedonia by the consuls, and had
						received the smaller provinces of Cyrenaica and Crete by way of
						compensation; that certain exiles had returned; that Sextus Pompey had been
						recalled; that some new members had been added to the Senate in accordance
						with Cæsar's memoranda, and that many other things were
							happening.

When he arrived at the city his mother and Philippus and the others who were
						interested in him were anxious about the estrangement of the Senate from
						Cæsar, and the decree that his murderers should not be punished,
						and the contempt shown him by Antony, who was then all-powerful, and had
						neither gone to meet Cæsar's son when he was coming nor sent
						anybody to him. Octavius quieted their fears, saying that he would call on
						Antony, as the younger man on the older and the private citizen on the
						consul, and that he would show proper respect for the Senate. As for the
						decree, he said that it had been passed because nobody had prosecuted the
						murderers; whenever anybody should have courage to prosecute, the people and
						the Senate would lend their aid to him as one enforcing the law, the gods
						would do so for the justice of his cause, and perhaps Antony himself would
						help. If he (Octavius) should reject the inheritance and the adoption, he
						would be false to Cæsar and would wrong the people who had a share
						in the will. As he was finishing his remarks he burst out that he ought not
						only to incur danger, but even to die, after he had been preferred before
						all others in this way by Cæsar, if he would show himself worthy
						of one who had himself braved every danger. Then turning to his mother, he
						repeated the words of Achilles to Thetis, which were then fresh in his mind:
						-- "Then quickly let me die since fate denied That I should aid my
							friend against the foes That slew him." 
					 Iliad, xviii. 98, Bryant's translation. 
					 After saying this he added that these words of Achilles, and especially the
						deed that followed, had of all things given him immortal renown; and he
						invoked Cæsar not as a friend, but a father; not as a
						fellow-soldier, but a commander-in-chief; not as one who had fallen by the
						law of war, but as the victim of sacrilegious murder in the senate-house.

Thereupon his mother's anxiety was changed to joy, and she embraced him as
						the only one worthy of Cæsar. She checked his speaking and urged
						him to prosecute his designs with the favor of fortune. She advised him,
						however, to use art and patience rather than open boldness. Octavius
						approved of this policy and promised to adopt it in action, and forthwith
						sent around to his friends the same evening, asking them to come to the
						forum early in the morning and bring a crowd with them. There presenting
						himself to Gaius Antonius, the brother of Antony, who was the city
						prætor, he said that he accepted the adoption of Cæsar;
						for it is a Roman custom that adoptions are confirmed by witnesses before
						the prætors. When the public scribes had taken down his
						declaration, Octavius went from the forum straightway to Antony. The latter
						was in the gardens that Cæsar had given to him, that had formerly
						been Pompey's. As Octavius was kept waiting at the vestibule for some time,
						he interpreted the fact as a sign of Antony's displeasure. When he was
						admitted there were greetings and mutual questionings proper to the
						occasion. When the time came to speak of the business in hand, Octavius
						said: --

"Father Antony (for the benefits that Cæsar conferred upon you and
						your gratitude toward him warrant me in giving you that title), for some of
						the things that you have done since his death I praise you and owe you
						thanks; for others I blame you. I shall speak freely of what my sorrow
						prompts me to speak. When Cæsar was killed you were not present,
						as the murderers detained you at the door; otherwise you would have saved
						him or incurred the danger of sharing the same fate with him. If the latter
						would have befallen you, then it is well that you were not present. When
						certain senators proposed rewards to the murderers as tyrannicides you
						strongly opposed them. For this I give you hearty thanks, although you knew
						that they intended to kill you also; not, as I think,
						because you were likely to avenge Cæsar, but, as they themselves
						say, lest you should be his successor in the tyranny. At the same time they
						made it clear that they were not tyrant-killers, but murderers, by taking refuge in the Capitol, either as
						guilty suppliants in a temple or as enemies in a fortress. How then could
						they have obtained amnesty and impunity for their crime unless some portion
						of the Senate and people had been corrupted by them? Yet you, as consul,
						ought to have seen what would be for the interest of the majority, 
						and if you had wished to avenge such a monstrous crime, or to reclaim the
						erring, your office would have enabled you to do either. But you sent
						hostages from your own family to the murderers at the Capitol for their
						security. Let us suppose that those who had been corrupted forced you to do
						this also, yet when Cæsar's will had been read, and you had
						delivered your righteous funeral oration, and the people, in lively
						remembrance of Cæsar, had carried firebrands to the houses of the
						murderers, but spared them for the sake of their neighbors, agreeing to come
						back armed the next day, why did you not coöperate with them and
						lead them with fire or arms? Or why did you not bring them to trial, if
						trial was necessary for men seen in the act of murder -- you,
						Cæsar's friend; you, the consul; you, Antony?

"The pseudo-Marius was put to death by your order in the plenitude of your
						authority, but you connived at the escape of the murderers, some of whom
						have passed on to the provinces which they nefariously hold as gifts at the
						hands of him whom they slew. These things were no sooner done than you and
						Dolabella, the consuls, proceeded, very properly, to strip them and possess
						yourselves of Syria and Macedonia. I should have owed you thanks for this
						also, had you not immediately voted them Cyrenaica ana Crete; had you not
						preferred these fugitives for governorships, where they can always defend
						themselves against me, and had you not tolerated Decimus Brutus in the
						command of Hither Gaul, although he, like the rest, was one of my father's
						slayers. It may be said that these were decrees of the Senate. But you put
						the vote and you presided over the Senate -- you who ought most of all to
						have opposed them on your own account. To grant amnesty to the murderers was
						merely to insure their personal safety as a matter of favor, but to vote
						them provinces and rewards forthwith was to insult Cæsar and annul
						your own opinion. Grief has compelled me to speak these words, against the
						rules of decorum perhaps, considering my youth and the respect I owe you.
						They have been spoken, however, to the firmest friend of Cæsar, to
						one who was invested by him with the greatest honor and power, and who would
						have been adopted by him no doubt if he had known that you would accept
						kinship with the family of Æneas in exchange for that of Hercules;
						for this created doubt in his mind when he was thinking strongly of
						designating you as his successor.

"For the future, Antony, I conjure you by the gods who preside over
						friendship, and by Cæsar himself, to change somewhat the measures
						that have been adopted, for you can change them if you wish to; if not, that
						you will hereafter aid and cooperate with me in punishing the murderers,
						with the help of the people and of those who are still my father's faithful
						friends. If you still have regard for the conspirators and the Senate, do
						not be hard on us. So much for that. You know about my private affairs and
						the expense I must incur for the legacy which my father directed to be given
						to the people, and the haste involved in it lest I may seem churlish by
						reason of delay, and lest those who have been assigned to colonies be
						compelled to remain in the city and waste their time on my account. Of
						Cæsar's movables, that were brought immediately after the murder
						from his house to yours as a safer place, I beg you to take keepsakes and
						anything else by way of ornament and whatever you like to retain from us.
						But in order that I may pay the legacy to the people, please give me the
						gold coin that Cæsar had collected for his intended wars. That
						will suffice for the distribution to 300,000 men now. For the rest of my
						expenses I may perhaps borrow from you, if I may be so bold, or from the
						public treasury on your security, if you will give it, and I will offer my
						own property for sale at once."

While Octavius was speaking in this fashion Antony was astonished at his
						freedom of speech and his boldness, which seemed much beyond the bounds of
						propriety and of his years. He was offended by the words because they were
						wanting in the respect due to him, and still more by the demand for money,
						and, accordingly, he replied in the severe terms following: "Young man, if
						Cæsar left you the government, together with the inheritance and
						his name, it is proper for you to ask and for me to give the reasons for my
						public acts. But if the Roman people never surrendered the government to
						anybody to dispose of in succession, not even when they had kings, whom they
						expelled and swore never to have any more (this was the very charge that the
						murderers brought against your father, saying that they killed him because
						he was no longer leading but reigning), then there is no need of my
						answering you as to my public acts. For the same reason I release you from
						any indebtedness to me in the way of gratitude for those acts. They were
						performed not as a favor to you, but to the people, except in one
						particular, which was of the greatest importance to Cæsar and to
						yourself. For if, to secure my own safety and to shield myself from enmity,
						I had allowed honors to be voted to the murderers as tyrannicides,
						Cæsar would have been declared a tyrant, to whom neither glory,
						nor any kind of honor, nor confirmation of his acts would have been
						possible; who could make no valid will, have no son, nor any burial of his
						body, even as a private citizen. The laws provide that the bodies of tyrants
						shall be cast out unburied, their memory stigmatized, and their property
						confiscated.

"Apprehending all of these consequences, I entered the lists for
						Cæsar, for his immortal honor, and his public funeral, not without
						danger, not without incurring hatred to myself, contending against
						hot-headed, blood-thirsty men, who, as you know, had already conspired to
						kill me; and against the Senate, which was displeased with your father on
						account of his usurped authority. But I willingly chose to incur these
						dangers and to suffer anything rather than allow Cæsar to remain
						unburied and dishonored -- the most valiant man of his time, the most
						fortunate in every respect, and the one to whom the highest honors were due
						from me. It is by reason of the dangers I incurred that you enjoy your
						present distinction as the successor of Cæsar, his family, his
						name, his dignity, his wealth. It was more becoming in you to testify your
						gratitude to me for these things than to reproach me for concessions made to
						soothe the Senate, or in compensation for what I demanded of it, or in
						pursuance of other needs or reasons -- you a younger man addressing an older
						one. But enough of that. You hint that I am ambitious of the leadership. I
						am not ambitious of it, although I do not consider myself unworthy of it.
						You think that I am distressed because I was not mentioned in
						Cæsar's will, though you agree with me that the family of the
						Heraclidæ is enough to content one.

"As to your pecuniary needs and your wishing to borrow from the public funds,
						I should think you must be joking, unless we might believe that you are
						still ignorant of the fact that the public treasury was left empty by your
						father. After he assumed the government the public revenues were brought to
						him instead of to the treasury, and they will presently be found among
						Cæsar's assets when we vote an investigation into these matters.
						This will not be unjust to Cæsar now that he is dead, nor would he
						say that it was unjust if he were living and were asked for the accounts.
						And as there will be many private persons to dispute with you concerning
						single pieces of property, you may assume that this portion will not be
						uncontested. The money transferred to my house was not so large a sum as you
						conjecture, nor is any part of it in my custody now. The men in power and
						authority, except Dolabella and my brothers, divided up the whole of it
						straightway as the property of a tyrant, but were brought around by me to
						support the decrees in favor of Cæsar, and you, if you
						are wise, when you get possession of the remainder, will distribute it among
						those who are disaffected toward you rather than among the people. The
						former, if they are in harmony with you, 
						will send the people, who are to be colonized, away to their settlements.
						The people, however, as you ought to have learned from the Greek studies you
						have been lately pursuing, are as unstable as the waves of the sea, now
						advancing, now retreating. In like manner, among us also, the people are
						forever exalting their favorites, and casting them down again."

Feeling outraged by the many insulting things said by Antony, Octavius went
						away, invoking his father repeatedly by name, and offered for sale all the
						property which had come to him by the inheritance, at the same time
						exhorting the people to stand by him. While this hasty action made manifest
						Antony's enmity toward him, and the Senate voted an immediate investigation
						of the public accounts, most of them grew apprehensive of the young
							Cæsar' on account of
						the favor in which his father was held by the soldiers and the plebeians,
						and on account of his own present popularity based on the expected
						distribution of the money, and by reason of the wealth which had fallen to
						him in such vast measure that in the opinion of many he would not restrict
						himself to the rank of a private citizen. But they were most apprehensive of
						Antony, lest he should bring the young Cæsar, distinguished and
						rich as he was, under his own control, and grasp the sovereignty held by the
						elder Cæsar. Others were delighted with the present state of
						affairs, believing that the two men would come in conflict with each other;
						and that the investigation concerning the public money would presently put
						an end to the wealth of Octavius, and that the treasury would be filled
						thereby because much of the public property would be found in
						Cæsar's estate.

In the meantime many persons brought lawsuits against Octavius for the
						recovery of landed property, some making one claim and some another,
						differing in other respects, but for the most part having this in common,
						that it had been confiscated from persons who had been banished or put to
						death by the proscription. These suits were brought before Antonius himself
						or the other consul, Dolabella. If any were brought before other
						magistrates, Octavius was worsted through Antony's influence, although he
						showed by the public records that the purchases had been made by his
							father, and that the last
						decree of the Senate had confirmed all of Cæsar's acts. Great
						wrongs were done him in these judgments, and the losses in consequence
						thereof were going on without end, until Pedius and Pinarius, who had a
						certain portion of the inheritance under Cæsar's will, complained
						to Antony, both for themselves and for Octavius, that they were suffering
						injustice in violation of the Senate's decree. They thought that he ought to
						annul only the things done in derogation of Cæsar, and to ratify
						all that had been done by him. Antony acknowledged that his course was
						perhaps somewhat contrary to the agreements voted. The decrees also, he
						said, had been recorded in a sense different from the understanding at the
						time. While hastily passing a mere decree of amnesty, it had been registered
						that whatever had been previously determined on should stand unrepealed, not
						for its own sake, not because it was satisfactory in all respects, but
						rather to promote good order and to quiet the people, who had been thrown
						into tumult by these events. It would be more just, he added, to observe the
						spirit than the letter of the decree, and not to make an unseemly opposition
						to so many men who had lost their own and their ancestors' property in the
						civil convulsions, and to do this in favor of a young man who had received
						an amount of other people's wealth disproportionate to a private station and
						beyond his hopes, and who was not making good use of his fortune, but
						employing it in the rashest adventures. He would take care of them (Pedius
						and Pinarius) after their portion should have been separated from that of
						Octavius. This was the answer made by Antony to Pedius and Pinarius. So they
						took their portion immediately, in order not to lose their own share by the
						lawsuits, and they did this not so much on their own account as on that of
						Octavius, for they were going to bestow the whole of it upon him soon
						afterward.

The games were now approaching, which Gaius Antonius, the brother of Antony,
						was about to give in behalf of Brutus, the prætor, as he attended
						also to the other duties of the prætorship which devolved on him
						in the latter's absence. Lavish expense was incurred in the preparations for
						them, in the hope that the people, gratified by the spectacle, would recall
						Brutus and Cassius. Octavius, on the other hand, intrigued against this
						scheme, distributing the money derived from the sale of his property among
						the head men of the tribes by turns, to be divided by them among the first
						comers. He went around to the places where his property was on sale and
						ordered the auctioneers to announce the lowest possible price for
						everything, both on account of the uncertainty and danger of the lawsuits
						still pending, and on account of his own zeal for the people, 
						all of which brought him both popularity and sympathy as one undeserving of
						such treatment. When, in addition to what he had received as
						Cæsar's heir, he offered for sale his own property derived from
						his father Octavius, and whatever he had from other sources, and all that
						belonged to his mother and to Philippus, and the shares of Pedius and
						Pinarius which he begged from them, in order to make the distribution to the
						people (because in consequence of the litigation Cæsar's property
						was not sufficient even for this purpose), then the people considered it no
						longer the gift of the elder Cæsar, but of the younger one, and
						they commiserated him deeply and praised him both
						for what he endured and for what he aspired to be. It was evident that they
						would not long tolerate the wrong that Antony was doing him.

They showed their feelings clearly while Brutus' games were in progress,
						lavish as these were. Although a certain number, who had been hired for the
						purpose, shouted that Brutus and Cassius should be recalled, and the rest of
						the spectators were thus wrought up to a feeling of pity for them, crowds
						ran in and stopped the games until the demand for their recall ceased. When
						Brutus and Cassius learned that Octavius had frustrated what they had hoped
						to obtain from the games, they decided to go to Syria and Macedonia, which
						had been theirs before these provinces were voted to Dolabella and Antony,
						and to seize them by force. When their intentions became known, Dolabella
						hastened to Syria, taking the province of Asia in his way in order to
						collect money there. Antony, thinking that he should soon need troops for
						his own purposes, conceived the idea of transferring to himself the army in
						Macedonia, which was composed of the very best material and was of large
						size (it consisted of six legions, besides a great number of archers and
						light-armed troops, much cavalry, and a corresponding amount of apparatus of
						all kinds), although it properly belonged to Dolabella, who had been
						intrusted with Syria and the war against the Parthians, because
						Cæsar was about to use these forces against the Parthians. Antony
						wanted it especially because it was close at hand, and, by crossing the
						Adriatic, could be thrown at once into Italy.

Presently a rumor was noised about that the Getæ, learning of
						Cæsar's death, had made an incursion into Macedonia and were
						ravaging it. Antony asked the Senate to give him an army in order to punish
						them, saying that this army had been prepared by Cæsar to be used
						against the Getæ before marching against the Parthians, and that
						everything was now quiet on the Parthian frontier. The Senate distrusted the
						rumor, and sent messengers to make inquiry. Antony, in order to dissipate
						their fear and suspicion, proposed a decree that it should not be lawful for
						anybody, for any cause whatever, to vote for a dictatorship, or to accept it
						if offered. If anybody should disregard any of these provisions, he might be
						killed with impunity by anybody who should meet him. Having deceived the Senate chiefly
						by this means, and having agreed with the friends of Dolabella to give him
						one legion, he was chosen absolute commander of the forces in Macedonia.
						Having obtained what he desired, he sent his brother Gaius with haste to
						communicate the decree of the Senate to the army. Those who had been sent to
						inquire into the rumor came back and reported that they had seen no
						Getæ in Macedonia, but they added, either truthfully, or because
						they were instructed to do so by Antony, that it was feared that they would
						make an incursion into Macedonia if the army were withdrawn.

While these things were taking place at Rome, Cassius and Brutus were
						collecting troops and money, and Trebonius, who was governor of the province
						of Asia, was fortifying his towns for them. When Dolabella arrived,
						Trebonius would not admit him to Pergamus or Smyrna, but allowed him, as
						consul, to occupy a market-place outside the walls. When the latter attacked
						the walls with fury, but accomplished nothing, Trebonius said that he would
						be admitted to Ephesus. Dolabella started for Ephesus forthwith, and
						Trebonius sent a force to follow him at a certain distance. While these were
						observing Dolabella's march, they were overtaken by night, and, having no
						farther suspicions, returned to Smyrna, leaving a few of their number to
						follow him. Dolabella laid an ambush for this small number, captured and
						killed them, and went back the same night to Smyrna. Finding it unguarded,
						he took it by escalade. Trebonius, who was captured in bed, told his captors
						to lead the way to Dolabella, saying that he was willing to follow them. One
						of the centurions answered him facetiously, "Go where you please, but you
						must leave your head behind, for we are ordered to bring your head, not
						yourself." With these words the centurion immediately cut off his head, and
						early in the morning Dolabella ordered it to be displayed on the
						prætor's chair where Trebonius was accustomed to transact public
						business. Since Trebonius had participated in the murder of Cæsar
						by detaining Antony in conversation at the door of the senate-house while
						the others killed him, the soldiers and camp-followers fell upon the rest of
						his body with fury and treated it with every kind of indignity. They rolled
						his head from one to another in sport along the city pavements like a ball
						till it was completely crushed. This was the first of the murderers who was
						visited with such punishment.

Antony conceived the idea of bringing his army from Macedonia to Italy; and
						being in want of any other pretext for this step he asked the Senate to let
						him exchange the province of Macedonia for that of Cisalpine Gaul, which was
						under the command of Decimus Brutus Albinus. He remembered that
						Cæsar had marched from the latter province when he overthrew
						Pompey and he thought that he should appear to be transferring his army to
						Gaul and not to Italy. The Senate, which looked upon Cisalpine Gaul as its
						own fortress, was angry, and now for the first time perceived the stratagem
						and repented having given him Macedonia. The principal members sent word
						privately to Decimus to keep a strong hold on his province, and to raise
						additional troops and money lest he should be overpowered by Antony, so much
						did they fear and hate the latter. Antony then bethought him to ask the
						people, instead of the Senate, for this province by a law, in the same
						manner that Cæsar had obtained it at a former time and Dolabella
						had recently obtained Syria. In order to intimidate the Senate he ordered
						his brother, Gaius, to bring his army across the Adriatic to Brundusium; and
						the latter proceeded to do as he was directed.

This was the time for the games that the ædile Critonius was about
						to exhibit, and Octavius made preparations to display his father's gilded
						throne and crown, which the Senate had voted should be placed in front for
						him at all games. When Critonius said that he could not allow
						Cæsar to be honored in this way at games given at his expense,
						Octavius brought him before Antony as consul. Antony said he would refer the
						matter to the Senate. Octavius was vexed and said, "Refer it; I will place
						the throne there as long as the decree is in force." Antony was angry and
						prohibited it. He prohibited it still more unreasonably in the next games
						given by Octavius himself, which had been instituted by his father in honor
						of Venus Genetrix when he dedicated a temple to her in a forum, together
						with the forum itself. It was evident that universal hatred of Antony had
						already grown out of this affair, since he seemed to be moved not so much by
						a feeling of rivalry toward the younger Cæsar as by an ungrateful
						purpose to insult the memory of the elder one. Octavius himself, with a
						crowd of people like a body-guard, moved about among the plebeians and those
						who had received benefits from his father, or had served under him in war,
						stirring their anger and beseeching them not to despise him, the victim of
						so many and so great outrages, nor willingly desert him, but to defend
						Cæsar, their commander and benefactor, dishonored by Antony; to
						defend him for their own sakes, because they would never be secure in what
						they had received from Cæsar unless the decrees passed in his
						honor should remain in full force. He exclaimed against Antony everywhere
						throughout the city, and especially from the high places that he came to,
						saying, " O Antony, do not be angry with Cæsar on my account. Do
						not insult one who has been the greatest benefactor to you. Heap indignities
						on me to your heart's content. Cease plundering his property until the
						legacy to the citizens is paid; then take all the rest. However poor I may
						be, my father's glory, if that remains, and the distribution to the people,
						if you will allow it to be made, will be all-sufficient for me."

Henceforth there were open and repeated outcries against Antony on all sides.
						The latter indulged in severer threats against Octavius, and when they
						became known the people were still more incensed against him. The tribunes
						of Antony's guard, who had served under the elder Cæsar, and who
						were then in the highest favor with Antony, urged him to refrain from
						insult, both on their account and on his own, as he had served under
						Cæsar and had obtained his present good fortune at
						Cæsar's hands. Antony, recognizing the truth of these words, and
						feeling a sense of shame before those who uttered them and needing some help
						from Octavius himself, with the people, to procure the exchange of
						provinces, agreed with what they said and swore that what he had done had
						been quite contrary to his intention, but that he had been compelled to
						change his purpose because the young man was inordinately puffed up, being
						still a youth and showing no respect for his elders and no honor for those
						in authority. Although for his own benefit the young man still needed
						reproof, yet in deference to their remonstrances he would restrain his anger
						and return to his former disposition and intention if Octavius, also, would
						curb his presumption.

The tribunes were delighted with this reply and they brought Antony and
						Octavius together, who, after some mutual chiding, formed an alliance. The
						law concerning Cisalpine Gaul was proposed at once to the great dismay of
						the senators. They intended, if Antony should first bring the law before
						them, to reject it, and if he should bring it before the popular assembly
						without consulting them, to have the tribunes of the people veto it. There
						were some who advised that this province be made free altogether, so much
						was it dreaded on account of its nearness. Antony, on the other hand,
						accused them of intrusting it to Decimus because he had been one of
						Cæsar's murderers and of having no confidence in himself because
						he had not joined in killing the man who had subdued the province and
						brought it to its knees -- throwing out these insinuations openly against all of
						his opponents, as persons who rejoiced over the assassination. When the day
						for the comitia came the Senate desired that the votes should be taken by
						centuries, but the Antonians, who had enclosed the forum with a rope during
						the night, demanded that the votes be taken by tribes according to a plan
						they had agreed upon. 
						Although the plebeians were incensed against Antony they nevertheless
						coöperated with him for the sake of Octavius, who stood alongside
						the rope and begged them to do so. He did this in order that Decimus, who
						had been one of his father's murderers, might not have the government of a
						province so convenient, and of the army belonging to it, and, moreover, to
						gratify Antony, who was now in league with him. He expected also to get some
						assistance from Antony in return. The tribunes had been corrupted with money
						by Antony and remained silent. So the law was passed and Antony now with
						plausible reason brought his army across the Adriatic.

One of the tribunes of the people having died Octavius favored the election
						of Flaminius as his successor. The people thought that he was ambitious of
						this office for himself, but that he refrained from being a candidate
						because he was under age, and, accordingly, they proposed to cast their
						votes for him for tribune. The Senate begrudged him this increase of power,
						fearing lest, as tribune, he should bring the murderers of his father before
						the popular assembly for trial. Antony, in disregard of his recent alliance
						with Octavius, either to curry favor with the Senate, or to appease its
						dissatisfaction with the law respecting Cisalpine Gaul, or for private
						reasons, gave public notice, as consul, that Octavius should not solicit
						votes contrary to law; and that if he should do so he (Antony) would use
						every means in his power against him. As this edict was an act of
						ingratitude toward Octavius, and was insulting both to him and to the
						people, the latter were extremely angry and took steps to defeat Antony's
						wishes in the election, so that he became alarmed and annulled the comitia,
						saying that the remaining number of tribunes was sufficient. Octavius, thus
						at last openly attacked, sent numerous agents to the towns colonized by his
						father to tell how he had been treated and to learn the state of feeling in
						each. He also sent certain persons in the guise of traders into Antony's
						camp to mingle with the soldiers, to work upon the boldest of them, and
						secretly distribute handbills among the rank and file.

While Octavius was doing this the military tribunes again sought an audience
						with Antony and addressed him thus: We, O Antony, and the others who served
						with you under Cæsar, established his rule and continued to
						maintain it from day to day as its faithful supporters. We know how his
						murderers hate and conspire against us and how the Senate favors them. But
						after the people drove them out we took fresh courage seeing that
						Cæsar's acts were not altogether without friends, were not
						forgotten, were not unappreciated. For our future security we put our trust
						in you, the friend of Cæsar, after him the most experienced of all
						as a commander, our present leader, and the one most fit to be such. Our
						enemies are starting up afresh. They have boldly seized Syria and
							Macedonia and are raising
						money and troops against us. The Senate is stirring up Decimus Brutus
						against you. Yet you are wasting your powers of mind in a disagreement with
						the young Cæsar. We naturally fear lest there be added to the war,
						which has not yet broken out but is imminent, dissensions among you, which
						shall accomplish all that our enemies desire against us. We beseech you to
						consider these things for the sake of piety toward Cæsar and care
						for us, who have never given you cause for complaint, and for your own
						interest even more than ours. Help Octavius as much as you can, or at all
						events as much as may be needful, to punish the murderers. Then you will
						enjoy your power without anxiety and will provide security for us, who are
						now apprehensive both for ourselves and for you."

To the tribunes who had thus spoken Antony made the following reply: "What
						friendship and zeal I had for Cæsar while he lived, what dangers I
						braved in his service, you, who have been my fellow-soldiers and the sharers
						in those events, know full well. What favors he showed me, what honors he
						continually bestowed upon me, it does not become me to say. The murderers,
						too, were acquainted with these facts. They conspired to kill me with
						Cæsar because they knew that if I were living they could not
						compass their designs. Whoever dissuaded them from that purpose did so not
						from regard for my safety, but to preserve the appearance of tyrannicide, so
						that they might not seem to be killing a number of persons as enemies, but
						only one as a despot. Who, then, will believe that I have no care for
						Cæsar, who was my benefactor, that I prefer his enemies, and that
						I willingly condone his murder at the hands of those who conspired against
						me also, as the young Cæsar imagines? Whence came their amnesty,
						whence their preferment? For he wishes to charge these things upon me
						instead of the Senate. Learn from me how they came about.

" When Cæsar was suddenly slain in the senate-house fear fell upon
						me most of all by reason of my friendship for him and my ignorance of the
						facts, as I knew not the particulars of the conspiracy nor against whom it
						was designed. The people were terror-stricken. The murderers with their
						gladiators took possession of the Capitol and shut themselves up in it. The
						Senate was on their side, just as it now is more openly, and was about to
						vote rewards to them as tyrannicides. If Cæsar were declared a
						tyrant then might we all have perished as the friends of a tyrant. In the
						midst of such confusion, anxiety, and fear, when it would not have been
						surprising if I had been at a loss what to do, you will find, if you
						examine, that where courage was needed I was boldest and where artifice was
						required I was most crafty. The first thing to be done, because it embraced
						everything else, was to prevent the voting of rewards to the conspirators.
						This I accomplished against the strong opposition of the Senate and of the
						murderers, with unfailing courage and in the face of danger, because I then
						believed that we of Cæsar's party could be safe only in case
						Cæsar were not declared a tyrant. But when I saw our enemies, and
						the Senate itself, plunged in the same fear (lest, if Cæsar were
						not decreed a tyrant, they themselves should be convicted of murder), and
						making their fight, for this reason, I yielded and granted amnesty instead
						of rewards to the murderers, in order to gain what I wanted in exchange.
						What did I want and how important was it? That Cæsar's name should
						not be blotted out was the dearest wish of all to me, that his property
						should not be confiscated, that the adoption on which this young man prides
						himself should not be annulled, that the will should not be declared
						invalid, that his body should have a royal funeral, that the immortal honors
						previously decreed to him should be fulfilled, that all his acts should be
						confirmed, and that his son, and we his friends, both generals and soldiers,
						should remain in perfect safety and enjoy a life of honor instead of
						ignominy.

" Think you that I asked few or small things from the Senate in exchange for
						the amnesty, or that the Senate would have made these concessions without
						the amnesty? If this exchange had been made in all sincerity it would have
						been a fair bargain to actually spare the murderers for the sake of
						Cæsar's immortal glory and our complete security, but in fact I
						did it not with that intention, but in order to gain time. Accordingly, as soon as I had obtained what I wanted
						from the Senate, and the murderers were freed from anxiety, I took fresh
						courage and undermined the amnesty, not by votes, not by decrees (for that
						was impossible), but by working on the people imperceptibly. I brought
						Cæsar's body into the forum under pretence of burial, I laid bare
						his wounds, I showed the number of them and his clothing all bloody and
						slashed by the knives. In public speech I dwelt on his bravery and his
						services to the common people in pathetic terms, weeping for him as slain
						and invoking him as a god. These acts and words of mine stirred up the
						people, kindled a fire in spite of the amnesty, sent them against the houses
						of our enemies, and drove the murderers from the city. How much the Senate
						was thwarted and grieved by this was presently shown when they blamed me for
						exciting the people and sent the murderers away to take command of
						provinces, Brutus and Cassius to Syria and Macedonia, which were provided
						with great armies, telling them to hasten before the appointed time, under
						pretence of looking after the corn supply. And now another and still greater fear took possession of
						me (as I had no military force of my own anywhere), lest we should be
						exposed without arms to the assaults of so many armed men. I suspected my
						colleague also because he was always at variance with me. He had pretended
						to be in the conspiracy against Cæsar and he had proposed that the
						day of the murder should be celebrated as the birthday of the republic.

" While I was at a loss what to do, desiring to disarm our enemies and to arm
						ourselves instead, I put Amatius to death and recalled Sextus Pompeius in
						order to entrap the Senate again and bring it over to my side. But as even
						then I had no confidence in it I persuaded Dolabella to ask for the province
						of Syria, not from the Senate, but from the people by a law, and I favored
						his petition so that he should become an enemy instead of a friend of the
						murderers, and so that the senators should be ashamed to refuse me Macedonia
						afterwards. Still, the Senate would not have assigned Macedonia to me, even
						after Dolabella had been provided for, by reason of the army belonging to
						it, if I had not previously transferred the army to Dolabella, as the war
						against the Parthians fell to the lot of the one governing Syria. But they
						would not have taken Macedonia and Syria away from Brutus and Cassius unless
						other provinces had been obtained for them to ensure their safety. When it
						became necessary to make them a recompense, look at the quid pro
							quo that was given to them -- Cyrene and Crete, devoid of
						troops, provinces which even our enemies despise as not sufficient for their
						safety; and they are now trying to seize by force those that were taken from
						them. Thus in fact was the army transferred from our enemies to Dolabella by
						artifice, by stratagem, by exchange; for when there was no way to gain our
						end openly by arms we had necessarily to have recourse to the laws.

"After these events our enemies had raised another army and it became needful
						for me to have the one in Macedonia; but I was in want of a pretext. A rumor
						gained currency that the Getæ were ravaging Macedonia. This was
						disbelieved, and while messengers were sent to make inquiry I brought
						forward the decree about the dictatorship, providing that it should not be
						lawful to speak of it, to vote for it, or to accept it if offered. The
						senators were particularly taken with this proposal and they gave me the
						army. Then for the first time I considered myself on an equality with my
						enemies, not merely with the open ones [as Octavius thinks], but with the more numerous and powerful ones who still
						choose to remain secret. When I had accomplished these plans there remained
						one of the murderers on my flank, Decimus Brutus, who governed a
						conveniently placed province with a large army, whom I, knowing him to be
						bolder than the rest, have deprived of Cisalpine Gaul, by promising, in
						order to keep up appearances with the Senate, to give him in exchange
							Macedonia, when it has lost its
						army. The Senate was indignant, for it now perceived the stratagem, and you
						know what kind of letters, and how many, they are writing to Decimus, and
						how they are inciting my successors in the consulship. I decided to take a
						bolder course and ask the people for this province by a law, instead of
						asking the Senate, and I brought my army from Macedonia to Brundusium so
						that I might use it in emergencies. And, with the help of the gods, we will
						use it as may be needful.

"Thus have we changed from the great fear that formerly beset us to a state
						of entire safety for ourselves, where we can boldly face our foes. When
						these facts became known the multitude showed their zeal against our
						enemies. You see how the latter regret the decrees that have been passed and
						what a fight they are making to deprive me of the Gallic province which has
						already been given to me. You know what they have written to Decimus and how
						they are urging my successors in the consulship to get the law relating to
						this province changed. But with the help of our country's gods, and with
						pious intent, and by means of your valor, with which Cæsar also
						conquered, we will avenge him, devoting to that purpose our powers of body
						and of mind. 
						While these events were in progress, fellow-soldiers, I preferred that they
						should not be talked of; now that they are accomplished I have laid them
						before you, whom I shall make the sharers of my deeds and my counsels in
						every particular hereafter. Communicate to others, if there are any, who do
						not see them in the same light -- excepting only Octavius, who behaves
						ungratefully toward us."

These words of Antony convinced the tribunes that in all he had done he had
						been moved by bitter animosity toward the murderers and that he had been
						scheming against the Senate. Nevertheless they urged him to come to an
						agreement with Octavius; and as both yielded they formed a new alliance in
						the Capitol. Not long afterward Antony announced to his friends that some of
						his body-guard had been tampered with by Octavius, who had formed a plot
						against him. This he said either as a slander, or because he believed it to
						be true, or because he had heard of the emissaries of Octavius in his camp
						and thought they were actually plotting against his life. When this story
						was noised about there was a general tumult forthwith and great indignation,
						for there were few who had sufficient penetration to see that it was for the
						interest of Octavius that Antony, even though he were unjust to him, should
						live, because he (Antony) was a terror to the murderers. If he were dead
						they would quite fearlessly dare anything, especially as they had the
						support of the Senate. The more intelligent knew this, but the greater part,
						seeing what Octavius suffered daily from the indignities and the losses
						inflicted on him, considered the accusation not incredible, yet held it to
						be impious and intolerable that a conspiracy should be formed against
						Antony's life while he was consul. Octavius ran with mad fury to those who
						held this opinion of him, exclaiming that it was Antony that had conspired
						against him to alienate from him the friendship of the people, which was the
						only thing left to him. He ran to Antony's door and repeated the same
						things, calling the gods to witness, taking all kinds of oaths, and inviting
						Antony to a judicial investigation. As nobody came forward he said, "I will
						accept your friends as judges." With these words he attempted to enter the
						house. Being prevented from doing so he again cried out and railed at Antony
						and vented his wrath against the doorkeepers who restrained him from having
						a dispute with Antony. Then he went away and called the people to witness
						that if anything should happen to him his death would be due to Antony's
						plots. As these words were spoken with deep feeling the multitude underwent
						a change, and a kind of penitence took the place of their former opinion.
						There were some who still doubted, and hesitated to put faith in either of
						them. Some accused them both of making false pretences, believing that they
						had come to an agreement in the temple, and that these were plots devised
						against their enemies. Still others thought that this was a device of Antony
						to increase his body-guard. or to alienate the veterans from Octavius.

Presently news was brought to Octavius by his secret emissaries that the army
						at Brundusium and the colonized soldiers were incensed against Antony for
						neglecting to avenge the murder of Cæsar, and that they would
						assist him (Octavius) to do so if they could. For this reason Antony
						departed to Brundusium. As Octavius feared lest Antony, returning with the
						army, should catch him unprotected he went to Campania with money to enlist
						the veterans who had been colonized in those towns by his father. He first
						brought over those of Calatia and next those of Casilinum, two towns
						situated on either side of Capua, giving 500 drachmas to each man. He
						collected about 10,000 men, not fully armed and not mustered in regular
						cohorts, but serving merely as a body-guard under one banner The citizens of Rome
						were alarmed at the approach of Antony with an army, and when they learned
						that Octavius was advancing with another one some were doubly alarmed, while
						others were well pleased, believing that they could make use of Octavius
						against Antony. Still others, who had seen them reconciled to each other in
						the Capitol, considered these transactions a game of false pretences by
						which Antony was to have the supreme power and Octavius was to wreak
						vengeance on the murderers in return therefor.

In this time of consternation Canutius, a tribune of the people and enemy of
						Antony, and hence friendly to Octavius, went to meet the latter. Having
						learned his intentions Canutius addressed the people, saying that Octavius
						was advancing with real hostility to Antony and that those who were afraid
						that Antony was aiming at tyranny should side with Octavius as they had no
						other army at present. After speaking thus he brought in Octavius, who was
						encamped before the city at the temple of Mars, fifteen stades distant. When
						the latter arrived he proceeded to the temple of Castor and Pollux, which
						his soldiers surrounded carrying concealed daggers. Canutius addressed the
						people first, speaking against Antony. Octavius also reminded them of his
						father and of what he had himself suffered at the hands of Antony, on
						account of which he had enlisted this army as a guard for himself. He
						declared himself the obedient servant of his country in all things, and said
						that he was ready to confront Antony in the present emergency.

After he had thus spoken and the assembly had been dissolved, the soldiers,
						taking the opposite view (that they had come to support the alliance of
						Antony and Octavius or as a mere guard for the latter and to punish the
						murderers), were vexed at the declaration of war against Antony, who had
						been their general and was now consul. Some of them asked leave to return
						home in order to arm themselves, saying that they could not perform their
						duty with other arms than their own. Others spoke out the truth. As things
						had turned out contrary to his expectation, Octavius was at a loss what to
						do. Hoping, however, to retain them by persuasion rather than by force he
						yielded to their requests, and sent some of them to get their arms and
						others simply to their homes. Concealing his disappointment he praised all
						of the assembled multitude, gave them new presents, and said that he would
						reward them still more generously, for he made use of them for emergencies
						rather as the friends of his father than as soldiers. After he had spoken
						these words, from 10,000 he influenced 1000 only to remain with him, or
						perhaps 3000, for accounts differ as to the number. The rest then took their
						departure, but presently they remembered the toils of agriculture and the
						gains of military service, the words of Octavius, his compliance with their
						wishes, and the favors they had received and hoped still to receive from
						him. And so, like the fickle multitude, they repented, and seizing upon
						their former pretext for the sake of appearances, they armed themselves and
						went back to him. Octavius had already proceeded with new supplies of money
						to Ravenna and the neighboring parts, enlisting new forces continually and
						sending them all to Arretium.

In the meantime four of the five Macedonian legions had joined Antony at
						Brundusium. They blamed him because he had not proceeded against the
						murderers of Cæsar. They conducted him without applause to the
						platform, implying that they required explanations on this subject first.
						Antony was angry at their silence. He did not keep his temper, but charged
						them with ingratitude in that they had expressed no thanks for being
						transferred from the Parthian expedition to Italy. He blamed them because
						they had not arrested and delivered to him the emissaries of a rash boy (for
						so he called Octavius) who had been sent among them to stir up discord. But
						he would find them out, he said. He would lead the army to the province
						voted to him, the fair Gallic country, and would give 100 drachmas to each
						man present. They laughed at his parsimony, and when he became angry they
						broke out in tumult and went away. Antony rose and departed, saying, "You
						shall learn to obey orders." Then he required the military tribunes to bring
						before him the fomenters of the sedition (for it is customary in Roman
						armies to keep at all times a record of the character of each man). From
						these he chose by lot a certain number according to military law, and he put
						to death not every tenth man, but a smaller number, thinking to strike
						terror into the rest by means of the few. But the others were turned to rage
						and hatred instead of fear by this act.

In view of these facts the men whom Octavius had sent to tamper with the
						soldiers distributed the greatest possible number of handbills throughout
						the camp, reflecting on Antony's stinginess and cruelty, recalling the
						memory of the elder Cæsar and urging them to share the service of
						the younger one and his liberal gifts. Antony tried to find these emissaries
						by means of rewards to informers and threats against those who abetted them,
						but as he caught no one he became angry, believing that the soldiers
						concealed them. When the news came of what Octavius was doing among the
						colonized veterans and at Rome, he became alarmed, and going before the army
						again he said that he was sorry for what he had been compelled by military
						discipline to do to a few instead of the much larger number who were
						punishable by law, and that they must know very well that Antony was neither
						cruel nor stingy. Let us lay aside ill-will," he continued, "and rest
						satisfied with these faults and punishments. The 100 drachmas which I have
						ordered to be given you is not my donative, for that would be unworthy of
						the fortune of Antony, but rather the salutation of our first meeting than a
						full reward, but it is necessary to obey the laws of our country, and of the
						army, in this affair as in all others." When he had thus spoken he
						did not as yet add anything to the donative, that it might not seem that as
						general he had yielded anything to the army. Whether moved by penitence or
						by fear they took what was given them. Antony, being still angry at the
						outbreak, or from some other suspicion, changed their tribunes. The
						remainder he treated well because he had need of their services, and he sent
						them forward by detachments along the sea-coast toward Ariminum.

Antony chose from the whole number a prætorian cohort of the men
						who were best in body and character and marched to Rome, intending to push
						on thence toward Ariminum. He entered the city in a haughty manner leaving
						his squadron of horse encamped outside the walls. But the troops that
						accompanied him were girded as for war, and they mounted guard over his
						house at night under arms, and he gave them a countersign and relieved them
						regularly, just as in a camp. He convoked the Senate in order to make
						complaint of the acts of Octavius, and just as he was entering it he learned
						that the so-called Martian legion, one of the four on the road, had gone
						over to Octavius. While he was waiting at the entrance cogitating over this
						news it was announced to him that another legion, called the Fourth, had
						followed the example of the Martian and espoused the side of Octavius.
						Disconcerted as he was he entered the senate-house, pretending that he had
						convened them about other matters, said a few words, and immediately
						departed to the city gates, and thence to the town of Alba, in order to persuade the
						deserters to come back to him. They shot arrows at him from the walls, and
						he retreated. To the other legions he forwarded 500 drachmas per man. With
						the soldiers he had with him he marched to Tibur, taking the apparatus
						customary to those who are going to war; for war was now certain, since
						Decimus Brutus had refused to give up Cisalpine Gaul.

While Antony was at Tibur nearly all the Senate, and the greater part of the
						knights, and the most influential plebeians, came there to do him
							honor. These persons, arriving while he was swearing into
						his service the soldiers present and also the discharged veterans who had
						flocked in (of whom there was a goodly number), voluntarily joined in taking
						the oath that they would not fail in friendship and fidelity to Antony; so
						that one would have been at a loss to know who were the men who, a little
						before, had decried Antony at Octavius' public meeting. With this brilliant
						send-off Antony started for Ariminum, which lies on the border of Cisalpine
						Gaul. His army, exclusive of the new levies, consisted of three legions
						summoned from Macedonia (for the remainder had now arrived). There were also
						some discharged veterans, old men, who appeared nevertheless to be worth
						twice as much as the new levies. Thus Antony had four legions of
						well-disciplined troops, and the helpers who usually accompanied them,
						besides his body-guard and the new levies. Lepidus in Spain with four
						legions, Asinius Pollio with two, and Plancus in Transalpine Gaul with
						three, seemed likely to espouse the side of Antony.

Octavius had two legions equally efficient, which had deserted from Antony to
						him, also one legion of new levies and two of discharged veterans, not
						complete in numbers or in arms, but filled up with new recruits. He brought
						them all to Alba and there communicated with the Senate, which congratulated
						him in such a way that now one would have been at a loss to know who were
						those who had lately ranged themselves with Antony; but it regretted that
						the legions had not come over to the Senate itself instead of to him. It
						praised them and Octavius nevertheless, and said that it would vote them
						whatever was needful as soon as the new magistrates should enter upon their
						duties. It was plain that the Senate would use these forces against Antony;
						but having no army of its own anywhere, and being unable to levy one without
						consuls, it adjourned all business until the new consuls should come
							in.

The soldiers of Octavius furnished him lictors provided with fasces and urged
						him to assume the title of proprætor, carrying on war and leading
						themselves, since they were always marshalled under magistrates. He thanked
						them for the honor, but referred the matter to the Senate. When they wanted
						to go before the Senate en masse he prevented them and
						would not even allow them to send messengers, believing that the Senate
						would vote these things to him voluntarily; "and would do this all the
						more," he said, "if they know of your zeal and my hesitation." They were
						reconciled to this course with difficulty. The leading officers complained
						that he disdained them, and he explained to them that the Senate was moved
						not so much by good-will toward him as by fear of Antony and the want of an
						army; "and that will be the case," he continued, "until we humble Antony,
						and until the murderers, who are friends and relatives of the senators,
						collect a military force for them. Knowing these facts I falsely pretend to
						be serving them. Let us not be the first to expose this false pretence. If
						we usurp the office they will accuse us of arrogance and violence, whereas
						if we are modest they will probably give it of their own accord, fearing
						lest I accept it from you." After he had thus spoken he witnessed some
						military exercises of the two legions that had deserted from Antony, who
						ranged themselves opposite each other and gave a complete representation of
						a battle, except only the killing. Octavius was delighted with the spectacle
						and was pleased to make this a pretext for distributing 500 drachmas more to
						each man, and he promised that in case of war he would give them 5000
						drachmas each if they were victorious. Thus, by means of lavish gifts, did
						Octavius bind these mercenaries to himself. Such was the course of events in
						Italy.

In Cisalpine Gaul Antony ordered Decimus Brutus to withdraw to Macedonia in
						obedience to the decree of the Roman people, and for his own good. Decimus,
						in reply, sent him the letters that had been furnished him by the Senate, as
						much as to say that he cared no more for the command of the people than
						Antony did for that of the Senate. Antony then fixed a day for his
						compliance, after which he should treat him as an enemy. Decimus advised him
						to fix a later day lest he (Antony) should too soon make himself an enemy to
						the Senate. Although Antony could have easily overcome him, as he was still
						in the open country, he decided to proceed first against the cities. These
						opened their gates to him. Decimus, fearing lest none of them should be
						opened to him, fabricated letters from the Senate calling him to Rome with
						his army and retired towards Italy, welcomed by all as he passed along,
						until he arrived at the wealthy city of Mutina. Here he closed the
						gates and possessed himself of the property of the inhabitants for the
						support of his army. He slaughtered and salted all the cattle he could find
						there in anticipation of a long siege, and he awaited Antony. His army
						consisted of a large number of gladiators and three legions of infantry, one
						of which was composed of new recruits as yet inexperienced. The other two
						had served under him before and were entirely trustworthy. Antony advanced
						against him with fury, drew a line of circumvallation around Mutina, and
						laid siege to Decimus.

In Rome, at the beginning of the new year, the consuls, Hirtius and Pansa,
						convened the Senate on the subject of Antony immediately after the
						sacrifices had been performed and in the very temple.
						Cicero and his friends urged that Antony be now declared a public enemy,
						since he had seized Cisalpine Gaul with an armed force against the will of
						the Senate and made of it a point of attack on the republic, and had brought
						into Italy an army given to him to operate against the Thracians. They spoke
						also of his seeking the supreme power as Cæsar's successor,
						because he publicly surrounded himself in the city with such a large body of
						armed centurions, and converted his house into a fortress with arms and
						countersigns, and had borne himself more haughtily in other respects than
						was befitting a yearly magistrate. Lucius Piso, who had charge of Antony's
						interests in his absence, a man among the most illustrious in Rome, and
						others who sided with him on his own account, or on Antony's, or because of
						their own opinion, contended that Antony ought to have a trial, that it was
						not the custom of their ancestors to condemn a man unheard, that it was not
						decent to declare a man an enemy to-day who was a consul yesterday, and
						especially one whom Cicero himself as well as the rest had so often lavishly
						praised. The Senate, which was about equally divided in opinion, remained in
						session till night. Early the next morning it reassembled to consider the
						same question and then the party of Cicero was in the majority and Antony
						would have been voted a public enemy had not the tribune Salvius adjourned
						the sitting to the following day; for among the magistrates the one who has
						the veto power always prevails.

The Ciceronians heaped gross reproaches and insults on Salvius for
						this, and sallied out among the plebeians to excite them against him and
						summoned him to answer before them. He set forth to obey the summons
						undismayed until he was restrained by the Senate, which feared lest he
						should change the people around by recalling Antony to their memory; for the
						senators well knew that they were condemning an illustrious man without a
						trial, and that the people had given him this very Gallic province. But
						since they feared for the safety of the murderers they were angry with
						Antony because he had made the first movement against them after the
						amnesty, for which reason the Senate had previously needed the help of
						Octavius against him. Although Octavius knew this he desired nevertheless to
						take the lead in humbling Antony. Such were the reasons why the Senate was
						angry with Antony. Although the vote on him was adjourned by the command of
						the tribune, they passed a decree praising Decimus for not abandoning
						Cisalpine Gaul to Antony, and directing Octavius to assist the consuls,
						Hirtius and Pansa, with the army he now had. They awarded him a gilded
						statue and the right to declare his opinion among the consulars in the
						Senate even now, and the right to stand for the consulship itself ten years
						before the legal period, and voted from the public treasury to the legions
						that deserted from Antony to him the same amount that he had promised to
						give them if they should be victorious. After passing these decrees they
						adjourned, thinking that Antony would in fact know from the votes taken that
						he was declared a public enemy and believing, also, that on the following
						day the tribune would no longer interpose his veto. The mother, the wife,
						and the son of Antony (who was still a young man), and his other relatives
						and friends went around the whole night visiting the houses of influential
						men and beseeching them. In the morning they put themselves in the way of
						those going to the senate-house, fell at their feet with wailing and
						lamentation and in mourning garments, crying out alongside the doors. Some
						of the senators were moved by these cries, this spectacle, this so sudden
						change of fortune. Cicero, fearing the result, addressed the Senate as
						follows: --

"What decision ought to be reached concerning Antony we determined yesterday.
						When we bestowed honors on his enemies we thereby voted him an enemy.
						Salvius, who alone interrupted the proceedings, must either have been wiser
						than all the rest, or moved to do so by private friendship, or by ignorance
						of present circumstances. It would be most disgraceful to us, on the one
						hand, if all should seem to know less than one, and to Salvius, on the other
						hand, if he should prefer private friendship to the public weal. If he is
						not well acquainted with the present circumstances he ought to repose
						confidence in the consuls, rather than in himself, in the prætors,
						in his fellow-tribunes, and the other senators, so imposing in dignity and
						in numbers, so much his superiors in age and experience, who have condemned
						Antony. In our elections and in our jury trials justice is ever on the side
						of the majority. If it be needful still to acquaint him with the reasons for
						our action I will briefly recount the principal ones by way of reminder. At
						Cæsar's death Antony possessed himself of our money. Having been
						invested with the government of Macedonia by us he seized upon that of
						Cisalpine Gaul without our authority. Having received an army to operate
						against the Thracians he brought it into Italy against us instead. Each of
						these powers with his own secret motives he asked from us, and when they
						were refused he acted on his own authority. At Brundusium he organized a
						royal cohort for his own use and openly made men-at-arms his private guards
						and night watchmen, serving under a countersign. The whole remainder of the
						army he led from Brundusium to the city, aiming by a shorter path at the
						same designs that Cæsar contemplated. Being anticipated by the
						younger Cæsar and his army he became alarmed and turned his course
						to the Gallic province as a convenient point of attack on us, just as
						Cæsar found it when he made himself our master.

"In order to intimidate the soldiers to do every unlawful act he should
						order, he decimated them although they had not revolted and had not
						abandoned their watch or their ranks in time of war, for which offences
						alone military law allows such cruel punishment, which only a few generals
						have visited upon their soldiers and with reluctance, in cases of extreme
						peril, as a matter of necessity. These citizens Antony put to death for a
						word or a laugh when they had not been regularly condemned but chosen by
						lot. For this reason those who could do so revolted from him, and you
						yesterday voted them a donative as well-doers. Those who could not desert
						joined him in wrong-doing under the influence of fear, marched against our
						province as enemies, and besieged our army and our general, to whom you sent
						letters directing him to hold the province. Antony now orders him to
						evacuate it. Are we voting Antony an enemy, or is he already making war
						against us? And these things our tribune is still ignorant of, and will
						remain so until Decimus is overthrown and this great province on our border,
						together with the army of Decimus, is added to the resources with which
						Antony hopes to attack us. I suppose that the tribune will vote Antony an
						enemy as soon as the latter becomes more powerful than we are."

Scarcely had Cicero finished speaking when his friends broke forth in such
						tumultuous applause that for a long time nobody could be heard on the other
						side, until finally Piso came forward, when the senators, out of respect for
						him, became silent and even the Ciceronians restrained themselves. Then Piso
						said: " Our law, Conscript Fathers, requires that the accused shall himself
						hear the charge preferred against him and shall be judged after he has made
						his own defence; and for the truth of this I appeal to Cicero, our greatest
						orator. Since he hesitates to accuse Antony when present, but brings against
						him in his absence certain charges which he considers of the greatest
						gravity, and not open to doubt, I have come forward to show, in the fewest
						words, that these charges are false. He says that Antony converted the
						public money to his own use after Cæsar's death. The law declares
						such a person to be a thief, not a public enemy, and limits his punishment
						accordingly. After Brutus had killed Cæsar he accused the latter
						before the people of plundering the public money and leaving the treasury
						empty. Soon afterward Antony proposed a decree to investigate these matters
						and you adopted and confirmed his motion and promised a reward of one-tenth
						to informers, which reward we will double if anybody will prove that Antony
						had any part in the fraud. So much for the charge in reference to money.

"We did not vote the governorship of Cisalpine Gaul to Antony. The people
						gave it to him by a law, Cicero being present; just as other provinces had
						often been given, and as this same governorship had previously been given to
						Cæsar. It was a part of this law that, when Antony should arrive
						at the province given to him, if Decimus would not yield it Antony should
						declare war and lead the army into the Gallic province against him, instead
						of using it against the Thracians, who were still quiet. But Cicero does not
						consider Decimus, who is bearing arms against the law, an enemy, although he
						considers Antony an enemy who is fighting in accordance with law. He who
						accuses the law itself accuses the authors of the law, whom he ought to
						change by persuasion, not to insult after having himself agreed with
							them. He ought not to intrust the province to
						Decimus, whom the people drove out of the city on account of the murder,
						while refusing to intrust to Antony what the people gave to him. It is not
						the part of good counsellors to be at variance with the people, especially
						in times of danger, or to forget that this very power of deciding who are
						friends and who are enemies formerly belonged to the people. According to
						the ancient laws the people are the sole arbiters of peace and war. Heaven
						grant that they may not be reminded of this, and consequently be angry with
						us when they have found a leader.

"But it is said that Antony put certain soldiers to death. Being
						commander-in-chief he was empowered to do so by you. No commander has ever
						rendered an account of such matters. The laws do not consider it expedient
						that the general should be answerable to his soldiers. There is nothing
						worse in an army than disobedience, on account of which some soldiers have
						been put to death even after a victory, and no one called to account those
						who killed them. None of their relatives complain now, but Cicero complains
						and while accusing Antony of murder stigmatizes him as a public enemy,
						instead of calling for the punishment prescribed for murderers. The
						desertion of two of his legions shows how insubordinate and arrogant
						Antony's army was--which legions you had voted that he should command, and
						who deserted, in violation of military law, not to you, but to Octavius.
						Nevertheless Cicero praised them and yesterday proposed that they be paid
						out of the public treasury. Heaven grant that this example may not plague
						you hereafter. Hatred has betrayed Cicero into inconsistency, for he accused
						Antony of aiming at supreme power and yet punishing his soldiers, whereas
						such conspirators are always lenient, not severe, toward the men serving
						under them. As Cicero does not hesitate to arraign as tyrannical all the
						rest of Antony's administration since Cæsar's death, come, let me
						examine his acts one by one.

"Whom has Antony put to death in a tyrannical manner without trial--he who is
						now in danger of being condemned unheard? Whom has he banished from the
						city? Whom has he slandered in our presence? Or, if innocent toward us
						individually, has he conspired against all of us collectively? When, O
						Cicero? Was it when he carried through the Senate the act of amnesty for the
						past? Was it when he abstained from prosecuting anybody for the murder? Was
						it when he moved an investigation of the public moneys? Was it when he
						proposed the recall of Sextus Pompey, the son of your Pompey, and payment
						for his father's confiscated property out of the public treasury? Was it
						when he seized that conspirator, the false Marius, and put him to death, and
						you all applauded? And because you did so it was the only act of Antony that
						Cicero did not calumniate. Was it when he brought in a decree that nobody
						should ever propose a dictatorship, or vote for it, and that anybody
						disobeying the decree might be killed with impunity by any one who wished?
						These are the public acts that Antony performed for us during two months the
						only months that he remained in the city after Cæsar's death, the
						very time when the people were pursuing the murderers and you were
						apprehensive of the future. If he were a villain what better opportunity
						could he have had? But it is said that he was not in a condition to do
							otherwise. How? Did he not exercise the sole authority after
						Dolabella departed for Syria? Did he not have an armed force in readiness in
						the city, one that you gave him ? Did he not patrol the city by night ? Was
						he not guarded at night against any conspiracy of his enemies? Did he not
						have an excuse for this in the murder of Cæsar, his friend and
						benefactor, the man most beloved by the common people ? Did he not have
						another of a personal kind in the fact that the murderers conspired against
						his life also? None of them did he kill or banish, but pardoned them what he
						could in decency, and did not begrudge them the governorships that were
						offered to them. Ye behold then, O Romans, these very grave and indisputable
						charges of Cicero against Antony.

" Since, in addition to charges, surmises are introduced to the effect that
						Antony was about to lead an army to the city, but became alarmed because
						Octavius had anticipated him with another army, how does it happen that when
						the mere intention to do this makes a man an enemy the one who actually
						comes and encamps alongside of us without authority is not considered an
						enemy? What would have prevented Antony from coming if he had wanted to?
						With 30,000 troops in line was he afraid of Octavius' 3000, half-armed,
						unorganized, who had come together merely to gain his friendship, and who
						left him as soon as they knew that he had chosen them for war? If Antony was
						afraid to come with 30,000 how did he dare to come with only 1000? With
						these what a crowd of us accompanied him to Tibur! What a crowd of us
						voluntarily joined the soldiers in taking the oath of fidelity to him! What
						praises did Cicero lavish on his acts and virtues! If Antony himself
						contemplated any such thing [as invasion] why did he leave as pledges in our
						hands his mother, his wife, and his grown up son, who are even now at the
						door of the Senate weeping and fearful, not on account of what Antony has
						done, but on account of the overwhelming power of his enemies.

"These facts furnish you an example of Antony's defence and of Cicero's
						fickleness. I will add an exhortation to right-minded men, not to do
						injustice to the people or to Antony, not to expose the public interests to
						new enmities and dangers while the commonwealth is sick and in want of
						timely defenders, but to establish a sufficient force in the city to ward
						off danger before breeding disorder outside, to provide against attacks from
						every quarter, and to come to such decisions as you please when you are able
						to carry them into effect. How shall these ends be accomplished? By allowing
						Antony, as a matter of policy, or for the sake of the people, to have
						Cisalpine Gaul. Call Decimus thence with his three legions, and when he
						comes send him to Macedonia, retaining his legions here. If the two legions
						that deserted from Antony deserted to us, as Cicero says, let us summon them
						also from Octavius to the city. Thus with five legions sustaining us we
						might pass such decrees as we think best with entire confidence, depending
						on the favor of no man.

" I have addressed these words to men who listen to me without malice or the
						spirit of contention. Those who would excite you heedlessly and
						inconsiderately on account of private enmity and private strife I exhort not
						to come to hasty and rash decisions against the most important personages,
						who command strong armies, and not to force them into war against their
						will. Remember Marcius Coriolanus. Recall the recent doings of
						Cæsar, whom we rashly voted an enemy while he was in like manner
						leading an army and offering us the fairest terms of peace, whereby we
						forced him to be an enemy in fact. Have regard for the people who were
						lately pursuing Cæsar's murderers, lest we seem to insult them by
						giving those murderers the governorship of provinces, by praising Decimus
						for nullifying the people's law, and by voting Antony an enemy because he
						accepted the Gallic province from the people. For which reasons the
						well-wishers of the country ought to take thought for the erring, and the
						consuls and tribunes ought to be more than ever careful in view of the
						public dangers."

Thus did Piso defend Antony, reproaching his enemies and alarming them. He
						was evidently the cause of their not voting Antony an enemy. Nevertheless,
						he did not succeed in securing for him the governorship of the Gallic
						province. The friends and relatives of the murderers prevented it, fearing
						lest, at the end of the war, Antony should join Octavius in avenging the
						murder, for which reason they meant to keep Octavius and Antony always at
						variance with each other. They voted to offer Antony Macedonia instead of
						the Gallic province, and they ordered, either heedlessly or designedly, that
						the other commands of the Senate be reduced to writing by Cicero and
						delivered to the ambassadors. Cicero altered the decree and wrote as
						follows: "Antony must raise the siege of Mutina forthwith, relinquish
						Cisalpine Gaul to Decimus, withdraw to the hither side of the river Rubicon
						(which forms the boundary between Italy and the province) before a specified
						day, and submit himself in all things to the Senate." Thus provokingly and
						falsely did Cicero write the orders of the Senate, not by reason of an
						underlying hostility, as it seems, but at the instigation of some evil
						spirit that was goading the republic to revolution and meditating
						destruction to Cicero himself. 
						The remains of Trebonius having been lately brought home and the indignities
						visited upon them more carefully inquired into, the Senate with little
						opposition declared Dolabella a public enemy.

The ambassadors who had been sent to Antony, ashamed of the extraordinary
						character of the orders, said nothing, but simply delivered them to him.
						Antony in his wrath indulged in many invectives against the Senate and
						Cicero. "He was astonished," he said, "that they should consider
						Cæsar (the man who had contributed most to the Roman sway) a
						tyrant and a king, and did not so consider Cicero, whom Cæsar had
						captured in war and whose life he had spared, while Cicero in return now
						prefers Cæsar's assassins to his friends. He hated Decimus as long
						as the latter was the friend of Cæsar, but loves him now that he
						has become his murderer. He favors a man who took the province of Gaul after
						Cæsar's death without authority, and makes war on one who received it at
						the hands of the people. He gives rewards to those who deserted from the
						legions voted to me, and none to those who remain faithful, thus impairing
						military discipline not more to my disadvantage than to that of the state.
						He has given amnesty to the murderers, to which I have assented on account
						of two respectable men. He holds Antony and Dolabella as enemies because we
						keep what was given to us. That is the real reason. And if I but withdraw
						from Gaul, then I am neither enemy nor monarch! I declare that I will bring
						to naught the amnesty with which they are not satisfied."

After saying much more to the same purpose Antony wrote his reply to the
						decree, saying that he would obey the Senate in all respects as the voice of
						his country, but to Cicero, who wrote the orders, he would make the
						following answer: "The people gave me the province of Gaul by a law, and I
						shall prosecute Decimus for not obeying the law, and I shall visit
						punishment for the murder upon him alone, as representative of them all, in
						order that the Senate, which now participates in the wickedness by reason of
						Cicero's support of Decimus, may at last be purged of the shocking crime."
						These words Antony spoke and wrote in reply. The Senate immediately voted him an enemy and also the
						army under him if it should not abandon him. The government of Macedonia and
						Illyria, with the troops still remaining in both, was assigned to Marcus
						Brutus until the republic should be reëstablished. The latter
						already had an army of his own and had received some troops from
							Apuleius. He also had war-ships and ships of
						burden and about 16,000 talents in money and quantities of arms which he
						found in Demetrias, where they had been placed by Gaius Cæsar long
						before, all of which the Senate now voted that he should use for the
						advantage of the republic. They voted that Cassius should be governor of
						Syria and that he should make war against Dolabella, and that all other
						commanders of Roman provinces and soldiers between the Adriatic sea and the
						Orient should obey the orders of Cassius and Brutus in all things.

Thus quickly did the Senate seize the opportunity to put the affairs of
						Cassius and his party in a brilliant aspect. When Octavius learned what had
						been done he was troubled. He had considered the amnesty in the light of an
						act of humanity and of pity for the relatives and compeers of these men, and
						that the very small commands had been given them for their safety
							merely; finally, the
						confirming of the Gallic province to Decimus seemed to him to have been done
						by reason of the Senate's difference with Antony respecting the supreme
						power, on which ground also they were inciting him against Antony. But the
						voting of Dolabella an enemy because he had put one of the murderers to
						death, the changing of the commands of Brutus and Cassius to the largest
						provinces, the granting of great armies and large sums of money to them and
						putting them in command of all the governors beyond the Adriatic sea --all
						pointed plainly to the building up of the party of Pompey and the pulling
						down of that of Cæsar. He bethought himself of their artifice in
						treating him as a young man, in providing him a statue and a front seat, and
						giving him the title of proprætor, when in fact they were taking
						from him what army he did have, for a proprietor has no authority when
						consuls are serving with him. Then the rewards voted only to those of his
						soldiers who had deserted from Antony to him were an indignity to those who
						had enlisted under him. Finally the war would be nothing but a disgrace to
						him, for the Senate would simply make use of him against Antony till the
						latter was crushed.

Meditating thus to himself he performed the sacrifices appertaining to the
						command assigned to him, and said to his army: "I owe these honors of mine
						to you, fellow-soldiers, not now merely but from the time when you gave me
						the command; for the Senate conferred them upon me on account of you. Know,
						therefore, that my gratitude will be due to you for these things, and that
						it will be expressed to you abundantly if the gods grant success to our
						undertakings." In this way he conciliated the soldiers and attached them to
						himself. In the meantime, Pansa, one of the consuls, was collecting recruits
						throughout Italy, and the other one, Hirtius, shared the command of the
						forces with Octavius, and as he was secretly ordered to do it by the Senate
						he demanded as his share the two legions that had deserted from Antony,
						knowing that they were the most reliable in the army. Octavius yielded to
						him in everything and they shared with each other and went into winter
						quarters together. As winter advanced Decimus began to suffer from hunger,
						and Hirtius and Octavius advanced toward Mutina lest Antony should receive
						in surrender Decimus' army now weak with famine; but as Mutina was closely
						hemmed in by Antony, they did not venture to come to close quarters with him
						at once, but waited for Pansa. There were frequent cavalry engagements, as
						Antony had a much larger force of horse, but the difficulty of the ground,
						which was cut up by torrents, deprived him of the advantage of numbers.

Such was the course of events around Mutina. At Rome, in the absence of the
						consuls, Cicero took the lead by public speaking. He held frequent
						assemblies, procured arms by inducing the artificers to work without pay,
						collected money, and exacted heavy contributions from the Antonians. These
						paid without complaining in order to avoid calumny, until Publius Ventidius,
						who had served under Gaius Cæsar and was a friend of Antony,
						unable to endure the exactions of Cicero, betook himself to
						Cæsar's colonies, where he was well known, and raised two legions
						for Antony and hastened to Rome to seize Cicero. The consternation was
						extreme. They removed most of the women and children in a panic, and Cicero
						himself fled from the city. When Ventidius learned this he turned his course
						toward Antony, but being intercepted by Octavius and Hirtius, he proceeded
						to Picenum, where he recruited another legion and waited to see what would
							happen. When
						Pansa was drawing near with his army, Octavius and Hirtius sent Carsuleius
						to him with Octavius' prætorian cohort and the Martian legion to
						assist him in passing through a defile. Antony had disdained to occupy the
						defile as it served no other purpose than to hinder the enemy; but, eager to
						fight, and having no chance to win distinction with his cavalry, because the
						ground was marshy and cut by ditches, he placed his two best legions in
						ambush in the marsh, where they were concealed by the reeds and where the
						road, which had been thrown up artificially, was narrow.

Carsuleius and Pansa passed through the defile by night. At daybreak, with
						only the Martian legion and five other cohorts, they entered upon the road
						above mentioned, which was still free from enemies, and looked over the
						marsh on either side. There was a suspicious agitation of the bushes, then a
						gleaming of shields and helmets, and Antony's prætorian cohort
						suddenly showed itself directly in their front. The Martian legion,
						surrounded on all sides and having no way to escape, ordered the new levies,
						if they came up, not to join in the fight lest they should cause confusion
						by their inexperience. The prætorians of Octavius confronted the
						prætorians of Antony. The other troops divided themselves in two
						parts and advanced into the marsh on either side, the one commanded by Pansa
						and the other by Carsuleius. Thus there were two battles in two marshes, and
						neither division could see the other by reason of the elevated road, while
						along the road itself the praetorian cohorts fought another battle of their
						own. The Antonians were determined to punish the Martians for desertion as
						being traitors to themselves. The Martians were equally determined to punish
						the Antonians for condoning the slaughter of their comrades at Brundusium.
						Recognizing in each other the flower of either army they hoped to decide the
						whole war by this single engagement. The one side was moved by shame lest
						its two legions should be beaten by one; the other by ambition that its
						single legion should overcome the two.

Thus urged on rather by their own animosity and ambition than by their
						generals they assailed each other, considering this their own affair. Being
						veterans they raised no battle-cry, since they could not expect to terrify
						each other, nor in the engagement did they utter a sound, either as victors
						or vanquished. As there could be neither flanking nor charging in marshes
						and ditches, they stood together in close order, and since neither could
						dislodge the other they locked together with their swords as in a wrestling
						match. No blow missed its mark. There were wounds and slaughter but no
						cries, only groans; and when one fell he was instantly borne away and
						another took his place. They needed neither admonition nor encouragement,
						since experience had made each one his own general. When they were overcome
						by fatigue they drew apart from each other for a brief space to take breath,
						as in gymnastic games, and then rushed again to the encounter. Amazement
						took possession of the new levies who had come up, as they beheld such deeds
						done with such precision and in such silence.

All put forth superhuman exertions, and the prætorians of Octavius
						perished to the last man. Those of the Martians who were under Carsuleius
						got the better of those opposed to them, who gave way, not in disgraceful
						rout, but little by little. Those under Pansa were likewise in difficulties,
						but they held out with equal bravery on both sides until Pansa was wounded
						in the abdomen by a javelin and carried off the field to Bononia. Then his
						soldiers retired, at first step by step, but afterward they turned and took
						refuge in flight. When the new levies saw this they fled in disorder, and
						with loud cries, to their camp, which the quæstor, Torquatus, had
						put in readiness for them while the battle was in progress, apprehending
						that it might be needed. The new levies dashed into it confusedly although
						they were Italians, the same as the Martians, so much more than race does
						training contribute to bravery. The Martians for fear of shame did not enter
						into the camp, but ranged themselves near it. Although fatigued they were
						still furious and ready to fight to the bitter end if anybody should attack
						them. Antony refrained from the attack as a bad job, but he fell upon the
						new levies and made a great slaughter.

When Hirtius near Mutina heard of this fight, at a distance of sixty stades,
						he hurried thither with the other legion that had deserted from Antony. It
						was already evening and the victorious Antonians were returning singing
						hymns of triumph. While they were in loose order Hirtius made his appearance
						in perfect order with his legion complete and fresh. The Antonians got
						themselves in line under compulsion, and performed against this foe also
						many splendid deeds of valor; but being wearied by their recent exertions
						they were overcome by the fresh army opposed to them, and the greater part
						of them were slain in this encounter by Hirtius, although the latter did not
						pursue, being apprehensive of the marshy ground. As darkness was coming on
						he allowed them to escape. A wide stretch of the marsh was filled with arms,
						corpses, wounded men, and half-dead men. Some were unhurt but were overcome
						by fatigue. Antony's cavalry, as many as he had with him, went to their
						assistance and collected them through the entire night. Some they put on
						horse-back in their own places, others they took on the horses with
						themselves, still others they urged to take hold of the horses' tails and
						run along with them and so secure their safety. Thus were Antony's forces,
						after he had fought splendidly, scattered by the coming of Hirtius. He
						encamped without entrenchments in a village near the plain, named Forum
							Gallorum. Antony and Pansa each lost about one-half of their men.
						The whole of Octavius' prætorian cohort perished. The loss of
						Hirtius was slight.

The next day they all withdrew to the camps at Mutina. After so severe a
						disaster Antony decided not to come to a general engagement with his enemies
						at present, not even if they should attack him, but merely to harass them
						daily with his cavalry until Decimus, who was reduced to extremity by
						famine, should surrender. For this very reason Hirtius and Octavius decided
						to push on a fight. As Antony would not come out when they offered battle,
						they moved toward the other side of Mutina where it was less closely
						besieged on account of the badness of the ground, as if about to force their
						way into the town with their strong army. Antony followed their movement
						with his cavalry and this time also with those alone. As the enemy fought
						him with their cavalry only, moving the rest of their army in whatever way
						they chose, Antony, lest he should lose Mutina, drew out of his
						entrenchments two legions. Then his enemies rejoiced at this, turned and
						delivered battle. Antony ordered up other legions from other camps, but as
						they came slowly, by reason of the suddenness of the call or the long
						distance, the army of Octavius won the victory. Hirtius even broke into
						Antony's camp, where he was killed, fighting near the general's tent.
						Octavius rushed in and carried off his body and possessed himself of the
						camp. A little later he was driven out by Antony. Both sides passed the
						night under arms.

When Antony had suffered this second defeat, he took counsel with his friends
						directly after the battle. They advised him to adhere to his first
						resolution, to continue the siege of Mutina and not to go out and fight,
						saying that the losses had been about equal on both sides, Hirtius having
						been killed and Pansa wounded; that he (Antony) was superior in cavalry and
						that Mutina was reduced to extremity by famine and must soon succumb. Such
						was the advise of his friends, and it was truly for the best. But Antony,
						now misled by a god, was fearful lest Octavius should make another attempt
						to break into Mutina like that of yesterday, or even try to enclose him
						(Antony), as Octavius had the greater force of laborers, " in which case,"
						said he, " our cavalry will be useless and Lepidus and Plancus will despise
						me as a vanquished man. If we withdraw from Mutina, Ventidius will presently
						join us with three legions from Picenum, and Lepidus and Plancus will be
						emboldened to ally themselves with us." So he spoke, although he was not a
						timid man in the presence of danger; and breaking camp forthwith he made his
						way toward the Alps.

When Decimus was delivered from the siege he began to be afraid of Octavius,
						whom, after the removal of the two consuls, he feared as an enemy. So he
						broke down the bridge over the river before daybreak and sent certain
						persons to Octavius in a boat, as if to return thanks for rescuing him, and
						asked that Octavius would come to the opposite bank of the river to hold a
						conversation with him in the presence of the citizens as witnesses, because
						he could convince Octavius, he said, that an evil spirit had deceived him
						and led him into the conspiracy against Cæsar with the others.
						Octavius answered the messengers in a tone of anger, declining the thanks
						that Decimus gave him, saying: " I am here not to rescue Decimus, but to
						fight Antony, with whom I may properly come to terms sometime, but nature
						forbids that I should even look at Decimus or hold any conversation with
						him. Let him have safety, however, as long as the authorities at Rome
						please." When Decimus heard this he stood on the river bank and, calling
						Octavius by name, read with a loud voice the letters of the Senate giving
						him command of the Gallic province, and forbade Octavius to cross the river
						without consular authority, into the government belonging to another, and
						not to follow Antony further, because he (Decimus) would suffice for the
						pursuit of the latter. Octavius knew that he was prompted to this audacious
						course by the Senate, and although able to seize him by giving an order, he
						spared him for the present and withdrew to Pansa at Bononia, where he wrote
						a full report to the Senate, and Pansa did likewise.

In Rome Cicero read to the people the report of the consul, and to the Senate
						alone that of Octavius. For the victory over Antony, he caused them to vote
						a thanksgiving of fifty days,-- a longer festivity than the Romans had ever
						decreed even after the Gallic or any other war. He induced them to give the
						army of the consuls to Decimus, although Pansa was still alive (for his life
						was now despaired of), and to appoint Decimus the sole commander against
						Antony. Public prayers were offered that Decimus might prevail over him.
						Such was Cicero's passion and want of decorum in reference to Antony. He
						confirmed again, to the two legions that had deserted from Antony, the 5000
						drachmas per man previously promised to them as the rewards of victory, as
						though they had already conquered, and gave them the perpetual right to wear
						the olive crown at the public festivals. There was nothing about Octavius in
						the decrees, and his name was not even mentioned. He was forthwith
						disregarded as though Antony were already destroyed. They wrote to Lepidus,
						to Plancus, and to Asinius Pollio to fight Antony when he should draw near
						them. Such was the course of events at Rome.

In the meantime Pansa was dying of his wound, and he summoned Octavius to his
						side, and said: " I loved your father as I did myself, yet I could not
						avenge his death, nor could I fail to unite with the majority, whom you have
						also done well to obey, although you have an army. At first they feared you
						and Antony, and especially Antony, as he seemed to be the one most ambitious
						to fill the rôle of Cæsar, and they were delighted with
						your dissensions, thinking that you would mutually destroy each other. When
						they saw you the master of an army, they complimented you as a young man
						with specious and inexpensive honors. When they saw that you were more proud
						and self-restrained in respect of honors than they had supposed, and
						especially when you declined the magistracy that your army offered you, they
						were alarmed and they appointed you to the command with us in order that we
						might draw your two experienced legions away from you, hoping that when one
						of you was vanquished the other would be weakened and isolated, and so the
						whole of Cæsar's party would be effaced and that of Pompey be
						restored to power. This is their chief aim.

"Hirtius and I did what we were ordered to do, until we could humble Antony,
						who was much too arrogant; but we intended when he was vanquished to bring
						him into alliance with you and thus to pay the debt of gratitude we owed to
						Cæsar's friendship, the only payment that could be serviceable to
						Cæsar's party hereafter. It was not possible to communicate this
						to you before, but now that Antony is vanquished and Hirtius dead, and I am
						about to pay the debt of nature, the time for speaking has come, not that
						you may be grateful to me after my death, but that you, born to a happy
						destiny, as your deeds proclaim, may know what is for your own interest, and
						know that the course taken by Hirtius and myself was a matter of necessity.
						The army that you yourself gave to us should most properly be given back to
						you, and I do give it. If you can take and hold the new levies, I will give
						you those also. If they are too much in awe of the Senate (for their
						officers were sent to act as spies upon us), and if the task would be an
						invidious one, and would create trouble for you prematurely, the
						quæstor Torquatus will take command of them." After speaking thus
						he transferred the new levies to the quæstor and expired. The
						quæstor transferred them to Decimus as the Senate had ordered.
						Octavius sent the bodies of Hirtius and Pansa with honors to Rome, where
						they received a public funeral.

The following events took place in Syria and Macedonia about the same time.
						Gaius Cæsar, when he passed through Syria, left a legion there, as
						he was already contemplating an expedition against the Parthians.
						Cæcilius Bassus had charge of it, but the title of commander was
						held by Sextus Julius, a young man related to Cæsar himself, who
						was given over to dissipation and who led the legion around everywhere in an
						indecorous manner. Once when Bassus reproved him, he replied insultingly,
						and sometime later, when he called Bassus to him and the latter was slow in
						obeying, he ordered him to be dragged before him. A tumult and blows ensued.
						The soldiers would not tolerate the indignity and stabbed Julius. This act
						was followed by repentance and fear of Cæsar. Accordingly, they
						took an oath together that they would defend themselves to the death if they
						were not pardoned and restored to confidence, and they compelled Bassus to
						take the same oath. They also enlisted and drilled another legion as
						associates with themselves. This is one account of Bassus, but Libo 
						says that he belonged to the army of Pompey and that after the latter's
						defeat he became a private citizen in Tyre, where he corrupted certain
						members of the legion, who slew Sextus and chose Bassus for their leader.
						However that may have been, Cæsar sent Statius Marcus against him
						with three legions. Bassus defeated him badly. Finally, Marcus appealed to
						Marcius Crispus, the governor of Bithynia, and the latter came to his aid
						with three legions.

While Bassus was besieged by the latter, Cassius suddenly came up with them
						and took possession, not only of the two legions of Bassus, but also of the
						six that were besieging him, whose leaders surrendered in a friendly way and
						obeyed him as proconsul; for the Senate had decreed, as I have already said,
						that all [beyond the Adriatic] should obey Cassius and Brutus. Just then
						Allienus, who had been sent to Egypt by Dolabella, brought from that quarter
						four legions of soldiers dispersed by the disasters of Pompey and of
						Crassus, or left with Cleopatra by Cæsar. Cassius surrounded him
						unawares in Palestine and compelled him to surrender, as he did not dare to
						fight with four legions against eight. Thus Cassius became the master, in a
						surprising way, of twelve legions, and laid siege to Dolabella, who was
						coming from Asia with two legions and had been received in Laodicea in a
						friendly manner. The Senate was delighted when it heard the news.

In Macedonia Gaius Antonius, the brother of Mark Antony, with one legion of
						foot soldiers, contended with Brutus, and, being inferior in strength to the
						latter, laid an ambuscade for him. Brutus avoided the trap, and, in his
						turn, laid an ambuscade, but he did no harm to those whom he caught in it,
						but ordered his own soldiers to salute their adversaries. Although the
						latter did not return the salutation or accept the courtesy he allowed them
						to pass out of the trap unharmed. Then he went around by other roads and
						confronted them again at a precipice, and again did them no harm but saluted
						them. Then, regarding him as a saviour of his fellow-citizens, and as one
						deserving the reputation he had gained for wisdom and mildness, they
						conceived an admiration for him, saluted him, and passed over to him. Gaius
						also surrendered himself and was treated with honor by Brutus until he was
						convicted of having tried several times to corrupt the army, when he was put
						to death. Thus, including his
						former forces, Brutus had possession of six legions, and since he approved
						the valor of the Macedonians he raised two legions among them, whom he
						drilled in the Italian discipline.

Such was the state of affairs in Syria and Macedonia. In Italy Octavius,
						although he considered it an insult that Decimus, instead of himself, was
						chosen general against Antony, concealed his indignation and asked the
						honors of a triumph for his exploits. Being disdained by the Senate as
						though he were seeking honors beyond his years, he began to fear lest if
						Antony were destroyed he should be despised still more, and so he desired a
						reconciliation with Antony, as Pansa on his death-bed had recommended to
							him. 
						Accordingly, he began to make friends of those of Antony's army who had been
						taken prisoners, both officers and soldiers. He enrolled them among his own
						troops, or if they wished to return to Antony he allowed them to do so, in
						order to show that he was not moved by implacable hatred against him. When
						he was encamped near to Ventidius, Antony's friend, who had command of three
						legions, he inspired the latter with fear, but performed no hostile act, and
						in like manner gave him the opportunity to join himself or to go on safely
						with his army to Antony, and told him to chide the latter for ignoring their
						common interests. Ventidius took the hint and proceeded to join Antony.
						Octavius also allowed Decius, one of Antony's officers, who had been taken
						prisoner at Mutina, and had been treated with honor, to return to Antony if
						he wished, and when Decius tried to find out what were his sentiments toward
						Antony, he said that he had given plenty of indications to persons of
						discernment and that more would be insufficient for fools.

After conveying these hints to Antony, Octavius wrote still more plainly to
						Lepidus and Asinius concerning the indignities put upon himself and the
						rapid advancement of the murderers, causing them to fear, lest in
						consequence of the favor extended to the Pompeian faction, each of the
						Cæsarians should, one by one, share the fate of Antony, although
						he was suffering the consequences of his own folly and arrogance. He advised that, for
						the sake of appearances, they should obey the Senate, but that they should
						confer together for their own safety while they could still do so, and
						reproach Antony for his conduct; that they should follow the example of
						their own soldiers, who did not separate even when theywere discharged from
						the service but, in order that they might not be exposed to the assaults of
						enemies, preferred to unite their strength by settling together on ground
						that belonged not to them in groups, rather than enjoy their own homesteads
						singly. These things Octavius wrote to Lepidus and Asinius. The first soldiers of Decimus fell sick by reason
						of excessive eating after their famine, and suffered from dysentery, and the
						newer ones were still undrilled. Plancus soon joined him with his army, and
						then Decimus wrote to the Senate that he would pursue and capture Antony
							immediately.

When the Pompeians learned what had happened (and an astonishing number
						showed themselves to be of that party), they exclaimed that their ancestral
						freedom had at last been regained, and they each offered sacrifices.
						Decemvirs were chosen to examine the accounts of Antony's magistracy. This
						was a preliminary step to annulling Cæsar's arrangements, for
						Antony had done little or nothing himself, but had conducted all the affairs
						of state in accordance with Cæsar's memoranda. The Senate
						knew this well, but it hoped that by finding a pretext for annulling a part
						of the measures it should be enabled in the same way to annul the whole. The
						decemvirs gave public notice that whoever had received anything from
						Antony's government should make it known in writing immediately, and
						threatened any who should disobey. The Pompeians also sought the consulship
						for the remainder of the year in place of Hirtius and Pansa. But Octavius
						also sought it, applying not to the Senate, but to Cicero privately, whom he
						urged to become his colleague, saying that Cicero should carry on the
						government, as he was the elder and more experienced, and that he (Octavius)
						would enjoy the title only, by which means he could dismiss his army in a
						becoming manner, for which reason he had previously asked the honor of a
						triumph. Cicero, whose desire for office was excited by this proposal, said
						to the Senate that he understood that a negotiation was on foot among the
						generals commanding the provinces, and he advised that they should
						conciliate the man whom they had treated with disdain and who was still at
						the head of a large army, and allow him to hold office in the city,
						notwithstanding his youth, rather than that he should remain under arms in a
						hostile attitude. But lest he should do anything contrary to the interest of
						the Senate, Cicero proposed that some man of prudence from among the older
						ones should be chosen as his colleague as a firm check upon the immaturity
						of Octavius. The Senate laughed at Cicero's ambition, and the relatives of
						the conspirators especially opposed him, fearing lest Octavius, as consul,
						should bring the murderers to punishment."

For various reasons the election was postponed in accordance with the law.
						Meanwhile, Antony passed over the Alps with the permission of Culleo, who
						had been stationed there by Lepidus to guard them, and advanced to a river
						where the latter was encamped. He neglected to surround himself with
						palisade and ditch, as though he were camping alongside a friend. Messengers
						were going back and forth between them constantly, Antony reminding Lepidus
						of their friendship and of his various good offices, and showing him that
						after he (Antony) should be destroyed all who had enjoyed Cæsar's
						friendship would suffer a like fate, one by one. Lepidus feared the Senate,
						which had ordered him to make war on Antony, but he promised nevertheless
						that he would not do so voluntarily. The army of Lepidus, having respect for
						Antony's dignity and perceiving the messengers going back and forth, and
						being gratified with the simple manners prevailing in Antony's camp, mingled
						with his men, at first secretly, then openly, like fellow-citizens and
						fellow-soldiers, disregarding the orders of the tribunes, who forbade their
						doing so; and in order to facilitate their intercourse they made a bridge of
						boats across the river. The so-called Tenth Legion, that had been enlisted
						by Antony originally, arranged things for him inside the camp of Lepidus.

When Laterensis, one of the distinguished members of the Senate, perceived
						this he warned Lepidus. As the latter was incredulous Laterensis advised him
						to divide his army in several parts and send them away on certain errands in
						order to test whether they were faithful or not. Accordingly, Lepidus
						divided them in three parts, and ordered them to go out by night in order to
						protect some quæstors who were approaching. About the last watch
						the soldiers armed themselves as if for the march, seized the fortified
						parts of the camp, and opened the gates to Antony. The latter came running
						to the tent of Lepidus, whose whole army was now escorting Antony, and they
						besought Lepidus for peace and compassion to their unfortunate
						fellow-citizens. Lepidus leaped out of bed among them undressed, just as he
						was, promised to do what they asked, embraced Antony, and pleaded necessity
						as his excuse. Some say that he fell on his knees before Antony, being an
						inexperienced and timid man. Not all writers put faith in this report, nor
						do I, for he had as yet done nothing whatever inimical to Antony and nothing
						to cause fear. Thus did Antony again become a very powerful man and most
						formidable to his enemies. He had the army with which he had abandoned the
						siege of Mutina, including its magnificent cavalry. Ventidius had joined him
						on the road with three legions. Lepidus had become his ally with seven
						legions of foot soldiers and a great number of auxiliary troops and
						apparatus in proportion. Lepidus nominally retained the command of these,
						but Antony directed every-thing.

When these facts became known at Rome a wonderful and sudden change took
						place. Those who had just now held Antony in contempt were alarmed, while
						the fears of others were changed to courage. The edicts of the decemvirs
						were torn down with derision and the consular election was still further
						postponed. The Senate, wholly at a loss what to do and fearful lest Octavius
						and Antony should form an alliance, sent two of their number, Lucius and
						Pansa, secretly to Brutus and Cassius, under pretence of attending the games
						in Greece, to urge them to lend all the assistance possible. It recalled
						from Africa two of the three legions under Sextius, and ordered the third to
						be given over to Cornificius, who commanded another portion of Africa, and
						who favored the senatorial party. Although they knew that these legions had
						served under Gaius Cæsar, and although they suspected everything
						of his, yet the want of other forces compelled them to take this course.
						Most awkwardly, too, they reappointed the young Octavius as general with
						Decimus against Antony, for they feared lest he should unite with Antony.

Octavius excited the army to anger against the Senate on account of its
						repeated indignities toward himself, and for requiring the soldiers to
						undertake a second campaign before paying them the 5000 drachmas per man
						which it had promised to give them for the first. He advised them to send
						and ask for the money. They sent their centurions. The Senate understood
						that the men had been advised to this course by Octavius and said that it
						would make answer by its own legates. It sent the latter, under
						instructions, to address themselves, when Octavius was not present, to the
						two legions which had deserted from Antony, and to advise the soldiers not
						to rest their hopes on a single person, but on the Senate, which alone had
						perpetual power, and to go to the camp of Decimus, where they would find the
						promised money. Having delivered this charge to the legates it forwarded
						one-half of the donative and appointed ten men to divide it, to whom it did
						not add Octavius as the eleventh. As the two legions refused to meet them
						without Octavius, the legates returned leaving the business unfinished.
						Octavius no longer held communication with the troops through the medium of
						others and no longer asked them to wait, but assembled the army and came
						before them and related to them the indignities he had suffered from the
						Senate, and its purpose to destroy all the friends of Gaius Cæsar,
						one by one. He admonished them also to beware against being transferred to a
						general opposed to their party and sent to one war after another for the
						purpose of being killed or arrayed in opposition to each other. This was the
						reason why, after their common struggles at Mutina were ended, rewards were
						given to only two legions, in order to induce strife and sedition in the
						army.

"You know," he said, "the reason why Antony was lately vanquished. You have
						heard what the Pompeians in the city did to those who had received certain
						gifts from Cæsar. What confidence can you have of keeping the
						lands and money you have received from him, or what confidence can I have in
						my own safety while the relatives of the murderers dominate the Senate ? I
						shall accept my fate, whatever it may be, for it is beautiful to suffer
						anything in the service of a father; but I fear for you, such a host of
						brave men, who have incurred danger in behalf of me and my father. You know
						that I have been free from ambition from the time when I declined the
						prætorship that you offered me with the insignia of that office. I
						see only one path of safety now for both of us, and that is that I obtain
						the consulship by your help. In that case all of my father's gifts to you
						will be confirmed, the colonies that are still due to you will be
						forthcoming, and all your rewards will be paid in full; and after bringing
						the murderers to punishment I will release you from any more wars."

At these words the army cheered heartily, and forthwith sent their centurions
						to ask the consulship for Octavius. When the Senate began to make talk about
						his youth, the centurions replied, as they had been instructed, that in the
						olden time Corvinus had held the office and at a later period the Scipios,
						both the elder and the younger, before the legal age, and that the country
						profited much from the youth of each. They instanced, as recent examples,
						Pompey the Great and Dolabella and said that it had been granted to
						Cæsar himself to stand for the consulship ten years before the
						legal age. While the centurions were arguing with much
						boldness, some of the senators, who could not endure that army officers
						should use such freedom of speech, rebuked them for exceeding the bounds of
						military discipline. When the army heard of this, they were still more
						exasperated and demanded to be led immediately to the city, saying that they
						would hold a special election and elevate him to the consulship because he
						was Cæsar's son. At the same time they extolled the elder
						Cæsar without stint. When Octavius saw them in this excited state,
						he led them directly from the assembly toward the city, eight legions of
						foot and a corresponding number of horse, and the auxiliary troops that were
						serving with the legions. Having crossed the river Rubicon from the Gallic
						province into Italy, -- the stream that his father crossed in like manner at
						the beginning of the civil war, -- he divided his army in two parts. One of
						these divisions he ordered to follow in a leisurely way. The other and
						better one, consisting of picked men, made forced marches, hastening in
						order to take the city unprepared. Meeting a convoy on the road with a part
						of the money which the Senate was sending as a present to the soldiers,
						Octavius feared the effect it might have on his mercenaries. So he secretly
						sent forward a force to scare away the convoy, and they took to flight with
						the money.

When the news of Octavius' approach reached the city there was immense
						confusion and alarm. People ran hither and thither, and some conveyed their
						wives and children and whatever they held most dear to the fields and to the
						fortified parts of the city, for it was not yet known that he aimed only at
						securing the consulship. Having heard that an army was advancing with
						hostile intentions, there was nothing that they did not fear. The Senate was
						struck with consternation since it had no military force in readiness. As is
						usual in cases of panic they blamed each other. Some were blamed because
						they had wrongfully deprived him of the command of the campaign against
						Antony, others because they had treated with contempt his demand for a
						triumph, a request which was not without justice; others because they had
						envied him the honor of distributing the money; others because he had not
						been made an additional member of the board of ten. Still others said that
						the army had become hostile because the gifts voted to them had not been
						quickly and fully paid. They complained especially because of the
						inopportune time for such a strife, while Brutus and Cassius were far away
						and their forces not yet organized, and on their own flank in a hostile
						attitude were Antony and Lepidus, who, they thought, might form an alliance
						with Octavius. Thus their fears were greatly augmented. Cicero, who had so
						long taken the lead, was nowhere to be seen.

There was a sudden change on all hands. Instead of 2500 drachmas 5000 were
						given. Instead of two legions only, the entire eight were to be paid.
						Octavius was appointed to make the distribution instead of the ten
						commissioners, and he was allowed to be a candidate for the consulship while
						absent. Messengers were hastily despatched to tell him these things.
						Directly after they had left the city the Senate repented. It felt that it
						ought not to be so weakly terror-stricken, or accept a new tyranny without
						bloodshed, or accustom those seeking office to gain it by violence, or the
						soldiers to govern the country by the word of command. Rather should they
						arm themselves as far as possible and oppose the laws to the invaders, for
						there was some hope that, if the laws were opposed to them, not even they
						would bear arms against their country. If they should do so, it would be
						best to endure a siege until Decimus and Plancus should come to the rescue,
						and to defend themselves to the death rather than submit voluntarily to a
						slavery thenceforth without remedy. They recounted the high spirit and
						endurance in behalf of freedom of the Romans of old, who never yielded
						anything prejudicial to their liberty.

As the two legions sent for from Africa happened to arrive in the harbor on
						the same day, it seemed as though the gods were urging them to defend their
						freedom. Their regret for what they had done was confirmed; Cicero again
						made his appearance, and they repealed all of the decrees above mentioned.
						All who were of military age were called to arms, also the two legions from
						Africa, and 1000 horse with them, and another legion that Pansa had left
						behind, all these were assigned to their proper places. Some of them guarded
						the so-called hill of Janiculum, where the money was stored, others held the
						bridge over the Tiber, and the city prætors were put in command of
						the separate divisions. Others made ready small boats and ships in the
						harbor, together with money, in order to escape by sea in case they should
						be vanquished. While courageously making these hasty preparations they hoped
						to alarm Octavius in his turn, and induce him to seek the consulship from
						them instead of the army, or they hoped at least to defend themselves to the
						last extremity. They hoped also to change those of the opposite faction as
						soon as it became a contest for liberty. When they sought for the mother and
						sister of Octavius, and did not discover them either in any open or secret
						abode, they were again alarmed at finding themselves deprived of such
						important hostages, and as the Cæsarians showed no disposition to
						yield to them they concluded that these women had been carefully concealed
						by them.

While Octavius was still giving audience to the messengers, it was announced
						to him that the decrees had been rescinded. The messengers thereupon
						withdrew, covered with confusion. With his army still more exasperated
						Octavius hastened to the city, fearing lest some evil should befall his
						mother and sister. To the plebeians, who were in a state of consternation,
						he sent horsemen in advance to tell them to have no fear. While all were
						amazed he took a position just beyond the Quirinal hill, no one daring to
						fight or prevent him. Now another wonderful and sudden change took place.
						Patricians flocked out and saluted him. The common people ran also and
						admired the good order of the soldiers, which they considered a sign of
						peace. On the following day Octavius advanced toward the city, leaving his
						army where it was, and having with him only a sufficient guard. Here, again,
						crowds met him along the whole road and saluted him, omitting nothing that
						savored of friendliness and weak compliance. His mother and sister, who were
						in the temple of Vesta with the Vestal virgins, embraced him. The three
						legions, in spite of their generals, sent ambassadors and transferred
						themselves to him. One of the generals in command of them, Cornutus, killed
						himself. The others allied themselves with Octavius. When Cicero learned
						this he sought an interview with Octavius through friends. When it was
						granted he defended himself and dwelt much upon his proposing Octavius for
						the consulship, as he had done in the Senate on a former occasion. Octavius
						answered ironically that Cicero seemed to be the last of his friends to
						greet him.

The next night a rumor gained currency that two of Octavius' legions, the
						Martian and the Fourth, had gone over to the side of the republic, because
						they had been led against their country by deception. The prætors
						and the Senate put faith in this report heedlessly, although the army was
						very near, thinking that with the assistance of these two legions, as they
						were the bravest, it would be possible to hold out against the rest of
						Octavius' army until some force from elsewhere should come to the rescue.
						The same night they sent Manius Aquilius Crassus to Picenum to raise troops,
						and ordered one of the tribunes, named Apuleius, to run through the city and
						proclaim the good news to the people. The senators assembled by night in the
						senate-house, and Cicero received them at the door, but when the news was
						contradicted he took flight in a litter.

Octavius laughed at them and moved his army nearer to the city and stationed
						it in the Campus Martius. He did not then punish any of the
						prætors, not even Crassus who had rushed off to Picenum, although
						the latter was brought before him just as he was caught, in the disguise of
						a slave. He pardoned all in order to acquire a reputation for clemency. But
						not long afterward they were put on the list of the proscribed. He ordered
						that the public money on the Janiculum or elsewhere be brought to him, and
						that the amount that had been previously ordered to be paid on the motion of
						Cicero be distributed; that is, he divided 2500 drachmas per man and
						promised to give them the remainder. Then he took his departure from the
						city until the consuls should be chosen by the comitia. Having been elected,
						together with Quintus Pedius, whom he desired to have as his colleague, and
						who had given to him his own portion of his inheritance from
						Cæsar, he entered the city as consul. He offered the usual
						sacrifices, and twelve vultures were seen; the same number, they say, that
						appeared to Romulus when he laid the foundations of the city. After the
						sacrifices he caused his adoption by his father to be ratified again,
						according to the lex curiata, -- that is, by a popular
						vote, -- for the parts into which the tribes, or the common people, are
						divided are called curiœ, just as I suppose the
						similar divisions among the Greeks are called
							 phratriœ. Among the Romans this was the
						method of adoption most in accordance with law in the case of orphans; and
						those who follow it have the same rights as real sons in respect of the
						relatives and the freedmen of the persons who adopt them. Among the other
						splendid accessories of Cæsar was a large number of freedmen, many
						of them rich, and this was perhaps the principal reason why Octavius wanted
						the adoption by a vote of the people in addition to the former adoption
						which came to him by Cæsar's will.

He caused a new law to be passed to repeal the one which declared Dolabella a
						public enemy, and also to punish the murder of Cæsar. Indictments
						were found forthwith, the friends of Cæsar bringing accusations
						against some for actual participation in the crime and against others as
						having guilty knowledge only. Several were indicted, and among them some who
						were not in the city when Cæsar was killed. One day was fixed by
						public proclamation for the trial of all, and judgment was taken against all
						by default while Octavius was overlooking the court. None of the judges
						voted for acquittal except one patrician, who then escaped with impunity,
						but was included with others in the proscription a little later. It appears
						that about this time Quintus Gallius, a city prætor and brother of
						Marcus Gallius, who was serving with Antony, asked Octavius for the command
						of Africa, and, being thus brought into his presence, attempted to take his
						life. His colleagues stripped him of his prætorship, the people
						tore his house down, and the Senate condemned him to death. Octavius ordered
						him to depart to his brother, and it is said that he took ship and was never
						seen again.

These things accomplished, Octavius formed plans for a reconciliation with
						Antony, for he had learned that Brutus and Cassius had already collected
						twenty legions of soldiers, and he needed Antony's help against them. He
						moved out of the city toward the Adriatic coast and proceeded in a leisurely
						way, waiting to see what the Senate would do. Pedius persuaded the senators,
						after Octavius had taken his departure, not to make their differences with
						each other irremediable, but to be reconciled to Lepidus and Antony. They
						foresaw that such a reconciliation would not be for their advantage or for
						that of the country, but would be merely an assistance to Octavius against
						Brutus and Cassius. Nevertheless, they gave their approval and assent to it
						as a matter of necessity. So the decrees declaring Antony and Lepidus, and
						the soldiers under them, public enemies, were repealed, and others of a
						peaceful nature were sent to them. Thereupon Octavius wrote and
						congratulated them, and he promised to lend assistance to Antony against
						Decimus Brutus if he needed it. They replied to him at once in a friendly
						spirit and eulogized him. Antony wrote that he would himself take vengeance
						on Decimus for Cæsar's account and on Plancus for his own, and that then he would join forces with
						Octavius.

Such were the letters which they exchanged with each other. While pursuing
						Decimus, Antony was joined by Asinius Pollio with two legions. Asinius also
						brought about an arrangement with Plancus, by virtue of which the latter
						passed over to Antony with three legions, so that Antony now had much the
						strongest force. Decimus had ten legions, of whom four, the most experienced
						in war, had suffered severely from famine and were still enfeebled. The
						other six were new levies, still untrained and unaccustomed to their labors.
						As he despaired of fighting, he decided to flee to Marcus Brutus in
						Macedonia. He retreated not by the higher Alps, but toward Ravenna and
						Aquileia. Since Cæsar had travelled by this route, Decimus
						proposed another longer and more difficult one -- to cross the Rhine and
						traverse the wild country of barbarian tribes. Thereupon the new levies,
						bewildered and fatigued, were the first to desert him and join Octavius.
						After them the four older legions joined Antony, and the auxiliaries did the
						same, except a body-guard of Gallic horse. Then Decimus allowed those who
						wished to do so to return to their own homes, and, after distributing among
						them the gold he had with him, proceeded toward the Rhine with 300
						followers, the only ones who remained. As it was difficult to cross the
						river with so few, he was now abandoned by all the others except ten. He put
						on Gallic clothing, and, as he was acquainted with the language, he
						proceeded on his journey with these, passing himself off as a Gaul. He no
						longer followed the longer route, but went toward Aquileia, thinking that he
						should escape notice by reason of the smallness of his force.

Having been captured by robbers and bound, he asked them who was the chief of
						this Gallic tribe. He was informed that it was Camillus, a man to whom he
						had done many favors. So he told them to bring him to Camillus. When the
						latter saw him led in, he greeted him in a friendly way in public, and
						scolded those who had bound him, for putting an indignity on so great a man
						through ignorance; but he sent word to Antony secretly. Antony was some-what
						touched by this change of fortune, and was not willing to see Decimus, but
						he ordered Camillus to kill him and send his head to himself. When he saw the head he ordered his attendants to
						bury it. Such was the end of Decimus, who had been Cæsar's
						præfect of horse and had governed Farther Gaul under him and had been designated by him
						for the consulship the coming year and for the governorship of Hither Gaul.
						He was the next of the murderers after Trebonius to meet punishment, within
						a year and a half of the assassination. About the same time Minucius
						Basilus, another of Cæsar's murderers, was killed by his slaves,
						some of whom he was castrating by way of punishment.

THUS was punishment visited upon two of Cæsar's murderers, who were
						conquered in their own provinces, Trebonius in Asia and Decimus Brutus in
						Gaul. How vengeance overtook Cassius and Marcus Brutus, who were the
						principal leaders in the conspiracy against Cæsar, and who
						controlled the territory from Syria to Macedonia, and had large forces of
						cavalry and sailors, and more than twenty legions of infantry, together with
						ships and money, this fourth book of the Civil Wars will show. During the
						progress of these events came the pursuit and capture of the proscribed in
						Rome and the sufferings consequent thereon, the like of which cannot be
						recalled among the civil commotions or wars of the Greeks, or those of the
						Romans themselves save only in the time of Sulla, who was the first to put
						his enemies on a proscription list. Marius searched for his and punished
						those whom he found, but Sulla proclaimed large rewards to persons who
						should kill the proscribed and severe punishment to those who should conceal
						them. But what took place in the time of Marius and Sulla I have previously
						narrated in the history relating to them. The following events came next in
						order.

Octavius and Antony composed their differences on a small, gradually sloping
						islet in the river Lavinius, near the city of Mutina. Each had five legions
						of soldiers whom they stationed opposite each other, after which each
						proceeded with 300 men to the bridges over the river. Lepidus himself went
						before them, searched the island, and shook his military cloak as a signal
						to them to come. Then each left his three hundred in charge of friends on
						the bridges and advanced to the middle of the island in plain sight, and
						there the three sat together in council, Octavius in the centre because he
						was consul. They were in conference from morning till night for two days,
						and came to these decisions: That Octavius should resign the consulship and
						that Ventidius should take it for the remainder of the year; that anew
						magistracy for quieting the civil dissensions should be created by law,
						which Lepidus, Antony, and Octavius should hold for five years with consular
						power (for this name seemed preferable to that of dictator, perhaps because
						of Antony's decree abolishing the dictatorship); that these three should at
						once designate the yearly magistrates of the city for the five years; that a
						distribution of the provinces should be made, giving to Antony the whole of
						Gaul except the part bordering the Pyrenees Mountains, which was called Old
						Gaul. The latter, together with Spain, was assigned to Lepidus, while
						Octavius was to have Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily, and the other islands in
						the vicinity thereof.

Thus was the dominion of the Romans divided by the triumvirate among
						themselves. The assignment of the parts beyond the Adriatic only was
						postponed, since these were still under the control of Brutus and Cassius,
						against whom Antony and Octavius were to wage war. Lepidus was to be consul
						the following year and to remain in the city to do what was needful there,
						meanwhile governing Spain by proxy. He was to retain three of his legions to
						guard the city, and to divide the other seven between Octavius and Antony,
						three to the former and four to the latter, so that each of them might lead
						twenty legions to the war. To encourage the army with the expectation of
						booty they promised them, beside other gifts, eighteen cities of Italy as
						colonies -- cities which excelled in wealth, in the fertility of their
						territory, and in handsome houses, and which were to be divided among them
						(land, buildings, and all), just as though they had been captured from an
						enemy in war. The most renowned among these were Capua, Rhegium, Venusia,
						Beneventum, Nuceria, Ariminum, and Vibo. Thus were the most beautiful parts of Italy
						marked out for the soldiers. But they decided to destroy their personal
						enemies beforehand, so that the latter should not interfere with their
						arrangements while they were carrying on war abroad. Having come to these
						decisions, they reduced them to writing, and Octavius, as consul,
						communicated them to the soldiers, all except the proscriptions. When the
						soldiers heard them they applauded and embraced each other in token of
						mutual reconciliation.

While these transactions were taking place many fearful prodigies and
						portents were observed at Rome. Dogs howled exactly like wolves -- a fearful
						sign. Wolves darted through the forum -- an animal unused to the city.
						Cattle used the human voice. A newly born infant spoke. Sweat issued from
						statues; some even sweated blood. Loud voices of men were heard and the
						clashing of arms and the tramp of horses where none could be seen. Many
						fearful signs were observed around the sun, there were showers of stones,
						and continuous lightning fell upon the sacred temples and images; in
						consequence of which the Senate sent for diviners and soothsayers from
						Etruria. The oldest of them said that the kingly rule of former times was
						coming back, and that they would all be slaves except himself, whereupon he
						closed his mouth and held his breath till he was dead.

As soon as the triumvirs were by themselves they joined in making a list of
						those who were to be put to death. They put on the list those whom they
						suspected because of their power, and also their personal enemies, and they
						swapped their own relatives and friends with each other for death, both then
						and later. For they made additions to the catalogue from time to time, some
						on the ground of enmity, others for a grudge merely, or because the victims
						tims were friends of their enemies or enemies of their friends. Some were
						proscribed on account of their wealth, for the triumvirs needed a great deal
						of money to carry on the war, since the revenue from Asia had been paid to
						Brutus and Cassius, who were still collecting it, and the kings and satraps
						were coöperating with them. So the triumvirs were short of money
						because Europe, and especially Italy, was exhausted by wars and exactions;
						for which reason they levied very heavy contributions from the plebeians and
						finally even from women, and contemplated taxes on sales and rents. Some
						were proscribed because they had handsome villas or city residences. The
						number of senators who were sentenced to death and confiscation was about
						300, and of the so-called knights about 2000. There were brothers and uncles
						of the triumvirs in the list of the proscribed, and also some of the
						lieutenants serving under them who had had some difficulty with the leaders,
						or with their fellow-lieutenants.

As they left the conference to proceed to Rome they postponed the
						proscription of the greater number of victims, but they decided to send
						executioners in advance and without warning to kill twelve, or, as some say,
						seventeen, of the most important ones, among whom was Cicero. Four of these
						were slain immediately, either at banquets or as they were met on the
						streets. Search was made for the others in temples and houses. There was a
						sudden panic which lasted through the night, and a running to and fro with
						cries and lamentation as in a captured city. When it was known that men had
						been seized and massacred, although nobody had been previously sentenced by
						proscription, every man thought that he was the one whom the pursuers were
						in search of. In despair some were on the point of burning their own houses,
						and others the public buildings, or of committing some terrible deed in
						their frenzied state before the blow should fall upon them; and they would
						have done so had not the consul Pedius hurried around with heralds and
						encouraged them, telling them to wait till daylight and get more accurate
						information. When morning came Pedius, contrary to the intention of the
						triumvirs, published the list of seventeen as deemed the sole authors of the
						civil strife and the only ones condemned. To the rest he pledged the public
						faith, being ignorant of the determinations of the triumvirs. Pedius died in
						consequence of fatigue the following night.

The triumvirs entered the city separately on three successive days, Octavius,
						Antony, and Lepidus, each with a prætorian cohort and one legion.
						As they arrived, the city was speedily filled with arms and military
						standards, disposed in the most advantageous places. A public assembly was
						forthwith convened in the midst of these armed men, and the tribune Publius
						Titius proposed a law providing for a new magistracy for settling the
						present disorders, to consist of three men to hold office for five years,
						namely, Lepidus, Antony, and Octavius, with the same power as consuls.
						(Among the Greeks these would have been called harmosts, which is the name
						the Lacedæmonians gave to those whom they appointed over their
						subject states.) No time was given for consideration of this measure, nor
						was a future day appointed for voting on it, but it was passed forthwith.
						That same night, the proscription of 130 men in addition to the seventeen
						was proclaimed in various parts of the city, and a little later 150 more,
						and additions to the lists were constantly made of those who had been
						previously condemned or killed by mistake, so that they might seem to have
						perished justly. It was ordered that the heads of all the victims should be
						brought to the triumvirs in order to adjust the rewards, which to a free
						person were payable in money and to a slave in both money and freedom. All
						were required to afford opportunity for searching their houses. Those who
						received fugitives, or concealed them, or refused to allow search to be
						made, were liable to the same penalties as the proscribed, and those who
						informed against concealers were allowed the same rewards [as those who
						killed the proscribed].

The proscription was in the following words: " Marcus Lepidus, Mark Antony,
						and Octavius Cæsar, chosen by the people to set in order and
						regulate the republic, do declare that, had not perfidious scoundrels begged
						for mercy and when they obtained it become the enemies of their benefactors
						and conspired against them, neither would Gaius Cæsar have been
						slain by those whom he saved by his clemency after capturing them in war,
						whom he admitted to his friendship and upon whom he heaped offices, honors,
						and gifts; nor should we have been compelled to use severity against those
						who have insulted us and declared us public enemies. Now, seeing that the
						malice of those, who have conspired against us and from whom Gaius
						Cæsar suffered, cannot be overcome by kindness, we prefer to
						anticipate our enemies rather than suffer at their hands. Let no one who
						sees what both Cæsar and ourselves have suffered consider our
						action unjust, cruel, or immoderate. Although Cæsar was clothed
						with supreme power, although he was pontifex maximus, although he had
						overthrown and added to our sway the nations most formidable to the Romans,
						although he was the first man to attempt the untried sea beyond the pillars
						of Hercules and was the discoverer of a country hitherto unknown to the
						Romans, this man was slain in a public and sacred place designated as the
						senate-house, under the eyes of the gods, with twenty-three dastardly
						wounds, by men whom he had taken prisoners in war and had spared, some of
						whom he had named as co-heirs of his wealth. After this execrable crime,
						instead of arresting the guilty wretches, the rest sent them forth as
						commanders and governors, in which capacity they seized upon the public
						money with which they are collecting an army against us and are seeking
						reënforcements from barbarians ever hostile to Roman rule. Cities
						subject to Rome that would not obey them they have burned, or ravaged, or
						levelled to the ground; other cities they have forced by terror to bear arms
						against the country and against us.

"Some of them we have punished already; and by the aid of divine providence
						you shall see the rest punished presently. Although the chief part of this
						work has been finished by us or is well in hand, appertaining to Spain and
						Gaul as well as to Italy, one task still remains, and that is to march
						against Cæsar's assassins beyond the sea. On the eve of
						undertaking this foreign war for you, we do not consider it safe, either for
						you or for us, to leave other enemies behind to take advantage of our
						absence and watch for opportunities during the war. We think that there
						should be no delay in such an emergency, but that we ought rather to sweep
						them out of our pathway, once for all, seeing that they began the war against us
						when they voted us and the armies under us public enemies.

"What vast numbers of citizens have they doomed to destruction with us,
						disregarding the vengeance of the gods and the reprobation of mankind! We
						shall not deal harshly with any multitude of men, nor shall we count as
						enemies all who have opposed us or plotted against us, or those
						distinguished for their riches merely, their estates, or their high
						position; nor shall we go to the same lengths as another man who held the
						supreme power before us, when he, too, was regulating the commonwealth in
						civil convulsions, and whom you named the Fortunate 
						on account of his success; and yet necessarily three persons will have more
						enemies than one. We shall take vengeance only on the worst and most guilty.
						This we shall do for your interest no less than for our own, for while we
						keep up our conflicts you will all be involved necessarily in great dangers.
						It is incumbent on us also to do something to quiet the army, which has been
						insulted, irritated, and decreed a public enemy by our common foes. Although
						we might arrest on the spot whomsoever we please, we prefer to proscribe
						rather than seize them unawares; and this, too, on your account, so that it
						may not be in the power of enraged soldiers to exceed their orders, but that
						they may be restricted to a certain number designated by name, and spare the
						others according to order.

"In God's name then, let no
						one harbor any one of those whose names are hereto appended, or conceal
						them, or send them away, or be corrupted by their money. Whoever shall be
						detected in saving, or aiding, or conniving with them we will put on the
						list of the proscribed without allowing any excuse or pardon. Those who kill
						the proscribed and bring us their heads shall receive the following rewards:
						to a free man 25,000 Attic drachmas per head; to a slave his freedom and
						10,000 Attic drachmas and his master's right of citizenship. Informers shall
						receive the same rewards. In order that they may remain unknown the names of those
						who receive the rewards shall not be inscribed in our registers." Such was
						the language of the proscription of the triumvirate as nearly as it can be
						rendered from Latin into Greek.

Lepidus was the first to begin the work of proscription, and his brother
						Paulus was the first on the list of the proscribed. Antony came next, and
						the second name on the list was that of his uncle, Lucius
							Cæsar. These
						two men had been the first to vote Lepidus and Antony public enemies. The
						third and fourth victims were relatives of the consuls-elect for the coming
						year, namely, Plotius, the brother of Plancus, and Quintus, the
						father-in-law of Asinnius. These four were placed at the head of the list,
						not so much on account of their dignity as to produce terror and despair, so
						that none of the proscribed might hope to escape. Among the proscribed was
						Thoranius, who was said by some to have been a tutor of Octavius. When the
						lists were published, the gates and all the other exits from the city, the
						harbor, the marshes, the pools, and every other place that was suspected as
						adapted to flight or concealment, were occupied by soldiers; the centurions
						were charged to scour the surrounding country. All these things took place
						simultaneously.

Straightway, throughout city and country, wherever each one happened to be
						found, there were sudden arrests and murder in various forms, and
						decapitations for the sake of the rewards when the head should be shown;
						also undignified flights in strange costumes, of persons hitherto well
						dressed. Some descended into wells, others into filthy sewers. Some took
						refuge in chimneys. Others crouched in the deepest silence under the
						thick-set tiles of their roofs. Some were not less fearful of their wives
						and ill-disposed children than of the murderers. Others feared their
						freedmen and their slaves; creditors feared their debtors and neighbors
						feared neighbors who coveted their lands. There was a sudden outburst of
						previously smouldering hates and a shocking change in the condition of
						senators, consulars, prætors, tribunes (men who were about to
						enter upon those offices, or who had already held them), who threw
						themselves with lamentations at the feet of their own slaves, giving to the
						servant the character of savior and master. It was most lamentable that even
						after submitting to this humiliation they did not obtain pity.

Every kind of calamity was rife, but not as in ordinary sedition or military
						occupation, for in those cases the people had to fear only the members of
						the opposite faction, or the enemy, and could rely on their own domestics.
						But now they were more afraid of them than of the assassins, for as the
						former had nothing to fear on their own account, as in ordinary seditions or
						wars, they were suddenly transformed from domestics into enemies, either
						from some concealed hatred, or in order to obtain the published rewards, or
						to possess themselves of the gold and silver in their masters' houses. For
						these reasons each one became treacherous to the household, preferring his
						own gain to compassion for the home. Those who were faithful and
						well-disposed feared to aid, or conceal, or connive at the escape of the
						victims, because such acts made them liable to the very same punishments.
						This was quite different from the peril that befell the seventeen men first
						condemned. Then there was no proscription, but certain persons were arrested
						unexpectedly, and as all feared similar treatment all sheltered each other.
						After the proscriptions some immediately became the betrayers of all.
						Others, being free from danger themselves and eager for gain, became hunting
						dogs for the murderers for the sake of the rewards. Of the remainder, some
						plundered the houses of the slain, and their private gains turned their
						thoughts away from the public calamities; others, more prudent and upright,
						were palsied with consternation. It seemed most astounding to them, when
						they reflected upon it, that while other states afflicted by civil strife
						had been rescued by harmonizing the factions, in this case the dissensions
						of the leaders had wrought ruin in the first instance and their agreement
						with each other had had like consequences afterwards.

Some died defending themselves against their slayers. Others made no
						resistance, considering the assailants not to blame. Some starved, or
						hanged, or drowned themselves, or flung themselves from their roofs or into
						the fire. Some offered themselves to the murderers or sent for them when
						they delayed. Others concealed themselves and made abject entreaties, or
						dodged, or tried to buy themselves off. Some were killed by mistake, or by
						private malice, contrary to the intention of the triumvirs. It was evident
						that a corpse was not one of the proscribed if the head was still attached
						to it, for the heads of the proscribed were displayed on the rostra in the
						forum, where it was necessary to bring them in order to get the rewards.
						Equally conspicuous were the fidelity and courage of others -- of wives, of
						children, of brothers, of slaves, who rescued the proscribed or planned for
						them in various ways, and died with them when they did not succeed in their
						designs. Some even killed themselves on the bodies of the slain. Of those
						who made their escape some perished by shipwreck, ill luck pursuing them to
						the last. Others were preserved, contrary to expectation, to become city
						magistrates, commanders in war, and even to enjoy the honors of a triumph.
						Such a display of paradoxes did this time afford.

These things took place not in an ordinary city, not in a weak and petty
						kingdom; but the deity thus smote the most powerful mistress of so many
						nations and of land and sea, and so brought about, after a long period of
						time, the present well-ordered condition. Other like events had taken place
						in the time of Sulla and even before him in that of Gaius Marius. The most
						notable of these calamities I have narrated in my history of those times, in
						which was the added horror that the dead were cast away unburied. The
						matters we are now considering are the more remarkable by reason of the
						dignity of the triumvirs and especially of one of them, who, by means of his
						character and good fortune, established the government on a firm foundation,
						and left his lineage and name to those who now rule after him. I shall now
						run over the most remarkable as well as the most shocking of these events,
						which are all the more worthy to be remembered because they were the last of
						the kind. I shall not speak of all, however, because the mere killing, or
						flight, or subsequent return of those who were pardoned by the triumvirs at
						a later period and passed undistinguished lives at home, is not worthy of
						mention. I shall refer only to those which are calculated to astonish by
						their extraordinary nature or to confirm what has already been said. These
						events are many, and they have been written in numerous books by many Roman
						historians successively. By way of summary, and to shorten my narrative, I
						shall record a few of each kind in order to confirm the truth of each and to
						illustrate the happiness of the present time.

The massacre began, as it happened, among those who were still in office, and
						the first one slain was the tribune Salvius. His was, according to the laws,
						a sacred and inviolable office, endowed with the greatest powers, even that
						of imprisoning the consuls in certain circumstances. Salvius was the tribune
						who had at first prevented the Senate from declaring Antony a public enemy,
						but later he had coöperated with Cicero in everything. When he
						heard of the agreement of the triumvirs, and of their hastening to the city,
						he gave a banquet to his friends, believing that he should not have many
						more opportunities for doing so. Soldiers burst in while the feast was going
						on. Some of the guests started up in tumultuous alarm, but the centurion in
						command ordered them to resume their places and remain quiet. Then, seizing
						Salvius by the hair, just as he was, the centurion drew him as far as need
						be across the table, cut off his head, and ordered the guests to stay where
						they were and make no disturbance unless they wished to suffer a like fate.
						So they remained after the centurion's departure, stupefied and speechless,
						till the most silent watches of the night, reclining by the side of the
						tribune's body. The second one slain was the prætor Minucius, who
						was holding the comitia in the forum. Learning that the soldiers were
						seeking him, he fled, and while he was still running about looking for a
						hiding-place he changed his clothes, and then darted into a shop, sending
						away his attendants and the insignia of his office. The attendants, moved by
						shame and pity, lingered near the place, and thus unintentionally made the
						discovery of the prætor more easy to his slayers.

Annalis, another prætor, was going around with his son, who was a
						candidate for the quæstorship, and soliciting votes for him. Some
						friends who accompanied him, and those who bore his insignia of office, when
						they heard that he was on the list of the proscribed, ran away from him.
						Annalis took refuge with one of his clients, who had in the suburbs a small,
						mean apartment in every way despicable, where he remained safely concealed
						until his son, suspecting that he had fled to this client, guided the
						murderers to the place. The triumvirs gave him his father's fortune and
						raised him to the ædileship. As he was returning home drunk he
						fell into a quarrel about something, and was killed by the same soldiers who
						had killed his father. Thoranius, who was not then prætor but had
						been such, and who was the father of a young man who was a scapegrace
						generally, but had great influence with Antony, asked the centurions to
						postpone his death for a short time, till his son could appeal to Antony for
						him. They laughed at him, and said, "He has already appealed, but on the
						other side." When the old man knew this he asked for another very short
						interval until he could see his daughter, and when he saw her he told her
						not to claim her share of the inheritance lest her brother should ask for
						her death also from Antony. It happened in the son's case that, after
						squandering his fortune in disgraceful ways, he was convicted of theft and
						sentenced to banishment.

Cicero, who had held supreme power after Cæsar's death, as much as
						a public speaker could, was proscribed, together with his son, his brother,
						and his brother's son and all of his household, his faction, and his
						friends. He fled in a small boat, but as he could not endure the
						seasickness, he landed and went to a country place of his own near
							Caieta, a town of Italy, which I visited to gain
						knowledge of this lamentable affair, and here he remained quiet. While the
						searchers were approaching (for of all others Antony sought for him most
						eagerly and the rest did so for Antony's sake), crows flew into his chamber
						and awakened him from sleep by their croaking, and pulled off his
						bed-covering until his servants, perceiving that this was a warning from one
						of the gods, put him in a litter and again conveyed him toward the sea,
						going cautiously through a dense thicket. Many soldiers were hurrying around
						in squads inquiring if Cicero had been seen anywhere. Some people, moved by
						good-will and pity, said that he had already put to sea; but a shoemaker, a
						client of Clodius, who had been a most bitter enemy of Cicero, pointed out
						the path to Læna, the centurion, who was pursuing with a small
						force. The latter ran after him, and seeing slaves mustering for the defence
						in much larger number than the force under his own command, he called out by
						way of stratagem, "Come on, you centurions in the rear, this is the place;"
						whereupon the slaves, thinking that more soldiers were coming, were
						terror-stricken.

Læna, although he had been once saved by Cicero when under trial,
						drew his head out of the litter and cut it off, striking it three times, or
						rather sawing it off by reason 
							 CICERO 
							 In the Hall of the Philosophers, Capitoline Museum,
								Rome 
						 
					 
					 of his inexperience. He also cut off the hand with which Cicero had written
						the speeches against the tyranny of Antony and which he had entitled
						Philippics in imitation of those of Demosthenes. Then some of the soldiers
						hastened on horseback and others on shipboard to convey the good news
						quickly to Antony. The latter was sitting in front of the tribunal in the
						forum when Læna, a long distance off, showed him the head and hand
						by lifting them up and shaking them. Antony was delighted beyond measure. He
						crowned the centurion and gave him 250,000 Attic drachmas in addition to the
						stipulated reward for killing the man who had been his greatest and most
						bitter enemy. The head and hand of Cicero were suspended for a long time
						from the rostra in the forum where formerly he had been accustomed to make
						public speeches, and more people came together to behold this spectacle than
						had previously come to listen to him. It is said that even at his meals
						Antony placed the head of Cicero before his table, until he became satiated
						with the horrid sight. Thus was Cicero, a man famous even yet for his
						eloquence, and one who had rendered the greatest service to his country when
						he held the office of consul, slain, and insulted after his death. His son
						had been sent in advance to Brutus in Greece. Cicero's brother, Quintus, was
						captured, together with his son. He begged the murderers to kill him before
						his son, and the son prayed that he might be killed before his father. The
						murderers said that they would grant both requests, and, dividing themselves
						into two parties, each taking one, killed them at the same time according to
							agreement.

The Egnatii, father and son, while embracing each other, died by the same
						blow, and their heads were cut off while the remainder of their bodies were
						still locked together. Balbus sent his son in advance of himself in flight
						toward the sea in order that they might not be too conspicuous travelling
						together, and he followed at a short interval. Somebody told him, either by
						design or by mistake, that his son had been captured. He went back and
						delivered himself to the murderers. It happened, too, that his son perished
						by shipwreck. Thus did ill luck add to the calamities of the time. Aruntius
						had a son who was not willing to fly without his father. The latter with
						difficulty persuaded him to seek his safety because he was young. His mother
						accompanied him to the city gates and returned only to bury her slain
						husband. When she learned that her son also had perished at sea she starved
						herself to death. Such examples were there of good and bad sons.

Two brothers of the name of Ligarius, being proscribed together, hid
						themselves in an oven till their slaves found them, when one of them was
						killed and the other fled. When the latter learned that his brother had
						perished he threw himself from a bridge into the Tiber. Some fishermen
						seized him thinking that he had fallen into the water instead of leaping in.
						He resisted rescue and tried to throw himself into the river again. When he
						was overcome by the fishermen he exclaimed, "You are not saving me, but
						ruining yourselves by helping one who is proscribed." Nevertheless they had
						pity on him and saved him until some soldiers who were guarding the bridge
						saw him, ran to him, and cut off his head. One of two brothers threw himself
						into the river and one of his slaves searched for the body five days. At
						last he found it, and as it was still possible to recognize it, he cut off
						the head for the sake of the reward. The other brother had concealed himself
						in a dung-heap and another slave betrayed him. The murderers disdained to go
						into the heap, but thrust their spears into him and dragged him out. They
						then cut off his head, just as he was, without washing it. Another one
						seeing his brother arrested ran up to him, not knowing that he was himself
						proscribed also, and said, "Kill me instead of him." The
						centurion, having the proscription list at hand, said, "Your request is a
						proper one, for your name comes before his." And so saying, he killed both
						of them in due order. Let these serve as examples in the case of brothers.

Ligarius was concealed by his wife, who communicated the secret to only one
						female slave. Having been betrayed by the latter, she followed her husband's
						head as it was carried away, crying out, "I sheltered him; those who give
						shelter are to share the punishment." As nobody killed her or informed of
						her, she came to the triumvirs and accused herself before them. Being moved
						by her love for her husband they pretended not to see her. So she starved
						herself to death. I have mentioned her in this place because she failed to
						save her husband and would not survive him. I shall refer to those who were
						successful in their devotion to their husbands when I speak of the men who
						escaped. Other women betrayed their husbands infamously. Among these was the
						wife of Septimius, who had an amour with a certain friend of Antony. Being
						impatient to exchange this illicit connection for matrimony, she besought
						Antony through her paramour to rid her of her husband. Septimius
						was at once put on the list of the proscribed. He learned this fact from his
						wife, and in ignorance of his domestic ills prepared for flight. She, as
						though with loving anxiety, closed the doors, and kept him until the
						murderers came. The same day that her husband was killed she celebrated her
						new nuptials.

Salassus escaped, and, not knowing what to do with himself, came back to the
						city by night, thinking that the danger had mostly passed away. His house
						had been sold. The janitor, who had been sold with the house, was the only
						one who recognized him, and he received him in his room, promising to
						conceal him and feed him as well as he could. Salassus told the janitor to
						call his wife from her own house. She pretended to be very desirous to come,
						but to be fearful of the night and distrustful of her servants, and said
						that she would come at daybreak. When daylight came she went for the
						murderers. The janitor, because she was delaying, ran to her house to hasten
						her coming. When the janitor went out Salassus feared that he had gone to
						lay a plot against him, and went up to the roof to watch what would happen.
						Seeing that it was not the janitor but his wife who was bringing the
						murderers, he precipitated himself from the roof. Fulvius fled to the house
						of a female servant, who had been his mistress, and to whom he had given
						freedom and a dowry on her marriage. Although she had been so well treated
						by him she betrayed him on account of jealousy of the woman whom Fulvius had
						married after his relations with her. Let these serve as examples of
						depraved women.

Statius, the Samnite, who had had great influence with the Samnites during
						the social war and who had been raised to the rank of a Roman senator for
						his noble deeds, his wealth, and his lineage, and who was now eighty years
						of age, was proscribed on account of his riches. He threw open his house to
						the people and to his own slaves to carry away whatever they pleased. He
						also scattered his property around with his own hand. When at last the house
						was empty he closed the doors, set fire to it, and perished, and the fire
						spread to many other parts of the city. Capito, through his half-opened
						door, for a long time resisted those who had been sent against him, killing
						them one by one. Finally, he was overpowered by numbers and slain after
						killing single-handed many of his assailants. Vetulinus assembled around
						Rhegium a large force of the proscribed and those who had fled with them,
						and others from the eighteen cities which had been promised as rewards of
						victory to the soldiers and who were indignant at such treatment. With these
						men Vetulinus slew the centurions who were scouting thereabouts, until a
						larger force was sent against him, and even then he did not desist, but
						passed over to Sicily and joined Sextus Pompeius, who had mastered that
						island and who received the fugitives. There he fought bravely until he was
						defeated in several engagements. Then he sent his son and the remainder of
						the proscribed who were with him to Messana, and when he saw that their boat
						was passing the straits he dashed upon the enemy and was cut in pieces.

Naso, having been betrayed by a freedman who had been his favorite, snatched
						a sword from one of the soldiers, and, having killed his betrayer with it,
						surrendered himself to the murderers. A slave who was devoted to his master
						left the latter on a hill while he went to the sea-shore to hire a boat. On
						his return he found that his master had been killed, and while he was
						breathing his last the slave called out to him, "Wait a moment, my master,"
						whereupon he fell suddenly upon the centurion and slew him. Then he killed
						himself, saying to his master, "Now you have consolation." Lucius placed his
						gold in the hands of his two most faithful freedmen and started for the
						seashore. They ran away with it, and he turned around, despairing of his
						life, and gave himself up to the murderers. Labienus, who had captured and
						killed many persons in the time of the proscription of Sulla, thought that
						he would be disgraced if he did not bear himself bravely under similar
						circumstances. So he.went to his front door, seated himself in a chair, and
						waited for the murderers. Cestius concealed himself in the fields among
						faithful slaves. When he saw centurions running hither and thither with
						weapons and the heads of the proscribed he could not endure the prolonged
						fear. He persuaded the slaves to light a funeral pyre, so that they might
						say that they were paying the last rites to the dead Cestius. They were
						deceived by him and lighted the pyre accordingly, whereupon he leaped into
						it. Aponius concealed himself securely, but, as he could not endure the
						meanness of his diet, he came forth and delivered himself to slaughter.
						Another proscript voluntarily seated himself in full view, and, as the
						murderers delayed their coming, he strangled himself in public.

Lucius, the father-in-law of Asinius, who was then consul, fled by sea, but,
						as he could not endure the anguish of the tempest, he leaped overboard.
						Sisinius fled from his pursuers, exclaiming that he was not proscribed, but
						that they had conspired against him on account of his money. They brought
						him to the proscription list and told him to read his name on it, and while
						he was reading killed him. Æmilius, not knowing that he was
						proscribed and seeing another man pursued, asked the pursuing centurion who
						the proscribed man was. The centurion, recognizing Æmilius,
						replied, "You and he," and killed them both. Cilo and Decius were going out
						of the senate-house when they learned that their names were on the list of
						the proscribed, but no one had yet gone in pursuit of them. They fled
						incontinently through the city gates, and their running betrayed them to the
						centurions whom they met on the road. Icilius, who was one of the judges in
						the trial of Brutus and Cassius when Octavius presided over the tribunal
						with his army, and who, when all the other judges deposited secret ballots
						of condemnation, alone publicly deposited one of acquittal, now unmindful of
						his former magnanimity and independence put his shoulder under a dead body
						that was being conveyed to burial, and took a place among the carriers of
						the bier. The guards at the city gates noticed that the number of
						corpse-bearers was greater by one man than usual, but they did not suspect
						the bearers. They only searched the bier to make sure that it was not
						somebody counterfeiting a corpse, but, as the bearers fell into a dispute
						with Icilius as not being a member of their trade, he was recognized by the
						murderers and killed.

Varus, who was betrayed by a freedman, ran away, and after wandering from
						mountain to mountain came to a marsh at Minturnæ, where he stopped
						to take rest. The inhabitants of Minturnæ were mounting guard over
						this marsh in search of robbers, and the agitation of the reeds revealed the
						hiding-place of Varus. He was captured and said that he was a robber. He was
						condemned to death and resigned himself to his fate, but as they were
						preparing to subject him to torture to compel him to reveal his accomplices,
						he could not bear such an indignity. "I forbid you, citizens of
						Minturnæ," he said, "either to torture or to kill one who has been
						a consul and -- what is more important in the eyes of our present rulers --
						also proscribed! If it is not permitted me to escape, I prefer to suffer at
						the hands of my equals." The Minturnians did not believe him. They
						discredited his story until a centurion, who was scouting in that
						neighborhood, recognized him, and cut off his head, leaving the remainder of
						his body to the Minturnians. Largus was captured in the fields by soldiers
						who were pursuing another man. They took pity on him because he had been
						captured when they were not seeking him, and allowed him to escape in the
						forest. Being pursued by others, he ran back to his first captors, saying,
						"I would rather that you, who had compassion on me, should kill me, so that
						you may have the reward instead of those men." Thus he recompensed them with
						his death for their kindness to him.

Rufus possessed a handsome house near that of Fulvia, the wife of Antony,
						which she had wanted to buy, but he would not sell it, and although he now
						offered it to her as a free gift, he was proscribed. His head was brought to
						Antony, who said it did not concern him and sent it to his wife. She ordered that it be fastened to the front of his own
						house instead of the rostra. Another man had a very handsome and well-shaded
						country-place in which was a beautiful and deep grotto, on account of which
						probably he was proscribed. He was taking the air in this grotto when the
						murderers were observed by a slave, as they were coming toward him, but
						still some distance off. The slave conveyed him to the innermost recess of
						the grotto, dressed himself in his master's short tunic, pretended that he
						was the man and simulated alarm, and would have been killed on the spot had
						not one of his fellow-slaves exposed the trick. In this way the master was
						killed, but the people were so indignant that they gave the triumvirs no
						rest until they had obtained from them the crucifixion of the slave who had
						betrayed his master, and the freedom of the one who had tried to save him. A
						slave revealed the hiding-place of Aterius and obtained his freedom in
						consequence. He had the impudence to bid against the sons at the sale of the
						dead man's property, and insulted them grossly. They followed him everywhere
						with silent tears till the people became exasperated, and the triumvirs made
						him again the slave of the sons of the proscript, for doing more than was
						needful. Such were the evils that befell the men.

The calamity extended to orphan children on account of their wealth. One of
						these, who was going to school, was killed, together with the attendant, who
						threw his arms around the boy and would not give him up. Atilius, who was
						just assuming the virile toga, went, as was customary, with a procession of
						friends to sacrifice in the temples. His name being put on the proscription
						list unexpectedly, his friends and servants ran away. Left alone, and bereft
						of his brilliant escort, he went to his mother. She was afraid to receive
						him. As he did not consider it safe to ask help from anybody else after his
						mother had failed him, he fled to a mountain. Hunger drove him down to the
						plain, where he was captured by a robber and committed to a workhouse. The
						delicate boy, unable to endure the toil, escaped to the high road with his
						fetters, revealed himself to some passing centurions, and was killed.

While these events were taking place Lepidus enjoyed a triumph for his
						exploits in Spain, and an edict was displayed in the following terms: "In
						God's name, let it be proclaimed to all men and women that they celebrate
						this day with sacrifices and feasting. Whoever shall fail to do so shall be
						put on the list of the proscribed." Lepidus led the triumphal procession to
						the Capitol, accompanied by all the citizens, who showed the external
						appearance of joy, but were sad at heart. The houses of the proscribed were
						gutted, but there were not many buyers of their lands. Some were ashamed to
						add to the burdens of the unfortunate. Others thought that such property
						would bring them bad luck, or that it would not be quite safe for them to be
						seen with gold and silver in their possession, or that, as they were not
						free from danger with their present holdings, it would be extra-hazardous to
						increase them. Only the boldest spirits came forward and purchased at the
						lowest prices, because they were the only buyers. Thus it came to pass that
						the triumvirs, who had hoped to realize a sufficient sum for their
						preparations, were short 20,000,000 of drachmas.

The triumvirs addressed the people on this subject and published an edict
						requiring 1400 of the richest women to make a
						valuation of their property, and to furnish for the service of the war such
						portion as the triumvirs should require from each. It was provided further
						that if any should conceal their property or make a false valuation they
						should be fined, and that rewards should be given to informers, whether free
						persons or slaves. The women resolved to beseech the female relatives of the
						triumvirs. With the sister of Octavius and the mother of Antony they did not
						fail, but they were repulsed from the doors of Fulvia, the wife of Antony,
						whose rudeness they could scarce endure. They then forced their way to the
						tribunal of the triumvirs in the forum, the people and the guards dividing
						to let them pass. There, through the mouth of Hortensia, they spoke as
						follows, according to previous arrangement: "As is befitting women of our
						rank addressing a petition to you, we had recourse to your female relatives.
						Having suffered unseemly treatment on the part of Fulvia, we have been
						compelled by her to visit the forum. You have deprived us of our fathers,
						our sons, our husbands, and our brothers, whom you accused of having wronged
						you. If you take away our property also, you reduce us to a condition
						unbecoming our birth, our manners, our sex. If we have done you wrong, as
						you say our husbands have, proscribe us as you do them. If we women have not
						voted you public enemies, have not torn down your houses, destroyed your
						army, or led another one against you; if we have not hindered you in
						obtaining offices and honors, -- why do you visit upon us the same
						punishment as upon the guilty, whose offences we have not shared?

"Why should we pay taxes when we have no part in the honors, the commands,
						the state-craft, for which you contend against each other with such harmful
						results? 'Because this is a time of war,' do you say? When have there not
						been wars, and when have taxes ever been imposed on women, who are exempted
						by their sex among all mankind? Our mothers once for all rose superior to
						their sex and made contributions when you were in danger of losing the whole
						empire and the city itself through the conflict with the Carthaginians. But
						then they contributed voluntarily, not from their landed property, their
						fields, their dowries, or their houses, without which life is not possible
						to free women, but only from their own jewellery, and not according to fixed
						valuation, not under fear of informers or accusers, not by force and
						violence, but what they themselves were willing to give. Who now causes you
						alarm for the empire or the country? Let war with the Gauls or the Parthians
						come, and we shall not be inferior to our mothers in zeal for the common
						safety; but for civil wars may we never contribute, nor ever assist you
						against each other. We did not contribute to Cæsar or to Pompey.
						Neither Marius nor Cinna imposed taxes upon us. Nor did Sulla, who held
						despotic power in the state, do so, whereas you say that you are
						reëstablishing the commonwealth."

When Hortensia had thus spoken the triumvirs were angry that women should
						dare to hold a public meeting when the men were silent; that they should
						demand from magistrates the reasons for their acts, and not furnish money
						while the men were serving in the army. They ordered the lictors to drive
						them away from the tribunal, which they proceeded to do until cries were
						raised by the multitude outside, when the lictors desisted and the triumvirs
						said they would postpone till the next day the consideration of the matter.
						On the following day they reduced the number of women, who were to present a
						valuation of their property, from 1400 to 400, and
						decreed that all men who possessed more than 100,000 drachmas, both citizens
						and strangers, freedmen and priests, and men of all nationalities without a
						single exception, should (under the same dread of penalty and also of
						informers) lend them at interest a fiftieth part of their property and
						contribute one year's income to the war expenses.

Such calamities befell the Romans from the orders of the triumvirs. Even
						worse ones were visited upon them by the soldiers in disregard of orders.
						Believing that they alone enabled the triumvirs to do what they were doing
						with impunity, some of them asked for the confiscated houses, or fields, or
						villas, or entire property of the proscribed. Others demanded that they
						should be made the adopted sons of rich men. Others, of their own motion,
						killed men who had not been proscribed, and plundered the houses of those
						who were not under accusation, so that the triumvirs were obliged to publish
						an edict that one of the consuls should put a restraint upon those who were
						exceeding their orders. The consul did not dare to touch the soldiers lest
						he should excite their rage against himself, but he seized and crucified
						certain slaves who were masquerading as soldiers and committing outrages in
						company with them.

Such are examples of the extreme misfortunes that befell the proscribed.
						Instances where some were unexpectedly saved and at a later period raised to
						positions of honor are more agreeable to me to relate, and will be more
						useful to my readers, as showing that hope should not be abandoned in
						adverse circumstances. Some, who were able to do so, fled to Cassius, or to
						Brutus, or to Africa, where Cornificius upheld the republican cause. The
						greater number, however, went to Sicily because of its nearness to Italy,
						where Sextus Pompeius received them gladly. The latter showed the most
						admirable zeal in behalf of the unfortunate at this crisis, sending heralds
						who invited all to come to him, and offered to those who should save the
						proscribed, both slaves and free persons, double the rewards that had been
						offered for killing them. His small boats and merchant ships met those who
						were escaping by sea, and his war-ships sailed along the shore and made
						signals to those wandering there and saved such as they found. Pompeius
						himself met the newcomers and provided them at once with clothing and other
						necessaries. To those who were worthy he assigned commands in his military
						and naval forces. When, at a later period, he entered into negotiations with
						the triumvirs, he would not conclude a treaty without embracing in its terms
						those who had taken refuge with him. In this way he rendered to his
						unfortunate country the greatest service, from which he gained a high
						reputation of his own in addition to that which he had inherited from his
						father, and not less than that. Others escaped by concealing themselves in
						various ways, some in the fields or in the tombs, others in the city itself,
						undergoing cruel anxiety until peace was restored. Remarkable examples were
						shown of the love of wives for their husbands, of sons for their fathers,
						and of slaves for their masters, quite beyond expectation. Some of the most
						remarkable of these I shall now relate.

Paulus, the brother of Lepidus, made his escape to Brutus by the connivance
						of the centurions who respected him as the brother of the triumvir. After
						the death of Brutus he went to Miletus, which he refused to leave after
						peace was restored, although he was invited to return. The mother of Antony
						gave shelter to her brother Lucius, Antony's uncle, without concealment, and
						the centurions had respect for her for a long time as the mother of the
						triumvir. When, later, they attempted to do violence to him, she dashed into
						the forum where Antony was seated with his colleagues, and exclaimed, "I
						denounce myself to you, triumvir, for having received Lucius under my roof
						and for still keeping him, and I shall keep him till you kill us both
						together, for it is decreed that those who give shelter shall suffer the
						same punishment." Antony reproached her for being an unreasonable mother,
						although a good sister, saying that she ought to have prevented Lucius in
						the first place from voting her son a public enemy instead of seeking to
						save him now. Nevertheless, he procured from the consul Plancus a decree
						restoring Lucius to citizenship.

Messala, a young man of distinction, fled to Brutus. The triumvirs, fearing
						his high spirit, published the following edict: "Since the relatives of
						Messala have made it clear to us that he was not in the city when Gaius
						Cæsar was slain, let his name be removed from the list of the
						proscribed." He would not accept pardon, but, after Brutus and Cassius had
						fallen in Thrace, although there was a considerable army left, as well as
						ships and money, and although strong hopes of success still existed, Messala
						would not accept the command when it was offered to him, but persuaded his
						associates to yield to overpowering fate and join forces with Antony. He
						became intimate with Antony and adhered to him until the latter became the
						slave of Cleopatra. Then he heaped reproaches upon him and joined himself to
						Octavius, who made him consul in place of Antony himself when the latter was
						deposed and again voted a public enemy. After the battle of Actium, where he
						held a naval command against Antony, Octavius sent him as a general against
						the revolted Celts and awarded him a triumph for his victory over them. Bibulus was received
						into favor at the same time with Messala, and was given a naval command by
						Antony, and often served as an intermediary in the negotiations between
						Octavius and Antony. He was appointed governor of Syria by Antony and died
						while serving in that capacity.

Acilius fled from the city secretly. His hiding-place was disclosed by a
						slave to the soldiers, but he prevailed upon them, by the hope of a larger
						reward, to send some of their number to his wife with a private token that
						he gave them. When they came she gave them all of her jewellery, saying that
						she gave it in return for what they had promised, although she. did not know
						whether they would keep their agreement. But her fidelity to her husband was
						not disappointed, for the soldiers hired a ship for Acilius and conducted
						him to Sicily. The wife of Lentulus asked that she might accompany him in
						his flight and kept watch upon his movements for that purpose, but he was
						not willing that she should share his danger, and fled secretly to Sicily.
						Being appointed prætor there by Pompeius he sent word to her that
						he was saved and elevated to office. When she learned in what part of the
						earth her husband was she escaped with two slaves from her mother, who was
						keeping watch over her. With these she travelled in the guise of a slave,
						with great hardship and the meanest fare, until she was able to make the
						passage from Rhegium to Messana about nightfall. She learned without
						difficulty where the prætor's tent was, and there she found
						Lentulus, not in the attitude of a prætor, but on a low pallet
						with unkempt hair and wretched food, mourning for his wife.

The wife of Apuleius threatened that, if he should fly without her, she would
						give information against him. So he took her with him unwillingly, and he
						succeeded in avoiding suspicion in his flight by travelling with his wife
						and his male and female slaves in a public manner. The wife of Antius
						wrapped him up in a clothes-bag and gave the bundle to some porters to carry
						from the house to the sea-shore, whence he made his escape to Sicily. The
						wife of Rheginus concealed him in a sewer by night. The soldiers were not
						willing to follow him there in the daytime, on account of the foul odor. The
						next night she fixed him up as a charcoal dealer, and furnished him an ass
						to drive, carrying coals. She led the way at a short distance, borne in a
						litter. One of the soldiers at the city gates suspected the litter and
						searched it. Rheginus was alarmed and hastened his steps, and as he passed
						along admonished the soldier not to give trouble to women. The latter, who
						took him for a charcoal dealer, answered him angrily, but suddenly
						recognizing him (for he had served under him in Syria), said, "Go on your
						way rejoicing, general, for such I ought still to call you." The wife of
						Coponius obtained his safety by yielding herself to Antony, although she had
						previously been chaste, thus curing one evil with another.

The son of Geta pretended to burn his father's remains in the courtyard of
						his house, making people believe that he had strangled himself. Then he
						conveyed him secretly to a newly bought field and left him. There the old
						man changed his appearance by putting a bandage over one of his eyes. After
						the return of peace he took off the bandage and found that he had lost the
						sight of that eye by disuse. Oppius, by reason of the infirmities of age,
						was unwilling to fly, but his son carried him on his shoulder till he had
						brought him outside the gates. The remainder of the journey as far as Sicily
						he accomplished partly by leading and partly by carrying him, nobody
						suspecting the trick and nobody troubling him. In like manner they say that
						Æneas was respected even by his enemies when carrying his father.
						In admiration of his piety the people in later days elected the young man to
						the ædileship, and since his property had been confiscated and he
						could not defray the expenses of the office [for public games], the artisans
						performed the work appertaining thereto without pay, and each of the
						spectators tossed such money as he could afford to give into the
							orchestra, so that he
						became a rich man. By the will of Arrianus the following inscription was
						engraved on the father's tomb: "Here lies one who, when proscribed, was
						concealed by his son, who had not been proscribed, but who fled with him and
						saved him."

There were two men named Metellus, father and son. The father held a command
						under Antony at the battle of Actium and was taken prisoner, but not
						recognized. The son fought on the side of Octavius and held a command under
						him at the same battle. When Octavius looked over the prisoners at Samos the
						son was sitting with him. The old man was led forward covered with hair,
						misery, and dirt, and completely metamorphosed by them. When his name was
						called by the herald in the array of prisoners the son sprang from his seat,
						and, with difficulty recognizing his father, embraced him with a cry of
						anguish. Then restraining his lamentation he said to Octavius, " He 
						was your enemy, I was your fellow-soldier. He has earned your punishment, I
						your reward. I ask you either to spare my father on my account, or to kill
						me at the same time on his account." There was much emotion on all sides,
						and Octavius spared Metellus, although he had been bitterly hostile to
						himself and had scorned many offers made to him to desert Antony.

The slaves of Marcus guarded him with fidelity and success within his own
						house during the whole period of the proscription until there was nothing
						more to fear, when Marcus came out of his house as though from exile.
						Hirtius escaped from the city with his household servants and traversed
						Italy releasing prisoners, collecting runaways, and ravaging small towns at
						first and afterward large ones, until he found himself possessed of
						sufficient force to master Bruttium. When an army was sent against him he
						crossed the straits with his forces and joined Pompeius. When Restio fled,
						thinking that he was alone, he was followed secretly by a slave, who had
						been brought up by himself and had been very well treated by him formerly,
						but had lately been branded for bad conduct. While Restio was stopping in a
						marsh the slave came up to him. He was startled at the sight, but the slave
						said that he did not feel the pain of the brand so much as he remembered the
						former kindness shown to him. Then he found a resting-place for his master
						in a cave, and by working procured such sustenance for him as he could. The
						soldiers in the neighborhood of the cave had their suspicions aroused
						concerning Restio, and went to it. The slave observed their movements and
						followed them, and, seeing an old man walking in front of them, he ran up
						and killed him and cut off his head. The soldiers were astounded. They
						arrested him for a highwayman, but he said, "I have killed Restio, my
						master, the man who marked me with these scars." The soldiers took the head
						from him for the sake of the reward, and made haste to the city to no
						purpose. The slave brought his master away and conveyed him by ship to
							Sicily.

Appion was resting at his country-place when the soldiers burst in. A slave
						put on his master's clothes and threw himself on his bed and voluntarily
						died for his master, who was standing beside him dressed as a slave. When the soldiers made a descent upon the
						house of Menenius, one of his slaves got into his master's litter and
						procured himself to be carried by his fellow-slaves, and in this way allowed
						himself to be killed for Menenius, who thereby escaped to Sicily. Vinius had
						a freedman named Philemon, the owner of a splendid mansion, who concealed
						him in the inmost recess thereof, in an iron chest used for holding money or
						manuscripts, and gave him food in the night-time, until the return of
							peace. Another freedman, who had the custody of
						his master's tomb, guarded his master's son, who had been proscribed, in the
						tomb with his father. Lucretius, who had been wandering about with two
						faithful slaves and had become destitute of food, set out to find his wife
						and was carried in a litter, in the guise of a sick man, by the slaves to
						the city. One of the slaves broke his leg and walked leaning upon the other
						with his hand. When they reached the gate where the father of Lucretius, who
						had been proscribed by Sulla, had been captured, he saw a cohort of soldiers
						coming out. Being unnerved by the coincidence, he concealed himself with one
						of the slaves in a tomb. When some tomb-robbers came there searching for
						plunder, the slave offered himself to these robbers to be stripped till
						Lucretius could escape to the city gate. There Lucretius waited for him and
						shared his clothing with him, and then went to his wife, by whom he was
						concealed between the planks of a double roof until his friends got his name
						erased from the proscription. After the restoration of peace he was raised
						to the consulship.

Sergius was concealed at the house of Antony himself until Antony persuaded
						the consul Plancus to procure a decree of amnesty for him. At a later
						period, when Octavius and Antony had fallen into disagreement, and when the
						Senate was voting Antony a public enemy, Sergius alone cast his vote openly
						in the negative. The following named persons were saved as I shall now
						relate. Pomponius arrayed himself in the garb of a prætor and
						disguised his slaves as his official attendants. He passed through the city
						as a prætor attended by lictors, his attendants pressing close to
						him lest he should be recognized. At the city gates he took possession of
						public carriages and traversed Italy in the character of a prætor
						sent by the triumvirs to conduct negotiations with Pompeius, all the people
						receiving him and sending him on as such, until he entered into a public
						ship and passed over to Pompeius.

Apuleius and Aruntius assumed the character of centurions, armed their slaves
						as soldiers, and passed through the gates pretending to be in pursuit of
						other persons. For the remainder of their course they took different roads.
						They released prisoners and collected fugitives until a sufficient force was
						obtained by each to display the standards, the equipment, and the appearance
						of an army. When they arrived at the sea-shore they took position on either
						side of a certain hill and contemplated each other with great apprehension.
						At daybreak the next morning, after reconnoitring each other from the
						hillside, each army took the other for an army sent against itself, and they
						actually came to blows and fought until they discovered their error, when
						they dropped their arms and broke into lamentations, blaming the hard fate
						that pursued them everywhere. Then they took ship, and one of them sailed to
						Brutus and the other to Pompeius. The latter was included in the
						reconciliation with Pompeius. The former took command of Bithynia for
						Brutus, and when Brutus fell he surrendered Bithynia to Antony and was
						restored to citizenship. When Ventidius was proscribed one of his freedmen
						put fetters on him as though intending to deliver him to the murderers. But
						at night he gave instructions to some slaves, whom he armed as soldiers, and
						then he led his master forth in the character of a centurion, and traversed
						the whole of Italy as far as Sicily, and often passed the night in company
						with other centurions who were in search of Ventidius.

Another proscript was concealed by a freedman in a tomb, but as he could not
						endure the horror of the place he was transferred to a miserable hired
						hovel. A soldier was lodged near him, and as he could not endure this fear
						he changed from a feeling of cowardice to the most wonderful audacity. He
						cut off his hair and opened a school in Rome itself, which he taught until
						the return of peace. Volusius was proscribed while holding the office of
						ædile. He had a friend who was a priest of Isis, whose robe he
						begged. He clothed himself with this linen garment reaching to his feet, put
						on the dog's head, and thus celebrating the mysteries of Isis he made the
						journey to Pompeius. The inhabitants of Cales protected Sittius, one of their citizens who
						had made lavish expenditures from his own fortune for their benefit, and
						provided an armed guard for him. They silenced his slaves by threats and
						prevented the soldiers from approaching their walls until the troubles began
						to subside, when they sent envoys to the triumvirs on his behalf and
						obtained for Sittius that he might remain at home, but should be excluded
						from the rest of Italy. Sittius was the first or the only man who was ever
						an exile in his own country. Varro was a philosopher and a historian, a
						soldier and a distinguished general, and for these reasons perhaps was
						proscribed as hostile to the monarchy. His friends were eager to give him
						shelter and contended with each other for the honor of doing so. Calenus won
						the privilege and took him to his country house, where Antony was accustomed
						to stop when travelling. Yet no slave, either of Calenus or of Varro
						himself, revealed the fact that Varro was there.

Virginius, an orator of distinction, told his slaves that if they should kill
						him for a small and uncertain reward they would be filled with remorse and
						terror afterward, while if they should save him they would enjoy an
						excellent reputation and good hopes, and, later, a much larger and more
						certain reward. So they fled, taking him with them in the guise of a
						fellow-slave, and when he was recognized on the road they fought against the
						soldiers. Being captured by the latter, he told them that they had no reason
						for killing him except for money, and that they would get a more honorable
						reward and a larger one by going with him to the sea-shore, "where," said
						he, "my wife has arranged to bring a ship with money." They followed his
						suggestion and went with him to the sea-shore. His wife had come to the
						rendezvous according to agreement, but as Virginius had been delayed, she
						thought that he had already sailed to Pompeius. So she had embarked, leaving
						a slave at the rendezvous, however, to tell him if he should come. When the
						slave saw Virginius he ran up as though to his master, and pointed out to
						him the ship which had just started, and told him about his wife and the
						money and why he (the slave) had been left behind. The soldiers now believed
						all that they heard, and when Virginius asked them to wait till his wife
						could be called back, or to go with him after her to obtain the money, they
						embarked in a small boat and conveyed him to Sicily, rowing with all their
						might. There they received what had been promised them, and they did not go
						back, but remained in his service until peace was declared. A ship captain
						received Rebilus in his vessel in order to convey him to Sicily and then
						demanded money, threatening to betray him if he did not get it. Rebilus
						followed the example of Themistocles when he fled. He threatened in turn
						that he would tell how the captain was helping a proscript to escape for
						money. The captain was afraid, and he carried Rebilus over to Pompeius.

Marcus was one of the lieutenants of Brutus and was proscribed for that
						reason. When Brutus was defeated he was captured. He pretended to be a slave
						and was bought by Barbula. The latter, perceiving that he was skilful,
						placed him over his fellow-slaves and gave him charge of his private
						disbursements. As he was clever in all respects and superior in intelligence
						to the condition of a slave, his master had suspicions and encouraged him to
						hope that if he would confess that he was one of the proscribed he (Barbula)
						would procure his pardon. He denied stoutly, and gave himself a feigned name
						and family and former masters. Barbula brought him to Rome, expecting that
						if he were a proscript he would show reluctance to come, but he followed all
						the same. One of Barbula's friends, who met him at the gates, saw Marcus
						standing by his side in the character of a slave, and privately told Barbula
						who he was. The latter obtained from Octavius, through the intercession of
						Agrippa, the erasure of the name of Marcus from the proscription. The latter
						became a friend of Octavius, and some time later served as his lieutenant
						against Antony at the battle of Actium. Barbula was then serving with
						Antony, and the fortune of both of them was reversed. For when Antony was
						vanquished Barbula was taken prisoner and he pretended to be a slave, and
						Marcus bought him, pretending not to know him. Then he laid the whole matter
						before Octavius and asked that he might compensate Barbula with a like
						service, and his request was granted. Like good fortune attended them in
						after times, for they both held the chief magistracy in the city the same
							year.

Balbinus took refuge with Pompeius and was restored with him, and became
						consul not long afterward. Lepidus, who had meanwhile been deposed from the
						triumvirate by Octavius and reduced to private life, presented himself to
						Balbinus under the following stress. Mæcenas prosecuted the son of
						Lepidus for lèse-majeste against
						Octavius and also the young man's mother as knowing to the crime. Lepidus
						himself he overlooked as being a person of no consequence. Mæcenas
						sent the son to Octavius at Actium, but in order to spare his mother the
						journey on account of her sex, he demanded that she should give bail to the
						consul for her appearance before Octavius. As nobody offered bail for her,
						Lepidus presented himself frequently at the door of Balbinus and also at his
						tribunal, and though the attendants long forced him away, he made himself
						heard with difficulty to this effect: "The accusers testify to my innocence,
						since they say that I was not an accomplice of my wife and son. I did not
						cause you to be proscribed, yet I am now inferior to the proscribed.
						Consider the mutability of human affairs and grant to one, who stands by
						your side, the favor of becoming security for my wife's appearance before
						Octavius, or let me go there with her." When Lepidus had thus spoken,
						Balbinus took pity on his reverse of fortune and released his wife from bail
						altogether.

Cicero, the son of Cicero, had been sent away to Greece by his father, who
						anticipated these evils. From Greece he proceeded to join Brutus, and after
						the latter's death he joined Pompeius, by both of whom he was honored with a
						military command. Afterward Octavius, by way of apology for his betrayal of
						Cicero, caused him to be appointed augur, and not long afterward consul and
						then proconsul of Syria. When the news of the overthrow of Antony at Actium
						was forwarded by Octavius this same Cicero, as consul, announced it to the
						people and affixed it to the rostra where formerly his father's head had
						been exhibited. Appius distributed his goods among his slaves and then
						sailed with them to Sicily. Being overtaken by a storm, the slaves formed a
						plot to get possession of his money, and placed Appius in a small boat,
						pretending to transfer him to a safer place; but it turned out that he
						reached port most unexpectedly, while their ship was wrecked and they all
						perished. Publius, quæstor of Brutus, was solicited by the party
						of Antony to betray his chief, but refused, and was for that reason
						proscribed. Afterward he was restored to citizenship and became a friend of
						Octavius. Once when Octavius came to visit him Publius showed him some
						images of Brutus, and Octavius praised him for doing so. Such were some of
						the most remarkable cases where the proscribed were lost or saved. Many
						others I have omitted.

While these transactions were taking place at Rome all the outlying countries
						were torn by hostilities growing out of the same commotion. Chief among
						these wars was the one in Africa between Cornificius and Sextius, the one in
						Syria between Cassius and Dolabella, and the one against Pompeius around
						Sicily. Many cities suffered the calamity of capture by siege. I shall pass
						by the smaller ones and confine myself to the largest, and especially the
						very celebrated ones of Laodicea, Tarsus, Rhodes, Patara, and Xanthus. I
						shall relate briefly what took place at each of these.

That part of Africa which the Romans took from the Carthaginians they still
						call Old Africa. The part that belonged to King Juba, and which was taken by
						Gaius Cæsar at a later period, they call for that reason New
						Africa; it might also be called Numidian Africa. Accordingly Sextius, who
						held the government of New Africa as the appointee of Octavius, summoned
						Cornificius to abandon Old Africa to him because the whole country had been
						assigned to Octavius in the allotment of the triumvirs. Cornificius replied
						that he did not know what allotment the triumvirs had made among themselves,
						and that since he had received the government from the Senate he would not
						surrender it to anybody else without the order of the Senate. This was the
						origin of hostilities between them. Cornificius had the heavier and more
						numerous army. That of Sextius was more nimble though inferior in number, by
						which means he was enabled to dash around and detach from Cornificius his
						inland districts until he was besieged by Ventidius, a lieutenant of
						Cornificius, who brought against him superior forces and whom he resisted
						valiantly. Lælius, another lieutenant of Cornificius, ravaged the
						province of Sextius, sat down before the city of Cirta, and laid siege to
						it.

Both parties sent ambassadors to secure the alliance of King Arabio and of
						the so-called Sittians, who received their name from the following
						circumstance. A certain Sittius, who was under accusation at Rome, took flight in order to
						avoid trial. Collecting an army from Italy and Spain, he crossed over to
						Africa, where he allied himself now with one and now with another of the
						warring kings of that country. As those with whom he joined himself were
						always victorious, Sittius acquired a reputation and his army became
						wonderfully efficient. When Gaius Cæsar pursued the Pompeians to
						Africa Sittius joined him and destroyed Juba's famous general, Saburra, and
						received from Cæsar, as a reward for these services, the territory
						of Masinissa, not all, but the best part of it. Masinissa was the father of
						this Arabio and the ally of Juba. Cæsar gave his territory to this
						Sittius, and to Bocchus, the king of Mauritania, and Sittius divided his own
						portion among his soldiers. Arabio then fled to the sons of Pompey in Spain.
						He returned to Africa after Cæsar's death and kept sending to the
						younger Pompeius detachments of his men, whom he received back in a state of
						good training. He expelled Bocchus from his territory and killed Sittius by
						stratagem. Although for these reasons he was friendly toward the Pompeians,
						he nevertheless decided against that party, because it was so extremely
						unlucky, and joined Sextius, through whom he acquired the favor of Octavius.
						The Sittians also joined him by reason of their friendship for the elder
						Cæsar.

Thus encouraged Sextius made a sortie by which Ventidius was killed and his
						army put to headlong flight. Sextius pursued them, killing and taking
						prisoners. When Lælius heard the news he raised the siege of Cirta
						and joined Cornificius. Sextius, elated by his success, advanced against
						Cornificius himself at Utica and encamped opposite him, although the latter
						had the superior force. Cornificius sent Lælius with his cavalry
						to make a reconnoissance, and Sextius ordered Arabio to engage him with his
						own cavalry in front, and Sextius himself with his light troops fell upon
						the enemy's flank and threw them into such confusion that Lælius,
						although not vanquished, feared lest his retreat should be cut off and took
						possession of a hill near by. Arabio hung upon his rear, killed many, and
						surrounded the hill. When Cornificius saw this he sallied out with a larger
						force to assist Lælius. Sextius, who was in his rear, dashed up
						and attacked him, but Cornificius turned upon him and drove him back,
						although suffering severely.

Meanwhile Arabio, with a band of men accustomed to climbing rocks, scaled a
						precipice to the camp of Cornificius and stole into it unobserved. When the
						camp was captured Roscius, the custodian, offered his throat to one of his
						assistants and was killed. Cornificius, overcome by the fatigue of the
						engagement, retired toward Lælius on the hill, not yet knowing
						what had happened to his camp. While he was retreating the cavalry of Arabio
						charged upon him and killed him, and when Lælius, looking down
						from the hill, saw what had happened he killed himself. When the leaders had
						fallen the soldiers fled in various directions. Of the proscribed who were
						with Cornificius, some crossed over to Sicily, others took refuge wherever
						they could. Sextius gave great spoils to Arabio and the Sittians. He brought
						the cities into allegiance to Octavius and granted pardon to all. This was
						the end of the war in Africa between Sextius and Cornificius, which seemed
						inconsiderable by reason of the rapidity with which it was prosecuted.

Resuming the narrative of Cassius and Brutus, I shall repeat some small part
						of what has already been said, in order to refresh the memory. When
						Cæsar was assassinated his murderers took possession of the
						Capitol, and when amnesty was voted to them they came down. The people were
						greatly moved at Cæsar's funeral and scoured the city in pursuit
						of his murderers. The latter defended themselves from the roofs of their
						houses, and those of them who had been appointed by Cæsar himself
						as governors of provinces departed from the city forthwith. Cassius and
						Brutus were still city prætors. Cassius had been chosen by
						Cæsar as governor of Syria and Brutus of Macedonia. As they could
						not enter at once upon these offices, and as they were afraid to remain in
						the city, they took their departure while still prætors, and the
						Senate, for the sake of appearances, gave them charge of the supply of corn,
						so that they might not seem to have taken flight in the interval. After they
						had gone, the provinces of Syria and Macedonia were transferred to the
						consuls Dolabella and Antony much against the will of the Senate.
						Nevertheless, Cyrene and Crete were given to Brutus and Cassius in exchange.
						These provinces they despised because of their insignificance, and,
						accordingly, they set about raising troops and money in order to invade
						Syria and Macedonia.

While they were thus engaged Dolabella put Trebonius to death in Asia and
						Antony besieged Decimus Brutus in Cisalpine Gaul. The Senate in indignation
						voted both Dolabella and Antony public enemies, and restored both Brutus and
						Cassius to the former commands and added Illyria to that of Brutus. It also
						ordered all other persons holding commands of Roman provinces or armies,
						between the Adriatic and Syria, to obey the orders of Cassius and Brutus.
						Thereupon Cassius anticipated Dolabella by entering Syria, where he raised
						the standards of a governor and won over twelve legions of soldiers who had
						been enlisted and trained by Gaius Cæsar long before. One of these
						Cæsar had left in Syria when he was contemplating a war against
						the Parthians, and had placed it under the charge of Cæcilius
						Bassus, but had given the nominal command to Sextus Julius, a young man who
						was his kinsman. This Julius was a fellow of loose habits who led the
						legion into shameful dissipations and once insulted Bassus when the latter
						remonstrated with him. Afterward he summoned Bassus to his presence, and
						when the latter delayed he ordered that he be dragged before him. There was
						a disgraceful tumult in consequence, and some blows were given to Bassus,
						the sight of which the army resented, and Julius was stabbed. This act was
						followed straightway by repentance and fear of Cæsar, and so they
						bound each other by an oath that, unless they were granted pardon and
						reconciliation, they would fight to the death; and they compelled Bassus to
						take the same oath. They recruited another legion and both were drilled
						together. Cæsar sent Statius Murcus against them with three
						legions, but they resisted bravely. Marcius Crispus was then sent from
						Bithynia to the aid of Murcus with three additional legions, and thus Bassus
						was besieged by six legions altogether.

Cassius speedily intervened in this siege and took command at once of the
						army of Bassus with its consent, and afterward of the legions of Murcus and
						Marcius, who surrendered them to him in a friendly way and in pursuance of
						the decree of the Senate, which they obeyed in all respects. About the same
						time Allienus, who had been sent to Egypt by Dolabella, brought from that
						country four legions composed of men who had been dispersed after the
						disasters of Pompey and Crassus, and who had been left with Cleopatra by
						Cæsar. Cassius surrounded him in Palestine unexpectedly, while he
						was in ignorance of what had happened, and compelled him to come to terms
						and surrender his army, as he did not dare to fight with four legions
						against eight. Thus in a marvellous manner Cassius came into possession of
						twelve first-rate legions, to whom were added a certain number of Parthian
						mounted bowmen, who were attracted by the reputation he had acquired among
						them from the time when, as quæstor to Crassus, he had shown
						himself to be more skilful than that general.

Dolabella was spending his time in Ionia, having put Trebonius to death,
						levied tribute on the towns, and hired a naval force, by means of Lucius
						Figulus, from the Rhodians, Lycians, Pamphylians, and Cilicians. When this
						was in readiness he advanced toward Syria, leading two legions by land while
						Figulus proceeded by sea. After he had learned of the forces of Cassius he
						passed on to Laodicea, a city friendly to
						himself, situated on a peninsula, fortified on the landward side and having
						a roadstead in the sea, so that supplies might be easily obtained by water
						and he might sail away securely whenever he wished. When Cassius learned
						this, fearing lest Dolabella should escape him, he threw up a mound across
						the isthmus, two stades in length, composed of stones and all sorts of
						material brought together from suburban houses and tombs, and at the same
						time sent to Phoenicia, Lycia, and Rhodes for ships.

Being refused by all except the Sidonians, he came to a naval engagement with
						Dolabella, in which a number of ships were sunk on both sides and Dolabella
						captured five with their crews. Then Cassius again sent to those who had
						rejected his application, and also to Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, and to
						Serapio, her viceroy in Cyprus. The Tyrians, the Aradii, and Serapio,
						without consulting Cleopatra, sent Cassius what ships they had. The queen
						excused herself on the ground that Egypt was at that time suffering from
						famine and pestilence, but she was really cooperating with Dolabella on
						account of her relations with the elder Cæsar. This was the reason
						why she had sent him the four legions by Allienus, and had another fleet
						ready to assist him, which was kept back by adverse winds. The Rhodians and
						the Lycians said that they would help neither Cassius nor Brutus in civil
						wars, and that when they supplied ships to Dolabella they furnished them as
						an escort, not knowing that they were to be used as allies in war.

When Cassius was again ready with the forces in hand he engaged Dolabella a
						second time. The first battle was doubtful, but in the next one Dolabella
						was beaten on the sea. Then Cassius completed his mound and battered
						Dolabella's walls till they trembled. He tried unsuccessfully to corrupt
						Marsus, the captain of the night-watch, but he bribed the centurions of the
						day force and, while Marsus was taking his rest, effected an entrance by
						daylight through a number of small gates that were secretly opened to him
						one after another. When the city was taken Dolabella offered his head to his
						own body-guard and told him to cut it off and carry it to Cassius in order
						to secure his own safety. The guard cut it off, but he killed himself also,
						and Marsus took his own life. Cassius swore Dolabella's army into his own
						service. He plundered the temples and the treasury of Laodicea, punished the
						chief citizens, and exacted very heavy contributions from the rest, so that
						the city was reduced to the extremest misery.

After the capture of Laodicea Cassius turned his attention to Egypt. Having
						learned that Cleopatra was about to join Octavius and Antony with a strong
						fleet, he purposed to prevent its sailing and to punish the queen for her
						intention. He had before this thought that the condition of Egypt was
						especially favorable for these designs, because it was wasted by famine and
						had no considerable foreign army, now that the forces of Allienus had taken
						their departure. In the midst of his eagerness, his hopes, and his
						opportunity came a hasty summons from Brutus telling him that Octavius and
						Antony were crossing the Adriatic. Cassius reluctantly gave up his hopes in
						respect of Egypt. He also sent back his Parthian mounted bowmen with
						presents, and with them ambassadors to their king asking for a larger force
						of auxiliaries. This force arrived after the decisive battle, ravaged Syria
						and many of the neighboring provinces as far as Ionia, and then returned
						home. Cassius left his nephew in Syria with one legion and sent his cavalry
						in advance into Cappadocia, who presently killed Ariobarzanes for plotting
						against Cassius. Then they seized his large treasures and other military
						supplies and brought them to Cassius.

The people of Tarsus were divided into factions. One of these factions had
						crowned Cassius, who was the first to arrive. The other had done the same
						for Dolabella, who came later. Both had acted thus in the name of the city.
						As the inhabitants bestowed their honors upon each alternately, each of them
						treated it despitefully as a fickleminded place. After Cassius had overcome
						Dolabella he levied a contribution on it of 1500
						talents. Being unable to find the money, and being pressed for payment with
						violence by the soldiers, the people sold all their public property and
						after that they coined all the sacred articles used in religious processions
						and the temple offerings into money. As this was not sufficient, the
						magistrates sold free persons into bondage, first girls and boys, afterward
						women and miserable old men, who brought a very small price, and finally
						young men. Most of these committed suicide. Finally Cassius, on his return
						from Syria, took pity on their sufferings and released them from the
						remainder of the contribution. Such were the calamities that befell Tarsus
						and Laodicea.

When Brutus and Cassius had their conference, Brutus was in favor of uniting their
						armies and making Macedonia their chief concern, since the enemy had forty
						legions, of which eight had already crossed the Adriatic. Cassius was of the
						opinion that the enemy might still be disregarded, believing that they would
						waste away for want of supplies by reason of their great numbers. He thought
						it would be best to subvert the Rhodians and Lycians, who were friendly to
						Octavius and Antony and who had fleets, lest they should fall upon the rear
						of the republicans while the latter were busy with the enemy. Having decided
						to do this, they separated, Brutus proceeding against the Lycians and
						Cassius against Rhodes, in which place he was brought up, and educated in
						the literature of Greece. As he had to contend with men of superior naval
						prowess, he prepared his own ships with care, filled them with troops, and
						drilled them at Myndus.

The Rhodians of distinction were alarmed at the prospect of a conflict with
						Romans, but the common people were in high spirits, because they recalled
						former victories achieved over men of different character. They launched
						thirty-three of their best ships, but while doing so they sent messengers to
						Myndus nevertheless to urge Cassius not to despise Rhodes, which had always
						defended herself against those who underestimated her, and not to disregard
						the treaty which existed between the Rhodians and the Romans which bound
						them not to bear arms against each other. If he complained of them for not
						rendering military assistance, they would be glad to hear from the Roman
						Senate, and if called upon they would lend such assistance. When they had
						spoken thus Cassius replied that as to the other matters war would decide instead of words, but
						as regarded the treaty, which forbade them to bear arms against each other,
						the Rhodians had violated it by allying themselves with Dolabella against
						Cassius. The treaty required them to assist each other in war, but when
						Cassius asked for assistance they quibbled about the Roman Senate, which was
						either in flight or held captive at present by the tyrants who had mastered
						the city. Those tyrants would be punished, and the Rhodians would be
						punished also for siding with them, unless they speedily obeyed his
						commands. Such was the answer Cassius returned to them. The more prudent
						Rhodians were still more alarmed, but the multitude were excited by two
						public speakers named Alexander and Mnaseas, who reminded them that
						Mithridates had invaded Rhodes with a still larger fleet, and that
						Demetrius had done so before him; whereupon they elected Alexander as
						prytanis, who is the magistrate exercising the supreme power among them, and
						Mnaseas as admiral of their fleet.

Nevertheless, they sent still another ambassador to Cassius in the person of
						Archelaus, who had been his teacher in Greek literature in Rhodes, to
						present a more earnest petition. This he did, taking Cassius by the right
						hand in a familiar manner, and saying, "O friend of the Greeks, do not
						subvert a Greek city. O friend of freedom, do not attack Rhodes. Do not put
						to shame the glory of a Doric state hitherto unvanquished. Do not forget the
						famous histories you learned both at Rhodes and at Rome -- at Rhodes, what
						the Rhodians accomplished against states and kings (and especially against
						Demetrius and Mithridates, who were deemed invincible), in behalf of that
						freedom for which you say that you also are now contending -- at Rome, our
						services to you, among others those that were rendered when we fought with
						you against Antiochus the Great, concerning which you have monuments
						inscribed in our honor. So much, O Roman, for our race, our dignity, our
						condition hitherto unenslaved, our alliance, and our good-will toward you.

"As for you, Cassius, you owe a peculiar reverence to this city in which you
						were brought up and educated, restored to health when sick, where you had
						your hearthstone, and where you attended my very school. You owe respect to
						me who have hoped that I should some time plume myself on your education
						with different hopes, but I am now pleading this relation in behalf of my
						country, lest it be forced into a war with you, its pupil and its ward,
						where one of two things must necessarily happen: either that the Rhodians
						perish utterly, or Cassius be defeated. In addition to my entreaty I give
						you the advice that while engaged in such important tasks in behalf of the
						Roman commonwealth you take the gods for your leaders at every step. You,
						Romans, swore by the gods when you recently concluded the treaty with us
						through Gaius Cæsar, and to the oaths you added libations and gave
						the right hand, which is valid even among enemies, not to mention friends
						and wards. Besides dreading the judgment of the gods, have regard for the
						opinions of mankind, who consider nothing more base than a violation of
						treaties, which causes the violators to be distrusted in all respects by
						both friends and enemies."

When the old man had thus spoken he did not let go Cassius' hand, but shed
						tears on it, so that Cassius blushed at the spectacle and was moved somewhat
						by the sense of shame, yet he drew away his hand, and said, "If you have not
						counselled the Rhodians not to wrong me, you have yourself done me wrong. If
						you have so counselled them and they have not followed your advice I will
						avenge you. That I have suffered injury is plain enough. The first wrong
						done me was when I asked assistance and was slighted by my guardians and
						instructors. In the next place they gave the preference to Dolabella, whom
						they had not brought up and educated, rather than to me. And what makes it
						worse, O freedom-loving Rhodians, is that Brutus and I and the noblest men
						of the Senate, whom you see here, were fugitives from tyranny for
						endeavoring to liberate their country, while Dolabella was seeking to
						enslave it to others, whom you also favor while pretending to abstain from
						our civil wars. This would be a civil war if we also were aiming at supreme
						power, but it is plainly a war of the republic against monarchy. And you,
						who appeal to me in behalf of your own freedom, have refused aid to the
						republic. While professing friendship for the Romans you have no pity for
						those who have been sentenced to death and confiscation without trial. You
						pretend that you want to hear from the Senate, which is suffering from these
						very evils and is not yet able to defend itself. But the Senate had answered
						you beforehand when it decreed that all the peoples of the Orient should
						lend aid to Brutus and myself.

"Whatever aid you have rendered us when we were adding to our possessions
						(for which you reaped an abundant reward) you remind us of, but when in our
						time of adversity you fail us in the struggle for freedom and safety, you
						have very short memories. Even if we had had no relations with each other
						before, you ought, as members of the Doric race, to be willing to begin now
						to fight for the Roman republic. Instead of such thoughts and deeds you
						quote to us treaties, -- treaties made with you by Gaius Cæsar,
						the founder of the present monarchy, -- yet these very treaties say that the
						Romans and the Rhodians shall assist each other in case of need. Therefore,
						assist the Romans in the time of their greatest peril! It is Cassius who
						quotes these very treaties to you and calls for your help in war, --
						Cassius, a Roman citizen and a Roman general, whom, as the Senate's decree
						says, all the countries beyond the Adriatic are required to obey. The same
						decrees are presented to you by Brutus, and also by Pompeius, who has been
						invested by the Senate with the command of the sea. Added to these decrees
						are the prayers of all these senators who have fled, some to myself and
						Brutus, and others to Pompeius. The treaty provides that the Rhodians shall
						lend aid to the Romans even in cases where the application is made by single
						individuals. If you do not consider us as generals or even as Romans, but as
						exiles, or strangers, or persons condemned, as the proscribers call us, O
						Rhodians, you have no treaties with us, but only with the Roman people.
						Being strangers and foreigners to the treaties, we will fight you till you
						obey our orders in everything." With this ironical remark Cassius sent
						Archelaus away.

Alexander and Mnaseas, the Rhodian leaders, put to sea with their
						thirty-three ships against Cassius at Myndus, intending to surprise him by
						the suddenness of their attack. They built their hopes somewhat lightly on
						the supposition that by sailing against Mithridates at Myndus they had
						brought that war to a successful end. In order to display their seamanship
						they took their station the first day at Cnidus. The next day they showed
						themselves to the forces of Cassius on the high sea. The latter in
						astonishment put to sea against them, and it was a battle of strength and
						skill on both sides. The Rhodians with their light ships darted swiftly
						through the enemy's line, turned around, and attacked them in the rear. The
						Romans had heavier ships, and whenever they could come to close quarters
						they prevailed, as in an engagement on land, by their greater strength.
						Cassius, by reason of his more numerous fleet, was enabled to surround his
						enemy, and then the latter could no longer turn and dart through his line.
						When they could only attack in front and then haul off, their nautical skill
						was of no avail in the narrow space where they were confined. The ramming
						with their prows and broadside movements against the heavier Roman ships did
						little damage, while those of the Romans against the lighter vessels were
						more effective. Finally, three Rhodian ships were captured with their crews,
						two were rammed and sunk, and the remainder took flight to Rhodes in a
						damaged condition. All of the Roman ships returned to Myndus, where they
						were repaired, the greater part having suffered injury.

Such was the result of the naval engagement of the Romans and the Rhodians at
						Myndus. Cassius watched the fight while it was going on from the summit of a
						mountain. When he had repaired his ships he sailed to Loryma, a fortified
						place belonging to the Rhodians on the mainland opposite the island, from
						which he sent his foot-soldiers across in transports under the command of
						Fannius and Lentulus. He advanced in person with eighty ships rigged in a way to
						produce terror. He surrounded Rhodes with his land and naval forces, and
						then remained quiet, expecting that the enemy would show signs of weakening.
						But they sailed out again valiantly and, after losing two more ships, were
						hemmed in on all sides. Then they mounted the walls, heaped them with
						missiles, and resisted simultaneously the soldiers of Fannius, who were
						assailing them on the landward side, and Cassius, who was advancing his
						naval force, prepared for wall-fighting, against the defences on the sea.
						Anticipating such a necessity he had brought with him turrets in sections,
						which were then elevated. Thus was Rhodes, after suffering two naval
						defeats, beleaguered by land and sea, and, as frequently happens in sudden
						and unexpected trouble, found herself wholly unprepared for siege; whence it
						became evident that the city must speedily be taken either by assault or by
						famine. The more intelligent of the Rhodians perceived this and opened
						communications with Fannius and Lentulus.

While they were doing so Cassius suddenly made his appearance in the midst of
						the city with a chosen band of soldiers, without any show of violence or use
						of ladders. Most people conjectured, as seemed the fact, that those of the
						citizens who were favorable to him had opened the small gates, being moved
						by pity for the town and the apprehension of famine. Thus was Rhodes
						captured; and Cassius took his seat on the tribunal and planted a spear by
						the side of it to indicate that he had taken the city by force. Laying
						strict commands upon his soldiers to remain quiet, and threatening with
						death any who should resort to violence or plunder, he summoned by name
						about fifty citizens, and punished with death those who were led before him.
						The others, who were not found, numbering about twenty-five, he ordered to
						be banished. All the money that was found, either gold or silver, in the
						temples and the public treasury, he seized, and he ordered private citizens
						who had any to bring it to him on a day named, proclaiming death to those
						who should conceal it, together with a reward of one-tenth to informers and
						freedom in addition in the case of slaves. At first many concealed what they
						had, hoping that in the end the threat would not be carried out, but when
						they saw the rewards paid and those who had been informed against punished,
						they became alarmed, and having procured the appointment of another day,
						some of them dug their money out of the ground, others drew it out of wells,
						and others brought it from tombs, in much larger amounts than the former
							collections.

Such were the calamities that befell the Rhodians. Lucius Varus was left in
						charge of them with a garrison. Cassius, although delighted with the
						quickness of the capture and the quantity of money taken, nevertheless
						ordered all the other peoples of Asia to pay ten years' tribute, and this
						they did within a short space of time. News now reached him that Cleopatra
						was about to sail with a large fleet and very extensive apparatus to
						Octavius and Antony. She had espoused their cause previously on account of
						her relations with the first Cæsar, and now she espoused it all
						the more by reason of her fear of Cassius. The latter sent Murcus, with a
						legion of the best soldiers and a certain number of archers, with sixty
						decked ships, to the Peloponnesus, to lie in wait in the neighborhood of
						Tænarum and to collect what booty they could from that country.

We will now relate the transactions of Brutus in Lycia, first glancing at
						what has been mentioned above in order to refresh the memory. When he had received from Apuleius
						certain soldiers which the latter had under his command, together with
						16,000 talents in money which Apuleius had collected from the tribute of
						Asia, he passed into Bœotia. The Senate having voted that he
						should use this money for his present necessities and that he should have
						command of Macedonia, and of Illyria in addition, he came into possession of
						three legions of soldiers which Vatinius, the former governor of Illyria,
						delivered to him. Another one he captured from Gaius, the brother of Mark
						Antony, in Macedonia. He collected four more in addition to these, so that
						he had eight legions in all, most of whom had served under Gaius
						Cæsar. He had a large force of cavalry, light-armed troops, and
						archers. He had a high opinion of his Macedonian soldiers and he trained
						them in the Roman discipline. While he was still collecting soldiers and
						money a piece of good luck came to him from Thrace, of the following sort.
						Polemocratia, the wife of one of the Thracian princes, whose husband had
						been killed by his enemies, being alarmed for her son, who was still a boy,
						came to Brutus bringing the boy, whom she placed in his hands together with
						her husband's treasures. Brutus delivered the boy to the inhabitants of
						Cyzicus to be cared for until he (Brutus) should have leisure to restore him
						to his kingdom. Among the treasures he found an unexpected quantity of gold
						and silver. This he stamped and converted into money.

When Cassius came, and it was decided to begin by reducing the Lycians and
						Rhodians, Brutus turned his attention first to the inhabitants of Xanthus in
						Lycia. The latter destroyed their suburbs in order that Brutus might not effect a lodgment or find material there. They
						also surrounded the city with a trench and embankment of more than fifty
						feet vertically and of corresponding breadth, from which they fought, so
						that standing upon it they could hurl darts and shoot arrows as though
						protected by an impassable river. Brutus invested the place, pushed forward
						coverings for his workmen, divided his army into day and night forces,
						brought up material from long distances, hurrying and cheering as in
						contests for prizes, and spared neither zeal nor labor. So the work which it
						seemed most likely could not be done at all in the face of an opposing
						enemy, or only at the end of many months, was accomplished by him in a few
						days.

The Xanthians were now subjected to close siege. Brutus attacked them now
						with battering-rams against the walls, now by assaults upon the gates with
						foot-soldiers, whom he kept changing continually. The defenders, although
						fatigued by being always pitted against fresh soldiers, and all wounded,
						nevertheless held out as long as their parapets remained. When these were
						battered down and the towers broken through, Brutus, foreseeing what would
						happen, ordered those who were attacking the gates to withdraw. The
						Xanthians, thinking that the enemy's works were deserted and unguarded,
						darted out by night to set fire to the machines. Suddenly the Romans
						attacked them as ordered, and they again fled to the gates, the guards of
						which closed them before they entered, fearing lest the enemy should rush in
						with them -- in consequence of which there was around the gates a great
						slaughter of the Xanthians who were shut out.

Soon afterwards the remainder made a fresh sally about midday, and as the
						besiegers withdrew again, they burned all the machines. As the gates were
						left open for them on account of the former calamity, about 2000 Romans
						broke in with them. While others were pushing in at the entrance the
						portcullis suddenly fell upon them, either by the design of the Xanthians or
						the accidental breaking of the ropes, so that some of the Romans who were
						forcing their way in were crushed and the others found their retreat cut
						off, as they could not raise the portcullis without the hoisting apparatus.
						Pelted by missiles hurled upon them by the Xanthians from the roofs in the
						narrow streets, they forced their way with difficulty till they came to the
						forum, which was near by, and there they overcame the forces which were at
						close quarters with them, but, being under a heavy volley of arrows and
						having themselves neither bows nor javelins, they took refuge in the temple
						of Sarpedon to avoid being surrounded. The Romans who were outside the walls
						were excited and anxious for those inside, and tried every means [to effect
						an entrance], Brutus meantime darting hither and thither, but they were not
						able to break the portcullis, which was protected with iron, nor could they
						procure ladders or towers since their own had been burned. Nevertheless some
						of them made extemporized ladders, and others pushed trunks of trees against
						the walls to serve in place of ladders. Still others fastened iron hooks to
						ropes and hurled them up to the walls, and whenever one of them caught fast
						they climbed up.

The Œnandians, who were neighbors of the Xanthians, and who had
						formed an alliance with Brutus by reason of their enmity to the latter,
						clambered up by way of a precipice. When the Romans saw them they toiled up
						after them. Many fell off, but some scaled the wall and opened a small gate,
						defended with a very dense palisade, and admitted the most daring of the
						assailants, who swung themselves over the palings. Being now more numerous
						they began to chop down the portcullis, which was not protected with iron on
						the inside, while others outside chopped in conjunction with them, and
						coöperated to the same end. While the Xanthians, with loud cries,
						were rushing upon the Romans who were at the temple of Sarpedon, the Romans
						within and without who were demolishing the portcullis, fearful for their
						comrades, struggled with frantic zeal. Finally they broke it down and rushed
						through in crowds about sunset, with a loud shout intended as a signal to
						those in the temple.

When the city was taken the Xanthians ran to their houses and killed those
						dearest to them, all of whom willingly offered themselves to the slaughter.
						Upon hearing cries of lamentation, Brutus thought that plundering was going
						on, and he gave orders to the army to stop it; but when he knew what the
						facts were he commiserated the freedom-loving spirit of the citizens, and
						sent messengers to offer them terms. They hurled missiles at the messengers,
						and, after destroying their own families, placed the bodies on funeral
						piles, which they had previously erected in their houses, set fire to them,
						and slew themselves on the same. Brutus saved such of the temples as he
						could, but he captured only the slaves of the Xanthians; and of the citizens
						a few free women and hardly 150 men. Thus the Xanthians perished the third
						time by their own hands on account of their love of liberty; for when the
						city was besieged by Harpagus, the Mede, the general of Cyrus the Great,
						they destroyed themselves in like manner rather than be enslaved, and the
						city, shut up by Harpagus, then became the tomb of
						the Xanthians; and it is said that they suffered a similar fate at the hands
						of Alexander, the son of Philip, as they would not submit to obey him even
						after he had become the master of so large a portion of the earth.

Brutus went from Xanthus down to Patara, a city which was something like a
						seaport of the Xanthians. He surrounded it with his army and ordered the
						inhabitants to obey him in everything, under penalty of meeting the fate of
						the Xanthians. Certain Xanthians were brought to them who lamented their own
						misfortunes and advised them to adopt wiser counsels. As the inhabitants of
						Patara made no sort of answer to the Xanthians, Brutus gave them the
						remainder of the day to consider the matter, and went away. The next morning
						he moved his troops forward. The Patarans cried out from the walls that they
						would obey all his commands, and opened their gates. He came in, but he
						neither killed nor banished anybody; but he ordered them to deliver to him
						whatever gold and silver the city possessed, and each citizen to bring in
						his private holdings under the same penalties and rewards to informers as
						those proclaimed by Cassius at Rhodes. They obeyed his order. One slave
						testified that his master had concealed his gold, and showed it to a
						centurion who was sent to find it. All the parties were brought before the
						tribunal. The master remained silent, but his mother, who had followed in
						order to save her son, cried out that she had concealed the gold. The slave,
						although not interrogated, disputed her, saying that she lied and that his
						master had concealed it. Brutus approved of the young man's silence and
						sympathized with his mother's grief. He allowed them both to depart unharmed
						and to take their gold with them, and he crucified the slave for
						superserviceable zeal in accusing his superiors.

At the same time Lentulus, who had been sent to Andriace, the seaport of the
						Myreans, broke the chain which closed the harbor and ascended to Myra. As
						the inhabitants obeyed his commands, he collected money in the same way as
						at Patara and returned to Brutus. The confederation of Lycia sent
						ambassadors to Brutus promising to form a military league with him and to
						contribute what money they could. He imposed taxes on them and he restored
						the free Xanthians to their city. He ordered the Lycian fleet, together with
						his own ships, to set sail for Abydus, where he would rendezvous with his
						land forces and await Cassius, who was coming from Ionia, so that they might
						cross over to Sestus together. When Murcus, who was at Peloponnesus lying in
						wait for Cleopatra, learned that her fleet had been damaged by a storm on
						the Libyan coast, and saw the wreckage borne by the waves as far as Laconia,
						and knew that she had returned home with difficulty and in ill health, he
						sailed for Brundusium in order that he might not be idle with so great a
						fleet. He came to anchor at the island lying opposite the harbor, and
						prevented the remainder of the enemy's army and supplies from passing over
						to Macedonia. Antony fought him with the few war-ships that he had, and with
						towers mounted on floats, whenever he sent out detachments of his army on
						transports and was favored by a strong wind from the land, in order that
						they might not be captured by Murcus. As he fared badly he called for help
						from Octavius, who was contending on the water with Sextus Pompeius along
						the coast of Sicily for possession of that island.

With Pompeius the situation was as follows. Being the younger son of Pompey
						the Great, he was at first disregarded by Gaius Cæsar in Spain as
						not likely to accomplish anything of importance on account of his youth and
						inexperience. He roamed about the ocean with a few followers, committing
						piracy and concealing the fact that he was Pompeius. When larger numbers
						joined him for the purpose of pillage, and his force became powerful, he
						revealed his name. Presently those who had served with his father and his
						brother, and who were leading a vagabond life, drifted to him as their
						natural leader, and Arabio, who had been deprived of his ancestral kingdom,
						as I have related previously, came to him from Africa. His forces being thus
						augmented, his doings were now more important than robbery, and as he flew
						from place to place the name of Pompeius spread through the whole of
							Spain, which was the most extensive of the provinces; but
						he avoided coming to an engagement with the governors of it appointed by
						Gaius Cæsar. When Cæsar learned of his doings he sent
						Carinas with a stronger army to fight him. Pompeius, however, being the more
						nimble of the two, would show himself and then disappear, and so he wore out
						his enemy and got possession of a number of towns, large and small.

Then Cæsar sent Asinius Pollio as successor to Carinas to prosecute
						the war against Pompeius. While they were carrying on the same kind of
						warfare, Cæsar was assassinated and the Senate recalled Pompeius.
						The latter came to Massilia and there watched the course of events at Rome.
						Having been appointed commander of the sea with the same powers that his
						father had exercised, he did not yet come back to the city, but, taking what
						ships he found in the harbors, and joining them with those he had brought
						from Spain, he put to sea. When the triumvirate was established he sailed to
						Sicily, and as Bithynicus, the governor, would not yield the island, he
						besieged him, until Hirtius and Fannius, two men who had been proscribed and
						had fled from Rome, persuaded Bithynicus to surrender Sicily to Pompeius.

In this way Pompeius possessed himself of Sicily, and thus had ships, and an
						island lying convenient to Italy, and an army, now of considerable size,
						composed of those whom he had before, and those who had fled from Rome, both
						freemen and slaves, or those sent to him by the Italian cities which had
						been proclaimed as prizes of victory for the soldiers. These cities dreaded
						a victory of the triumvirs more than anything else, and whatever they could
						do against them secretly they did. The wealthy citizens fled from a country
						that they could no longer consider their own and took refuge with Pompeius,
						who was near by and greatly beloved by all at that time. There were present
						with him also many seafaring men from Africa and Spain, skilled in naval
						affairs, so that Pompeius was well provided with officers, ships, troops,
						and money. When Octavius learned these facts he sent Salvidienus with a
						fleet to come alongside of Pompeius and destroy him, as though it were an
						easy task, while he passed through Italy himself with the intention of
						joining Salvidienus at Rhegium. Pompeius advanced with a large fleet to meet
						Salvidienus, and a naval engagement took place between them at the entrance
						of the straits near the promontory of Scyllæum. The ships of
						Pompeius, being lighter and manned by better sailors, excelled in swiftness
						and skill, while those of the Romans, being of great tonnage and size,
						labored heavily. When the usual rush of waves through the straits came on,
						and the sea dashed hither and thither under the influence of the current,
						the ships of Pompeius suffered less than their adversaries, because they
						were accustomed to the agitation of the waters; while those of Salvidienus,
						being unable to maintain their position firmly, or to work their oars, or
						manage their rudders, by reason of their inexperience, were thrown into
						confusion. Accordingly, about sunset, Salvidienus was the first to give the
						signal of retreat. Pompeius withdrew also. The ships suffered about equally
						on both sides. Salvidienus retired to the port of Balarus, facing the
						straits, where he repaired what was left of his damaged and wasted fleet.

When Octavius arrived he gave a solemn promise to the inhabitants of Rhegium
						and Vibo that they should be exempt from the list of prizes of victory, for
						he feared them on account of their nearness to the straits. As Antony had
						sent him a hasty summons, he set sail to join the latter at Brundusium,
						having Sicily and Pompeius on his left hand; and postponing the conquest of
						the island for the time being. On the approach of Octavius, Murcus withdrew
						a short distance from Brundusium in order that he might not be between
						Antony and Octavius, and there he watched for the passage of the transports
						that were carrying the army across from Brundusium to Macedonia. The latter
						were escorted by triremes, but a strong and favorable wind having sprung up
						they darted across fearlessly, needing no escort. Murcus was vexed, but he
						lay in wait for the empty ships on their return. Yet these returned, took on
						board the remainder of the soldiers, and crossed again with full sails until
						the whole army, together with Octavius and Antony, had passed over. Although
						Murcus recognized that his plans were frustrated by some fatality, he held
						his position nevertheless, in order to hinder as much as possible the
						passage of the enemy's munitions and supplies, or supplementary troops.
						Domitius Ahenobarbus was sent by
						Brutus and Cassius to coöperate with him in this work, which they
						deemed most useful, together with fifty additional ships, one legion, and a
						body of archers; for, as the triumvirs did not have a plentiful supply of
						provisions from elsewhere, it was deemed important to cut off their convoys
						from Italy. And so Murcus and Domitius, with their 130 long ships and a
						still greater number of small ones, and their large military force, sailed
						hither and thither harassing the enemy.

Decidius and Norbanus, whom Octavius and Antony
						had sent in advance with eight legions to Macedonia, proceeded from that
						country a distance of 1500 stades toward the
						mountainous part of Thrace until they had passed beyond the city of
						Philippi, and seized the passes of the Corpileans and the Sapæans,
						tribes under the rule of Rhascupolis, where lies the only known route of
						travel from Asia to Europe. Here was the first obstacle encountered by
						Brutus and Cassius after they had crossed over from Abydus to Sestus.
						Rhascupolis and Rhascus were brothers of the royal family of Thrace, ruling
						one country. They differed in opinion at that time in regard to the proper
						alliance. Rhascus had taken up arms for Antony and Rhascupolis for Cassius,
						each having 3000 horse. When the Cassians came to inquire about the roads,
						Rhascupolis told them that the one by way of Ænus and Maronea was
						the short and usual and most travelled route, but that it led to the gorge
						of the Sapæans, which was occupied by the enemy and hence was
						impassable, but that there was a roundabout road which was difficult and
						three times as long.

Brutus and Cassius, thinking that the enemy had taken that position not so
						much to close the passage to them as to transfer themselves from Macedonia
						to Thrace for want of provisions, marched toward Ænus and Maronea
						from Lysimacheia and Cardia, which clasp the neck of the Thracian
						Chersonesus like gates. The next day brought them to the gulf of Melas. Here they reviewed their army, 
							 Coast of Thrace, showing the Field of Philippi 
						 
					 
					 which contained in all nineteen legions of infantry. Of these Brutus had
						eight and Cassius nine, not full, but among them were two legions that were
						nearly full, so that they mustered about 80,000 foot-soldiers. Brutus had
						4000 Gallic and Lusitanian horse, 3000 Thracian and Illyrian, 
						and 2000 Parthian and Thessalian. Cassius had 2000 Spanish and Gallic horse
						and 4000 mounted bowmen, Arabs, Medes, and Parthians. The allied kings and
						tetrarchs of the Galatians in Asia followed him, leading a large additional
						force of foot-soldiers and about 5000 horse.

Such was the size of the army reviewed by Brutus and Cassius at the gulf of
						Melas, and with it they advanced to battle, leaving the remainder of their
						forces on duty elsewhere. After performing a lustration for the army, they
						completed the payment of the promised donative still due to the soldiers.
						They had provided themselves with an abundant supply of money in order to
						propitiate them with gifts, especially the large number who had served under
						Gaius Cæsar, lest at the sight or the name of the younger
						Cæsar, who was advancing, they should change their minds. For
						which reason also it was deemed best to address the soldiers publicly. A
						large platform was built, upon which the generals took their places,
						accompanied by the senators only. The soldiers, both their own and their
						allies, stood around it below, filled with joy at the sight of their vast
						number, the most powerful they had ever beheld. To both the generals this
						was an immediate source of the greatest hope and courage. This more than
						anything else confirmed the fidelity of the army to the generals, for common
						hopes generate good feeling. There was a great deal of noise, as is usual on
						such occasions. The heralds and trumpeters proclaimed silence, and, when
						this was obtained, Cassius, who was the elder of the two, advanced a little
						in front of his companions and spoke as follows:--

"A common peril, fellow-soldiers, is the first thing that binds us in a
						common fidelity to each other. The second is, that we have given you all
						that we have promised, and this is the surest guarantee for what we have
						promised you in the future. All our hopes rest in bravery -- the bravery of
						you, fellow-soldiers, and of us whom you see on this platform, this large
						and noble body of senators. We have, as you see, the most abundant munitions
						of war, supplies, arms, money, ships, and auxiliaries both from Roman
						provinces and the allied kings. Why is it needful, then, to exhort you with
						words to zeal and unanimity -- you whom a common purpose and common
						interests have brought together? As to the slanders that those two men, our
						enemies, have brought against us, you understand them perfectly, and it is
						for that reason that you were ready to take up arms with us. Yet it seems
						fitting to explain our reasons once more. These will prove to you that we
						have the most honorable and righteous cause for war.

"We raised Cæsar to his high place, serving him in war in
						conjunction with you and holding commands under him. We continued his
						friends so long that no one could imagine that we conspired against him on
						account of any private grudge. It was in time of peace that he sinned, not
						against us, his friends (for we were honored before others by him), but
						against the laws, against the order of the commonwealth. There was no longer
						any law supreme, either aristocratic or plebeian, nor any of the
						institutions that our fathers established when they expelled the kings and
						swore never to tolerate royal government again. We, descendants of the men
						who thus swore, sustained that oath and warded off the curse from ourselves.
						We could no longer endure that one man, although he was our friend and
						benefactor, should take from the people and vest in himself the control of
						the public money, the armies, and the elections, and from the Senate the
						appointment of governors of the provinces; that his will should take the
						place of the laws, his rule should supplant that of the people, and his
						supremacy that of the Senate in everything.

"Perhaps you did not understand these matters particularly, but saw only his
						bravery in war. Yet you may easily learn about them now by observing only
						the part that concerns yourselves. You, of the common people, when you go to
						the wars, obey your generals as masters in everything. But in time of peace
						you resume the mastery over us. The Senate deliberates first, in order that
						you may not make a slip, but you decide for yourselves; you give your votes
						by tribes, or by centuries; you choose the consuls, the tribunes, the
						prætors. In the comitia you pass judgment on the weightiest
						questions, and you decide rewards and punishments when we have deserved
						rewards or punishments at your hands. This balance of powers, O citizens,
						has raised the empire to the summit of fortune and conferred honors upon
						those worthy of them, and the men thus honored have returned thanks to you.
						By virtue of this power you made Scipio consul when you bore testimony to
						his deeds in Africa, and you elected whom you pleased each year as tribunes,
						to oppose us in your interest if necessary. But why should I repeat so many
						things that you already know?

"From the time when Cæsar's domination began you no longer elected
						any magistrate, either prætor, or consul, or tribune. Nor did you
						bear testimony to anybody's deeds, nor, if you had done so, could you have
						rewarded them. In a word, nobody owed you any thanks either for a magistracy
						or a governorship, either for approving his accounts or acquitting him on a
						trial. Most lamentable of all, you could not defend your tribunes against
						insult, whom you had constituted your own peculiar and perpetual magistracy,
						and had made sacred and inviolable. Yet you saw these inviolable men
						despoiled with contumely of this inviolable office, and of their sacred
						vestments, without trial, at the order of one man, because in your behalf
						they saw fit to proceed against certain persons who wished to proclaim him
						as king. The senators were deeply grieved at this on your account, for the
						office of tribune is yours, not theirs. But they were not able to censure
						this man openly or to bring him to trial by reason of the strength of the
						armies, which, although heretofore belonging to the republic, he had made
						his own. So they adopted the only remaining method to ward off tyranny, and
						that was to conspire against the person of the tyrant.

"It was necessary that the decision should be that of the best men, but that
						the deed should be done by a few. When it was done the Senate voiced the
						general approval clearly by proposing rewards to the tyrannicides. Antony
						restrained them from doing so on the pretext that it would lead to disorder;
						nor was it our intention to confer this benefit upon Rome for the sake of
						reward, but solely for the sake of the country. Accordingly the senators
						refrained, not wishing to insult Cæsar, but only to get rid of the
						tyranny. So they voted amnesty for all, and it was more particularly decreed
						that there should be no prosecution for the murder. After a little, when
						Antony excited the mob against us, the Senate gave us command of the largest
						provinces and armies, and ordered all the countries between Syria and the
						Adriatic to obey us. In so doing did they punish us as monsters, or did they
						rather distinguish us as tyrannicides with the royal purple and with the
						rods and axes? For like reason the Senate recalled from exile the younger
						Pompeius (who was not concerned in this conspiracy), because he was the only
						son of Pompey the Great, who first took up arms to defend the republic, and
						because the young man had made some little opposition in a private way to
						the tyranny in Spain. It passed a decree also to pay back to him, out of the
						public funds, the value of his father's property, and it appointed him
						admiral in order that he also might hold a command because he was on the
						side of the republic. What more could you ask of the Senate by way of deed
						or of sign to show that everything was done with their approval, unless that
						they should declare it to you in so many words? But they will do and say
						this very thing, and saying it they will repay you with magnificent gifts,
						when they are able to speak and to requite your services.

"What their present situation is you know. They have been proscribed without
						trial, and their property confiscated. Without being condemned, they have
						been put to death in their houses, in the streets, in temples, by soldiers,
						by slaves, by personal enemies. They have been dragged out of their
						hiding-places and pursued everywhere, although the laws allow anybody to go
						into voluntary exile. In the forum, where the head of an enemy was never
						carried, but only captured arms and the beaks of ships, the heads of those
						who were lately consuls, prætors, tribunes, ædiles, and
						knights have been exhibited. Rewards have been assigned for these horrors.
						This is a breaking out of all the wounds that had been previously healed
						over, -- sudden seizures of men, and all kinds of infamy perpetrated by
						wives and sons, freedmen and slaves. Into so desperate a plight and such
						conditions has the city now been plunged. At the head of all these villains
						are the triumvirs, who proscribe their own brothers and uncles and tutors
						first of all. It is said that the city was once captured by the most savage
						barbarians, but the Gauls never cut off any heads, they never insulted the
						dead, they never begrudged their enemies a chance to hide or fly. Nor did we
						ever treat in this way any city that we had captured in war, nor did we ever
						hear of others doing so. Moreover, it is no ordinary city, but the mistress
						of the world, that is thus wronged by those who have been chosen to set in
						order and regulate the republic. What did Tarquin ever do like this, --
						Tarquin, whom our ancestors hurled from the throne for an outrage committed
						upon one woman under the influence of the amatory passion, and then, for
						that one act, they resolved to be ruled by kings no longer?

"While the triumvirs are committing these outrages, O citizens, they call us
						infamous wretches. They say they are avenging Cæsar when they
						proscribe men who were not in Rome when he was killed. Very many of these
						are here, as you see, who have been proscribed on account of their wealth,
						their family, or their preferences for republican government. For this
						reason Pompeius was proscribed with us, although he was far away in Spain
						when we did the deed. Because he was the son of a republican father (for
						which reason also he was recalled by the Senate and made commander of the
						sea), he was proscribed by the triumvirs. What part have those women had in
						the conspiracy against Cæsar, who have been condemned to pay
						tribute? What part have those plebeians had, whose property is worth 100,000
						drachmas each, upon whom new taxes and contributions have been imposed,
						which they have been ordered to pay under penalty of being informed against
						and fined? And even while levying these exactions the triumvirs have not
						fully paid the sums promised to their troops, while we, who have done
						nothing contrary to justice, have given you all that we promised and have
						other funds ready for still larger rewards. So it comes about that the gods
						favor us because we do what is just.

"Besides the favor of the gods you can see that we have that of mankind by
						looking at these, your fellow-citizens, whom you have often beheld as your
						generals and your consuls, and who have won your praises as such. You see
						that they have had recourse to us as to men doing right and defending the
						republic. They espouse our cause, they offer up their prayers, and they
						coöperate with us for what still remains to be done. Far more just
						are the rewards we have offered to those who rescue them than those which
						the triumvirs offer for killing them. The triumvirs know that we, who killed
						Cæsar because he assumed the monarchy, would not tolerate them in
						assuming his power and that we would not assume it ourselves, but that we
						would restore to the people in common the government as we received it from
						our ancestors. So you see the two sides have not taken up arms for the same
						reason, -- the enemy aiming at monarchy and despotism, as their proscription
						already proves, while we seek nothing but the mere privilege of living as
						private citizens under the laws of our country made once more free.
						Naturally the men before you espouse our side as the gods had done
						previously. In war the greatest hope lies in the justice of one's cause.

"Let it give no one any concern that he has been one of Cæsar's
						soldiers. We were not his soldiers then, but our
						country's. The pay and the rewards given were not Cæsar's, but the
						republic's. For the same reason you are not now the soldiers of Cassius, or
						of Brutus, but of Rome. We, Roman generals, are your fellow-soldiers. If our
						enemies were of the same spirit with ourselves it would be possible for all
						to lay down their arms without danger, and give back all the armies to the
						commonwealth, and let it choose its own destiny. If they will accept such
						terms, we challenge them to do so. Since they will not (for they could not,
						on account of the proscription and the other things they have done), let us
						go forward, fellow-soldiers, with unwavering confidence and honest zeal,
						fighting only for the freedom of the Senate and people of Rome."

They all cried out, "Let us go forward!" and urged him to lead them on
						immediately. Cassius was delighted with their spirit, and again proclaimed
						silence and again addressed them, saying: "May the gods who preside over
						just wars and over good faith reward your zeal, fellow-soldiers. How far
						superior we are to the enemy in everything that the human foresight of
						generals can provide let me tell you. We are equal to them in the number of
						legions, although we have left behind us the large detachments needed in
						many places. In cavalry and ships we greatly surpass them, as also in
						auxiliaries from kings and nations as far as the Medes and Parthians.
						Besides this we have to deal only with an enemy in front, while Pompeius is
						cooperating with us in Sicily in their rear, and in the Adriatic Murcus and
						Ahenobarbus with a large fleet and abundance of small craft, besides two
						legions of soldiers and a body of archers, are cruising hither and thither
						harassing them in various ways, while both land and sea in our rear are
						cleared of enemies. As regards money, which some call the sinews of
							war, they
						are destitute. They cannot pay what they have promised their army. The
						proceeds of the proscription have not met their expectation, because no good
						man will buy lands entailed with hate. Nor can they obtain resources
						elsewhere from Italy, exhausted as it is by civil strife, exactions, and
						proscriptions. Thanks to abundant foresight, we have plenty for the present,
						so that we can give you more shortly, and there are other large sums on the
						road collected from the nations behind us.

"Provisions, the supply of which is the chief difficulty in large armies,
						they can obtain only from Macedonia, a mountainous region, and the narrow
						country of Thessaly, and this must be carried to them overland with severe
						labor. If they try to obtain any from Africa, or Lucania, or Apulia,
						Pompeius, Murcus, and Domitius will cut them off entirely. We have
						abundance, and it is brought to us daily by sea without labor from all the
						islands and mainlands which lie between Thrace and the river Euphrates, and
						without hindrance, since we have no enemy in our rear. So it rests with us
						either to hasten the battle, or by delaying it to waste the enemy by hunger.
						Such and so great, fellow-soldiers, are our preparations, so far as they
						depend on human foresight. May the future event correspond to these
						preparations by your efforts and by the help of the gods. As we have paid
						you all that we promised for your former exploits and have rewarded your
						fidelity with abundant gifts, so for this greater battle we will, under the
						favor of the gods, provide you a reward worthy of it. And now, to increase
						the zeal with which you already advance to your task, and in remembrance of
						this assembly and of these words, we will make an additional gift from this
						platform -- to each soldier 1500 Italic
							drachmas, to
						each centurion five times that sum, and to each tribune in proportion."

Having thus spoken and having put his army in good spirits by deed and word
						and gifts, he dissolved the assembly. The soldiers remained a long time
						heaping praises on Cassius and Brutus and promising to do their duty. The
						generals immediately counted out the money to them, and to the bravest
						awarded an additional sum on various pretexts. As they received their pay
						they were dismissed by detachments on the march to Doriscus, and the
						generals themselves followed soon afterward. Two eagles alighted upon the
						two silver eagles which surmounted the standards, pecking at them, or, as
						others say, protecting them, and there they remained, being fed by the
						generals from the public stores until the day before the battle, when they
						flew away. After marching two days around the gulf of Melas the army came to
						Ænus and thence to Doriscus and other towns on the coast as far as
						Mount Serrium.

As Mount Serrium projected into the sea Cassius and Brutus turned to the
						mainland, but they sent Tillius Cimber with the fleet and one legion of
						troops and some archers to sail around the promontory, which, although
						fertile, was formerly deserted because the Thracians were not accustomed to
						the sea and avoided the coast for fear of pirates. So the Chalcideans and
						other Greeks took possession of it, being seafaring people, and caused it to
						flourish with commerce and agriculture, and the Thracians were much
						gratified by the opportunity for the exchange of products. Finally Philip,
						the son of Amyntas, drove out the Chalcideans and other Greeks so that no
						traces of them were to be seen except the ruins of their temples. Tillius
						sailed along this promontory, again deserted, as he had been ordered to do
						by Cassius and Brutus, measuring and mapping places suitable for camps, and
						approaching it with his ships now and then in order that the forces of
						Norbanus might abandon the pass, under the belief that it was useless to
						hold it longer. And it turned out as he had anticipated, for on the
						appearance of the ships Norbanus became alarmed for the Sapæan
						pass and called on Decidius to hasten from that of the Corpileans to his
						assistance, which he did. As soon as the latter pass was abandoned Brutus
						and Cassius marched through it.

When the stratagem became manifest Norbanus and Decidius occupied the gorge
						of the Sapæans strongly. Again Brutus and Cassius could find no
						passage. They fell into discouragement lest they should now have to begin
						the roundabout journey which they had disdained, and to turn upon their own
						tracks, although pressed by time and the lateness of the season. While they
						were in this mood Rhascupolis said that there was a circuitous route (along
						the very side of the Sapæan mountain) of three days' march, which
						had been impassable to men up to this time on account of rocks, scarcity of
						water, and dense forests. If they would carry their water and make a narrow
						but sufficient pathway, they would be so enveloped in shade that they would
						not be perceived even by birds. On the fourth day they would come to the
						river Harpessus, which falls into the Hebrus, and in one day more they would
						be at Philippi, flanking the enemy so as to cut him off completely and leave
						him no chance to retreat. They adopted this plan since there was nothing
						else to do, and especially because it held out the hope of surrounding so
						large a force of the enemy.

They sent a detachment in advance under command of Lucius Bibulus, in company
						with Rhascupolis, to cut a path. They found it a very laborious task, but
						they accomplished it nevertheless with enthusiastic zeal, and all the more
						when some who had gone ahead came back and said that they had had a distant
						view of the river. On the fourth day, fatigued with labor and thirst, the
						water which they carried being nearly exhausted, they recollected that it
						had been said that they should be in a waterless region only three days. So
						they fell into a panic, fearing that they were the victims of a stratagem.
						They did not disbelieve those who had been sent in advance and who said that
						they had seen the river, but they thought that they themselves had been led
						in a different direction. They lost heart and cried aloud, and when they saw
						Rhascupolis riding by and exhorting them to have courage, they reviled him
						and threw stones at him. While Bibulus was beseeching them with words of
						good cheer to persevere to the end, towards evening the river was seen by
						those in front, who, as was natural, raised a cry of joy, which was taken up
						by those behind in due order until it reached the rear. When Brutus and
						Cassius learned this they hurried forward at once, leading on the remainder
						of their army through the pathway that had been cleared. Nevertheless, they
						did not conceal their doings from the enemy altogether, nor surround them,
						for Rhascus, the brother of Rhascupolis, having his suspicions aroused by
						the shouting, made a reconnoissance; and when he saw what was being done he
						was astonished at so large an army traversing a pathway where no water could
						be obtained, and where he thought not even a wild beast could penetrate by
						reason of the dense foliage, and he forthwith communicated the news to the
						army of Norbanus. The latter retreated by night from the gorge of the
						Sapæans toward Amphipolis. Each of the Thracian brothers received
						an ovation in his own army, the one because he had led an army by an unknown
						path, the other because he had discovered the movement.

Thus Brutus and Cassius by an astounding act of audacity advanced to
						Philippi, where Tillius also disembarked, and the whole army was there
						assembled. Philippi is a city that was formerly called Datus, and before
						that Crenides, because there are many springs bubbling around a hill there. Philip fortified it
						because he considered it an excellent stronghold against the Thracians, and
						named it from himself, Philippi. It is situated on a precipitous hill and
						its size is exactly that of the summit of the hill. There are woods on the
						north through which Rhascupolis led the army of Brutus and Cassius. On the
						south is a marsh extending to the sea. On the east are the gorges of the
						Sapæans and Corpileans, and on the west a very fertile and
						beautiful plain extending to the towns of Murcinus and Drabiscus and the
						river Strymon, about 350 stades. Here it is said that Cora was carried off
						while gathering flowers, and here is the river Zygactes, in crossing which
						they say that the yoke of the god's chariot was broken, from which
						circumstance the river received its name. The plain
						slopes downward so that movement is easy to those descending from Philippi,
						but toilsome to those going up from Amphipolis.

There is another hill not far from Philippi which is called the Hill of
						Dionysus, in which are gold mines called the Asyla. Ten stades farther are
						two other hills, at a distance of eighteen stades from Philippi itself and
						eight stades from each other. On these hills Cassius and Brutus were
						encamped, the former on the southern and the latter on the northern of the
						two. They did not advance against the retreating army of Norbanus because
						they learned that Antony was approaching, Octavius having been left behind
						at Epidamnus on account of sickness. The plain was admirably situated for
						fighting and the precipitous hill-tops for camping, since on one side of
						them were marshes and ponds stretching as far as the river Strymon, and on
						the other gorges destitute of roads and impassable. Between these hills,
						eight stades apart, lay the main pass from Europe to Asia as between gates.
						Across this space they built a fortification from camp to camp, leaving a
						gate in the middle, so that the two camps became virtually one. Alongside
						this fortification flowed a river, which is called by some the Ganga and by
						others the Gangites, and behind it was the sea, where they could
						keep their supplies and shipping in safety. Their depot was on the island of
						Thasos, 100 stades distant. Their triremes were anchored at Neapolis, at a
						distance of seventy stades. Brutus and Cassius were satisfied with the
						position and they proceeded to fortify their camps.

Antony moved his army rapidly, wishing to anticipate the enemy in occupying
						Amphipolis as an advantageous position for the battle. When he found it
						already fortified by Norbanus he was delighted. Leaving his apparatus there
						and one legion, under the command of Pinarius, he advanced with the greatest
						boldness and encamped in the plain at a distance of only eight stades from
						the enemy, and straightway the superiority of the enemy's situation and the
						inferiority of his own became evident. The former were on elevated ground,
						the latter on the plain; the former procured fuel from the mountains, the
						latter from the marshes; the former obtained water from a river, the latter
						from wells freshly dug; the former drew their supplies from Thasos,
						requiring carriage of only a few stades, while the latter was 350
							stades from Amphipolis.
						Still it seems that Antony was compelled to do as he did, for there was no
						other hill, and the rest of the plain, lying in a sort of hollow, was liable
						to inundation at times from the river; for which reason also the fountains
						of water were found fresh and abundant in the wells that were dug there.
						Antony's audacity, although he was driven to it by necessity, confounded the
						enemy when they saw him pitch his camp so near them and in such a
						contemptuous manner as soon as he arrived. He raised numerous towers and
						fortified himself on all sides with ditch, wall, and palisade. The enemy
						also completed their fortification wherever the work was defective. Cassius,
						observing that Antony's advance was reckless, extended his fortification at
						the only place where it was still wanting, from the camp to the marsh, a
						space which had been overlooked on account of its narrowness, so that there
						was now nothing unfortified except the cliffs on Brutus's flank and the
						marsh on that of Cassius and the sea lying against the marsh. In the centre
						everything was intercepted by ditch, palisade, wall, and gates.

In this way both sides had fortified themselves, in the meantime making trial
						of each other by cavalry skirmishes only. When they had done all that they
						intended and Octavius had arrived (for, although he was not yet strong
						enough for a battle, he could be carried along the ranks reclining in a
						litter), he and Antony prepared for battle forthwith. Brutus and Cassius
						also drew out their forces on their higher ground, but did not come down.
						They decided not to give battle, hoping to wear out the enemy by want of
						supplies. There were nineteen legions of infantry on each side, but those of
						Brutus and Cassius lacked something of being full, while those of Octavius
						and Antony were complete. Of cavalry the latter had 13,000 and the former
						20,000, including Thracians on both sides. Thus in the multitude of men, in
						the spirit and bravery of the commanders, and in arms and munitions, was
						beheld a most magnificent display on both sides; yet they did nothing for
						several days. Brutus and Cassius did not wish to engage, but rather to
						continue wasting the enemy by lack of provisions, since they themselves had
						abundance from Asia, all transported by the sea from close at hand, while
						the enemy had nothing in abundance and nothing from their own territory.
						They could obtain nothing through merchants from Egypt, since that country
						was exhausted by famine, nor from Spain or Africa by reason of Pompeius, nor
						from Italy by reason of Murcus and Domitius. Macedonia and Thessaly, which
						were the only countries then supplying them, would not suffice much longer.

Mindful chiefly of these facts Brutus and Cassius protracted the war. Antony,
						fearful of the same, resolved to force them to an engagement. He formed a
						plan of effecting a passage through the marsh secretly, if possible, in
						order to get in the enemy's rear without their knowledge, and cut off their
						avenue of supply from Thasos. So he arrayed his forces for battle with all
						the standards set each day, so that it might seem that his entire army was
						drawn up, while a part of his force was really working night and day cutting
						a narrow passage in the marsh, cutting down reeds, throwing up a causeway
						and flanking it with stone so that the earth should not fall away, and
						bridging the deeper parts with piles, all in the profoundest silence. The
						reeds, which were still growing around his passage-way, prevented the enemy
						from seeing his work. After working ten days in this manner he sent a column
						of troops by night suddenly, who occupied all the strong positions inside
						and built several redoubts at the same time. Cassius was amazed at the
						ingenuity as well as the secrecy of this work, and he formed the counter
						design of cutting Antony off from his redoubts. He carried a transverse wall
						across the whole marsh from his camp to the sea, cutting and bridging in the
						same manner as Antony had done, and laying a solid foundation for his
						rampart, thus intercepting the passage sage made by Antony, so that those
						inside could not escape to him, nor he render assistance to them.

When Antony saw this about noon, instantly, with rage and fury, he turned his
						own army, which was facing in another direction, and led it against the
						fortification of Cassius which lay between his camp and the marsh. He
						carried tools and ladders intending to take it by storm and force his way
						into Cassius' camp. While he was making this audacious charge, obliquely and
						up hill, across the space that separated the two armies, the soldiers of
						Brutus were provoked at the insolence of the enemy in dashing boldly athwart
						their front while they stood there armed. So they charged of their own
						volition, without any order from their officers, took them in flank, and
						killed as many as they could reach. The battle once begun they charged upon
						the army of Octavius, also, which was drawn up opposite, put it to flight,
						pursued it to the camp which Antony and Octavius had in common, and captured
						it. Octavius himself was not there, having been warned in a dream to beware
						of that day, as he has himself written in his Memoirs.

When Antony saw that battle was joined he was delighted because he had forced
						it, for he had been in trouble about his supplies. He judged it inadvisable
						to turn again toward the plain, lest in making the evolution his ranks
						should be thrown into disorder. So he continued his charge, as he had begun
						it, on the run, and advanced under a shower of missiles, and forced his way
						till he struck a body of Cassius' troops, which had not moved from its
						assigned position and which was amazed at this unexpected audacity. He
						courageously broke this advance guard and dashed against the fortification
						that ran between the marsh and the camp, demolished the palisade, filled up
						the ditch, undermined the works, and killed the men at the gates,
						disregarding the missiles hurled from the wall, until he had forced an
						entrance through the gates, and others had made breaches in the
						fortification, and still others had climbed up on the debris. All
						this was done so swiftly that those who had just now captured the
						fortification met Cassius' men, who had been at work in the marsh, coming to
						the assistance of their friends, and, with a powerful charge, put them to
						flight, drove them into the marsh, and then at once wheeled against the camp
						of Cassius itself. These were only the men who had scaled the fortification
						with Antony, the remainder being engaged in conflict with the enemy on the
						other side of the wall.

As the camp was in a strong position it was guarded by only a few men, for
						which reason Antony easily overcame them. Cassius' soldiers outside the camp
						were already worsted, and when they saw that the camp was taken they
						scattered in disorderly flight. The victory was complete and alike on either
						side, Brutus defeating the enemy's left wing and taking their camp, while
						Antony overcame Cassius and ravaged his camp with irresistible courage.
						There was great slaughter on both sides, but by reason of the extent of the
						plain and the clouds of dust they were ignorant of each other's fate. When
						they learned the facts they recalled their scattered forces. Those who
						returned resembled porters rather than soldiers, and did not at once
						perceive each other nor see anything clearly. Otherwise either party would
						have flung down their burdens and fiercely attacked the others carrying off
						plunder in this disorderly fashion. According to conjecture the number of
						killed on the side of Cassius, including slave shield-bearers, was about
						8000 and on the side of Octavius double that number.

When Cassius was driven out of his fortifications and no longer had any camp
						to go to, he ascended the hill to Philippi and took a survey of the
						situation. He could not see accurately on account of the dust, nor could he
						see everything, but upon discovering that his own camp was captured he
						ordered Pindarus, his shield-bearer, to draw his sword and kill him. While
						Pindarus delayed a messenger ran up and said that Brutus had been victorious
						on the other wing and was ravaging the enemy's camp. Cassius merely
						answered, "Tell him that I pray his victory may be complete." Then, turning
						to Pindarus, he said, "What are you waiting for? Why do you not deliver me
						from my shame?" Then, as he presented his throat, Pindarus slew him. This is
						one account of the death of Cassius. Others say that as some horsemen were
						approaching, bringing the good news from Brutus, he took them for enemies
						and sent Titinius to find out exactly; that the horsemen pressed around
						Titinius joyfully as a friend of Cassius, and at the same time uttered loud
						hurrahs; that Cassius, thinking that Titinius had fallen into the hands of
						enemies, said, "Have I waited to see my friend torn from me?" and that then
						he withdrew to a tent with Pindarus, and Pindarus was never seen afterward.
						For this reason some persons think that he killed Cassius without orders.
						Cassius ended his life on his birthday, on which also the battle was fought,
						and Titinius killed himself because he had been too slow.

Brutus wept over the dead body of Cassius and called him the last of the
						Romans, meaning that his equal in virtue would never exist again. He
						reproached him for haste and precipitancy, but at the same time he esteemed
						him happy because he was freed from cares and troubles, "which," he said,
						"are leading Brutus, ah, whither?" He delivered the corpse to friends to be
						buried secretly lest the army should be moved to tears at the sight; and
						himself passed the whole night, without food and without care for his own
						person, restoring order in Cassius' army. In the morning the enemy drew up
						their army in order of battle, so that they might not seem to have been
						beaten. Brutus, perceiving their design, exclaimed, "Let us arm also and
						make believe that we have suffered no defeat." So he put his forces in line,
						and the enemy withdrew. Brutus said to his friends, jeeringly, "They
						challenged us when they thought we were tired, but they dared not put us to
						the test."

On the same day that witnessed the battle of Philippi another great calamity
						took place in the Adriatic. Domitius Calvinus was bringing two legions of
						infantry on transport ships to Octavius, one of which was known as the
						Martian legion, a name which had been given to it as a distinction for
						bravery. He led also a prætorian cohort of about 2000 men, four
						squadrons of horse, and a considerable corps
							d'elite of other troops, under the convoy of a few
						triremes. Murcus and Ahenobarbus met them with 130 war-ships. A few of the
						transports that were in front got away under sail. The wind suddenly
						failing, the rest floated about in a dead calm on the sea, having been
						delivered by some god into the hands of their enemies. The latter, without
						danger to themselves, fell upon each ship and crushed it; nor could the
						triremes that escorted them render any aid, since they were hemmed in by
						reason of their small number. The men who were exposed to this danger
						performed many deeds of valor. They hastily lashed their ships together with
						ropes and spars to prevent the enemy from breaking through their line. But
						when they succeeded in doing this Murcus discharged burning arrows at them.
						Then they cast off their fastenings as quickly as possible and separated
						from each other on account count of the fire, and thus again were exposed to
						being surrounded or rammed by the triremes.

Some of the soldiers, and especially the Martians, who excelled in bravery,
						were exasperated that they should lose their lives uselessly, and so killed
						themselves rather than be burned to death; others leaped on board the
						triremes of the enemy, giving and receiving blows. Vessels half burned
						floated a long time, containing men perishing by fire, by hunger, and by
						thirst. Others, clinging to masts or planks, were thrown upon barren rocks
						or promontories, and of these some were saved unexpectedly. Some of them
						were nourished for five days by licking pitch, or chewing sails or ropes,
						until the waves bore them to the land. The greater part, vanquished by their
						misfortunes, surrendered to the enemy. Seventeen triremes surrendered, and
						the men in them took the oath to Murcus. Their general, Calvinus, who was
						believed to have perished, returned to Brundusium on his ship five days
						later. Such was the catastrophe that befell in the Adriatic on the same day
						that the battle of Philippi was fought, whether it be more fitly called a
						shipwreck or a naval engagement. The coincidence of the two battles caused
						amazement when it became known later.

Brutus assembled his army and addressed it as follows: "In yesterday's
						engagement, fellow-soldiers, you were in every respect superior to the
						enemy. You began the battle eagerly, although without orders, and you
						utterly destroyed their far-famed fourth legion, on which their wing placed
						its reliance, and all those supporting it as far as their camp, and you took
						and plundered their camp first, so that our victory far outweighs the
						disaster on our left wing. When it was in your power to finish the whole
						work, you chose rather to plunder than to kill the vanquished. Most of you
						passed by the enemy and made a rush for his property. We are the superior
						again in this, that of our two camps they captured only one, while we took
						all of theirs, so that here our gain is twice as great as our loss. So great
						are our advantages in the battle. How far we excel them in other respects
						you may learn from our prisoners -- concerning the scarcity and dearness of
						provisions among them, the difficulty of procuring further supplies, and how
						near they are to absolute want. They can obtain nothing from Sicily,
						Sardinia, Africa, or Spain, because Pompeius, Murcus, and Ahenobarbus with
						260 ships close the sea against them. They have already exhausted Macedonia.
						They are now dependent on Thessaly alone. How much longer will it suffice?

"When, therefore, you see them eager to fight, bear in mind that they are so
						pressed by hunger that they prefer death by battle. We will make it part of
						our plan that hunger shall engage them before we do, so that when it is
						necessary to fight we shall find them weakened and exhausted. Let us not be
						carried away by our ardor before the proper time. Let no one think that
						delay implies want of generalship more than haste, when he
						casts his eye on the sea behind us, which sends us aid and provisions and
						enables us to win victory without danger if we wait and do not mind the
						insults and provocations of the enemy, who are not braver than ourselves, as
						yesterday's work shows, but are trying to avert another danger. Let the zeal
						which I now desire you to repress be shown abundantly when I ask it. The
						rewards of victory I will pay you in full when it shall please the gods that
						our work be finished. And now for your bravery in yesterday's engagement, I
						will give to each soldier 1000 drachmas and to your officers in proportion."
						After speaking thus he distributed the donative to the legions in their
						order. Some writers say that he promised to give them also the cities of
						Lacedæmon and Thessalonica to plunder.

Octavius and Antony, seeing that Brutus was not willing to fight, assembled
						their men, and Antony addressed them thus: "Soldiers, I am sure that the
						enemy claim in their speeches a share of yesterday's victory because they
						drove some of us and plundered our camp, but they will show by their action
						that it was wholly yours. I promise you that neither to-morrow nor on any
						subsequent day will they be willing to fight. It is the clearest proof of
						their defeat yesterday and of their lack of courage that, like those who
						have been vanquished in public games, they keep out of the arena. Surely
						they did not collect so numerous an army in order to pass their time in
						fortifications in the desert parts of Thrace. They built their
						fortifications when you were still approaching because they were afraid. Now
						that you have come they adhere to them because of yesterday's defeat, on
						which account also the older and more experienced of their generals in utter
						despair committed suicide, and this act is itself the greatest proof of
						their disaster. Since, therefore, they do not accept our challenge and come
						down from the mountain, but trust to their rocky fastnesses instead of their
						arms, be valliant, O my soldiers of Rome, and force them to it again as you
						forced them yesterday. Let us consider it base to yield to those who are
						afraid of us, to keep our hands off such sluggards, or, soldiers as we are,
						to be unequal to the capture of their fortifications. We did not come hither
						to pass our lives in this plain, and if we delay we shall be in want of
						everything. If we are well advised we shall prosecute the war sharply, in
						order that peace may be of the longest duration possible.

"We, who have not incurred your censure for the onset and the plan of
						yesterday's battle, will devise fresh opportunities and means for this end.
						You, on the other hand, when you are asked, repay your generals with your
						valor. Nor will you be troubled, after a little, by yesterday's plundering
						of our camp, for our wealth consists not in the property we hold, but in
						conquering with might, which will restore to us as victors not only what we
						lost yesterday, which is still safe in the enemy's possession, but the
						enemy's wealth in addition. And if we are in haste to take these things let us hasten to
						bring on a battle. What we took from them yesterday balances what we lost,
						and perhaps more, for they brought with them all that they had extorted and
						plundered from Asia, while we, coming from our own country, left at home
						everything in the way of luxury, and brought with us only what was
						necessary. If there was anything lavish in our camp it was the property of
						your generals, who will gladly give it all to you as a reward for your
						victory. And as compensation for your losses we will give you an additional
						reward of 5000 drachmas for each soldier, five times as much to each
						centurion, and twice the latter sum to each tribune."

Having spoken thus, he led out his men again on the following day. As the
						enemy would not come down then, Antony was disgusted, but he continued to
						lead out his men daily. Brutus had a part of his army in line lest he should
						be compelled to fight; and with another part he guarded the road by which
						his supplies were conveyed. There was a hill very near the camp of Cassius,
						which it was difficult for an enemy to occupy because, by reason of its
						nearness, it was exposed to arrows from the camp. Nevertheless, Cassius had
						placed a guard on it, lest it should be forced unexpectedly. As it had been
						abandoned by Brutus, the army of Octavius occupied it by night with four
						legions and protected themselves with wickerwork and hides against the
						enemy's bowmen. When this position was secured they transferred ten other
						legions a distance of more than five stades toward the sea. Four stades
						farther they placed two legions, in order to extend themselves in this
						manner quite to the sea, with a view of breaking through the enemy's line
						either along the sea itself, or through the marsh, or in some other way, and
						to cut off their supplies. Brutus counteracted this movement by building
						fortified posts opposite their camps and in other ways.

The task of Octavius and Antony became pressing, hunger was already felt, and
						fear fell upon them more and more each day, for Thessaly could no longer furnish
						sufficient supplies, nor could they hope for anything from the sea, which
						was commanded by the enemy everywhere. News of their recent disaster in the
						Adriatic having now reached both armies, it
						caused them fresh alarm, as also did the approach of winter while they were
						quartered in this muddy plain. Moved by these considerations they sent a
						legion of troops to Achaia to collect all the food they could find and send
						it to them in haste. As they could not rest under so great an impending
						danger, and as their other artifices were of no avail, they ceased offering
						battle in the plain and advanced with shouts to the enemy's fortifications,
						and challenged Brutus to fight, reviling and scoffing at him, intending not
						so much to besiege him as by a mad rush to bring him to an engagement
						against his will.

Brutus adhered to his original intention, and all the more because he knew of
						the famine and of his own success in the Adriatic, and of the enemy's
						desperation for want of supplies. He preferred to endure a siege, or
						anything else, rather than come to an engagement with men who were
						famishing, and whose hopes rested solely on fighting because they despaired
						of every other resource. His soldiers, however, without reflection,
						entertained a different opinion. They took it hard that they should be shut
						up, idle and cowardly, like women, within their fortifications. Their
						officers, although they approved of Brutus' design, were vexed, thinking
						that in the present temper of the army they might overpower the enemy more
						quickly. Brutus himself was the cause of these murmurs, being of a gentle
						and kindly disposition toward all -- not like Cassius, who was austere and
						imperious in every way, for which reason the army obeyed his orders
						promptly, not interfering with his authority, not inquiring the reasons for
						his orders, and not criticising them when they had learned them. But in the
						case of Brutus they expected nothing else than to share the command with him
						on account of his mildness of temper. Finally, the soldiers began openly to
						collect together in companies and groups and to ask each other, "Why does
						our general put a stigma upon us? How have we offended lately -- we who
						conquered the enemy and put him to flight; we who slaughtered those opposed
						to us and took their camp?" Brutus took no notice of these murmurs, nor did
						he call an assembly, lest he should be forced from his position, contrary to
						his dignity, by the unreasoning multitude, and especially by the
						mercenaries, who, like fickle slaves seeking new masters, always rest their
						hopes of safety on desertion to the enemy.

His officers kept teasing and urging him to make use of the eagerness of the
						army now, which would speedily bring glorious results. If the battle should
						turn out adversely, they could fall back to their walls and put the same
						fortifications between themselves and the enemy. Brutus was especially vexed
						with these, for they were his officers, and he grieved that they, who were
						exposed to the same peril as himself, should capriciously side with the
						soldiers in preferring a quick and doubtful chance to a victory without
						danger; but, to the ruin of himself and them, he yielded, chiding them with
						these words, "I seem to be carrying on war like Pompey the Great, not so
						much commanding as commanded." I think that Brutus restricted himself to
						these words in order to conceal his greatest fear, lest those of his
						soldiers who had formerly served under Cæsar should become
						disaffected and desert to the enemy. This both himself and Cassius had
						apprehended from the beginning, and they had been careful not to give any
						excuse for such disaffection toward themselves.

So Brutus led out his army unwillingly and formed them in line of battle
						before his walls, ordering them not to advance very far from the hill so
						that they might have a safe retreat if necessary and a good position for
						hurling darts at the enemy. In each army the men exchanged exhortations with
						each other. There was great eagerness for battle, and unbounded confidence.
						On the one side was the fear of famine, on the other a well-deserved shame
						that they had constrained their general to fight when he still favored
						delay, and fear lest they should come short of their promises and prove
						weaker than their boastings, and expose themselves to the charge of rashness
						instead of winning praise for good counsel; because also Brutus, riding
						through the ranks on horseback, showed himself before them with a severe
						countenance and reminded them in a few words of what the opportunity
						offered. "You want to fight," he said; "you force me to battle when I am
						able to conquer otherwise. Do not falsify
						my hopes or your own. You have the advantage of the higher ground and
						everything safe in your rear. The enemy's position is the one of peril
						because he lies between you and famine." With these words he passed on, the
						soldiers telling him to trust them and echoing his words with shouts of
						confidence.

Octavius and Antony rode through their own ranks shaking hands with those
						nearest them, and urging them in the most serious manner to do their duty,
						and not concealing the danger of famine, because they believed that that
						would be the greatest incitement to bravery. "Soldiers," they said, "we have
						found the enemy. We have before us those whom we sought to catch outside of
						their fortifications. Let none of you shame his own challenge or prove
						unequal to his own threat. Let no one prefer hunger, that unmanageable and
						distressing evil, to the walls and bodies of the enemy which they will yield
						to bravery, to the sword, to despair. Our situation at this moment is so
						pressing that nothing can be postponed till to-morrow, but this very day
						must decide for us either a complete victory or an honorable death. If we
						conquer we gain in one day and by one blow provisions, money, ships, and
						camps, and the prizes of victory offered by ourselves. Such will be the
						result if, from our first onset upon them, we are mindful of the necessity
						urging us on, and if, after breaking their ranks, we immediately cut them
						off from their gates and drive them upon the rocks or into the plain, so
						that the war may not spring up again or these enemies get away for another
						period of idleness -- the only warriors who are so weak as to rest their
						hopes, not on fighting, but on declining to fight."

In this way Octavius and Antony roused the spirit of those with whom they
						came in contact. The emulation of the troops was excited to show themselves
						worthy of their commanders and also to escape the danger of famine, which
						had been greatly augmented by the naval disaster in the Adriatic. They
						preferred, if necessary, to suffer in battle, with the hope of success,
						rather than be wasted by an irresistible foe. Inspired by these thoughts,
						which each man exchanged with his nearest neighbor, the spirit of the two
						armies was wonderfully raised and both were filled with undaunted courage.
						They did not now remember that they were fellow-citizens of their enemies,
						but hurled threats at each other as though they had been enemies by birth
						and descent, so much did the anger of the moment extinguish reason and
						nature in them. Both sides divined equally that this day and this battle
						would decide the fate of Rome completely; and it did decide it.

The day was consumed in preparations till the ninth hour, at which time two eagles fell upon each other and
						fought in the space between the armies, amid the profoundest silence. When
						the one on the side of Brutus took flight his enemies raised a great shout
						and battle was joined. The onset was superb and
						terrible. They had little need of arrows, stones, or javelins, which are
						customary in war, for they did not resort to the usual manœuvres
						and tactics of battles, but, coming to close combat with naked swords, they
						slew and were slain, seeking to break each other's ranks. On the one side it
						was a fight for self-preservation rather than victory; on the other for
						victory and for the satisfaction of the general who had been forced to fight
						against his will. The slaughter and the groans were terrible. The bodies of
						the fallen were carried back and others stepped into their places from the
						rear ranks. The generals flew hither and thither overlooking everything,
						exciting the men by their ardor, exhorting the toilers to toil on, and
						relieving those who were exhausted so that there was always fresh courage at
						the front. Finally, the soldiers of Octavius, either from fear of famine, or
						by the good fortune of Octavius himself (for the soldiers of Brutus were not
						blameworthy), pushed back the enemy's line as though they were putting in
						motion a very heavy machine. The latter were driven back step by step,
						slowly at first and without loss of courage. Presently their ranks began to
						dissolve and they retreated more rapidly, and then the second and third
						ranks in the rear retreated with them, all mingled together in disorder,
						crowded by each other and by the enemy, who pressed upon them without
						ceasing until it became plainly a flight. The soldiers of Octavius, then
						especially mindful of the order they had received, seized the gates of the
						enemy's fortification, but at great risk to themselves because they were
						exposed to missiles from above and in front, but they prevented a great many
						of the enemy from gaining entrance. These fled, some to the sea, and some
						through the river Zygactes to the mountains.

The enemy having been routed, the generals divided the remainder of the work
						between themselves, Octavius to capture those who should break out of the
						camp and to watch the main camp, while Antony was everywhere, and everywhere
						attacking, falling upon the fugitives and those who still held together, and
						upon their other camping-places, crushing all with vehement impetuosity.
						Fearing lest the leaders should escape him and collect another army, he
						despatched cavalry upon the roads and outlets of the field of battle to
						capture those who were trying to escape. These divided their work; some of
						them hurried up the mountain with Rhascus, the Thracian, who was sent with
						them on account of his knowledge of the roads. They surrounded the fortified
						positions and escarpments, hunted down the fugitives, and kept watch upon
						those inside. Others pursued Brutus himself. Lucilius seeing them rushing on
						furiously, surrendered himself, pretending to be Brutus, and asked them to
						take him to Antony instead of Octavius; for which reason chiefly he was
						believed to be Brutus trying to avoid his implacable enemy. When Antony
						heard that they were bringing him, he went to meet him, with a pause to
						reflect on the fortune, the dignity, and the virtue of the man, and thinking
						how he should receive Brutus. As he was approaching, Lucilius presented
						himself, and said with perfect boldness, "You have not captured Brutus, nor
						will virtue ever be taken prisoner by vice. I deceived these men and so here
						I am." Antony, observing that the horse-men were ashamed of their mistake,
						consoled them, saying, "The game you have caught for me is not worse, but
						better than you think -- as much better as a friend is than an enemy." Then
						he committed Lucilius to the care of one of his friends, and later took him
						into his own service and employed him in a confidential capacity.

Brutus fled to the mountains with a considerable force, intending to return
						to his camp by night, or to move down to the sea. But since all the roads
						were encompassed by guards he passed the night under arms with all his
						party, and it is said that, looking up to the stars, he exclaimed: --
							 "Forget not, Zeus, the author of these ills," 
					 referring to Antony. It is said that Antony himself repeated this saying at a
						later period in the midst of his own dangers, regretting that, when he might
						have associated himself with Cassius and Brutus, he had become the tool of
						Octavius. At the present time, however, Antony passed the night under arms
						with his outposts over against Brutus, fortifying himself with a breastwork
						of dead bodies and spoils collected together. Octavius toiled till midnight
						and then retired on account of his illness, leaving Norbanus to watch the
						enemy's camp.

On the following day Brutus, seeing the enemy still lying in wait for him,
						and having less than four full legions, which had ascended the mountain with
						him, thought it best not to address himself to his troops, but to their
						officers, who were ashamed and repentant of their fault. To them he sent to
						put them to the test and to learn whether they were willing to break through
						the enemy's lines and regain their own camp, which was still held by their
						troops who had been left there. These officers, though they had rushed to
						battle unadvisedly, had been of good courage for the most part, but now,
						misled by a god, gave to their general the undeserved answer that he should
						look out for himself, that they had tempted fortune many times, and that
						they would not throw away the last remaining hope of accommodation. Then
						Brutus said to his friends, "I am no longer useful to my country if such is
						the temper of these men," and calling Strato, the Epirote, who was one of
						his friends, gave him the order to stab him. While Strato was still willing
						to deliberate, Brutus called one of his servants. Then Strato said, "Your
						friend shall not come short of your servants in executing your last
						commands, if the decision is actually reached." With these words he thrust
						his sword into the side of Brutus, who did not shrink or turn away.

So died Cassius and Brutus, two most noble and illustrious Romans, and of
						incomparable virtue, but for one crime. Although they belonged to the party
						of Pompey the Great, and had been the enemies, in peace and in war, of Gaius
						Cæsar, he made them his friends, and from being friends he was
						treating them as sons. The Senate at all times had a peculiar attachment to
						them, and commiseration for them when they fell into misfortune. On account
						of those two it granted amnesty to all the assassins, and when they took
						flight it bestowed governorships on them in order that they should not be
						exiles; not that it was disregardful of Gaius Cæsar or rejoiced at
						what had happened to him, for it admired his bravery and good fortune, gave
						him a public funeral at his death, ratified his acts, and had for a long
						time awarded the magistracies and governorships to his nominees, considering
						that nothing better could be devised than what he proposed. But its zeal for
						these two men and its solicitude for them brought it under suspicion of
						complicity in the assassination, -- so much were those two held in honor by
						all. By the most illustrious of the exiles they were preferred to [Sextus]
						Pompeius, although he was nearer and not implacable to the triumvirs, while
						they were farther away and irreconcilable.

When it became necessary for them to take up arms, two whole years had not
						elapsed ere they had brought together upward of twenty legions of infantry
						and something like 20,000 cavalry, and 200 ships of war, with corresponding
						apparatus and a vast amount of money, some of it from willing and some from
						unwilling contributors. They carried on wars with many peoples and with
						cities and with men of the adverse faction successfully. They brought under
						their sway all the nations from Macedonia to the Euphrates. Those whom they
						had fought against they had brought into alliance with them and had found
						them most faithful. They had had the services of the independent kings and
						princes, and in some small measure even of the Parthians, who were enemies
						of the Romans; but they did not wait for them to come and take part in the
						decisive battle, lest this barbarous and hostile race should become
						accustomed to encounters with the Romans. Most extraordinary of all was the
						fact that the greater part of their army had been the soldiers of Gaius
						Cæsar and wonderfully attached to him, yet they were won over by
						the very murderers of Cæsar and followed them more faithfully
						against Cæsar's son than they had followed Antony, who was
						Cæsar's companion in arms and colleague; for not one of them
						deserted Brutus and Cassius even when they were vanquished, while some of
						them had abandoned Antony at Brundusium before the war began. The reason for
						their service, both under Pompey aforetime and now under Brutus and Cassius,
						was not their own interest, but the cause of democracy; a specious name
						indeed, but generally hurtful. Both of the leaders, when they thought
						they could no longer be useful to their country, alike despised their own
						lives. In that which related to their cares and labors Cassius gave his
						attention strictly to war, like a gladiator to his antagonist. Brutus,
						wherever he might be, wanted to see and hear everything because he was by
						nature a seeker after knowledge.

Against all these virtues and merits must be set down the crime against
						Cæsar, which was not an ordinary or a small one, for it was
						committed unexpectedly against a friend, ungratefully against a benefactor
						who had spared them in war, and nefariously against the head of the state,
						in the senate-house, against a pontiff clothed in his sacred vestments,
						against a ruler without an equal, who was most useful above all other men to
						Rome and its empire. For these reasons Heaven was incensed against them and
						often forewarned them of their doom. When Cassius was performing a
						lustration for his army his lictor presented his garland wrong side up. A
						gilded statue of Victory dedicated to Cassius fell down. Many birds hovered
						over his camp, but uttered no sound, and swarms
						of bees continually settled upon it. While Brutus was celebrating his
						birthday at Samos it is said that in the midst of the feast, although not a
						ready man with such quotations, he shouted out this verse without any
						apparent cause: -- "A cruel fate O'ertakes me, aided by Latona's
								son." 
					 Iliad, xvi. 849. Bryant's translation. 
					 Once when he was about to cross from Asia into Europe with his army, and
						while he was awake at night and the light was burning low, he beheld an
						apparition of extraordinary form standing near him, and when he boldly asked
						who of men or gods it might be, the spectre answered, "I am thy evil genius,
						Brutus. I shall appear to thee again at Philippi." And it is said that it
						did appear to him before the last battle. When the soldiers were going out
						to the fight an Ethiopian met them in front of the gates, and as they
						considered this a bad omen they immediately cut him in pieces. It was due to
						divine interposition, no doubt, that Cassius gave way to despair without
						reason after a drawn battle, and that Brutus was forced from his policy of
						wise delay to an engagement with men who were pressed by hunger, while he
						himself had supplies in abundance and the command of the sea, so that his
						calamity proceeded rather from his own troops than from the enemy. Although
						they had participated in many engagements, they never received any hurt in
						battle, but both became the slayers of themselves, as they had been of
						Cæ sar. Such was the punishment that overtook Cassius and Brutus.

Antony found the body of Brutus, wrapped it in his best purple garment,
						burned it, and sent the ashes to his mother, Servilia. Brutus' army, when it
						learned of his death, sent envoys to Octavius and Antony and obtained
						pardon, and was divided between their armies. It consisted of about 14,000
						men. Besides these a large number who were in garrisons surrendered. The
						garrisons themselves and the enemy's camp were given to the soldiers of
						Octavius and Antony to be plundered. Of the distinguished men in Brutus'
						camp some perished in the battles, others killed themselves as the two
						generals had done, others purposely continued fighting till death. Among
						these men of note were Lucius Cassius, a nephew of Cassius himself, and
						Cato, the son of Cato. The latter charged upon the enemy many times; then,
						when his men began to retreat, he threw off his helmet, either that he might
						be recognized, or be easily hit, or for both reasons. Labeo, a man
						renowned for learning, father of the Labeo who is still celebrated as a
						jurisconsult, dug a trench in his tent the size of his body, gave orders to
						his slaves in reference to the remainder of his affairs, made such
						arrangements as he desired for his wife and children, and gave letters to
						his domestics to carry to them. Then, taking his most faithful slave by the
						right hand and whirling him around, as is the Roman custom in granting
							freedom, he handed him a sword as he
						turned, and presented his throat. And so his tent became his tomb.

Rhascus, the Thracian, brought many troops from the mountains. He asked and
						received as his reward the pardon of his brother, Rhascupolis, from which it
						was made plain that from the beginning these Thracians had not been at
						variance with each other, but that seeing two great and hostile armies
						coming into conflict near their territory, they took sides in the contest in
						such a way that the victor might save the vanquished. Portia, the wife of
						Brutus and sister of the younger Cato, when she learned that both had died
						in the manner described, although very strictly watched by domestics, seized
						some coals of fire that they were carrying, and swallowed them. Of the members of the nobility who escaped to Thasos some
						took ship from thence, others committed themselves with the remains of the
						army to the judgment of Messala Corvinus and Lucius Bibulus, men of equal
						rank, to do for all what they should decide to do for themselves. These came
						to an arrangement with Antony and Octavius, whereby they delivered to Antony
						on his arrival at Thasos the money and arms, besides abundant supplies and a
						great quantity of war material, there in store.

Thus did Octavius and Antony by perilous daring and by two infantry
						engagements achieve a success, the like of which was never before known; for
						never before had such numerous and powerful Roman armies come in conflict
						with each other. These soldiers were not enlisted from the ordinary
						conscription, but were picked men. They were not new levies, but under long
						drill and arrayed against each other, not against foreign or barbarous
						races. Speaking the same language and using the same tactics, being of like
						discipline and power of endurance, they were for these reasons evenly
						matched. Nor was there ever such fury and daring in war as here, when
						citizens contended against citizens, families against families, and
						fellow-soldiers against each other. The proof of this is that, taking both
						battles into the account, the number of the slain among the victors appeared
						to be not less [than among the vanquished].

Thus the army of Antony and Octavius confirmed the prediction of their
						generals, passing in one day and by one blow from extreme danger of famine
						and fear of destruction to lavish wealth, absolute security, and glorious
						victory. That result came about which Antony and Octavius had predicted as
						they advanced into battle. Their form of government was decided by that
						day's work chiefly, and they have not gone back to democracy yet. Nor was
						there any further need of similar contentions with each other, except the
						strife between Antony and Octavius not long afterward, which was the last
						that took place between Romans. The events that transpired after the death
						of Brutus, under Sextus Pompeius and the friends of Cassius and Brutus, who
						escaped with the very considerable remains of their extensive war material,
						were not to be compared to the former in daring or in the devotion of men,
						cities, and armies to their leaders; nor did any of the nobility, nor the
						Senate, nor the same glory, attend them as attended Brutus and Cassius.

AFTER the death of Cassius and Brutus, Octavius returned to Italy. Antony
						proceeded to Asia, where he met Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, and succumbed to
						her charms at first sight. This passion brought ruin upon them and upon all
						Egypt besides. For this reason a part of this book will treat of Egypt -- a
						small part, however, not worth mentioning in the title, since it is
						incidental to the narrative of the civil wars, which constitutes much the
						larger portion. Other similar civil wars took place after Cassius and
						Brutus, but there was no one in command of all the forces as they had been.
						The later wars were sporadic. But, finally, Sextus Pompeius, the younger son
						of Pompey the Great, the last remaining leader of that faction, was slain,
						as Brutus and Cassius had been, and Lepidus was deprived of his share of the
						triumvirate, and the whole government of the Romans was centred in two only,
						Antony and Octavius. These events came about in the following manner.

Cassius, surnamed Parmesius, had been left by Cassius and Brutus in Asia with a fleet
						and an army to collect money. After the death of Cassius, not anticipating
						the like fate of Brutus, he selected thirty ships belonging to the Rhodians,
						which he intended to man, and burned the rest, except the sacred one, so
						that they might not be able to revolt. Having done this he took his
						departure with his own ships and the thirty. Clodius, who had been sent by
						Brutus to Rhodes with thirteen ships, found the Rhodians in revolt (for
						Brutus also was now dead). Clodius took away the garrison, consisting of
						3000 soldiers, and joined Parmesius. They were joined by Turulius, who had a
						numerous fleet and a large sum of money which he had previously extorted
						from Rhodes. To this fleet, which was now quite
						powerful, flocked those who were rendering service in various parts of Asia,
						and they manned the ships with soldiers as well as they could, and with
						slaves, prisoners, and inhabitants of the islands where they touched, as
						rowers. The son of Cicero joined them, and others of the nobility who had
						escaped from Thasos. Thus in a short time there was a considerable gathering
						and organization of officers, soldiers, and ships. Having received
						additional forces under Lepidus, who had brought Crete under subjection to Brutus, they made
						sail to the Adriatic and united with Murcus and Domitius Ahenobarbus, who
						had a large force under their command. Some of these sailed with Murcus to
						Sicily to join Sextus Pompeius. The rest remained with Ahenobarbus and
						formed a faction by themselves. Such was the first reassembling of what
						remained of the war preparations of Cassius and Brutus.

After the battle of Philippi Octavius and Antony offered a magnificent
						sacrifice and awarded praise to their army. In order to provide the rewards
						of victory Octavius went to Italy to divide the land among the soldiers and
						to settle the colonies. He was chosen for this purpose on account of his
						illness. Antony went to the nations beyond the Ægean to collect
						the money that had been promised to the soldiers. They divided the provinces
						among themselves as before and took those of Lepidus besides. It was
						decided, at the instance of Octavius, to make Cisalpine Gaul free, as the elder Cæsar had intended. Lepidus
						had been accused of betraying the affairs of the triumvirate to Pompeius. It
						was decided that if Octavius should find that this accusation was false
						other provinces should be given to Lepidus. They dismissed from the military
						service the soldiers who had served their full time, except 8000 who had
						asked to remain. These they took back and divided between themselves and
						formed them in prætorian cohorts. There remained to them,
						including those who had come over from Brutus, eleven legions of infantry
						and 14,000 horse. Of these Antony took, for his foreign expedition, six
						legions and 10,000 horse. Octavius had five legions and 4000 horse, but of
						these he gave two legions to Antony in exchange for others that Antony had
						left in Italy under the command of Calenus. Then Octavius proceeded toward the
						Adriatic.

When Antony arrived at Ephesus he offered a splendid sacrifice to the city's
						goddess and pardoned those who, after the disaster to Brutus and Cassius,
						had fled to the temple as suppliants, except Petronius, who had been privy
						to the murder of Cæsar, and Quintus, who had betrayed Dolabella to
						Cassius at Laodicea. Having assembled the Greeks and other peoples who
						inhabited the Asiatic country around Pergamos, and who were present on a
						peace embassy, and others who had been summoned thither, Antony addressed
						them as follows: "Your King Attalus, O Greeks, left you to us in his will,
						and straightway we proved better to you than Attalus had been, for we
						released you from the taxes that you had been paying to him, until the
						action of popular agitators among us made these taxes necessary. When they
						became necessary we did not impose them upon you according to a fixed
						valuation so that we could collect an absolutely certain sum, but we
						required you to contribute a portion of your yearly harvest in order that we
						might share with you the vicissitudes of the seasons. When the publicans,
						who made these collections by the authority of the Senate, wronged you by
						demanding more than was due, Gaius Cæsar remitted to you one-third
						of what you had paid to them and put an end to their outrages; for he even
						turned over to you the collection of the taxes from the cultivators of the
						soil. And this was the kind of man that our honorable citizens called a
						tyrant, and you contributed vast sums of money to the murderers of your
						benefactor and against us, who were seeking to avenge him.

"Now that a just fortune has decided the war, not as you wished, but as was
						right, if we were to treat you as allies of our enemies we should be obliged
						to punish you. But as we are willing to believe that you were constrained to
						this course by necessity, we will release you from the heavier penalty. We
						need money and land and cities as rewards for our soldiers. There are
						twenty-eight legions of infantry which, with the auxiliaries, amount to
						upwards of 170,000 men, besides cavalry and various other arms of the
						service. The sum that we need for such a vast number of men you can easily
						imagine. Octavius has gone to Italy to provide them with land and cities --
						to expropriate Italy, if we must speak plainly. That we may not be under the
						necessity of expelling you from your lands, cities, houses, temples, and
						tombs, we must count upon getting money from you, not all that you have (we
						could not think of that), but a part, a very small part, which, when you
						learn it, I think you will cheerfully pay. What you contributed to our
						enemies in two years (for you gave them the taxes of ten years in that time)
						will be quite sufficient for us; but it must be paid in one year, because we
						are pressed by necessity. As you are sensible of our leniency toward you, I
						will merely add that the penalty imposed is by no means equal to your
						deserts."

Antony spoke thus of providing a donative for twenty-eight legions of
						infantry, whereas I think that they had forty-three legions when they came
						to their agreement at Mutina and made these promises, but the war had
						probably reduced them to this number. The Greeks, while he was still
						speaking, threw themselves upon the ground, declaring that they had been
						subjected to force and violence by Brutus and Cassius, and that they were
						deserving of pity, not of punishment; that they would willingly give to
						their benefactors, but that they had been stripped by their enemies, to whom
						they had delivered not only their money, but, in default of money, their
						plate and their ornaments, and who had coined these things into money in
						their presence. Finally, they prevailed by their entreaties that the amount
						should be reduced to nine years' taxes, payable in two years. It was ordered
						that the kings, princes, and free cities should make additional
						contributions according to their means, respectively.

While Antony was making the circuit of the provinces Lucius Cassius, the
						brother of Gaius, and some others, who feared for their own safety, when
						they heard of the pardon of Ephesus, presented themselves to him as
						suppliants. He released them all except those who had been privy to the
						murder of Cæsar. To these alone he was inexorable. He gave relief
						to the cities that had suffered most severely. He released the Lycians from
						taxes altogether, and urged the rebuilding of Xanthus. He gave to the
						Rhodians Andros, Tenos, Naxos, and Myndus, which were taken
						from them not long afterward because they ruled them harshly. He made
						Laodicea and Tarsus free cities and released them from taxes entirely, and
						those inhabitants of Tarsus who had been sold into slavery he liberated by
						an order. To the Athenians when they came to see him he gave Ægina
						in exchange for Tenos, and also Icos, Cea, Sciathos, and Peparethos.
						Proceeding onward to Phrygia, Mysia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia,
						Cœle-Syria, Palestine, Ituræa, and the other provinces
						of Syria, he imposed heavy contributions on all, and acted as arbiter
						between kings and cities, -- in Cappadocia, for example, between Ariarthes
						and Sisinna, awarding the kingdom to Sisinna on account of his mother,
						Glaphyra, who appeared to him to be a beautiful woman. In Syria he delivered
						the cities from tyrants one after another.

Cleopatra came to meet him in Cilicia, and he blamed her for not sharing
						their labors in avenging Cæsar. Instead of apologizing she
						enumerated to him the things she had done, saying that she had sent the four
						legions that had been left with her to Dolabella forthwith, and that she had
						another fleet in readiness, but had been prevented from sending it by
						adverse winds and by the misfortune of Dolabella, whose defeat came
						suddenly; that she did not lend assistance to Cassius, who had threatened
						her twice; that while the war was going on she had set sail for the Adriatic
						in person with a fleet to assist them, in defiance of Cassius, and
						disregarding Murcus, who was lying in wait for her; but that a tempest
						shattered the fleet and prostrated herself with illness, for which reason
						she was not able to put to sea again till they had already gained their
						victory. Antony was amazed at her wit as well as her good looks, and became
						her captive as though he were a young man, although he was forty years of
						age. It is said that he was always very susceptible in this way, and that he
						had been enamoured of her long ago when she was still a girl and he was
						serving as master of horse under Gabinius at Alexandria.

Straightway Antony's interest in public affairs began to dwindle. Whatever
						Cleopatra ordered was done, regardless of laws, human or divine. While her
						sister Arsinoe was a suppliant in the temple of Artemis Leucophryne at
							Miletus, Antony sent
						assassins thither and put her to death. Serapion, Cleopatra's prefect in
						Cyprus, who had assisted Cassius and was now a suppliant at Tyre, Antony
						ordered the Tyrians to deliver to her. He commanded the Aradians to deliver
						up another suppliant who, when Ptolemy, the brother of Cleopatra,
						disappeared at the battle with Cæsar on the Nile, said that he was
						Ptolemy, and whom the Aradians now held. He ordered the priest of Artemis at
						Ephesus, whom they called Megabyzus, and who had once received
						Arsinoe as queen, to be brought before him, but in response to the
						supplications of the Ephesians, addressed to Cleopatra herself, released
						him. So swiftly was Antony transformed, and this passion was the beginning
						and the end of evils that befell him. When Cleopatra returned home Antony
						sent a cavalry force to Palmyra, situated not far from the Euphrates, to
						plunder it, bringing the trifling accusations against its inhabitants, that,
						being on the frontier between the Romans and the Parthians, they had avoided
						taking sides between them; for, being merchants, they bring the products of
						India and Arabia and dispose of them in the Roman territory. In fact,
						Antony's intention was to enrich his horsemen, but the Palmyreans were
						forewarned and they transported their property across the river, and,
						stationing themselves on the bank, prepared to shoot anybody who should
						attack them, for they were expert bowmen. The cavalry found nothing in the
						city. They turned around and came back, having met no foe, and empty-handed.

It seems that this course on Antony's part caused the outbreak of the
						Parthian war not long afterward, as many of the rulers expelled from Syria
						had taken refuge with the Parthians. Syria, until the reign of Antiochus
						Pius and his son, Antiochus, had been ruled by the descendants of Seleucus
						Nicator, as I have related in my Syrian history. Pompey added it to the
						Roman sway, and Scaurus was appointed prætor over it. After
						Scaurus the Senate sent others, including Gabinius, who made war against the
						Alexandrians, and after Gabinius, Crassus, who lost his life in the Parthian
						war, and after Crassus, Bibulus. At the time of Cæsar's death and
						the intestine strife which followed, tyrants got possession of the cities
						one by one, and they were assisted by the Parthians, who made an irruption
						into Syria after the disaster to Crassus and coöperated with the
						tyrants. Antony drove out the latter, who took refuge in Parthia. He then
						imposed very heavy tribute on the masses and committed the outrage already
						mentioned against the Palmyreans, and did not wait for the disturbed country
						to become quiet, but distributed his army in winter quarters in the
						provinces, and himself went to Egypt to join Cleopatra.

She gave him a magnificent reception, and he spent the winter there without
						the insignia of his office and with the habit and mode of life of a private
						person, either because he was in a foreign jurisdiction, in a city under
						royal sway, or because he regarded his wintering as a festal occasion. He
						laid aside the cares and duties of a general, and wore the square-cut
						garment of the Greeks instead of the costume of his own country, and the
						white Attic shoe of the Athenian and Alexandrian priests, which they call
						the phœcasium. He went out only to the temples,
						the schools, and the discussions of the learned, and spent his time with
						Greeks, out of deference to Cleopatra, to whom his sojourn in Alexandria was
						wholly devoted. Such was the state of affairs with Antony.

As Octavius was journeying to Rome he became dangerously ill at Brundusium,
						and a rumor gained currency that he was dead. On his recovery he returned to
						the city and showed to Antony's friends the letters Antony had written. The
						Antonians directed Calenus to give Octavius the two legions, and wrote to
						Sextius in Africa to turn that province over to him. This was the course of
						the Antonians while, as it appeared that Lepidus had not been guilty of any
						serious wrong, Octavius transferred Africa to him in exchange for his former
						provinces. He also sold the remainder of the property confiscated under the
						conscriptions. The task of assigning the soldiers to their colonies and
						dividing the land was one of exceeding difficulty. The soldiers demanded the
						cities which had been selected for them before the war as prizes for their
						valor. The cities demanded that the whole of Italy should share the burden,
						or that the cities should cast lots with the other cities, and that those
						who gave the land should be paid the value of it; but there was no money.
						They came to Rome in crowds, young and old, women and children, to the forum
						and the temples, uttering lamentations, saying that they had done no wrong
						for which they, Italians, should be driven from their fields and their
						hearthstones, like people conquered in war. The Romans mourned and wept with
						them, especially when they reflected that the war had been waged, and the
						rewards of victory given, not in behalf of the commonwealth, but against
						themselves and for a change of the form of government; that the colonies
						were established so that democracy should never again lift its head, --
						colonies composed of hirelings settled there by the rulers to be in
						readiness for whatever purpose they might be wanted.

Octavius explained to the cities the necessity of the case, but he knew that
						it would not satisfy them; and it did not. The soldiers encroached upon
						their neighbors in an insolent manner, seizing more than had been given to
						them and choosing the best lands; nor did they cease when Octavius rebuked
						them and made them numerous other presents. They were contemptuous in the
						knowledge that their rulers needed them to confirm their power, for the five
						years' term of the triumvirate was passing away, and army and rulers needed
						the services of each other for mutual security. The chiefs depended on the
						soldiers for the continuance of their government, while, for the control of
						what they had received, the soldiers depended on the permanence of the
						government of those who had given it. Believing that they could not keep a
						firm hold unless the givers had a strong government, they fought for them with good-will,
						necessarily. Octavius made many other gifts to the indigent soldiers,
						borrowing from the temples for that purpose, for which reason the affections
						of the army were turned toward him. The greater thanks were bestowed upon
						him both as the giver of the land, the cities, the money, and the houses,
						and as the object of denunciation on the part of the despoiled, and as one
						who bore this contumely for the army's sake.

Observing this, Lucius Antonius, the brother of Antony, who was then consul,
						and Fulvia, the wife of Antony, and Manius, his procurator during his
						absence, resorted to artifices to delay the settlement of the colonies till
						Antony should return home, in order that it might not seem to be wholly the
						work of Octavius, and that he might not reap the thanks alone, and Antony be
						bereft of the favor of the soldiers. As this could not be done, on account
						of the haste of the soldiers, they asked that Octavius should take the
						colony leaders of Antony's legions from Antony's own friends, although the
						agreement with Antony yielded the selection to Octavius exclusively. They
						made it a matter of complaint that Antony was not present. They brought
						Fulvia and Antony's children before the soldiers, and, in envious terms,
						besought them not to forget Antony or allow him to be deprived of the glory
						or the gratitude due to his service to them. The fame of Antony was then at
						its maximum, not only among the soldiers, but among all others. The victory
						of Philippi was considered wholly due to him, on account of Octavius'
						illness. Although Octavius was not ignorant that it was a violation of the
						agreement, he yielded as a matter of favor to Antony, and appointed friends
						of the latter as colony leaders for Antony's legions. These leaders, in
						order that they might appear more favorable to the soldiers than Octavius
						was, allowed them to commit still greater outrages. So there was another
						multitude from other communities, neighbors of the dispossessed ones,
						suffering many injuries at the hands of the soldiers, and crying out against
						Octavius, saying that the colonization was worse than the proscription,
						since the latter was directed against foes, while the former was against
						inoffensive persons.

Octavius knew that these citizens were suffering injustice, but he was
						without means to prevent it. There was no money to pay the value of the land
						to the cultivators, nor could the rewards to
						the soldiers be postponed, on account of the enemies who were still on foot.
						Pompeius ruled the sea and was reducing the city to famine by cutting off
						supplies. Ahenobarbus and Murcus were collecting a new fleet and army. The
						soldiers would be less zealous in the future if they were not paid for their
						former service. It was a matter of much importance that the five years' term
						of office was running out, and that the good-will of the soldiers was needed
						to renew it, for which reason he was willing to overlook for the time being
						their insolence and arrogance. Once in the theatre when he was present, a
						soldier, not finding his own seat, went and took one in the place reserved
						for the knights. The people pointed him out and Octavius had him removed.
						The soldiers were angry. They gathered around Octavius as he was going away
						from the theatre and demanded their comrade, for, as they did not see him,
						they thought that he had been put to death. When he was produced before them
						they supposed that he had been brought from prison, but he denied that he
						had been imprisoned and related what had taken place. They said that he had
						been instructed to tell a lie and reproached him for betraying their common
						interests. Such was the example of their insolence in the theatre.

Having been called, about that time, to the Campus Martius for a division of
						the land, they came in haste while it was still night, and they grew angry
						because Octavius delayed his coming. Nonius, a centurion, chided them with
						considerable freedom, urging decent treatment of the commander by the
						commanded, and saying that the cause of the delay was Octavius' illness, not
						his disregard of them. They first jeered at him as a sycophant. Then, as the
						excitement waxed hot on both sides, they reviled him, threw stones at him,
						and pursued him when he fled. Finally he plunged into the river and they
						pulled him out and killed him and threw his body into the road where
						Octavius was about to pass along. The friends of Octavius advised him not to
						go among them, but to keep out of the way of their mad career. But he went
						forward, thinking that their madness would be augmented if he did not come.
						When he saw the body of Nonius he turned aside. Then, assuming that the
						crime had been committed by a few, he chided them and advised them to
						exercise forbearance toward each other hereafter, and proceeded to divide
						the land. He allowed the meritorious ones to ask for rewards, and he gave to
						some who were not meritorious, contrary to their expectation. Finally the
						crowd were confounded. They repented and were ashamed of their importunity.
						They condemned themselves and asked him to search out and punish the slayers
						of Nonius. He replied that he knew them and would punish them only with
						their own guilty consciences and the condemnation of their comrades. The
						soldiers, thus honored with pardon, rewards, and gifts, changed at once to
						joyful acclamations.

Let these two instances serve as examples of the prevailing insubordination.
						The cause was that the generals, for the most part, as is usually the case
						in civil wars, were not regularly chosen; that their armies were not drawn
						from the enrolment according to the custom of the fathers, nor for the
						benefit of their country; that they did not serve the public so much as they
						did the individuals who brought them together; and that they served these
						not by the force of law, but by reason of private promises; not against the
						common enemy, but against private foes; not against foreigners, but against
						fellow-citizens, their equals in rank. All these things impaired military
						discipline, and the soldiers thought that they were not so much serving in
						the army as lending assistance, by their own favor and judgment, to leaders
						who needed them for their own personal ends. Desertion, which had formerly
						been unpardonable, was now rewarded with gifts, and whole armies resorted to
						it, including some illustrious men, who did not consider it desertion to
						change to a similar cause, for all parties were alike, since neither of them
						could be distinguished as battling against the common enemy of the Roman
						people. The common pretence of the generals that they were all striving for
						the good of the country made desertion easy in the thought that one could
						serve his country in any party. Understanding these facts the generals
						tolerated this behavior, for they knew that their authority over their
						armies depended on donatives rather than on law. Thus, everything was torn
						in factions, and the armies indulged in insubordination toward the leaders
						of the factions.

Now famine began to afflict Rome, the supplies by sea being cut off by
						Pompeius, and Italian agriculture ruined by the wars. Whatever food was
						produced was consumed by the troops. Many robberies were committed by night
						in the city. There were acts of violence worse than robbery which went
						unpunished, and which were supposed to have been committed by soldiers. The
						people closed their shops and drove the magistrates from their places as
						though there were no need of courts of justice, or of the useful arts in a
						city oppressed by hunger and infested with brigands.

Lucius Antonius, who was a republican and ill affected toward the
						triumvirate, which seemed not likely to come to an end at the appointed
						time, fell into controversy, and even graver differences, with Octavius. He
						alone received kindly, and promised aid to, the agriculturists who had been
						deprived of their lands and who were now the suppliants of every man of
						importance; and they promised to carry out his orders. Antony's soldiers,
						and Octavius also, blamed him for working against Antony's interests, and
						Fulvia blamed him for stirring up war at an inopportune time, until Manius
						maliciously changed her mind by telling her that as long as Italy remained
						at peace Antony would stay with Cleopatra, but that if war should break out
						there he would come back speedily. Then Fulvia, moved by a woman's jealousy,
						incited Lucius to discord. While Octavius was leading out the last of the
						colonies she sent the children of Antony, together with Lucius, to follow
						him, so that he should not acquire too great eclat with the army
						by being seen alone. A body of Octavius' cavalry made an expedition to the
						coast of Bruttium, which Pompeius was ravaging, and Lucius either thought or
						pretended to think that it had been sent against himself and Antony's
						children. Accordingly, he betook himself to the Antonian colonies to collect
						a body-guard, and accused Octavius to the soldiers as being treacherous to
						Antony. Octavius replied that everything was on a friendly and harmonius
						footing between himself and Antony, and that Lucius was trying to stir up a
						war between them for another reason, in that he was working against the
						triumvirate, by virtue of which the soldiers had a firm hold upon their
						colonies, and that the cavalry were now in Bruttium executing the
						triumvirate's orders.

When the officers of the army learned these facts, they arbitrated between
						Lucius and Octavius at Teanum and brought them to an agreement on the
						following terms: That the consuls should exercise their office in the manner
						of the fathers and not be hindered by the triumvirs; that the land should be
						assigned only to those who fought at Philippi; that of the money derived
						from confiscated property, and of the value of that which was still to be
						sold, Antony's soldiers in Italy should have an equal share; that neither
						Antony nor Octavius should draw soldiers from Italy by conscription
						hereafter; that two of Antony's legions should serve with Octavius in the
						campaign against Pompeius; that the passes of the Alps should be opened to
						the forces sent by Octavius into Spain, and that Asinius Pollio should not
						further interfere with them; that Lucius should be satisfied with those
						conditions, should dispense with his body-guard, and administer his office
						fearlessly. Such was the agreement which they made with each other through
						the influence of the officers of the army. Of these only the two last were
						carried into effect, and Salvidienus crossed the Alps unhindered.

As the other conditions were not carried into effect, or were delayed, Lucius
						departed to Præneste, saying that he was in fear of Octavius, who,
						by virtue of his office, had a guard, while he (Lucius) was unprotected.
						Fulvia went there to meet Lucius, saying now that she had fears for her
						children on account of Lepidus. She used him for a pretext this time instead
						of Octavius. Both of them wrote these things to Antony, and friends were
						sent to him with the letters, who were to give him particulars about each
						complaint. Although I have searched, I have not been able to find any clear
						account of what Antony wrote in reply. The officers of the armies bound
						themselves by an oath to act as umpires again between their magistrates, to
						decide what was right, and to coerce whichever should refuse to obey the
						decision; and they summoned Lucius and his friends to attend for this
						purpose. These refused to come, and Octavius reproached them in invidious
						terms to the officers of the army and in the presence of the optimates of
						Rome. The latter hastened to Lucius and implored him to have pity on the
						city and on Italy, torn by the civil wars, and to accept the arbitration of
						themselves, or of the officers, whatever the decision might be.

Although Lucius had respect for the speakers and for what they said, Manius
						boldly declared that while Antony was doing nothing but collecting money
						from foreigners, Octavius was, by his favors, preoccupying the affections of
						the army and the desirable places in Italy; that in fraud of Antony he had
						freed Cisalpine Gaul, which had previously been given to Antony; that he had
						assigned to the soldiers almost the whole of Italy instead of the eighteen
						cities; that, instead of the twenty-eight legions that had participated in
						the battle, he had admitted thirty-four to a share of the lands and also of
						the money from the temples, which he had collected on the pretext of
						fighting Pompeius, against whom he had done nothing as yet, although the
						city was oppressed by famine; that he had distributed this money in order to
						curry favor with the soldiers, to the prejudice of Antony, and that the
						property of the proscribed had been not so much sold as given to the
						soldiers outright; and, finally, that if he really wanted peace he should
						give his reasons for what he had already done, and for the future do only
						what should be agreed upon in common. Thus arrogantly did Manius proclaim
						his views, implying that Octavius could not do anything by his own authority
						and that his agreement with Antony was of no validity, although it provided
						that each should have absolute power over the affairs committed to him, and
						that each should ratify what was done by the other. When Octavius saw that
						they were everywhere preparing for war, he made similar preparations on his
						own side.

Two legions of the army which had been colonized at Ancona and which had
						served under the elder Cæsar and under Antony, hearing of their
						respective preparations for war, and being moved by friendship for each of
						them, sent ambassadors to Rome to beseech them both to come to an agreement.
						Octavius replied that he was not making war against Antony, but that Lucius
						was making war against him. The ambassadors then united with the officers of
						this army in a common embassy to Lucius asking him to submit his controversy
						with Octavius to a tribunal; and they made it plain what they would do if he
						should not accept the decision. Lucius and his friends accepted the
						proposal, and fixed the place for the trial at Gabii, a city midway between
						Rome and Præneste. A council-chamber was prepared for the
						arbiters, and two platforms for the speakers in the centre, as in a regular
						trial. Octavius, who arrived first, sent some horsemen along the road by
						which Lucius was to come, in order to find out whether any stratagem was
						discoverable. These met certain horsemen of Lucius, either his advance guard
						or men spying like the others, and as the two parties came into collision
						some of them were killed. Lucius retreated, saying that he was afraid of
						being entrapped, and, although recalled by the officers of the army, who
						promised to escort him, he could not be persuaded to come again.

Thus the negotiations came to nothing, and Octavius and Lucius resolved upon
						war and issued proclamations full of bitterness against each other. The army
						of Lucius consisted of six legions of infantry, which he commanded by virtue
						of his consulship, and eleven others belonging to Antony, which were under
						the command of Calenus. These were all in Italy. Octavius had four legions
						at Capua and some prætorian cohorts about his person. Salvidienus
						was leading six other legions to Spain. Lucius had supplies of money
						from Antony's provinces where peace prevailed. War was raging in all the
						provinces that had fallen to the lot of Octavius except Sardinia, for which
						reason he borrowed money from the temples, promising to return it with
						thanks -- from the Capitoline temple at Rome, from those of Antium, of
						Lanuvium, of Nemus, and of Tibur, in which cities there are to-day the most
						abundant stores of consecrated money.

The affairs of Octavius were in disorder outside of Italy also. Pompeius, by
						reason of the proscription, the colonizing of the soldiers, and the
						dissensions with Lucius, had gained much in reputation and power. Those who
						feared for their safety, or had been despoiled of their property, or who
						utterly abhorred the form of government, mostly went and joined him. Young
						men, also, eager for military service for the sake of gain, and who thought
						that it made no difference under whom they served, since all service was
						Roman service, rather preferred to join Pompeius as representing the better
						cause. He had become rich by sea-robbery and had a numerous fleet and a full
						complement of men. Murcus joined him with two legions of soldiers, 500
						archers, a large sum of money, and eighty ships. He also sent after the
						other army from Cephalenia. Accordingly, some
						persons think that if Pompeius had then invaded Italy, which was afflicted
						with famine and civil strife, and was looking for him, he might have
						mastered it. But Pompeius lacked wisdom. His idea was not to invade, but
						only to defend, and this he did till he failed of that also.

In Africa Sextius, Antony's lieutenant, had just delivered his army, in
						pursuance of an order from Lucius, to Fango, a lieutenant of Octavius. He
						was ordered to resume the command, and as Fango would not relinquish it he
						collected a force composed of retired veterans, a miscellaneous crowd of
						Africans, and auxiliaries of the native princes, and made war on him. Fango,
						having been defeated on both wings and having lost his camp, thought that he
						had been betrayed, and committed suicide; and Sextius again became master of
						the two African provinces. Bocchus, king of Mauritania, at the instance of
						Lucius, made war on Carinas, who was Octavius' procurator in Spain.
						Ahenobarbus, who was patrolling the Adriatic with seventy ships, two legions
						of soldiers, and a force of archers and slingers, light-armed troops and
						gladiators, devastated the regions subject to the triumvirs. He sailed
						against Brundusium, captured some of the triremes of Octavius, burned
						others, shut the inhabitants up in their walls, and plundered their
						territory.

Octavius sent a legion of soldiers to Brundusium and hastily recalled
						Salvidienus from his march to Spain. Both Octavius and Lucius sent
						recruiting officers through-out Italy, who had skirmishes with each other of
						more or less importance, and frequent ambuscades. The good-will of the
						Italians was of great service to Lucius, as they believed that he was
						fighting for them against the new colonies. Not only the cities that had
						been designated for the army, but almost the whole of Italy, rose, fearing
						like treatment. They drove out of the towns, or killed, those who were
						borrowing money from the temples for Octavius, manned their walls, and
						joined Lucius. On the other hand, the colonized soldiers joined Octavius.
						Each one in both parties took sides as though this were his own war.

Though these events were taking place, Octavius, nevertheless, convoked the
						Senate and the equestrian order and addressed them as follows: "I know very
						well that I am accused by Lucius and his friends of weakness and want of
						courage because I do not fight them, and that I shall be still further
						accused on account of my calling you together. I have strong forces who have
						suffered wrong in common with me, both those who have been dispossessed of
						their colonies by Lucius and the others whom I have in hand. I am strong in
						all respects except only in the purpose to fight. I am not fond of fighting
						in civil wars except under dire necessity, or of wasting the remainder of
						our citizens in conflicts with each other; least of all in this civil war,
						whose horrors will be announced to us not from Macedonia or Thrace, but will
						take place in Italy itself, which, if it becomes the field of battle, must
						suffer countless evils in addition to the loss of life. For these reasons I
						hesitate. And now I protest that I have done Antony no wrong. Nor have I
						suffered any wrong from him. I beseech you to reason with Lucius and his
						friends on your own account, and to bring them to a reconciliation with me.
						If you cannot now persuade them, I shall presently show them that I have
						hitherto been moved by good-will, not by cowardice. I ask you to be
						witnesses for me not only among yourselves, but also to Antony, and to
						sustain me on account of the arrogance of Lucius."

So spake Octavius. Thereupon some of his hearers went again to
						Præneste. Lucius said to them merely, that both sides had already
						begun hostilities, that Octavius was practising deception; for he had lately
						sent a legion to Brundusium to prevent Antony from coming home. Manius
						showed a letter of Antony's, either true or fictitious, saying that they
						should fight if anybody assailed his dignity. When the senators asked if
						anybody had assailed Antony's dignity, and urged Manius to submit that
						question to trial, he indulged in many other quibbles till they went away
						without transacting their business. Nor did they collectively bring any
						answer to Octavius, either because they had communicated it each for
						himself, or because they were ashamed, or for some other reason. The war
						broke out and Octavius set forth to take part in it, leaving Lepidus with
						two legions to guard Rome. Most of the optimates then showed, by joining
						Lucius, that they were not pleased with the rule of the triumvirs.

The following were the principal events of the war. A sedition broke out in
						two of Lucius' legions at Alba, which expelled their commanding officers and
						started to revolt. Both Octavius and Lucius hastened to them. Lucius arrived
						there first and kept them by a large donative and great promises. While
						Furnius was bringing a reënforcement to Lucius, Octavius fell upon
						his rear guard. Furnius took refuge on a hill and withdrew by night to
						Sentia, a city of his own faction. Octavius did not dare to follow by night,
						suspecting an ambush, but the next day he laid siege to Sentia and Furnius'
						camp together. Lucius, who was hastening toward Rome, sent forward three
						cohorts, which effected an entrance into the city clandestinely by night. He
						followed with his main army and some cavalry and gladiators. Nonius, who had
						charge of the gates, admitted him, and handed over to him the forces under
						his own command. Lepidus fled to Octavius. Lucius made a speech to the
						citizens, saying that he should visit punishment upon Octavius and Lepidus
						for their lawless rule, and that his brother would voluntarily resign his
						share of it and accept the consulship, exchanging an unlawful magistracy for
						a lawful one, and establishing the government of their fathers in place of a
						tyranny.

All were delighted with this speech, and thought that the government of the
						triumvirs was already ended. Lucius was saluted as imperator by the people.
						He marched against Octavius, and collected a fresh army from the cities
						colonized by Antony's soldiers, and strengthened their fortifications. These
						colonies were well affected toward Antony. Barbatius, a quæstor of
						Antony, who had had some difficulty with him and was returning home for that
						reason, said, in answer to inquiries, that Antony was displeased with those
						who were making war on Octavius to the prejudice of their common sway;
						whereupon some, who were not aware of the deception practised by Barbatius,
						changed sides from Lucius to Octavius. Lucius put himself in the way of
						Salvidienus, who was returning to Octavius with a large army from Gaul.
						Asinius and Ventidius, Antony's generals, were following Salvidienus to
						prevent him from advancing. Agrippa, who was the closest friend of Octavius,
						fearing lest Salvidienus should be surrounded, seized Sutrium, a stronghold
						very useful to Lucius, expecting that Lucius would turn from Salvidienus
						against himself, and that Salvidienus, who would then be in the rear of
						Lucius, would assist him (Agrippa). It all turned out as Agrippa had
						anticipated. So Lucius, having failed of his undertaking, marched to join
						Asinius and Ventidius. Salvidienus and Agrippa harassed him on both sides,
						watching especially for an opportunity to catch him in the defiles.

When Lucius perceived their design he did not dare to come to an engagement
						with both of them closing in upon him. So he turned aside to Perusia, a
						strongly fortified city, and encamped near it, to wait there for Ventidius.
						Agrippa, Salvidienus, and Octavius advanced against him and against Perusia
						and enclosed them with three armies, and Octavius summoned
						reënforcements in haste from all directions, as against the vital
						point of the war, where he had Lucius surrounded. He sent others forward to
						hold in check the forces of Ventidius, who were approaching. The latter,
						however, hesitated on their own account to advance, as they did not
						altogether approve of the war and did not know what Antony thought about it,
						and on account of mutual rivalry were unwilling to yield to each other the
						military chieftainship. Lucius did not go out to battle with the forces
						surrounding him, because they were better and more numerous and well
						drilled, while his were for the most part new levies; nor did he resume his
						march, for so many enemies were on his flanks. He sent Manius to Ventidius
						and Asinius to hasten them to the 
							 AGRIPPA 
							 Museum of the Louvre (Duruy) 
						 
					 
					 aid of the besieged, and he sent Tisienus with 4000 horse to pillage the
						enemy's supplies, in order to force him to raise the siege. Lucius entered
						within the walls of Perusia so that he might winter in a strong place, if
						necessary, until Ventidius and Asinius should arrive.

Octavius, with all haste and with his whole army, drew a line of
						circumvallation around Perusia fifty-six stades in circuit, on account of
						the hill on which it was situated; he extended long arms to the Tiber, so
						that nothing could be introduced into the place. Lucius built a similar line
						of countervallation, thus fortifying the foot of the hill. Fulvia urged
						Ventidius, Asinius, Ateius, and Calenus to hasten from Gaul to the
						assistance of Lucius, and collected reënforcements, which she sent
						to Lucius under the lead of Plancus. Plancus destroyed one of Octavius'
						legions, which was on the march to Rome. While Asinius and Ventidius were
						proceeding, at the instance of Fulvia and Manius, to the relief of Lucius
						(but with hesitation and doubt as to Antony's preference), in order to raise
						the blockade, Octavius and Agrippa, leaving a guard at Perusia, threw
						themselves in the way. The former, who had not yet formed a junction with
						each other and were not proceeding with much alacrity, retreated, -- Asinius
						to Ravenna and Ventidius to Ariminum. Plancus took refuge in Spoletium.
						Octavius stationed a force in front of each, to prevent them from forming a
						junction, and returned to Perusia, where he speedily strengthened his
						investment of the place and doubled the depth and width of his ditch to the
						dimensions of thirty feet each way. He increased the height of his wall and
						built 1500 wooden towers on it, sixty feet apart.
						He had also strong redoubts and every other kind of intrenchment, with
						double front, to besiege those within and to repel assaults from without.
						While these works were under construction there were frequent sorties and
						fights, in which the forces of Octavius had the advantage in the use of
						missiles, and the gladiators of Lucius were better at hand-to-hand fighting.
						So these killed many at close quarters.

When the work of Octavius was finished famine fastened upon Lucius, and the
						evil grew more pressing, since neither he nor the city had made preparations
							before-hand. Knowing this fact Octavius kept the most vigilant
						watch. On the day preceding the Calends of January, Lucius thought to avail
						himself of the holiday, under the belief that the enemy would be off their
						guard, to make a sally by night against their gates, hoping to break through
						them and bring in his other forces, of which he had abundance in many
						places. But the legion that was lying in wait near by, and Octavius himself
						with some prætorian cohorts, attacked him, and Lucius, although he
						fought valiantly, was driven back. About the same time the mass of the
						people in Rome openly denounced the war and the victory, because the grain
						was kept under guard for the soldiers. They broke into houses in search of
						food, and carried off whatever they could find.

Ventidius and his friends, ashamed to look on while Lucius was perishing of
						hunger, all moved to his support, intending to overpower the forces
						surrounding and besieging him. Agrippa and Salvidienus went to meet them
						with still larger forces. Fearing lest they should be surrounded, they
						diverged to the stronghold of Fulginium, distant 160 stades from Perusia.
						There Agrippa besieged them, and they lighted fires as signals to Lucius.
						Ventidius and Asinius were of the opinion that they should go forward and
						fight, but Plancus said that, as they were between Octavius and Agrippa,
						they had best await events. The opinion of Plancus prevailed. Those in
						Perusia were rejoiced when they saw the fires, but when Ventidius delayed
						his coming they conjectured that he, too, was in difficulties, and when the
						fires ceased they thought that he had been destroyed. Lucius, oppressed by
						hunger, again fought a night battle, extending from the first watch till
						daylight, around the whole circumvallation; but he failed and was driven
						back into Perusia. There he took an account of the remaining provisions, and
						forbade the giving of any to the slaves, and prohibited them from escaping,
						lest the enemy should gain better knowledge of his desperate situation. The
						slaves wandered about in crowds, threw themselves upon the ground in the
						city, and between the city and their forts, and ate grass or green leaves
						wherever they could find them. Those who died Lucius
						buried in long trenches, lest, if he burned them, the enemy should discover
						what was taking place, and, if they were unburied, disease should result
						from the poisonous exhalations.

As no end of the famine, or of the deaths, could be discerned, the soldiers
						became restive under the condition of affairs, and implored Lucius to make
						another attempt upon the enemy's works, believing that they could break
						through them completely. He approved of their ardor, saying, "In our recent
						battle we did not fight in a way corresponding to our present necessity. Now
						we must either surrender, or, if that seems worse than death, we must fight
						to the death." All assented eagerly, and, in order that no one should have
						the night for an excuse, they demanded to be led out by daylight. Lucius
						marched out at dawn. He took an abundance of iron tools, for wall fighting,
						and ladders of every form. He carried machines for filling the ditches, and
						folding towers from which planks could be thrown to the walls; also all
						kinds of missiles and stones and wickerwork to be thrown upon the palisades.
						They made a violent assault, filled up the ditch, scaled the palisades, and
						advanced to the walls, which some of them undermined, while others applied
						the ladders, and others simultaneously moved up the towers and defended
						themselves with stones, arrows, and leaden balls, with absolute contempt of
						death. This was done at many different places, and the enemy being drawn in
						many different directions made a more feeble resistance.

The planks having been thrown upon the walls at some places, the struggle
						became very hazardous, for the forces of Lucius fighting on bridges were
						exposed to missiles and javelins on every side. They forced their way,
						nevertheless, and a few leaped over the wall. Others followed, and they
						would speedily have accomplished something important in their desperation
						had not the fact become known to Octavius that they had not many such
						machines, and had not the best of his reserves been brought to the
						assistance of the tired men. These fresh troops flung the assailants down
						from the walls, broke their machines in pieces, and hurled missiles upon
						them contemptuously from above. Their enemy, although their shields and
						bodies were pierced and even their voices had failed, held their ground
						bravely. When the corpses of those who had been killed on the wall were
						stripped and thrown down among them, they could not bear the indignity, but
						turned away from the spectacle and stood for a moment undecided, like
						athletes taking a breathing-spell in the gymnastic games. Lucius had pity on
						them in this condition and sounded a retreat. Then the troops of Octavius
						joyfully clashed their arms as for a victory, whereupon those of Lucius were
						roused to anger and again seized their ladders (although they had no more
						towers), and carried them to the walls with desperation. Yet they did not do
						any harm to the enemy, for they could not. Lucius ran among them and
						besought them to sacrifice their lives no longer, and led them back groaning
						and reluctant.

This was the end of this hotly contested siege. In order that the enemy might
						not make another attempt on his works, Octavius stationed a part of his
						army, that was held in reserve, alongside the fortifications, and instructed
						others in other places to leap upon the wall at the sound of the trumpet.
						Although no one urged them on, they went through this exercise continually,
						in order to become familiar with it, and to inspire the enemy with fear. The
						troops of Lucius began to grow down-hearted, and, as usually happens in such
						cases, the guards relaxed their vigilance, and thus desertion became more
						frequent, not only of the common soldiers, but, in some cases, of the higher
						officers also. And now Lucius inclined toward peace, out of pity for the
						perishing multitude, but the fears of some of the enemies of Octavius for
						their own safety still restrained him. But as Octavius was observed to treat
						the deserters kindly, and the desire for peace increased among all, Lucius
						began to fear lest, if he refused, he should be delivered up.

Accordingly, having made a sort of test which gave him encouragement, Lucius
						called his army together and spoke as follows: "It was my intention,
						fellow-soldiers, to restore the republic to you when I saw that the
						government of the triumvirs was a tyranny, which was established, indeed, on
						the pretext of combating Brutus and Cassius, but was not relaxed after their
						death. Lepidus had been deprived of his share of the government, Antony was
						far away collecting money, and this one man was managing everything
						according to his own will, and the ancient system of Roman government was
						only a pretence and a laughing-stock. With the intention of reverting to the
						freedom and democratic government of our ancestors, I asked that after the
						rewards of victory had been distributed the monarchy should be dissolved.
						When my request was not granted, I sought to enforce it by virtue of my
						office. Octavius falsely accused me, before the army, of obstructing the
						colonies out of pity for the landowners. I was ignorant of this slander for
						a long time, and even when I learned of it I did not suppose that anybody
						could believe it, when one saw that the colony officers were men assigned by
						my very self to divide the lands among you. But the calumny misled some
						people, who joined Octavius in order to make war against us as they think.
						But eventually they will find that they have been warring against their own
						interests. I affirm that you have chosen the better cause, and that you have
						suffered for it beyond your strength. We are vanquished, not by our enemies,
						but by hunger, to which we have been left a prey by our own generals. It would be becoming in me to fight to the last
						extremity for my country. Such an end would make my fame glorious after my
						high purposes. To that destiny I do not submit, for the sake of you, whom I
						prefer to my own fame. I will send to the conqueror and beg that he will
						inflict such punishment as he chooses upon me alone, in place of all of you;
						that he will grant amnesty, not to me, but to you, his fellow-citizens and
						formerly his soldiers, who are not now in the wrong, who are not fighting
						without good cause, and are vanquished, not by war, but by hunger."

After speaking thus he at once selected three men from the optimates for this
						mission. The multitude wept, some on their own account, some on account of
						their general, who appeared to them to have been actuated by the most
						excellent and democratic purpose, and who now yielded to extreme necessity.
						The three envoys, when admitted to the presence of Octavius, reminded him
						that the soldiers on both sides were all of one race, and that they had made
						campaigns together. They called to mind the friendship of the nobility on
						either side and also the virtue of their ancestors, who did not allow their
						differences to become irreconcilable. They advanced other like arguments
						which were calculated to prevail with him. Octavius, knowing that some of
						the enemy were still raw recruits, while others were colonized veterans,
						replied artfully that he would grant amnesty to Antony's soldiers out of
						regard for him, but that the others must surrender at discretion. This he
						said in the presence of all, but, taking aside Furnius, one of the three, he
						led him to expect mild treatment for Lucius and the rest, except his own
						personal enemies.

These personal enemies of Octavius, having learned of Furnius' private
						interview and suspecting that it related to themselves, reproached him when
						he came back, and demanded of Lucius either that he should ask a new treaty,
						which should include all alike, or fight to the death, saying that this had
						not been a private war for any individual, but a public one in behalf of the
						country. Lucius in pity commended them as men of the same rank as himself,
						and said that he would send another embassy. Then he added that no one was
						better fitted for this task than himself, and went immediately without a
						herald, merely preceded by some persons who went in advance to announce to
						Octavius his coming. The latter at once advanced to meet him. There they saw
						each other surrounded by their friends and distinguished by the standards
						and military equipment of generals on either side. Then Lucius, dismissing
						his friends, went forward with two lictors only, showing his state of mind
						by his outward appearance. Octavius understood and imitated his example,
						showing his intended good-will toward Lucius. When he saw the latter
						hastening to pass inside his fortification, indicating thereby that he had
						already surrendered, Octavius anticipated him and went outside the
						fortification in order that Lucius might still be free to consult and decide
						concerning his own interests. Thus as they moved forward they foreshadowed
						their intentions to each other in advance, by their retinue and their
						outward appearance.

When they came to the ditch they saluted each other, and Lucius said: "If I
						were a foreigner waging war against you, Octavius, I should consider it
						disgraceful to be vanquished in this way and still more disgraceful to
						surrender, and I should have for myself an easy means of deliverance from
						such humiliation. Since I have been contending with a countryman, my equal
						in rank, in a matter appertaining to our common country, I do not consider
						it disgraceful to be beaten in such a cause by such a man. This I say not to
						deprecate any suffering that you may choose to inflict upon me (for you see
						that I have come to your camp without any guarantee), but to ask for others
						such pardon as may be just, and conducive to your own interests. That I may
						make this clear to you it is necessary to separate their cause from mine, so
						that, when you know that I am the only one to blame, you may visit your
						wrath upon me, and not think that I have come here to bandy words (that
						would be inopportune), but to tell the truth, for it is not in my power to
						speak otherwise.

"I undertook this war against you, not in order to succeed to the leadership
						by destroying you, but to restore to the country the patrician government
						which had been subverted by the triumvirate, as not even yourself will deny.
						For when you created the triumvirate you acknowledged that it was not in
						accordance with law, but you established it as something necessary and
						temporary because Cassius and Brutus were still alive and you could not be
						reconciled to them. When they, who had been the head of the faction, were
						dead, and the remainder, if there were any left, were bearing arms, not
						against the state, but because they feared you, and moreover the five years'
						term was running out, I demanded that the magistracies should be revived in
						accordance with the customs of our fathers, not even preferring my brother
						to my country, but hoping to persuade him to assent upon his return and
						hastening to bring this about during my own term of office. If you had begun
						this reform you alone would have reaped the glory. Since I was not able to
						persuade you, I thought to march against the city and to use force, being a
						citizen, a nobleman, and a consul. These are the causes of the war I waged
						and these alone; not my brother, nor Manius, nor Fulvia, nor the
						colonization of those who fought at Philippi, nor pity for the cultivators
						who were deprived of their holdings, since I myself appointed the leaders of
						colonies to my brother's legions who deprived the cultivators of their
						possessions and divided them among the soldiers. Yet you brought this charge
						against me before the soldiers, shifting the cause of the war from yourself
						to the land distribution, and in this way chiefly you drew them to your side
						and overcame me, for they were persuaded that I was warring against them,
						and that they were defending themselves against my wrong-doing. You
						certainly needed to use artifice in the war you were waging. Now that you
						have conquered, if you are the enemy of the country you must consider me
						your enemy also, since I wished what I thought was for her advantage, but
						was prevented by famine from accomplishing it.

"While I say these things I surrender myself to you, as I have already
						declared, to do with me whatever you wish. I came here alone merely to show
						what I have thought of you heretofore and what I still think. So much for
						myself. Concerning my friends and my whole army, if you will not discredit
						my words, I will give you some advice for your own best interests, and that
						is, that you inflict no severity upon them on account of the quarrel between
						you and me. As you are a mortal and in the hands of fortune, which is always
						fickle, do not deter those who might be willing to incur danger for you in
						hazardous or trying times hereafter, by teaching them that under your rules
						there is no hope of safety except for the victors. Even if all advice from
						an enemy is suspected or untrustworthy, I would not hesitate to implore you
						not to punish my friends for my fault and my ill fortune, but to put the
						whole punishment on me, who am alone to blame. I purposely left my friends
						behind so that I might not seem, by using these words in their presence, to
						be securing favor for myself in an underhand way."

After Lucius had thus spoken he relapsed into silence, and Octavius said:
						"When I saw you, Lucius, approaching without any guarantee I hastened to
						meet you while you were still outside my intrenchments, so that you might
						even now be master of your own counsels and be able to say or do whatever
						you should think best for your own interests. Since you deliver yourself to
						me (as is customary to those who acknowledge that they are in the wrong), it
						is not necessary that I should discuss the false accusations that you have
						brought against me with so much art. You began by injuring me and you
						continue to do so. If you were here negotiating a treaty, you would be
						dealing with a victor whom you had wronged. Now that you surrender yourself
						and your friends and your army without conditions, you take away not only
						all resentment, but also the power which, under negotiations for a treaty,
						you would necessarily have given me. There is involved in this question not
						only what you and your friends ought to suffer, but what it is becoming in
						me, as a just man, to do. I shall make the latter my chief consideration on
						account of the gods, on my own account, and on yours, Lucius, and I shall
						not disappoint the expectation with which you came to me." These things they
						said to each other, as nearly as it is possible to gather the meaning of the
						speakers from the Memoirs and translate it into our language. They then separated, and Octavius eulogized and admired
						Lucius because he had said nothing impolite or inconsiderate (as is usual in
						adversity), and Lucius praised Octavius for his mildness and brevity of
						speech. The others gathered the meaning of what had been said from the
						countenances of the speakers.

Lucius sent tribunes to receive the watchword for the army from Octavius.
						They took the army roll to him, as it is still customary for the tribune who
						asks for the watchword to deliver to the commander the daily register of the
						number of troops present. After they had received the watchword they still
						kept their outposts on duty, for Octavius himself ordered that each army
						should keep its own guard that night. The next morning Octavius offered
						sacrifice, and Lucius sent his soldiers to him bearing their arms, but
						prepared for marching. They saluted Octavius as imperator while still at
						some distance, and each legion took its separate position as Octavius had
						directed, the colonized veterans being apart from the new levies. When
						Octavius had finished the sacrifice he took his seat in front of the
						tribunal, crowned with laurel, the symbol of victory, and ordered them all
						to lay down their arms where they stood. When they had done so he ordered
						the veterans to draw nearer, intending to reproach them for their
						ingratitude and to strike terror into them. It was known beforehand what he
						was about to do, and his own army, either purposely (as soldiers are often
						advised beforehand), or moved by sympathy as for their own relatives, broke
						from the formation in which they had been placed, crowded around Lucius' men
						as they approached their former fellow-soldiers, embraced them, wept with
						them, and implored Octavius in their behalf, and ceased not crying out and
						embracing them, the new levies sharing in the outburst of feeling, so that
						it was impossible to distinguish or discriminate between them.

For this reason Octavius did not persist in his intention, but, after
						appeasing the tumult with difficulty, addressed his own men as follows: "You
						have always behaved in such a way to me, fellow-soldiers, that you can ask
						nothing from me in vain. I think that the new levies served Lucius under
						compulsion. I intended to ask the old soldiers, who have often served with
						us and who are now saved from punishment by you, what they have suffered at
						our hands, or what favor they have asked in vain, or what greater favors
						they expected from anybody else, that they have taken up arms against me,
						against you, against them-selves. All the trouble I have met with has grown
						out of the division of the lands, in which they had their share. And now if
						you will permit me I will ask them these questions." They would not allow
						him to do so, but continued their beseeching. "I grant what you wish," he
						said. "They are dismissed without punishment for their wrongdoing, provided
						they will hereafter be like-minded with you." They promised on both sides
						with acclamations and thanks to Octavius, who allowed some of his own men to
						entertain some of their men as guests. He ordered the remainder to pitch
						their tents where they had been stationed, at a certain distance from the
						others, until he should assign them towns for winter quarters and appoint
						persons to lead them thither.

Then, seated on his tribunal, Octavius summoned from Perusia Lucius and the
						Romans of responsibility who were with him. Many of the senators and knights
						came down, all presenting a pitiful appearance by reason of their sudden
						change of fortune. As soon as they passed out of Perusia a guard was
						stationed around it. When they reached the tribunal Octavius placed Lucius
						by his own side. Of the rest, some were taken in charge by the friends of
						Octavius, others by centurions, all of whom had been instructed beforehand
						to show them honor and to keep watch upon them unobserved. He commanded
						those Perusians to come forward who had stretched out their hands to him
						from the walls, all except their town council, and as they presented
						themselves he pardoned them. The councillors were thrown into prison and
						soon afterward put to death, except Lucius Æmilius, who had sat as
						a judge at Rome in the trial of the murderers of Cæsar, who had
						voted openly for condemnation, and had advised all the others to do the same
						in order to expiate the guilt.

Octavius intended to turn Perusia itself over to the soldiers for plunder,
						but Cestius, one of the citizens, who was somewhat out of his mind, who had
						fought in Macedonia and for that reason called himself the Macedonian, set
						fire to his house and plunged into the flames. A strong wind fanned the
						conflagration and drove it over the whole of Perusia, which was entirely
						consumed, except the temple of Vulcan. Such was the end of Perusia, a city
						renowned for its antiquity and importance. It is said that it was one of the
						first twelve cities built by the Etruscans in Italy in the olden time. For
						this reason the worship of Juno prevailed there, as among the Etruscans
						generally. But thereafter those who shared among themselves the remains of
						the city took Vulcan for their tutelary deity instead of Juno. On the
						following day Octavius made peace with all of them, but the soldiers did not
						desist from tumults against some of them until the latter were killed. These
						were chiefly the personal enemies of Octavius, namely, Canutius, Gaius
						Flavius, Clodius Bithynicus, and others. Such was the conclusion of the
						siege of Lucius in Perusia, and thus came to an end a war which had promised
						to be long-continued and most grievous to Italy.

Now Asinius, Plancus, Ventidius, Crassus, Ateius, and the others of that
						party, who had forces not to be despised, numbering about thirteen legions
						of disciplined 
							 LIVIA AS PRIESTESS OF AUGUSTUS 
							 From Pompeii, in the Museum at Naples 
						 
					 
					 troops and upward of 6500 horse, considering Lucius the chief actor in the
						war, retired to the sea-coast by various routes, some to Brundusium, some to
						Ravenna, some to Tarentum, some to Murcus and Ahenobarbus, and still others
						to Antony. The friends of Octavius followed them, offering terms of peace,
						and harassing those who refused, especially the infantry. From among them
						only two legions, belonging to Plancus, who were intercepted at Cameria,
						were persuaded by Agrippa to desert to him. Fulvia fled with her children to
							Dicæarchia, and thence to Brundusium, with 3000 horse,
						who were sent with her by the generals as an escort. At Brundusium there
						were five war-ships which had been sent for from Macedonia, and she embarked
						and put to sea, accompanied by Plancus, who abandoned the remains of his
						army through cowardice. These soldiers chose Ventidius as their commander.
						Asinius drew over Ahenobarbus to the side of Antony. Both Asinius and
						Ventidius wrote these facts to Antony, and they prepared landing-places, in
						expectation of his early arrival, and stores of provisions throughout Italy.

Octavius was planning to get possession of another considerable army
						belonging to Antony, that was under the command of Fufius Calenus near the
						Alps. He already had suspicions of Antony, and he hoped, if the latter
						remained friendly, to preserve these forces for him, or, if war should break
						out, to add this large force to his own strength. While he was still
						delaying and looking around for a fair-seeming occasion, Calenus died.
						Octavius, believing that he had found a good excuse for both transactions,
						went and took possession of the army and of Gaul and Spain besides, which
						were Antony's provinces. Fufius, the son of Calenus, was
						terrified, and delivered everything over to him without a fight. Octavius,
						having acquired eleven legions of soldiers and these large provinces by one
						stroke, dismissed the chief officers from their commands, substituted his
						own, and returned to Rome.

As it was still winter, Antony retained the deputies of the colonized
						veterans, who had been sent to him, and concealed his intentions. In the
						spring he set out from Alexandria and proceeded by land to Tyre, and thence
						by sea, touching at Cyprus and Rhodes, to the province of Asia. There he
						learned of the doings at Perusia and he blamed his brother and Fulvia, and,
						most of all, Manius. He found Fulvia at Athens, whither she had fled from
						Brundusium. His mother, Julia, who had fled to Pompeius, had been sent
						thither by him from Sicily with warships, and escorted by some of the
						optimates of his party, by Lucius Libo, his father-in-law, by Saturninus and
						others, who, being attracted by Antony's capacity for great deeds, sought to
						bring him into friendly relations with Pompeius and to form an alliance
						between them against Octavius. Antony replied that he thanked Pompeius for
						sending his mother and that he would requite him for the service in due
						time; that if there should be a war with Octavius he would ally himself with
						Pompeius, but that if Octavius should adhere to their agreements he would
						endeavor to reconcile him with Pompeius. Such was his answer.

When Octavius returned from Gaul to Rome he heard about those who had set
						sail for Athens. Not knowing exactly what answer Antony had given them, he
						began to excite the colonized soldiers against the latter, representing that
						Antony intended to bring back Pompeius with the owners of the lands which
						the soldiers now held, for most of the owners had taken refuge with
						Pompeius. Although this cause of irritation was plausible, the soldiers
						would not even then take up arms against Antony with any zeal, the
						reputation he had gained at Philippi having made him popular. Octavius
						considered himself far superior to Antony, to Pompeius, and to Ahenobarbus
						in the number of troops, as he now had more than forty legions, but as he
						had no ships and no time to make any, while they had 500, he feared lest
						they should bring famine upon Italy by patrolling the coast. While
						meditating on those things, and while he had the choice of many virgins in
						marriage, he wrote to Mæcenas to make an engagement for him with
							Scribonia, 
						the sister of Libo, the father-in-law of Pompeius, so that he might have the
						means of coming to an arrangement with the latter if need be. When Libo
						heard of this he wrote to his family that they should betroth her to
						Octavius without delay. Then Octavius, on various pretexts, sent away, to
						this place and that, such of Antony's friends and soldiers as he could not
						trust, and he sent Lepidus to Africa, the province assigned to him, and with
						him the six of Antony's legions who were under suspicion.

Then he summoned Lucius to his presence and praised him for his attachment to
						his brother, because he had taken the blame upon himself while carrying out
						Antony's wishes, but reproached him with ingratitude if, after meeting such
						a favor from himself, he should now refuse to confess concerning the aims of
						Antony, who was said to have formed an alliance openly with Pompeius.
						"Having confidence in you," he said, "when Calenus died I took charge of his
						provinces and army through my friends for Antony, so that they might not be
						without a head, but now that the plot is unveiled I shall keep them all for
						myself, and if you wish to go to your brother I will allow you to do so
						fearlessly." He spoke thus, either to test Lucius or in order that what he
						said might reach Antony. Lucius replied in the same spirit as before,
						saying, "I knew that Fulvia was in favor of the monarchy, but I joined with
						her and made use of my brother's soldiers to overthrow all of you. And now
						if my brother should come to dissolve the monarchy I would go to join him,
						either openly or secretly, and would fight you again in behalf of the
						country, although you have been a benefactor to me. If he seeks allies to
						assist him in maintaining the tyranny, I will fight on your side against him
						as long as I think that you are not trying to establish a monarchy. I shall
						always set my country above gratitude and above family." So spake Lucius.
						Octavius, holding him in the same admiration as recently [at Perusia], said
						that he did not wish to incite him against his brother, but that he would
						intrust to Lucius, because he was what he was, the whole of Spain, and the
						army in it, which were now under the command of his lieutenants,
						Peducæus and Lucius. So Octavius dismissed Lucius with
						honor, but kept a secret watch upon him by means of his lieutenants.

Antony left Fulvia ill at Sicyon, and set sail from Corcyra into the
							Adriatic with an
						inconsiderable army and 200 ships that he had built in Asia. Antony learned
						that Ahenobarbus was coming to meet him with a fleet and a large number of
						soldiers. Then some of Antony's friends thought that it was not safe to
						trust to the agreement exchanged between them, since Ahenobarbus had been
						condemned at the trial of Cæsar's murderers, and had been placed
						on the list of the proscribed, and had fought against Antony and Octavius at
						the time of the battle of Philippi. Nevertheless, Antony advanced with five of his best
						ships in order to seem to have confidence in Ahenobarbus, and he ordered the
						others to follow at a certain distance. When Ahenobarbus was observed coming
						forward, rowing swiftly, with his whole army and fleet, Plancus, who was
						standing by the side of Antony, was alarmed and advised him to check his
						course and send a few men forward to make a test, as to a man whose
						intentions were doubtful. Antony replied that he would rather die by a
						breach of the treaty than to be saved by an appearance of cowardice, and
						continued his course. Now they were drawing near, and the vessels which bore
						the chiefs were distinguishable by their ensigns and approached each other.
						Antony's first lictor, who stood on the prow as was customary, either
						forgetful that Ahenobarbus was a man of doubtful purpose, and that he was
						leading his own forces, or moved by a lofty spirit as though he were meeting
						subject or inferior men, ordered them to lower their flag. They did so, and
						laid their ship alongside of Antony's. When the two commanders saw each
						other they exchanged greetings, and the army of Ahenobarbus saluted Antony
						as imperator. Plancus recovered his courage with difficulty. Antony received
						Ahenobarbus in his own ship and sailed to Palœis, where Ahenobarbus had his infantry, and here he
						yielded his tent to Antony.

From thence they sailed to Brundusium, which was garrisoned by five cohorts
						of Octavius' troops. The citizens closed their gates against Ahenobarbus, as
						an old enemy, and against Antony, as one introducing an enemy. Antony was
						indignant. Considering this a pretence, and that he was in fact shut out by
						Octavius' garrison at the latter's instance, he drew a ditch and palisade
						across the isthmus that connects the town with the mainland. The city is
						situated on a peninsula which fronts a crescent-shaped harbor. Now the
						people coming from the mainland could no longer reach the rising ground on
						which the city stands, as it had been cut off and walled in. Antony also
						surrounded the harbor, which is large, and the islands in it, with towers
						planted closely together. He sent forces along the coasts of Italy, whom he
						ordered to seize the advantageous positions. He called upon Pompeius to move
						against Italy with his fleet and to do whatever he could. Pompeius, with
						alacrity, despatched Menodorus with a numerous fleet and four legions of
						soldiers, who seized Sardinia, which belonged to Octavius, and two legions
						in it, who were panic-stricken at this agreement between Pompeius and
						Antony. In Italy Antony's men captured the town of Sipuntum of Ausonia. Pompeius besieged Thurii and Consentia and ravaged their
						territory with his cavalry.

Octavius, attacked so suddenly and in so many places, sent Agrippa into
						Ausonia to succor the distressed inhabitants. Agrippa called out the
						colonized veterans along the road, and they followed at a certain interval,
						supposing that they were moving against Pompeius, but when they learned that
						what had happened had been done at Antony's instance, they turned around and
						went back secretly. Octavius was greatly alarmed by this. Nevertheless,
						while marching to Brundusium with another army he again fell in with the
						colonized veterans, and interceded with them, and prevailed upon those who
						had been colonized by himself to follow him. They were ashamed to refuse,
						but they had the secret intention to bring Antony and Octavius into harmony
						with each other, and if Antony should refuse and should go to war, then to
						defend Octavius. The latter was detained some days at Canusium by sickness.
						Although his forces considerably outnumbered those of Antony, he found
						Brundusium walled in, and he could do nothing but encamp alongside of it and
						await events.

Antony was enabled by means of his intrenchments to defend himself easily,
						although he was much inferior in numbers. He summoned his army from
						Macedonia in haste, and in the meantime he resorted to the stratagem of
						sending war-ships and merchant vessels to sea by night secretly with a
						multitude of private citizens on board, which returned, one after another,
						the next day, in sight of Octavius, bearing armed men, as though they had
						just come from Macedonia. Antony had his machines already prepared and was
						about to attack the Brundusians, to the great chagrin of Octavius, since he
						was not able to defend them. Toward evening the news reached both armies
						that Agrippa had captured Sipuntum and that Pompeius had been repulsed from
						Thurii, but was still besieging Consentia. Antony was disturbed by this
						news. When it was announced that Servilius was coming to the assistance of
						Octavius with 1500 horse, Antony could not
						restrain his rage, but sprang up from supper, and, with such friends as he
						could find ready and with 400 horse, he pressed forward with the utmost
						intrepidity, and fell upon the 1500, who were
						still asleep near the town of Uria, threw them into a panic, captured them
						without a fight, and returned to Brundusium the same day. Thus did the
						reputation that Antony had gained at Philippi as an invincible man still
						inspire terror.

Antony's prætorian cohorts, proud of his prestige, approached the
						camp of Octavius in groups and reproached their former comrades for coming
						hither to fight Antony, to whom they all owed their safety at Philippi. When
						the latter replied that the others had come making war against themselves,
						they fell to arguing and brought charges against each other. Antony's men
						said that Brundusium had been closed against him and that Calenus' troops
						had been taken from him. The others spoke of the investment and siege of
						Brundusium, the invasion of Southern Italy, the agreement with Ahenobarbus,
						one of Cæsar's murderers, and the treaty with Pompeius, their
						common enemy. Finally Octavius' men revealed their purpose to the others,
						saying that they had come with Octavius, not because they were forgetful of
						Antony's merits, but with the intention of bringing them to an agreement,
						or, if Antony refused and continued the war, of defending Octavius against
						him. These things they openly said also when they approached Antony's works.
						While these events 'were in progress the news came that Fulvia was dead. It
						was said that she was dispirited by Antony's reproaches and fell sick; and
						it was thought that she had become a willing victim of disease on account of
						the anger of Antony, who had left her while she was sick and had not visited
						her even when he was going away. The death of this turbulent woman, who had
						stirred up so disastrous a war on account of her jealousy of Cleopatra,
						seemed extremely fortunate to both of the parties who were rid of her.
						Nevertheless, Antony was much saddened by this event because he considered
						himself in some sense the cause of it.

There was a certain Lucius Cocceius, a friend of both, who had been sent, in
						company with Cæcina, by Octavius, the previous summer, to Antony
						in Phœnicia, and had remained with Antony after Cæcina
						returned. This Cocceius, seizing his opportunity, pretended that he had been
						sent for by Octavius for the purpose of a friendly greeting. When Antony
						allowed him to go he asked, by way of testing his disposition, whether
						Antony would like to write any letter to Octavius which he could convey.
						Antony replied: "What can we write to each other, now that we are enemies,
						except mutual recrimination? I wrote letters in reply to his of some time
						ago, which I sent by the hand of Cæcina. Take copies of those if
						you like." This he said by way of jest, but Cocceius would not yet allow him
						to call Octavius an enemy after his generous behavior toward Lucius and
						Antony's other friends. But Antony replied: " He has shut me out of
						Brundusium and taken my provinces and the army of Calenus from me. He is
						kind only to my friends, and evidently not to keep them friendly, but to
						make them enemies to me by his benefactions." Cocceius, after hearing these
						complaints, did not care to irritate further a naturally passionate
						disposition, but proceeded to make his visit to Octavius.

When Octavius saw him he expressed astonishment that he had not come sooner.
						"I did not save your brother," he exclaimed, "in order that you should be my
							enemy." 
						Cocceius replied, "How is it that you, who make friends out of enemies, call
						your friends enemies and take from them their armies and provinces?" "It was
						not fitting," replied Octavius, "that after the death of Calenus such large
						resources should be left in the hands of such a stripling as Calenus' son
						while Antony was still far distant. Lucius was excited to frenzy by them and
						Asinius and Ahenobarbus, who were near by, were about to use them against
						us. So, too, I took sudden possession of the legions of Plancus, in order
						that they might not join the Pompeians. His cavalry have actually gone to
						Sicily." "These matters have been told differently," said Cocceius; "but
						Antony did not credit the statements made to him until he was shut out of
						Brundusium as an enemy." "I gave no order on that subject," replied
						Octavius, "nor did I know beforehand that he was coming, nor did I
						anticipate that he would come here with enemies. The Brundusians themselves
						and the præfect, who had been left with them on account of the
						raids of Ahenobarbus, of their own motion excluded Antony, who was in league
						with the common enemy, Pompeius, and was bringing in Ahenobarbus, one of my
						father's murderers, who has been condemned by vote of the Senate, by
						judgment of the court, and by the proscription, who besieged Brundusium
						after the battle of Philippi, and is still blockading the Adriatic coast,
						who has burned my ships and plundered Italy."

"But it was agreed between you," said Cocceius, "that you might treat with
						whomsoever you chose. Yet Antony has not made a treaty with any of the
						murderers, and he holds your father in no less honor than you do.
						Ahenobarbus was not one of the murderers. The vote was cast against him on
						account of personal animosity, for he had no share whatever in the plots of
						those days. If we consider him unpardonable because
						he was a friend of Brutus, are we not in a fair way to be bitter against
						almost everybody? Antony made an agreement with Pompeius, not to make an
						aggressive war with him, but either to secure his help in case of an attack
						by you, or to bring him into good relations with you, since he has done
						nothing which should make him irreconcilable. You are the one to blame for
						these things, for if there had been no war in Italy those men would not have
						ventured to send ambassadors to Antony." Octavius repeated his accusations,
						saying, " Manius and Fulvia and Lucius brought war against Italy, and
						against me as well as Italy; and Pompeius, who did not attack before, now
						makes descents upon the coast, encouraged by Antony." Cocceius replied, "Not
						encouraged by Antony, but directed by him; for I will not conceal from you
						the fact that the rest of Italy, which is destitute of naval defences, will
						be attacked by a powerful fleet unless you agree to peace." Octavius, who
						gave due weight to this artful suggestion, reflected a moment, and then
						said, "But Pompeius will have the worst of it. He has just been repulsed
						from Thurii as he deserves." Then Cocceius, having gone over the whole
						controversy, led the conversation up to the death of Fulvia and the manner
						of it, saying that she fell sick because she could not bear the anger of
						Antony and wasted away with grief because he would not see her when she was
						ill, and that he was in a manner the cause of his wife's death. "Now that
						she is dead," he continued, "it only remains for you to tell each other
						frankly what your suspicions are."

In this way Cocceius won the confidence of Octavius and passed the day as his
						guest, and begged him to write to Antony as the younger man to the older.
						Octavius said that he would not write to one who was still waging war
						against him, because Antony had not written to him, but that he would make
						complaint to Antony's mother, because, although a relative and held in the
						highest honor by Octavius, she had
						fled from Italy, as though she could not have obtained everything from him
						as from her own son. This was his artful way of opening a correspondence 
							 OCTAVIA 
							 Cameo owned by M. le Baron Roger (Duruy) 
						 
					 
					 by writing to Julia. As Cocceius was going away from the camp many of the
						higher officers advised him of the purpose of the army, and he communicated
						this and other things he had learned to Antony, so that he might know that
						they would fight against him because he did not come to an agreement. So he
						advised Antony that Pompeius should be called back from his ravaging to
						Sicily, and that Ahenobarbus should be sent somewhither until a treaty of
						peace should be made. Antony's mother besought him to the same purpose, for
						she belonged to the Julian gens. Antony apprehended that
						if the negotiations should fail he would be put to the shame of calling on
						Pompeius for assistance again, but his mother encouraged him to believe that
						they would not fail, and Cocceius confirmed her, intimating that he knew
						more than he had told. So Antony yielded, and ordered Pompeius back to
						Sicily, implying that he would take care of their mutual concerns, and sent
						Ahenobarbus away as governor of Bithynia.

When Octavius' soldiers learned these facts they chose deputies and sent the
						same ones to both commanders. They took no notice of accusations because
						they had been chosen, not to decide a controve sy, but to restore peace.
						Cocceius was added to their number as she common friend of both, together
						with Pollio from" Antony's party and Mæcenas from that of
						Octavius. It was determined that there should be amnesty between Antony and
						Octavius for the past and friendship for the future. Moreover, as Marcellus,
						the husband of Octavius' sister Octavia, had recently died, the umpires
						decided that her brother should betroth her to Antony, which he did
						immediately. Then Antony and Octavius embraced each other. Thereupon shouts
						went up from the soldiers and congratulations were offered to each of the
						generals, without intermission, through the entire day and night.

Now Octavius and Antony made a fresh partition of the whole Roman empire
						between themselves, the boundary line being Scodra, a city of Illyria which
						was supposed to be situated about midway up the Adriatic gulf. 
						All provinces aid islands east of this place, as far as the river Euphrates,
						were to belong to Antony and all west of it to the ocean to Octavius.
						Lepidus was to govern Africa, as Octavius had given it to him. Octavius was
						to make war against Pompeius unless they should come to some agreement, and
						Antony was to make war against the Parthians to avenge their treachery
						toward Crassus. Octavius was to make the same agreement with Ahenobarbus
						that Antony had already made. Both of them might freely enlist soldiers in
						Italy in equal numbers. These were the last conditions of peace between
						Octavius and Antony. Straightway each of them sent his friends to attend to
						urgent business. Antony despatched Ventidius to Asia against the Parthians
						and against Labienus, the son of Labienus, who, with the Parthians, had made
						a hostile incursion into Syria and had advanced as far as Ionia during the
						late troubles. What Labienus and the Parthians did and suffered I
						will show in my Parthian history.

In the meantime Helenus, a lieutenant of Octavius, who had repossessed
						Sardinia by a sudden onset, was driven out again by Menodorus, the
						lieutenant of Pompeius. Octavius was so exasperated by this that he rejected
						Antony's endeavors to bring him to an agreement with Pompeius. They
						proceeded to Rome together and celebrated the marriage. Antony put Manius to
						death because he had excited Fulvia by his accusations against Cleopatra and
						had been the cause of so many evils. He also revealed to Octavius the fact
						that Salvidienus, who was in command of Octavius' army on the Rhone, had had
						the intention of deserting him, and had sent word to that effect to Antony
						while he was besieging Brundusium. This secret Antony revealed, not with
						universal approbation, but because of his frankness and eagerness to show
						his good-will. Octavius instantly summoned Salvidienus to Rome, pretending
						that he had some private communication to make to him, and that he should
						send him back to the army. When he came Octavius confronted him with proofs
						of his treachery and put him to death, and gave his army to Antony, as he
						considered it untrustworthy.

Now famine fell upon Rome, since the merchants of the Orient could not put to
						sea for fear of Pompeius, who controlled Sicily, and those of the west were
						deterred by Sardinia and Corsica, which the lieutenants of Pompeius held,
						while those of Africa opposite were prevented by the same hostile fleets,
						which infested both shores. There was great dearness of provisions, and the
						people considered the cause of it to be the strife between the chiefs, and
						cried out against them and urged them to make peace with Pompeius. As
						Octavius would by no means yield, Antony advised him to hasten the war on
						account of the scarcity. As there was no money for this purpose, an edict
						was published that the owners of slaves should pay a tax for each one, equal
						to one-half of the twenty-five drachmas that had been ordained for the war
						against Brutus and Cassius, and that those who acquired property by legacies
						should contribute a share thereof. The people tore down the edict with fury.
						They were exasperated that, after exhausting the public treasury, stripping
						the provinces, burdening Italy itself with contributions, taxes, and
						confiscations, not for foreign war, not for extending the empire, but for
						private enmities and to add to their own power (for which reason the
						proscriptions and this terrible famine had come about), the triumvirs should
						deprive them of the remainder of their property. They banded together, with
						loud cries, and stoned those who did not join them, and threatened to
						plunder and burn their houses, until the whole populace was aroused.

Octavius with his friends and a few attendants came into the forum intending
						to intercede with the people and to show the unreasonableness of their
						complaints. As soon as he made his appearance they stoned him unmercifully,
						and they were not ashamed when they saw him enduring this treatment
						patiently, and offering himself to it, and even bleeding from wounds. When
						Antony learned what was going on he came with haste to his assistance. When
						the people saw him coming down the Via Sacra they did not throw stones at
						him, since he was in favor of a treaty with Pompeius, but they told him to
						go away. When he refused to do so they stoned him also. He called in a
						larger force of troops, who were outside the walls. As the people would not
						allow him to pass through, the soldiers divided right and left on either
						side of the street and the forum, and made their attack from the narrow
						lane, striking down those whom they met. The people could no longer find
						ready escape on account of the crowd, nor was there any way out of the
						forum. There was a scene of slaughter and wounds, while shrieks and groans
						sounded from the housetops. Antony made his way into the forum with
						difficulty, and snatched Octavius from the most manifest danger, in which he
						then was, and brought him safe to his house. The mob having
						been dispersed, the corpses were thrown into the river in order to avoid a
						shocking spectacle. It was a fresh cause of lamentation to see them floating
						down the stream, and the soldiers stripping them, and certain miscreants, as
						well as the soldiers, carrying off the clothing of the better class as their
						own property. This insurrection was suppressed, but with terror and hatred
						for the triumvirs. The famine grew worse. The people groaned, but did not
						stir.

Antony suggested to the relatives of Libo that they should
						summon him from Sicily for the purpose of congratulating his
							brother-in-law, and to
						accomplish something more important; and he promised him a safe-conduct. His
						relatives wrote promptly and Pompeius acquiesced. Libo, on his arrival, cast
						anchor at the isle of Pithecusa, which is now called Ænaria. When the
						people learned this, they assembled together again and besought Octavius
						with tears to send letters of safeguard to Libo, who desired to negotiate
						with him for peace. He did so reluctantly. The people also threatened to
						burn Mucia, the mother of Pompeius, with her house, if she did not
						communicate with her son in the interest of peace. When Libo perceived that
						his enemies were on the point of yielding, he demanded that the leaders
						themselves should come together in order to make such concessions to each
						other as they could agree upon. The people compelled them to this course,
						and, accordingly, Octavius and Antony went to Baiæ.

All the friends of Pompeius urged him with one accord to make peace, except
						Menodorus, who wrote to him from Sardinia either to prosecute the war
						vigorously or still to procrastinate, because famine was fighting for them,
						and he would thus get better terms if he should decide to make peace.
						Menodorus also advised him to distrust Murcus, who opposed these views,
						intimating that he was seeking power for himself. Pompeius, who had been
						vexed with Murcus lately on account of his high position and his
						stubbornness, became still more averse to him for this reason, and held no
						communication with him whatever, until, finally, Murcus retired in disgust
						to Syracuse. Here he saw some of Pompeius' guards following him, and he
						expressed his opinion of Pompeius to them freely. Then Pompeius bribed a
						tribune and a centurion of Murcus, and induced them to kill him and to say
						that he had been murdered by slaves. To give credibility to this falsehood
						he crucified the slaves. But he did not succeed in concealing this crime, --
						the next one committed by him after the murder of Bithynicus, -- Murcus
						having been a man distinguished for his warlike deeds, who had been strongly
						attached to that party from the beginning, and had rendered great assistance
						to Pompeius in Spain, and had joined him in Sicily voluntarily. Such was the
						death of Murcus.

His other friends urged Pompeius to make peace, and they accused Menodorus of
						fondness of power and as opposing peace not so much from good-will to his
							master as from a desire to command an army and a
						province. Pompeius yielded and set sail for Ænaria with a large
						number of his best ships, having embarked himself on a magnificent one with
						six banks of oars. In this style, toward evening, he sailed proudly past
						Puteoli in sight of his enemies. Early in the morning two sets of piles were
						driven in the sea a short distance apart, and planks were placed upon them.
						Upon the platform nearest the shore Octavius and Antony took their places,
						while Pompeius and Libo occupied the seaward one, a small space of water
						separating them, but not preventing them from hearing each other without
						shouting. As Pompeius thought that he had come in order to be admitted to a
						share of the government in place of Lepidus, while the others would concede
						nothing but his recall from exile, they separated for the time without
						accomplishing anything. Nevertheless, negotiations were continued on the
						part of friends, who advanced various proposals from one side to the other.
						Pompeius demanded that, of the proscripts and the men with him, those who
						had participated in the murder of Gaius Cæsar should be allowed a
						safe place of exile, and the rest an honorable recall to their homes, and
						that the property they had lost should be restored to them. Urged on by the
						famine and by the people to an agreement, Octavius and Antony reluctantly
						conceded a fourth part of this property, promising to buy it from the
						present holders. They wrote to this effect to the proscripts themselves,
						hoping that this would satisfy them. The latter accepted all the terms, for
						they already had apprehensions of Pompeius on account of his crime against
						Murcus. So they gathered around Pompeius and besought him to come to an
						agreement. Pompeius rent his garments, declaring that he had been betrayed
						by those for whom he had fought, and he frequently invoked the name of
						Menodorus as his most competent officer and his only friend.

Finally, at the instance of his mother, Mucia, and of his wife, Julia, again
						the three men (Octavius, Antony, and Pompeius) came together on the mole of
						Puteoli, washed by the waves on both sides, and with ships moored around it
						as guards. Here they came to an agreement on the following terms: That the
						war should cease on both land and sea, and that commerce should be
						everywhere unmolested; that Pompeius should remove his garrisons from Italy
						and no longer afford a refuge to fugitive slaves; that he should not assail
						with his fleet the Italian coast, but should govern Sardinia, Sicily, and
						Corsica, and any other islands then in his possession, as long as Antony and
						Octavius should hold sway over the other countries; that he should send to
						Rome the corn that had been previously required as tribute from those
						islands, and that he might have Peloponnesus in addition; that he might hold
						the consulship in his absence through any friend he might choose, and be
						inscribed as a member of the priesthood of the first rank. Such were the
						conditions accorded to Pompeius himself. Members of the nobility who were
						still in exile were allowed to return, except those who had been condemned
						by vote of the Senate and judgment of court for participation in the murder
						of Gaius Cæsar. The property of those who had fled merely from
						fear, and whose goods had been seized by violence, should all be restored
						except movables. Proscripts should receive one fourth part of theirs. Slaves
						who had served in the army of Pompeius should be free, and free persons who
						had thus served should, upon their discharge, receive the same rewards as
						those who had served under Octavius and Antony.

Such were the terms of the treaty, to which they attached their names and
						seals and sent it to Rome to be placed in the custody of the Vestal virgins.
						Then they entertained each other, casting lots to determine the order of the
						ceremony. The first banquet took place on Pompeius' six-banked ship, moored
						alongside the mole. On succeeding days Antony and Octavius gave banquets in
						tents pitched on the mole, on the pretext that thus all might participate,
						but perhaps really for their better security and to quiet apprehensions; for
						they did not even then neglect precautions. Their ships were moored
						alongside and guards were stationed around them, and the banqueters were
						girded with concealed daggers. It is said that, while the three were
						feasting in the ship, Menodorus sent a message to Pompeius advising him to
						entrap these men and avenge the wrongs of his father and his brother, and to
						avail himself of this most favorable occasion to resume the sway that his
						father had exercised, saying that he, with his own ships, would take care
						that nobody should escape; but that Pompeius replied, in a manner worthy of
						his family and his position, "Would that Menodorus had done this without my
						knowledge. False swearing may become Menodorus, but not Pompeius." At this banquet the
						daughter of Pompeius and granddaughter of Libo was betrothed to Marcellus,
						the stepson of Antony and nephew of Octavius. On the following day they
						designated the consuls for the next four years, viz., for the first year
						Antony and Libo, Antony being privileged to substitute whomsoever he liked
						in his own place; next Octavius and Pompeius; next Ahenobarbus and Sossius;
						and, finally, Antony and Octavius again; and as they would then have been
						consuls the third time it was expected that they would restore the
						government to the people.

Having finished this business they separated, Pompeius 
							 SEXTUS POMPEIUS 
							 Museum of the Louvre (Duruy) 
						 
					 
					 going to Sicily by sea, Octavius and Antony to Rome by land. When the Romans
						and Italians learned the news 3 there was universal rejoicing at the return
						of peace and at their deliverance from intestine war, from the conscription
						of their sons, from the arrogance of guards, from the running away of
						slaves, from the pillage of fields, from the ruin of agriculture, and, above
						all, from the famine that had pressed upon them with the greatest severity.
						As the triumvirs were proceeding on their journey sacrifices were offered in
						their honor as to saviours. The city would have given them a magnificent
						reception, had they not entered secretly by night in order to avoid
						jealousies. The only ones disappointed were those to whom had been allotted
						lands belonging to men who were to be restored with Pompeius. They thought
						that they should have irreconcilable enemies dwelling alongside of them as
						landlords, who would do them injury whenever they could. The exiles who were
						with Pompeius, all but a few, took leave of him at Puteoli and set sail for
						Rome. Their coming was to the people a new source of joy and acclamations,
						so great a number of illustrious men having been unexpectedly saved from
						death.

After these events Octavius set forth on an expedition to Gaul, which was in
						a disturbed state, and Antony started for the war against the Parthians. The
						Senate having voted to ratify all that he had done or should do, Antony
						again despatched his lieutenants in all directions and arranged everything
						else as he wished. He set up kings here and there as he pleased, on
						condition of their paying a prescribed tribute: in Pontus, Darius, the son
						of Pharnaces and grandson of Mithridates; in Idumea and Samaria, Herod; in
						Pisidia, Amyntas; in a part of Cilicia, Polemon, and others in other
						countries. Desiring to enrich as well as to exercise the soldiers, who were
						to go with him into winter quarters, he sent some of them against the
						Partheni, an Illyrian tribe near Epidamnus, who had been very much attached
						to Brutus; others against the Dardani, another Illyrian tribe, who were
						forever making.incursions into Macedonia. Others he ordered to remain in
						Epirus, in order to have them all within reach, as he intended to pass the
						winter himself in Athens. He sent Furnius to Africa to bring four legions,
						that were under the command of Sestius, for service against the Parthians.
						He did not know as yet that Lepidus had deprived Sestius of the command of
						these troops.

Having made these dispositions, he spent the winter at Athens with Octavia
						just as he had spent the previous one at Alexandria with Cleopatra, merely
						looking over the reports sent from the army, exchanging the display of a
						commander for the simplicity of private life, wearing the square-cut pallium
						and the Attic shoe, and without formal company. He went out, in like manner,
						without the insignia of office, accompanied by two friends and two
						attendants, to the discussions and lectures of the public teachers. He took
						his meals in the Greek fashion, passed his leisure time with Greeks, and
						enjoyed their festivals in company with Octavia, with whom he was very much
						in love, being 
						by nature excessively fond of women. At the end of the winter he
						was like another man. He changed his clothing, and with his clothing his
						whole appearance. There was straightway a crowd around his doors composed of
						lictors, army officers, guards, and all things that inspire terror and awe.
						Embassies were received which had previously been kept waiting by his
						orders, lawsuits were decided, ships were launched, and all other
						preparations for the campaign were put in motion.

While Antony was thus occupied the treaty existing beween Octavius and
						Pompeius was broken for other reasons, as was suspected, than those avowed
						by Octavius, which were the following: Antony had ceded Peloponnesus to
						Pompeius on condition that the tribute then due from the Peloponnesians
						should either be given over at once, or that it should be guaranteed by
						Pompeius to Antony, or that the former should wait till the collection had
						been made. Pompeius had not accepted it on these conditions. He thought that
						it had been given to him with the amount of tribute then due. Vexed, as
						Octavius said, whether at this state of things, or from his general
						faithlessness, or his jealousy because the others had large armies, or
						because Menodorus had prompted him to consider the agreement as a truce
						rather than a lasting peace, he began to build ships, and recruit crews, and
						once harangued his soldiers, telling them they must be prepared for
						everything. Private robbery again infested the sea, and there was little or
						no relief from the famine among the Romans, who cried out that the treaty
						had brought no deliverance from their sufferings, but only a fourth partner
						to the tyranny. Octavius having caught certain pirates and put them to
						torture, they said that Pompeius had sent them out, and Octavius proclaimed
						this to the people and wrote it to Pompeius himself, who disavowed it and
						made a counter complaint respecting the Peloponnesus.

Those of the nobility who were still with Pompeius, seeing him always under
						the influence of his freedmen, bribed some of them, either for their own
						purposes or to gratify Octavius, to incite their master against Menodorus,
						who was still governing Corsica and Sardinia. 
						The freedmen did this gladly, because they were envious of the power of
						Menodorus. In this way Pompeius was brought to an estrangement with
						Menodorus. About the same time Philadelphus, a freedman of Octavius, made a
						voyage to Menodorus to procure corn, and Micylio, the closest friend of
						Menodorus, visited Octavius to arrange for the desertion of Menodorus. The
						latter promised to hand over to him Sardinia, Corsica, three legions of
						soldiers, and a large number of light-armed troops. Whether this was the
						work of Philadelphus, or was a consequence of the calumnies against
						Menodorus, which Pompeius had listened to, Octavius accepted the offer, not
						immediately, but soon, since he considered the peace broken in fact. He
						invited Antony to come from Athens and meet him at Brundusium on an
						appointed day, in order to take counsel with him about the war. At the same
						time he brought war-ships from Ravenna and an army from Gaul, and the
						remainder of his apparatus, rapidly to Brundusium and Puteoli, intending to
						sail from both sides of Italy to Sicily if Antony should agree in opinion
						with him.

Antony came at the appointed day with a small escort, but not finding
						Octavius there he did not wait, either because he did not approve of the
						war, considering it a violation of the treaty, or because he observed
						Octavius' great preparations (for the desire to be the sole ruler did not
						permit their fears to slumber at any time), or because he was alarmed by a
						prodigy. 'It was found that one of the guards who slept around his tent had
						been devoured by wild beasts except his face only, as though this had been
						left for the purpose of recognition, and that he had uttered no cry, nor did
						any of those who were asleep with him know of it. The Brundusians said that
						a wolf had been seen just before daybreak running away from the tents.
						Nevertheless Antony wrote to Octavius not to violate the treaty, and he
						threatened Menodorus with punishment as his own fugitive slave; for the
						latter had been the slave of Pompey the Great, whose property Antony had
						bought when it was sold under the law of war.

Octavius sent officers to receive Sardinia and Corsica, which Menodorus
						turned over to them. He strengthened the Italian coast with numerous towers
						to prevent Pompeius from raiding it again. He ordered the building of new
						triremes at Rome and Ravenna, and he sent for a large army from Illyria.
						When Menodorus came he made the latter a free citizen instead of a freedman,
						and put him in command, under the admiral Calvisius, of the ships which he
						had brought with him. When he had finished these preparations and brought
						together a still larger amount of war material he yet delayed, and he
						reproached Antony for not waiting. He ordered Cornificius to bring with him
						to Tarentum everything that was now in readiness. While Cornificius was
						making the voyage a storm overtook him which destroyed only the admiral's
						ship, which had been built for Octavius himself. This was considered an omen
						of what was to take place. As the belief still prevailed that this war was a
						violation of the treaty, Octavius sought to dispel the suspicion. He wrote
						to the city and he told his soldiers that Pompeius had violated the treaty
						by encouraging piracy, that the pirates had confessed this, that Menodorus
						had revealed the whole design, and that Antony knew it, and for that reason
						had refused to give up the Peloponnesus.

When all things were in readiness he set sail for Sicily, going himself from
						Tarentum, while Calvisius, with Sabinus and Menodorus, sailed from Etruria.
						The infantry was sent on the march to Rhegium and great haste was displayed
						in all quarters. Pompeius had scarcely heard of the desertion of Menodorus
						when Octavius was already moving against him. While the hostile fleets were
						advancing from both sides, he awaited the attack of Octavius at Messana, and
						ordered his freedman Menecrates, who was the bitterest enemy of Menodorus,
						to advance against Calvisius and Menodorus with a large fleet. Menecrates
						was observed by his enemies near nightfall on the open sea. They retired
						into the bay near Cumæ, where they passed the night, Menecrates
						proceeding to Ænaria. At daybreak they drew up their fleet, in the
						form of a crescent, as close to the shore as possible, in order to prevent
						the enemy from breaking through it. Menecrates again showed himself, and
						immediately came on with a rush. As his enemies would not advance to the
						open sea, and he could do nothing of importance there, he made a charge in
						order to drive them upon the land. They beached their ships and fought back
						against the attacking prows. Menecrates had the opportunity to draw off and
						renew the attack as he pleased, and to bring up fresh ships by turns, while
						the enemy were distressed by the rocks, on which they had grounded, and by
						the inability to move. They were like infantry contending against sea
						forces, unable either to pursue or retreat.

In this situation Menodorus and Menecrates came in sight of each other; and,
						abandoning the rest of the fight, drove against each other with fury and
						shouting, as though they had staked the issue of the battle on this
						encounter, whichever should be the victor. Their ships came into violent
						collision and were badly damaged, Menodorus losing his prow and Menecrates
						his oar-blades. Grapplingirons were thrown by both, and the ships, being
						fastened together, could no longer manœuvre, but the men, as in a
						battle on land, failed not in deeds of valor. Showers of javelins, stones,
						and arrows were discharged, and bridges for boarding were thrown from one
						ship to the other. As the ship of Menodorus was higher than the other his
						bridges made a better passageway for his daring crew, and his missiles were
						more effective for the same reason. Many men were already slain, and the
						remainder wounded, when Menodorus was pierced in the arm with a dart, which
						was, however, drawn out. Menecrates was struck in the thigh with a Spanish
						javelin, made wholly of iron with numerous barbs, which could not be readily
						extracted. Although Menecrates could no longer take part in the fight, he
						remained there all the same, encouraging the others, until his ship was
						captured, when he plunged into the depths of the sea. Menodorus towed the
						captured ship to the land, but was able to do nothing more himself.

This took place on the left wing of the naval fight. Calvisius directed his
						course from the right to the left and cut off some of Menecrates' ships from
						the main body, and when they fled pursued them to the open sea. Demochares,
						who was a fellow-freedman of Menecrates and his lieutenant, fell upon the
						remainder of Calvisius' ships, put some of them to flight, broke others in
						pieces on the rocks, and set fire to them after the crews had abandoned
						them. Finally Calvisius, returning from the pursuit, led back his own
						fleeing ships and prevented the burning of any more. As night was
						approaching, all returned to their former station. Such was the end of this
						naval fight, in which the forces of Pompeius had much the best of it; but
						Demochares, grieving over the death of Menecrates as the greatest possible
						defeat (for those two, Menecrates and Menodorus, had been the foremost of
						Pompeius' sea captains), abandoned everything and sailed for Sicily
						immediately, mediately, as though he had lost not merely the body of
						Menecrates and one ship, but his whole, fleet.

Calvisius, as long as he expected that Demochares would renew his attack,
						remained at his station, unable to fight in the open sea, for his best ships
						had been destroyed and the others were unfit for battle. When he learned
						that his antagonist had gone to Sicily, he repaired his ships and coasted
						along the shore exploring the bays. Octavius, in the meantime, proceeded
						from Tarentum to Rhegium, with a large fleet and army, and near Messana came
						up with Pompeius, who had forty ships only. Octavius' friends advised him to
						improve this most favorable opportunity and attack Pompeius with his great
						fleet, while the latter had so few ships and before the rest of his naval
						force should arrive. He did not follow this advice, but waited for
						Calvisius, saying that it was not good policy to run a risk when he was
						expecting reinforcements. When Demochares arrived at Messana, Pompeius
						appointed him and Apollophanes, another of his freedmen, admirals in place
						of Menodorus and Menecrates.

When Octavius heard of his disaster at Cumæ he sailed out of the
						straits to meet Calvisius. After accomplishing the greater part of the
						distance and while he was passing Stylis and turning into Scyllæum, Pompeius darted out
						of Messana and fell upon his rear, pushed on to his front, attacked him all
						along the line, and challenged him to fight. Although beset in this way,
						Octavius' fleet did not give battle, since Octavius did not permit it,
						either because he feared to fight in the straits or because he adhered to
						his first determination not to fight without Calvisius. He gave orders,
						however, that all should hug the shore, cast anchor, and defend themselves
						with their prows toward the enemy. Demochares,by setting two of his ships by
						turns against one of the enemy's, threw them into confusion. They dashed
						against the rocks and against each other, and began to fill with water. And
						so these ships were lost, like those at Cumæ, without striking a
						blow, being stuck fast and battered by the enemy, who had freedom of
						movement to advance and retreat.

Octavius leaped from his ship upon the rocks and pulled out of the water
						those who swam ashore, and conducted them to the mountain above. However,
						Cornificius and the other generals who were there, encouraged each other,
						cut loose from their anchors without awaiting orders, and put to sea against
						the enemy, thinking that it was better to be conquered fighting than to fall
						unresisting before the blows of their assailants. First, with wonderful
						audacity, Cornificius rammed the flag-ship of Demochares and captured it.
						The latter leaped upon another vessel. Then, while the struggle and carnage
						were in progress, Calvisius and Menodorus hove in sight, advancing from the
						open sea, although they had not been observed by Octavius' men either from
						the land or the water. The Pompeians, being farther out at sea, beheld them
						first, and, when they saw them, retreated, for darkness was approaching,
						and, fatigued as they were, they dared not encounter fresh men. This
						conjuncture happened very opportunely for those who had just now been in
						difficulties.

At nightfall, those who had reached the shore from the ships took refuge on
						the mountains and lighted numerous fires as signals to those who were still
						on the sea, and there passed the night without food, uncared for, and in
						want of everything. Octavius fared like the rest, and moved around exhorting
						them to endure their privations till morning. While he was undergoing these
						hardships it was not known that Calvisius had arrived, nor could anything
						thing needful be obtained from the ships in their wrecked condition. But
						good luck came to them from another quarter. The thirteenth legion was
						approaching by way of the mountains, and, learning of the disaster and
						judging of the road by the fire, they made their way through the crags. They
						found their commander, and those who had taken refuge with him, suffering
						from fatigue and want of food, and ministered to them, dividing the work,
						some caring for some, others for others. The centurions brought their
						commander into an improvised tent, as none of his body-servants were
						present, these having been dispersed in the darkness and disorder. He sent
						messengers in all directions forthwith, to announce that he was safe, and he
						learned that Calvisius had arrived with the vanguard of his fleet; and, in
						view of these two helpful and unexpected events, he allowed himself some
						rest.

The next morning, when Octavius looked out upon the water, he beheld some of
						his ships burned, others partly burned, others still burning, and others
						broken in pieces; and the sea filled with sails, rudders, and furniture,
						while, of the ships that were saved, the greater part were damaged. Having
						ranged the fleet of Calvisius in front, he made repairs on those of his
						vessels that most needed them, turning them on their sides, the enemy meantime remaining quiet, either
						because they feared Calvisius, or because they had decided to attack again
						in the open sea. Thus they remained on either side until midday, when a
						south wind burst upon them, raising violent billows in that surging and
						confined channel. Pompeius was then inside the harbor of Messana. The ships
						of Octavius were again shattered on the rough and inhospitable coast,
						dashing against the rocks and against each other, for, as they were not
						fully manned, they were not under good control.

Menodorus, apprehending that this rising storm would increase in violence,
						moved farther seaward and rode at anchor where, on account of the depth of
						water, the waves were less boisterous; and even here he had recourse to hard
						rowing to avoid being driven ashore. Some of the others followed his
						example, but most of them, thinking that the wind would soon subside, as it
						usually did in the springtime, moored themselves with anchors on either
						side, landward and seaward, and thrust out poles to prevent collisions with
						each other. As the wind grew more violent everything was thrown into
						confusion. The ships collided, broke their anchors, and were upset on the
						shore one after another. Cries of alarm and groans of pain were mingled
						together, and exhortations that fell upon deaf ears. Orders could not be
						heard. There was no distinction between pilot and common sailor. Knowledge
						and authority were alike unavailing. The same destruction awaited those in
						the ships and those who fell overboard, the latter being crushed by wind,
						waves, and floating timber. The sea was full of sails, spars, and men,
						living and dead. Those who sought to escape by swimming to land were dashed
						against the rocks by the surf. When the convulsion seized the water, as is usual in that strait, they
						were terrified, being unaccustomed to it, and then their vessels were
						whirled around and dashed against each other worse than ever. As night came
						on the wind increased in fury, so that they perished no longer in the light
						but in the darkness.

Groans were heard throughout the entire night, and the cries of men running
						along the shore and calling their friends and relatives upon the sea by
						name, and mourning for them as lost when they could hear no responses; and
						anon the cries of others lifting their heads above the waves and beseeching
						aid from those on shore. Nothing' could be done on either land or water. Not
						only was the sea inexorable to those engulfed in it, as well as to those
						still in the ships, but the danger from the storm was almost as great on
						land, lest the surf should dash them against the rocks. So distressed were
						they by this unexampled tempest that those who were nearest the land feared
						the land, yet could not get sufficient offing to avoid collision with each
						other, for the narrowness of the place and its naturally difficult outlet,
						together with the force of the waves, the rotary motion of the wind, caused
						by the surrounding mountains, and the whirlpool of the deep, holding
						everything in its grasp, allowed neither tarrying nor escape. The darkness
						of a very black night added to their distress. And so they perished, no
						longer even seeing each other, some uttering confused cries, others yielding
						in silence, accepting their doom, some even hastening it, believing that
						they were utterly lost. The disaster so far surpassed their experience that
						it bereft them of the hope of saving themselves even by chance. Finally, at
						the approach of daylight, the wind suddenly relaxed its force, and after
						sunrise wholly died away; yet even then, although the storm had ceased, the
						surges rolled a long time. The fury of the tempest surpassed the memory of
						the oldest inhabitants. It was altogether unexampled, and the greater part
						of Octavius' ships and men were destroyed by it.

Octavius, who had lost heavily in the battle the previous day and had
						sustained two severe calamities together, took the road in haste to Vibo
						that same night, by way of the mountains, being unable to repair this
						disaster, for which there was no help at hand. He wrote to all his friends
						and generals to be on the alert lest a plot should be formed against him
						here or there, as is liable to be the case when adversity comes. He
						despatched the infantry he had with him to all points on the Italian coast,
						lest Pompeius should be emboldened by his good luck even to invade the
						mainland. But the latter had no thought of an expedition by land. He did not
						even attack the ships that were left from the wreck, nor those that went
						away after the storm had subsided. On the contrary, he paid no attention to
						the enemy while they were tying their ships together with ropes as well as
						they could, and sailing with a favorable wind to Vibo. He neglected them
						either because he thought that the disaster was all-sufficient for him, or
						because he did not know how to follow up a victory, or, as I have said
						elsewhere, because he was altogether inefficient in attack and cared only to
						defend himself against assailants.

Less than half of Octavius' ships were saved, and these badly damaged. He
						left certain officers in charge of them and proceeded to Campania much cast
						down, for he had no other ships and he needed many; nor did he have time to
						build them, pressed as he was by the famine and by the people, who were
						again harassing him about a new treaty and mocking at the war as being in
						violation of the old one. He needed money, but had none. The Romans were not
						paying the taxes, nor would they allow the use of the revenues that he had
						devised. But he was always clever at discovering what was for his advantage.
						He sent 
						Mæcenas to Antony to change the mind of the latter respecting
							 the things about which they had lately had some
						bickering, and to bring him to an alliance. If Mæcenas should not
						succeed, he intended to embark his infantry on merchant vesels, cross over
						to Sicily, abandon the sea, and wage war on land. While in this state of
						dejection the news reached him that Antony had agreed to the alliance, and
						he heard of a splendid victory over the Gauls of Aquitania, gained under the
						leadership of Agrippa. His friends and certain cities also promised him
						ships, and built them. Accordingly, Octavius cast off his despondency, and
						made more formidable preparations than his previous ones.

At the beginning of spring, Antony set sail from Athens to Tarentum with 300
						ships to assist Octavius as he had promised. But the latter had changed his
						mind and postponed his movement until his own ships should be finished. When
						called upon again and told that Antony's forces were ready and sufficient,
						he advanced other reasons for delay. It was evident that he was again
						offended with Antony about something, or that he disdained his assistance
						because his own resources were abundant. Antony was vexed, but he remained,
						nevertheless, and communicated with Octavius again, because the expense of his fleet
						was burdensome. Moreover, he needed Italian soldiers
						for his war against the Parthians, and he contemplated exchanging his fleet
						for a part of Octavius' army; for, although it was provided in their treaty
						that each of them might recruit soldiers in Italy, it would be difficult for
						him to do so when Italy had fallen to the lot of Octavius. Accordingly,
						Octavia betook herself to her brother to act as mediator between them.
						Octavius complained that he had been abandoned by Antony when he was
						overtaken by danger in the straits. She replied that that had been explained
						through Mæcenas. Octavius said that Antony had sent his freedman
						Callias to Lepidus in Africa to induce the latter to make an alliance
						against him. She replied that she knew that Callias had been sent to make
						arrangements about a marriage, because Antony desired, before setting out on
						his Parthian expedition, to marry his daughter to the son of Lepidus, as had
						been agreed. After Octavia had made this statement Antony sent Callias to
						Octavius with permission to put him to torture [in order to learn the
						truth]. Octavius would not receive him, but said that he would go and have
						an interview with Antony between Metapontum and Tarentum, at a place where
						there is a river of the latter name between them.

They both chanced to reach the river at the same time. Antony sprang down
						from his chariot and leaped alone into one of the skiffs moored near by, and
						rowed toward Octavius, showing confidence in him as a friend. When Octavius
						saw this he followed the example. So they met in the stream and contended
						with each other which of them should disembark on the other's bank. Octavius
						prevailed because he was going to make a visit to Octavia at Tarentum. He
						took a seat with Antony in the latter's chariot, and proceeded to his
						lodgings at Tarentum unprotected, and passed the night there without guards.
						On the following day Antony made the same exhibition of trust. Thus they
						were continually changing from suspicion born of rivalry to confidence due
						to their mutual needs.

However, Octavius postponed his expedition against Pompeius till the following year.
						On account of the Parthian war Antony was not able to wait. Nevertheless,
						they made an exchange with each other, Antony giving to Octavius 120 ships,
						which he sent at once and delivered at Tarentum, in return for which
						Octavius promised to send him 20,000 Italian legionaries. Octavia, begging
						the favor from Antony, made her brother a present of ten three-banked
						phaseli -- a combination of war-ship and merchant vessel -- and Octavius
						gave her in return 1000 picked men as a body-guard, to be selected by
						Antony. As the term of the triumvirate voted to them was about expiring,
						they renewed it for five years without again asking the people. And so they
						separated, Antony proceeding straightway to Syria and leaving Octavia with
						her brother, and also a daughter already born to them.

But Menodorus, -- either because he was an habitual traitor, or because he
						feared the former threat of Antony, who had said that he would punish him as
						a rebellious slave, or because he had received less consideration than he
						had expected, or because the other freedmen of Pompeius were continually
						reproaching him for unfaithfulness to his master and urging him to return,
						-- now that Menecrates was dead, asked forgiveness, and, having obtained it,
						deserted to Pompeius with seven ships, without the knowledge of Octavius'
						admiral, Calvisius. For this reason Octavius dismissed the latter from his
						command and appointed Agrippa in his place. When the fleet was ready,
						Octavius performed a lustration for it in the following manner. Altars were
						erected on the margin of the sea, and the multitude were ranged around them
						in ships, observing the most profound silence. The priests who performed the
						ceremony offered the sacrifice while standing at the water's edge, and
						carried the expiatory offerings in skiffs three times around the fleet, the
						general sailing with them, beseeching the gods to turn the bad omens against
						the victims instead of the fleet. Then, dividing the entrails, they cast a
						part of them into the sea, and put the remainder on the altars and burned
						them, while the multitude chanted in unison. In this way the Romans perform
						lustrations of the fleet.

It was intended that Octavius should set sail from Puteoli, Lepidus from
						Africa, and Taurus from Tarentum, to Sicily, in order to surround the enemy
						at once, from the east, the west, and the south. The day of Octavius'
						sailing had been previously communicated to all. It was the tenth day after
						the summer solstice. This, in the Roman calendar, was the calends of the
						month which, in honor of the first Cæsar, they call July instead
						of Quintilis. Octavius fixed on this day, perhaps because he considered it
						propitious on account of his father, who was always victorious. Pompeius
						stationed Plennius at Lilybæum with one legion and a considerable
						body of light-armed troops, to oppose Lepidus. He guarded the whole coast of
						Sicily, both east and west, and especially the islands of Lipara and
						Cossyra, lest they should become convenient harbors and naval stations for
						Octavius and Lepidus against Sicily. The best part of his naval force he
						kept together at Messana watching its chances. In this way they made their
						preparations on either side.

When the calends came they all set sail at daybreak, Lepidus from Africa with
						1000 ships of burden, seventy war vessels, twelve legions of soldiers, 500
						Numidian horse, and a great quantity of apparatus; Taurus from Tarentum with
						only 102 of the 130 ships that Antony had left, since the oarsmen of the
						remainder had perished during the winter. Octavius sailed from Puteoli,
						offering sacrifices and pouring out libations from the admiral's ship into
						the water to the propitious winds, and to Neptune, the guardian, and to the
						tranquil sea, that they should be his assistants against his father's
						enemies. Certain ships sent in advance made examination of the bays, and
						Appius with a large squadron followed as a rear guard. On the third day
						after their departure a south wind blew with violence and capsized a large
						number of ships of burden belonging to Lepidus. Nevertheless, he reached the
						Sicilian coast, laid siege to Plennius in Lilybæum, and got
						possession of some towns by persuasion and others by force. When the wind
						began to blow Taurus returned to Tarentum. While Appius was doubling the
						promontory of Minerva, some of his ships were shattered against the rocks,
						others ran with violence on the shoals, and the rest were dispersed, not
						without injury. At the beginning of the storm, Octavius took refuge in the
						sheltered bay of Elea, except one six-banked ship, which was wrecked on the
						promontory. The south wind was succeeded by a southwester, which threw the
						bay into commotion, as it opened toward the west. It was impossible to sail
						out of the bay with the wind still ahead, nor could the ships be held by
						oars or anchors. They crashed against each other or against the rocks, and
						the confusion became worse confounded by night.

When the tempest had subsided, Octavius buried the dead, cared for the
						wounded, clothed those who had swum ashore and furnished them with new
						weapons, and repaired his whole fleet with the means at his command. Six of
						his heavy ships, twenty-six lighter ones, and a still larger number of
						liburnicas had been destroyed. He was likely to consume nearly thirty days
						in these repairs; and now the end of summer was approaching, for which
						reason he deemed it best to postpone the war till the following summer, but
						as the people were suffering from scarcity he drew his ships upon the land
						and made his preparations rapidly, and sent the crews of the ships that he
						had lost to fill the empty ones in the fleet of Taurus. In anticipation of
						more serious misfortune he sent Mæcenas to Rome on account of
						those who were still under the spell of the memory of Pompey the Great, for
						the fame of that man had not yet lost its influence over them. Octavius
						himself visited the new colonies throughout Italy and dispelled their fears,
						which had been excited by the recent events. He also went to Tarentum and
						inspected the naval force under Taurus. Thence he proceeded to Vibo, where
						he encouraged his infantry and hastened the preparations of his fleet, the
						time for his second invasion of Sicily being near at hand.

Pompeius did not deign to seize the fine opportunity presented to him by so
						many shipwrecks. He merely offered sacrifice to the sea and to Neptune,
						assuming to call himself their son, and persuading himself that it was not
						without the special act of Providence that his enemies had been twice
						overwhelmed in this way in the summer months. It is said that he was so much
						puffed up by these circumstances that he exchanged the purple cloak
						customary to Roman commanders for a dark blue one, to signify that he was
						the adopted son of Neptune. He hoped that Octavius would now desist from his
						undertaking, but when he learned that the latter was building ships and was
						about to renew the expedition against him that summer, he became alarmed at
						finding himself at war with a man of such indomitable spirit and such
						formidable preparations. He sent Menodorus, with the seven ships he had
						brought, to reconnoitre the dockyards of Octavius and to do whatever damage
						he could. Menodorus had been vexed for some time past because the naval
						command had not been given to him, and he now perceived that he was
						intrusted with only the ships that he had brought, because he was under
						suspicion. So he plotted a new desertion.

Conceiving that, however matters might turn out, he should first signalize
						himself by some act of valor, he distributed among his companions all the
						gold he had, and sailed, by rowing three days, accomplishing a distance of
							1500 stades, and fell like a thunderbolt,
						unperceived, on the vessels that were guarding Octavius' shipyards, and
						darted away to an unseen place carrying off the guard-ships by twos and
						threes. He also sunk, or captured, or burned some merchant vessels, laden
						with corn, that were moored there or sailing along the coast. Everything was
						thrown into confusion by this raid of Menodorus, both Octavius and Agrippa
						being absent. The latter had gone away to procure timber. In a spirit of
						bravado Menodorus ran his ship upon the soft ground, voluntarily and
						contemptuously, and pretended to be stuck in the mud, until his enemies
						dashed down from the mountains as to a certain prey, when he backed away,
						laughing, and left the soldiers of Octavius the victims of both chagrin and
						astonishment. When he had sufficiently shown what he was capable of, as
						enemy or friend, he dismissed a senator whom he had taken prisoner, named
						Rebillus, having a view already to the future.

During his former desertion he had been a friend of Mindius Marcellus, one of
						the companions of Octavius, and he now told his own men that Mindius had the
						intention of betraying his party and deserting to that of Pompeius. Then he
						drew near to the enemy and invited Mindius to go with him to a small island
						in order to have a conference. When the latter came, and there was nobody
						else within earshot, Menodorus said that he had gone back to Pompeius
						because he was ill-treated by the admiral of those days, Calvisius, but that
						since Agrippa had been appointed to the command of the fleet he would come
						back to Octavius, who had done him no wrong, if Mindius would bring him a
						safe-conduct from Messala, who was commanding in Agrippa's absence. He said
						that on his return he would make amends for his fault by brilliant exploits,
						but that until the safe-conduct arrived he should be obliged to harass the
						forces of Octavius as before in order to avoid suspicion; and this he did.
						Messala hesitated on account of the baseness of the transaction, but he
						nevertheless yielded, either because he considered such things necessary in
						war, or because he had learned beforehand, or conjectured, the mind of
						Octavius. Menodorus at once deserted, and, upon the approach of Octavius,
						threw himself at his feet and begged that he would pardon him without asking
						for the reasons for his flight. Octavius conceded his safety on account of
						the pledges made, but had him secretly watched. He dismissed the captains of
						his triremes and allowed them to go wherever they pleased.

When the fleet was ready Octavius set sail again. He landed at Vibo and
						ordered Messala, who had two legions of infantry, to cross over to Sicily,
						join the army of Lepidus, pass through to the bay in front of Tauromenium,
						and station himself there. He sent three legions to Stylis and the extremity
						of the straits, to await events. He ordered Taurus to sail around from
						Tarentum to Mount Scylacium, which is opposite Tauromenium. Taurus did so, having prepared
						himself for fighting as well as for rowing. His infantry kept even pace with
						him, the cavalry reconnoitring by land and the liburnicas by sea. While he
						was making this movement Octavius, who had advanced from Vibo, made his
						appearance near Scylacium, and, after giving his approval to the good order
						of the forces, returned to Vibo. Pompeius, as I have already said, guarded
						all the landing-places on the island and retained his fleet at Messana, in
						order to send aid where it might be needed.

Such were the preparations of Octavius and Pompeius in this quarter.
						Meanwhile four more legions were en route to Lepidus from Africa in merchant
						ships, being the remainder of his army. Papias, one of Pompeius' captains,
						threw himself in their way on the sea, and, after they had received him as a
						friend (for they thought that these were ships sent by Lepidus to meet
						them), destroyed them. Some ships were despatched by Lepidus later, and when
						these were approaching, the merchant ships that had escaped mistook them for
						other enemies and fled. So some of them were burned, some captured, some
						upset, and the rest returned to Africa. Two legions perished in the sea, or,
						if any of them could swim, Tisienus, the lieutenant of Pompeius, slew them
						when they reached the land. The other legions reëmbarked and joined
						Lepidus, some sooner and some later. Papias sailed back to Pompeius.

Octavius crossed from Vibo with his whole fleet to Strongyle, one
						of the five Æolian islands, having made a reconnoissance of the
						sea beforehand. Seeing large forces in front of him on the Sicilian shore at
						Pelorum, Mylæ, and Tyndaris, he conjectured that Pompeius himself
						was there. So he left Agrippa in command and returned again to Vibo, and
						thence hastened with Messala and three legions to the camp of Taurus,
						intending to seize Tauromenium while Pompeius was still absent, and thus
						threaten him on two sides at once. In pursuance of this plan Agrippa moved
						forward from Strongyle to the island of Hiera, and as Pompeius' garrison
						made no resistance he occupied it and intended on the following day to
						attack, at Mylæ, Demochares, the lieutenant of Pompeius, who had
						forty ships. Pompeius observed the menacing attitude of Agrippa, and sent to
						Demochares from Messana forty-five ships, under the command of his freedman
						Apollophanes, and followed in person with seventy others.

Agrippa, with half of his ships, sailed out of Hiera before daylight in order
						to have a naval engagement with Papias only. When he saw the fleet of
						Apollophanes also, and seventy ships on the other wing, he sent word to
						Octavius at once that Pompeius was at Mylæ with the greater part
						of his naval forces. Then he placed himself with his heavy ships in the
						centre, and summoned the remainder of his fleet from Hiera in all haste. The
						preparations on both sides were superb. The ships had towers on both stem
						and stern. When the usual exhortation had been given and the standards
						raised, they rushed against each other, some coming bow on, others making
						flank attacks, the shouts of the men and the spray from the ships adding
						terror to the scene. The Pompeian ships were shorter and lighter, and better
						adapted to blockading and darting about. Those of Octavius were larger and
						heavier, and, consequently, slower, yet stronger to give blows and not so
						easily damaged. The Pompeian crews were better sailors than those of
						Octavius, but the latter were stronger. Accordingly, the former excelled not
						so much in close fighting as in the nimbleness of their movements, in
						breaking oar blades and rudders, cutting off oar handles, or separating the
						enemy's ships entirely, doing them no less harm than by ramming. Those of
						Octavius sought to cut down with their beaks the hostile ships, which were
						smaller in size, or shatter them, or break through them. When they came to
						close quarters, being higher, they could hurl missiles down upon the enemy,
						and more easily throw the corvus and the grappling-irons. The
						Pompeians, whenever they were overpowered in this manner, leaped into the
						sea and were picked up by their small boats, which were hovering around for
						this purpose.

Agrippa bore down directly upon Papias and struck his ship under the bow,
						shattering it and breaking a hole in the keel. The men in the towers were
						shaken down, the water rushed into the ship, and all the oarsmen on the
						lower benches were cut off. The others broke through the deck and escaped by
						swimming. Papias escaped to a ship alongside of his own, and returned to the
						battle. Pompeius, who observed from a mountain that his ships were making
						little headway, and that whenever they came to close quarters with the enemy
						they were denuded of fighting men, and that reinforcements were coming to
						Agrippa from Hiera, gave the signal to retire in good order. This they did,
						advancing and retreating little by little. Agrippa continued to bear down
						upon them, and they took refuge, not on the beach, but among the shoals
						formed in the sea by river deposits.

Agrippa's pilots prevented him from running his large ships on the shoals. He
						cast anchor in the open sea, intending to blockade the enemy and to fight a
						battle by night if necessary; but his friends advised him not to be carried
						away by rashness and not to wear out his soldiers with excessive toil and
						want of sleep, and not to trust to that tempestuous sea. So in the evening
						he reluctantly withdrew. The Pompeians made sail to their harbors, having
						lost thirty of their ships, and sunk five of the enemy's, and having
						inflicted considerable other damage and suffered as much in return. Pompeius
						praised his own men because they had resisted such formidable vessels,
						saying they had fought against walls rather than against ships; and he
						rewarded them as though they had been victorious. He encouraged them to
						believe that, as they were lighter, they would prevail over the enemy in the
						straits on account of the current. He said also that he would make some
						addition to the height of his ships. Such was the result of the naval battle
						at Mylæ between Agrippa and Papias.

Pompeius suspected that Octavius had gone to the camp of Taurus for the
						purpose of attacking Tauromenium, which was the fact. So, directly after
						supper, he sailed to Messana, leaving a part of his forces at Mylæ
						so that Agrippa might think that he was still there. Agrippa, as soon as his
						army was sufficiently rested, bestirred himself and set sail for Tyndaris,
						which had offered to surrender. He entered the town, but the garrison fought
						valiantly and drove him out. Some other towns espoused his cause and
						received his garrisons, and he returned that evening. In the meantime,
						Octavius had sailed from Scylacium to Leucopetra, 
						having learned for a certainty that Pompeius had gone from Messana to
						Mylæ on account of Agrippa. He was about to cross the straits from
						Leucopetra to Tauromenium by night, but learning of the sea-fight he changed
						his mind, thinking that a victor ought not to steal his passage, but to
						cross with his army boldly by daylight; for he was fully convinced that
						Pompeius was still confronting Agrippa. Looking down from the mountains upon
						the sea at daybreak and finding that it was clear of enemies, he set sail
						with as many troops as the ships could carry, leaving the rest with Messala
						until the fleet could return to him. Arriving at Tauromenium, he sent
						messengers to demand its surrender. As his guards were not admitted, he made
						sail to the river Onobalas and the temple of Venus, and moored his fleet at
						the shrine of the Archegetes, the god of the Naxians, 
						intending to pitch his camp there and attack Tauromenium. The Archegetes is
						a small statue of Apollo, erected by the Naxians when they first migrated to
						Sicily.

When Octavius disembarked from his ship he slipped and fell, but arose
						without assistance. While he was yet laying out his camp, Pompeius made his
						appearance with a large fleet--an astounding spectacle, since Octavius
						believed that he had been beaten by Agrippa. Pompeius' cavalry advanced at
						the same time, rivalling the fleet in rapidity of movement, and his infantry
						was seen on the other side. The forces of Octavius were terrified at finding
						themselves surrounded by enemies on three sides, and Octavius himself was
						alarmed because Messala could not join him. The cavalry of Pompeius assailed
						Octavius' men while they were still fortifying their camp. If his infantry
						and his naval force had attacked simultaneously with the cavalry, Pompeius
						might have accomplished greater results, but, being inexperienced in war and
						ignorant of the panic among the troops of Octavius, and hesitating to begin
						a battle at the approach of nightfall, one part of his forces stationed
						themselves at the promontory of Coccynus, while his
						infantry, deeming it unwise to encamp near the enemy, withdrew to the town
						of Phœnix. Night coming on
						they went to rest, and Octavius' soldiers finished their camp, but were
						incapacitated for battle by toil and want of sleep. They consisted of three
						legions, and 500 cavalry without horses, 1000 light-armed, and 2000
						colonists serving as allies, but not enrolled, besides his fleet.

Octavius placed all of his infantry under charge of Cornificius, and ordered
						him to drive back the enemy and do whatever the exigencye required. He took
						ship before daylight and went seaward lest the enemy should enclose him on
						this side also, giving the right wing of the fleet to Titinius and the left
						to Carcius, and embarking himself on a liburnica, with which he sailed
						around the whole fleet, exhorting them to have courage. Having done this he
						lowered the general's ensign, as is customary in times of extreme danger.
						Pompeius put to sea against him, and they encountered each other twice, the
						battle ending with the night. Some of Octavius' ships were captured and
						burned; others spread their small sails and made for the Italian coast,
						contrary to orders. Those of Pompeius followed them a short distance and
						then turned against the remainder, capturing some and burning others. Some
						of the crews swam ashore, most of whom were slaughtered or taken prisoners
						by Pompeius' cavalry. Some of them set out to reach the camp of Cornificius,
						who sent only his light-armed troops to assist them as they came near,
						because he did not consider it prudent to move his disheartened legionaries
						against the enemy's infantry, who were naturally much encouraged by their
						victory.

Octavius spent the greater part of the night among his small boats, in doubt
						whether he should go back to Cornificius through the scattered remains of
						his fleet, or take refuge with Messala. Providence brought him to the harbor
						of Abala with a single armor-bearer, without friends, attendants, or slaves.
						Certain persons, who had come down from the mountain to learn the news,
						found him suffering in body and mind and brought him in rowboats (changing
						from one to another for the purpose of concealment) to the camp of Messala,
						which was not far distant. Straightway, and before he had attended to his
						bodily wants, he despatched a liburnica to Cornificius, and sent word
						throughout the mountains that he was safe, and ordered all his forces to
						help Cornificius, and wrote to him that he would send him aid forthwith.
						After attending to his own person and taking a little rest, he set forth by
						night, accompanied by Messala, to Stylis, where Carinas was stationed with
						three legions ready to embark, and ordered him to set sail for Lipara, to which place he would shortly follow. He wrote to
						Agrippa and urged him to send Laronius with an army to the rescue of
						Cornificius with all speed. He sent Mæcenas again to Rome on
						account of the revolutionists; and some of these, who were stirring up
						disorder, were punished. He also sent Messala to Puteoli to bring the
						so-called first legion to Vibo.

This was the same Messala whom the triumvirs proscribed at Rome, and for the
						killing of whom money and freedom were offered as rewards. He had fled to
						Cassius and Brutus, and after their death had delivered his fleet to Antony,
						in pursuance of an agreement made between them. It seems fitting to recall
						this fact in honor of Roman magnanimity, inasmuch as Messala, when he had in
						his power, overwhelmed with misfortune, the man who had proscribed him,
						saved him and cared for him as his commander. Cornificius was able easily to
						defend his camp against attack; but, being in danger from want of supplies,
						he drew his men out for battle and challenged the enemy. But Pompeius did
						not care to come to an engagement with men whose only hope rested in battle
						and whom he expected to subdue by famine. Cornificius, having placed in the
						centre the unarmed men who had escaped to him from the ships, took to the
						road, grievously exposed to missiles in the open plains from the enemy's
						horsemen and in the broken country from the light-armed troops from Numidia
						in Africa, who hurled darts from long distances and made their escape when
						charged by their enemies.

On the fourth day, with difficulty, they arrived at the waterless region
						which they say was formerly inundated by a stream of fire that ran down as
						far as the sea and dried up all the streams in the district. The inhabitants
						of the country traverse it only by night, on account of the stifling heat
						and the dust and ashes with which it abounds. Being ignorant of the roads
						and fearing ambush, Cornificius and his men did not dare to march through it
						by night, especially as there was no moon, nor could they endure the
						daytime, because of suffocation. Moreover, the bottoms of their feet were
						burned (especially those who had no shoes), as it was now the hottest part
						of the summer. On account of the tormenting thirst they could not delay.
						They could no longer charge upon their assailants, but received wounds
						without any means of defence. When they saw the place of exit from this
						burned district occupied by enemies, the able-bodied ones, heedless of their
						sick and barefooted companions, dashed at the defiles with amazing courage
						and overpowered the enemy with all their remaining strength. When they found
						the next defiles occupied by hostile forces they gave way to despair and
						succumbed to thirst and heat. Cornificius aroused them by showing them a
						spring of water near by; and again they overpowered the enemy, but with
						heavy loss to themselves. Another body of enemies held possession of the
						fountain, and now Cornificius' men lost all courage and gave way completely.

While they were in this state Laronius, who had been sent by Agrippa with
						three legions, made his appearance a long way off. Although it was not yet
						plain that he was a friend, still, as they had been all the time hoping for
						something of this kind, they once more recovered their spirits. When they
						saw the enemy abandon the water in order not to be exposed to attack on both
						sides, they shouted for joy with all their strength. When the troops of
						Laronius shouted in return, they ran and seized the fountain. The leaders
						forbade the men to drink to excess. Some who neglected this advice died
						while drinking. In this unexpected manner did Cornificius, and what was left
						of his army, escape to Agrippa at Mylæ.

Agrippa had just taken Tyndaris, a stronghold full of provisions and
						admirably situated for naval warfare. Thither Octavius transported his
						infantry and cavalry. He had in Sicily all together twenty-one legions of
						the former, 20,000 of the latter, and more than 5000 light-armed troops. The
						garrison of Pompeius still held Mylæ, and all the places from
						Mylæ to Naulochi and Pelorus, and all the coast. These garrisons,
						in fear of Agrippa, kept fires burning continually, signifying that they
						would set fire to any ships that should sail against them. Pompeius was also
						master of the defiles on both sides of the island. The mountain passes in
						the neighborhood of Tauromenium and around Mylæ were fortified by
						him, and he harassed Octavius when the latter was making a forward movement
						from Tyndaris, but not coming to an engagement. Believing that Agrippa was
						moving his fleet against him, Pompeius changed his position to Pelorus,
						abandoning the defiles around Mylæ; and Octavius occupied them and
						also Mylæ and Artemisium, a very small town, in which, they say,
						were the cattle of the Sun and where Ulysses fell asleep.

When the report of Agrippa's movement turned out to be false, Pompeius was
						troubled that he had lost the defiles, and he called to his
						assistance Tisienus with his army. Octavius sought to intercept Tisienus,
						but lost his way around Mount Myconium. He passed the night there without
						tents. There was a heavy rainfall, as often occurs in the autumn, and some
						of his armor-bearers held a Gallic shield over his head the whole night.
						Harsh mutterings and prolonged roars from Mount Etna were heard, accompanied
						by flames which lighted up the camp, so that the Germans sprang from their
						beds in fear. Others, who had heard what had been related of Mount Etna,
						would not have been surprised, in presence of these remarkable phenomena, if
						a torrent of fire had rolled upon them. After this Octavius ravaged the
						territory of the Abacænians, where
						Lepidus, who was foraging, met him, and they both encamped near Messana.

As there had been many skirmishes throughout Sicily, but no general
						engagement, Octavius sent Taurus to cut off Pompeius' supplies by first
						capturing the towns that furnished them. Pompeius was so much inconvenienced
						by this that he decided to stake everything on a great battle. Since he
						feared the enemy's infantry, but had confidence in his own ships, he sent
						and asked Octavius if he would allow the war to be decided by a naval
						engagement. Octavius, although he dreaded all naval encounters, which until
						now had turned out badly for him, considered it base to refuse, and,
						accordingly, accepted the challenge. A day was fixed by them, for which 300
						ships were put in readiness on either side, provided with missiles of all
						kinds, with towers and whatever machines they could think of. Agrippa
						devised one called the harpago, a piece of wood five
						cubits long bound with iron and having rings at the extremities. To one of
						these rings was attached the harpago, an iron claw, to the other numerous
						ropes, which drew the harpago by machine power after it had been thrown by a
						catapult and had seized the enemy's ships.

When the appointed day came the rival shouts of the oarsmen were first heard,
						accompanied by missiles thrown by machines and by hand, such as stones,
						firebrands, and arrows. Then the ships dashed against each other, some
						striking amidships, others on the prows, others on the beaks, where the
						blows are most effectual in discomposing the crew and rendering the vessel
						useless. Others broke the opposing line by sailing through it, at the same
						time discharging arrows and javelins; and the small boats picked up those
						who fell overboard. There was a struggle of soldiers while the sailors put
						forth their strength and the pilots their skill and their lung-power. The
						generals cheered their men, and all the machines were brought into
						requisition. The harpago achieved the greatest success. Thrown from a long
						distance upon the ships, as it could be by reason of its lightness, it
						clutched them, especially when the ropes pulled on it from behind. On
						account of the iron bands it could not be easily cut by the men whom it
						attacked, and those who tried to cut the ropes were prevented from reaching
						them by its length. As this apparatus had never been known before, the enemy
						had not provided themselves with scythe-mounted poles. One thing seemed
						advisable in this unexpected emergency, and that was, to back water and draw
						the ship away; but as the enemy did the same the force exerted by the men
						was equal on both sides, and the harpago did its work.

Accordingly, when the ships were drawn together, there was every kind of
						fighting, the men leaping upon each other's decks. It was no longer easy to
						distinguish an enemy from a friend, as they used the same weapons for the
						most part, and nearly all spoke the Latin tongue, and the watchwords of each
						side were divulged to the other while they were mingled together. Hence
						arose many and divers frauds and lack of confidence on both sides on the
						part of those using the same watchword. They failed to recognize each other
						completely, and meanwhile the fighting and the sea were a confused medley of
						corpses, clashing arms, and crashing ships. They left nothing untried except
						fire. This they abstained from, after their first onset, because they were
						locked together. The foot-soldiers of each army on the land beheld this
						sea-fight with apprehension and eagerness, believing that their own hope of
						safety was bound up in it. They could not distinguish anything, however
						sharply they might look, but merely a long-drawn-out line of 600 ships, and
						an alternation of cries and groans now on one side and now on the other.

Judging from the colors of the towers, which constituted the only difference
						between them, Agrippa with difficulty made out that Pompeius' ships had
						sustained the greater loss, and he cheered on those who were close to him as
						though they were already victors. Then he drove at the enemy and pressed
						upon them without ceasing, until he overpowered those nearest him. They then
						lowered their towers and turned their ships in flight toward the straits.
						Seventeen of them, which were in advance, made their escape thither. The
						rest were cut off by Agrippa and some were pursued and driven aground. The
						pursuers ran aground with them in the rush, and either pulled off those that
						had come to a standstill or set fire to them. When the Pompeian ships that
						were still fighting saw what had befallen these, they surrendered to their
						enemies. Then the soldiers of Octavius who were in the ships raised a shout
						of victory and those on the land gave an answering shout. Those of Pompeius
						groaned. Pompeius himself, darting away from Naulochi, hastened to Messana,
						giving no orders to his infantry in his panic. Accordingly Octavius received
						the surrender of Tisienus on terms agreed upon, and of the cavalry besides,
						who were surrendered by their officers. Three of Octavius' ships were sunk
						in the fight. Pompeius lost twenty-eight in this way, and the remainder were
						burned, or captured, or run aground, and stove in pieces, except the
						seventeen that escaped.

Pompeius learned of the defection of his infantry while on the road, and
						changed his costume from that of a commander to that of a private citizen,
						and sent orders to Messana to put on shipboard everything possible. All
						preparations to this end had been made long before. He summoned Plennius
						from Lilybæum in haste, with the eight legions he had, intending
						to take flight with them. Plennius hastened to comply with this order, but
						as other friends, garrisons, and soldiers were deserting, and the enemy's
						fleet was moving into the straits, Pompeius did not wait for Plennius in his
						well-fortified city, but fled, with his seventeen ships, from Messana to
						Antony, whose mother he had saved in similar circumstances. After his
						departure Plennius arrived at Messana and occupied the place. Octavius
						himself remained in the camp at Naulochi, but he ordered Agrippa to lay
						siege to Messana, which the latter did, in conjunction with Lepidus.
						Plennius sent envoys to treat for peace. Agrippa wanted to wait till morning
						for the arrival of Octavius, but Lepidus granted terms, and, in order to
						conciliate the soldiers of Plennius to himself, allowed them to join the
						rest of the army in plundering the city. They had asked for nothing but
						safety, and now, finding unexpected gain in addition, they plundered Messana
						the whole night, in conjunction with the soldiers of Lepidus, and then
						ranged themselves under his standards.

Including this new accession, Lepidus now had twenty-two legions of infantry
						and a large body of cavalry. He was elated, and thought to make himself
						master of Sicily, using the pretext that he was the first to invade the
						island and that he had induced many cities to join the triumvirs. He sent
						word to the garrisons of these places that they should not admit the
						emissaries of Octavius, and he seized all the defiles. Octavius arrived on
						the following day, and reproached Lepidus through friends, who reminded him
						that he had come into Sicily as an ally of Octavius, not to acquire it for
						himself. Lepidus replied that he had been despoiled of his former allotment,
						which was now in the exclusive possession of Octavius, and that, if the
						latter pleased, he would now exchange Africa and Sicily for that former
						allotment. Octavius was exasperated. He came to Lepidus in anger and heaped
						reproaches on him for ingratitude. They separated, indulging in mutual
						threats. They forthwith surrounded themselves with guards, and the ships of
						Octavius were anchored away from the shore, as it was said that Lepidus
						intended to set fire to them.

The soldiers were angry at the thought of engaging in another civil war, and
						that there was never to be an end of sedition. They did not, however, seek
						to compare Octavius and Lepidus; not even the army of Lepidus did that. They
						admired the energy of Octavius, and.they were aware of the indolence of
						Lepidus. They also blamed him for admitting the defeated enemy to an equal
						share of the plunder. When Octavius learned their state of mind, he sent
						emissaries among them to advise them secretly of their individual interests.
						Many of them he tampered with, especially those who had served under
						Pompeius, who feared lest the terms of their capitulation should not be
						valid if Octavius did not ratify them. While Lepidus, by reason of his
						ineptitude, remained ignorant of these things Octavius came to his camp with
						a large body of horse, whom he left at the entrance, and himself went in
						with a few. Coming forward, he declared to those whom he met that he was
						drawn into war unwillingly. Those who saw him saluted him as imperator.
						First of all the Pompeians, who had been tampered with, collected together
						and asked his forgiveness. He said that he was astonished that persons
						asking forgiveness should not do what their own interests demanded. They
						understood his meaning, and forthwith seized their standards and went over
						to him, while others began to take down their tents.

When Lepidus became aware of this tumult he sprang from his tent to arms.
						Blows were exchanged and one of Octavius' armor-bearers was killed. Octavius
						himself was struck by a weapon on his breastplate, but it did not penetrate
						the flesh, and he ran and took refuge with his horsemen. A detachment of
						guards belonging to Lepidus jeered at him as he ran. Octavius was so angry
						that he could not restrain himself from dashing upon them with his
							horsemen and destroying them. The officers of the other guards
						transferred their allegiance from Lepidus to Octavius, some immediately,
						others during the night; some without solicitation, others pretending to be
						coerced more or less by the cavalry. There were some who still resisted the
						assault and beat off the assailants, for Lepidus sent reenforcements in all
						directions; but when these very reënforcements went over, the
						remainder of his army, even those who were yet well disposed toward him,
						changed their opinion. Again the first to move were those Pompeians who
						still remained with him. They transferred themselves by detachments, one
						after another. Lepidus armed others to prevent them from going, but the very
						ones who were armed for this purpose seized their standards and went over to
						Octavius with the rest. Lepidus threatened and besought them as they took
						their departure. He held fast to the standards, and said he would not give
						them up, until one of the standard-bearers said to him, "Let go, or you are
						a dead man." Then he was afraid and let go.

The last to come over were the cavalry. They sent a messenger to Octavius to
						ask if they should kill Lepidus, who was no longer a commander. He replied
						in the negative. Thus was Lepidus deserted by all and bereft, in a moment of
						time, of so exalted a station and so great an army. He changed his costume
						and hastened to Octavius, all the spectators running with him to enjoy the
						spectacle. Octavius started up as he approached, and prevented him from
						throwing himself at his feet, and sent him to Rome in the garb of a private
						citizen, which he was wearing, deprived of his command, but not of the
						priesthood, which he held. And so this man, who had often been a commander
						and once a triumvir, who had appointed magistrates and had proscribed so
						many men of his own rank, passed his life as a private citizen, asking
						favors of some of the proscribed, who were magistrates at a later
							period.

Octavius neither pursued Pompeius nor allowed others to do so; either because
						he refrained from encroaching on Antony's dominions, or because he preferred
						to wait and see what Antony would do to Pompeius and make that a pretext for
						a quarrel if he should do wrong (for they had long entertained the suspicion
						that ambition would bring them into mutual conflict when other rivals were
						out of the way), or, as Octavius said later, because Pompeius was not one of
						his father's murderers. He now brought his forces together, and they
						amounted to forty-five legions of infantry, 25,000 horse, and some 40,000
						light-armed troops. He also had 600 war-ships and an immense number of
						merchant vessels, which he sent back to their owners. To the soldiers he
						awarded the prizes of victory, paying a part down and promising the rest
						later. He distributed crowns and other honors to all, and granted pardon to
						the Pompeian leaders.

Fortune became jealous of his great prosperity. His army revolted,
						especially his own troops. They demanded to be discharged from the service
						and that rewards should be given them equal to those given to the men who
						fought at Philippi. Octavius knew that the present war had not been of the
						same grade as that one. He promised nevertheless to pay what their services
						were worth, and to include the soldiers serving under Antony when the latter
						should return. As to their breach of discipline, he reminded them, in a
						threatening tone, of the laws of their ancestors, of their oaths and of the
						punishments. As they gave little heed to what he said, he abandoned his
						threatening tone lest the spirit of mutiny should extend to his newly
						acquired troops, and said that he would discharge them at the proper time in
						conjunction with Antony. He said, also, that he would not engage them in any
						more civil wars, which had fortunately come to an end, but in war against
						the Illyrians and other barbarous tribes, who were disturbing the peace
						which had been gained with so much difficulty; from which war the soldiers
						would acquire great riches. They said that they would not go to war again
						until they had received the prizes and honors of the previous wars. He said
						that he would not postpone the honors. So he distributed many prizes, and
						gave to the legions additional crowns, and to the centurions and tribunes
						purple-bordered garments and the dignity of chief councillors in their
						native towns. While he was distributing other awards of this kind, the
						tribune Ofilius exclaimed that crowns and purple garments were playthings
						for boys, that the rewards for soldiers were lands and money. The multitude
						cried out, "Well said"; whereupon Octavius descended from the platform in
						anger. The soldiers gathered around the tribune, praising him and railing at
						those who did not join with them. Ofilius said that he alone would suffice
						to defend so just a cause, but after saying this he disappeared the
						following day, and it was never known what became of him.

The soldiers no longer dared to give utterance to their complaints singly,
						but they joined together in groups and called for their discharge in common.
						Octavius conciliated their leaders in various ways. He released those who
						had served at Philippi and Mutina, and who wished to be discharged, as their
						time had expired. These, to the number of 20,000, he dismissed and sent out
						of the island at once, lest they should seduce the others. To those only 
							 AUGUSTUS 
							 In the Braccio Nuovo, Vatican Museum, Rome 
						 
					 
					 who had served at Mutina he added, that, although they were discharged in
						this way, he would fulfil the promises made to them at that time. He came
						before the rest of the army and called upon them to bear witness to the
						perjury of the revolters, who had been dismissed contrary to the wish of
						their military commander. He praised those who remained with him, and
						encouraged them to expect a speedy release, saying that nobody would be
						sorry, and that they would be discharged rich, and that he would give them
						500 drachmas per man now. Having thus spoken, he exacted tribute from Sicily
						to the amount of 1600 talents, appointed
						proprætors for Africa and Sicily, and assigned a division of the
						army to each of these provinces. He sent back Antony's ships to Tarentum. A
						part of the army he sent in advance of himself to Italy in ships, and took
						the remainder with him when he departed from the island.

When he arrived at Rome the Senate voted him unbounded honors, giving him the
						privilege of accepting all, or such as he chose. They and the people went
						out a long distance to meet him, wearing garlands on their heads, and
						escorted him, when he arrived, first to the temples, and then from the
						temples to his house. The next day he made speeches to the Senate and to the
						people, recounting his exploits and his policy from the beginning to the
						present time. These speeches he wrote down and distributed in pamphlet form.
						He proclaimed peace and good-will, said that the civil wars were ended,
						remitted the unpaid taxes, and released the farmers of the revenue and the
						holders of public leases from what they owed. Of the honors voted to him, he
						accepted an ovation and annual solemnities on the days of his
						victories, and a golden image to be erected in the forum, with the garb he
						wore when he entered the city, to stand on a column surrounded by the beaks
						of captured ships. There the image was placed bearing the inscription:
						 "PEACE, LONG DISTURBED, HE REËSTABLISHED ON LAND AND
							SEA."

When the people desired to transfer from Lepidus to himself the office of
						pontifex maximus, which the law bestowed upon one person for life, he would
						not accept it, and when they prayed that Lepidus might be put to death as a
						public enemy he would not allow it. He sent sealed letters to all the
						armies, with instructions to open them all on a designated day and to
						execute the orders contained therein. These orders related to the slaves who
						had run away during the civil dissensions and joined the armies, for whom
						Pompeius had asked freedom, which the Senate and the treaty had granted.
						These were all arrested on the same day and brought to Rome, and Octavius
						returned them to their Roman or Italian masters, or to the heirs of the
						same. He also gave back those belonging to Sicilian masters. Those whom
						nobody claimed he caused to be put to death in the cities from which they
						had absconded.

This seemed to be the end of the civil dissensions. Octavius was now
						twenty-eight years of age. Cities joined in placing him among their tutelary
						gods. At this time Italy and Rome itself were openly infested with bands of
						robbers, whose doings were more like barefaced plunder than secret theft.
						Sabinus was chosen by Octavius to correct this disorder. He executed many of
						the captured brigands, and within one year brought about a condition of
						absolute security. At that time, they say, originated the custom and system
						of cohorts of night watchmen still in force. Octavius excited astonishment
						by having put an end to this evil with such unexampled rapidity. He allowed
						the yearly magistrates to administer public affairs, in many particulars,
						according to the customs of the fathers. He burned the writings which
						contained evidence concerning the civil strife, and said that he would
						abdicate entirely when Antony should return from the Parthian war, for he
						was persuaded that Antony, too, would be willing to lay down the government,
						the civil wars being at an end. Thereupon he was chosen tribune for life by
						acclamation, the people urging him, by the offer of this perpetual
						magistracy, to give up his former one. This he accepted, and at
						the same time he wrote privately to Antony in reference to their government.
						Antony gave instructions to Bibulus, who was going away from him, to confer
						with Octavius. He sent governors to take charge of his provinces in like
						manner as Octavius had done, and he had thoughts of joining the latter in
						his expedition against the Illyrians.

Pompeius, fleeing from Sicily to Antony, stopped at the Lacinian promontory
						and robbed the rich temple of Juno of its gifts. He landed at Mitylene and
						spent some time at that place, where his father, when at war with
						Cæsar, had bestowed him with his mother, when he was still a boy,
						and where his father had recovered him after his defeat. As Antony was now
						waging war in Media against the Medes and the Parthians, Pompeius decided to
						intrust himself to Antony on his return. When he heard that Antony had been
						worsted, and this result was confirmed by the reports, his hopes once more
						revived, and he fancied that he might succeed Antony if the latter were
						dead, or share his power if he returned. He was continually thinking of
						Labienus, who had overrun Asia not long before. While he was in this frame
						of mind the news reached him that Antony had returned to Alexandria.
						Scheming with both projects, he sent ambassadors to Antony ostensibly to
						place himself at the latter's disposal and to offer himself as a friend and
						ally, but really to get accurate information about Antony's affairs. At the
						same time he sent others secretly to the princes of Thrace and Pontus,
						intending, if he should not obtain what he desired from Antony, to take
						flight through Pontus to Armenia. He sent also to the Parthians, hoping
						that, for the remainder of their war against Antony, they would be eager to
						receive him as a general, because he was a Roman, and especially because he
						was the son of Pompey the Great. He refitted his ships and drilled the
						soldiers he had brought in them, pretending at one time that he was in fear
						of Octavius, and at another that he was getting ready to assist Antony.

As soon as Antony heard of the coming of Pompeius he designated Titius to
						take the field against him. He ordered the latter to take ships and soldiers
						from Syria and to wage war vigorously against Pompeius if he showed himself
						hostile, but to treat him with honor if he submitted himself to Antony. Then
						he gave audience to the ambassadors who had arrived, and who addressed him
						as follows: "Pompeius has sent us to you, not because he was without a place
						of refuge (if he were minded to continue the war) in Spain, a country
						friendly to him on his father's account and which espoused his own cause
						when he was younger, and even now calls upon him for that purpose, but
						because he prefers to enjoy peace with you, or, if need be, to fight under
						your orders. He makes these advances now not for the first time, but did so
						while he was master of Sicily and was ravaging Italy, and when he rescued
						your mother and sent her to you. If you had accepted these advances,
						Pompeius would not have been driven out of Sicily (for you would not have
						provided Octavius with ships against him), nor would you have been defeated
						in Parthia, in consequence of Octavius, not sending you the soldiers he
						agreed to send. In fact, you would now be in possession of Italy in addition
						to your other dominions. As you did not accept the offer at the time when it
						would have been most advantageous to you, he repeats it now in order that
						you may not be so often ensnared by Octavius' words and by the marriage
						relationship existing between you; for you will remember that, although he
						is connected by marriage with Pompeius, he declared war against the latter
						after the treaty had been made, and without excuse. He also deprived
						Lepidus, his partner in the government, of his share, and divided no part of
						it with you.

"You are now the only remaining one who stands between him and the monarchy
						that he longs for. He would already have been at blows with you, had not
						Pompeius stood in the way. Although you ought to have foreseen these things
						for yourself, Pompeius calls your attention to them out of good-will,
						because he prefers a candid and magnanimous man to a deceitful, treacherous,
						and artful one. He does not blame you for the gift of ships which you made
						to Octavius against him as a matter of necessity, in order to procure
						soldiers for the Parthian war in exchange, but he reminds you that those
						soldiers were not sent. In short, Pompeius delivers himself to you with the
						ships which he still has and his most faithful soldiers, who have not
						abandoned him even in his flight. If peace is maintained, it will be a great
						glory to you to have saved the son of Pompey the Great. In case of war, he
						will be a considerable help to your party in the conflict which is coming,
						unless, to be sure, it has already come."

When the ambassadors had thus spoken, Antony showed them the orders he had
						sent to Titius, and said that if Pompeius was truly in this frame of mind he
						should come in person under the escort of Titius. In the meantime, the
						messengers who had been sent by Pompeius to the Parthians were captured by
						Antony's generals and brought to Alexandria. After Antony had examined each
						of them he summoned the ambassadors of Pompeius and showed the captives to
						them. They made excuses for Pompeius even then as a young man in a desperate
						plight, fearful lest Antony should not treat him kindly, and driven by
						necessity to make trial even of the bitterest enemies of Rome. They said
						that he would show his true disposition as soon as he should learn Antony's,
						and would then need no other attempt or devices. Antony believed them, being
						in other respects and at all times of a frank, magnanimous, and unsuspecting
						nature.

In the meantime Furnius, who was governing the province of Asia for Antony,
						had received Pompeius when he arrived, as he was behaving quietly; since
						Furnius had not sufficient force to prevent him and did not yet know
						Antony's mind. Seeing Pompeius drilling his troops, he mustered
						a force from the provincials and hastily summoned Ahenobarbus, who had
						command of an army in the vicinity, and also Amyntas from the other side.
						They responded promptly, and Pompeius complained against Furnius for
						regarding him in the light of an enemy when he had sent ambassadors to
						Antony and was waiting for an answer from him. While he was saying this he
						was meditating the project of seizing Ahenobarbus, with the connivance of
						Curius, one of Ahenobarbus' officers, intending to hold that general as a
						valuable hostage to exchange for himself in case of need. The treachery was
						discovered and Curius was convicted before the Romans present and put to
						death. Pompeius put to death his freedman Theodorus, the only person who was
						privy to the plan, believing that he had divulged it. As he no longer
						expected to conceal his projects from Furnius, he possessed himself of
						Lampsacus by treachery, a city which contained many Italians, colonized
						there by Gaius Cæsar. These Italians he induced to enter his
						military service by large bounties. Having now 200 horse and three legions
						of infantry, he attacked Cyzicus by land and sea. He was repulsed on both
						sides, because there was a force, although not a large one, in Cyzicus, that
						was guarding some gladiators whom Antony supported there. So Pompeius
						retired to the harbor of the Achæans and collected provisions.

Furnius did not begin hostilities, but he continually camped alongside of
						Pompeius with a large body of horse and prevented his foe from foraging or
						winning the cities to his side. As Pompeius had no cavalry, he assaulted the
						camp of Furnius in front and, at the same time, sent a force secretly around
						to his rear. Furnius accordingly directed his forces against Pompeius' front
						attack, but he was driven out of his camp by the force in his rear. Pompeius
						pursued his men and killed many as they fled over the Scamandrian plain,
						which was saturated with recent rains. Those who were saved withdrew to a
						place of safety, as they were not fit for battle. While they were waiting
						for assistance from Mysia, the Propontis, and elsewhere, the inhabitants,
						who were distressed by continual exactions, enlisted gladly under Pompeius,
						especially on account of the reputation he had gained by his victory at the
						harbor of the Achæans. While Pompeius was deficient in cavalry,
						and was thus crippled in procuring supplies, he learned that a troop of
						Italian horse was coming to Antony, sent by Octavia, who was passing the
						winter in Athens. So he sent emissaries with gold to corrupt this troop, but
						Antony's governor of Macedonia caught these men and distributed their gold
						to the cavalry.

Pompeius took Nicæa and Nicomedia, from which he obtained large
						supplies of money, and his strength was augmented in all respects with a
						rapidity that exceeded his expectations. But Furnius, who was camping not
						far away from him, was reënforced, at the beginning of spring,
						first with seventy ships that had come from Sicily, which had been saved
						from those that Antony had lent to Octavius against Pompeius; for after the
						close of the war in Sicily Octavius had dismissed them. Then Titius arrived
						from Syria with 120 additional ships and a large army; and all these had
						landed at Proconnesus. Pompeius became alarmed and burned his own ships and
						armed his oarsmen, believing that he could fight to better advantage with
						all of his forces combined on land. Cassius of Parma, Nasidius, Saturninus,
						Thermus, Antistius, and the other distinguished men of his party who were
						still with him as friends, and Fannius, who held the highest rank of all,
						and Pompeius' father-in-law, Libo, when they saw that he did not desist from
						war against superior forces even after Titius, to whom Antony had given
						entire charge, had arrived, despaired of him, and, having made terms for
						themselves, went over to Antony.

Pompeius, now deserted by his friends, withdrew to the interior of Bithynia,
						being reported as making his way to Armenia. One night as he marched out of
						his camp quietly, Furnius and Titius followed him, and Amyntas joined in the
						pursuit. After a hot chase they came up with him toward evening, and each
						encamped by himself around a certain hill without ditch or palisade, as it
						was late and they were tired. While they were in this state, Pompeius made a
						night attack with 300 light troops and killed many who were still asleep or
						springing out of bed. The rest took to disgraceful flight in a state of
						nudity. It is evident that if Pompeius had made this night attack with his
						entire army, or if he had followed up energetically the victory he did win,
						he would have overcome them completely. But, misled by a god, he gave no
						heed to these opportunities, and he gained no other advantage from the
						affair than to penetrate farther into the interior of the country. His
						enemies, having formed a junction, followed him and cut off his supplies,
						until he was in danger from want. Then he sought an interview with Furnius,
						who had been a friend of Pompey the Great, and who was of higher rank and of
						a more trustworthy character than the others.

Taking a position where a river flowed between them, Pompeius said that he
						had sent ambassadors to Antony, and he added that, being in need of
						provisions meanwhile, and nobody supplying him, he had done what he had
						done. "If you have fought against me," he continued, "by Antony's direction,
						Antony has misconceived his own interests in not foreseeing the coming war.
						If you are anticipating Antony's intentions, I protest and implore you to
						wait for the embassy that I sent to Antony or to take and bring me to him
						now. I will surrender myself to you alone, Furnius, asking merely your
						pledge that you will conduct me to him in safety." He spoke thus because he
						had confidence in Antony as a man of generous nature, and he apprehended
						merely that something might happen to him on the journey. Furnius replied to
						him as follows: "If you wished to surrender yourself to Antony you ought to
						have done so in the beginning, or else have waited quietly at Mitylene for
						his answer. But if you desired the war you should have done as you have
						done. Why is it necessary to recount your deeds to one who knows them? If
						now you repent, do not bring us, generals, into collision with each other,
						but surrender yourself to Titius, to whom these matters have been intrusted
						by Antony. The pledge which you ask from me you can ask from him. He has
						been ordered by Antony to put you to death if you wage war, but, if you
						surrender yourself, to send you to him in an honorable manner."

Pompeius was angry with Titius as an ingrate, in that he undertook to wage
						this war against him, for he had once been taken prisoner and spared by
						Pompeius. Besides being angry he considered it beneath his dignity to be in
						the power of Titius, who was not of noble birth. Moreover he suspected
						Titius, either because he was acquainted with his character and did not
						consider him trustworthy, or because he was conscious of some old injury
						done to him previous to the benefaction above mentioned. Again he offered to
						surrender himself to Furnius, and begged that he would receive him. When the
						latter refused he said that he would surrender to Amyntas. Furnius said that
						Amyntas would not receive him, because that would be an insult to the one
						whom Antony had intrusted with this whole business; and so the interview
						ended. The opinion prevailed in the camp of Furnius that, for want of other
						resources, Pompeius would deliver himself up to Titius on the following day.
						When night came Pompeius left the customary fires burning, and the trumpets
						giving the usual signal at intervals through the night, while he quietly
						withdrew from the camp with a well-prepared band, who had not been
						previously advised whither they were to go. He intended to go to the
						sea-shore and burn Titius' fleet, and perhaps would have done so had not
						Scaurus deserted from him and communicated the fact of his departure and the
						road he had taken, although ignorant of his design. Amyntas, with 1500 horse, pursued Pompeius, who had no cavalry.
						When Amyntas drew near, Pompeius' men passed over to him, some privately,
						others openly. Pompeius, being almost entirely deserted and afraid of his
						own men, surrendered himself to Amyntas without conditions, although he had
						scorned to surrender to Titius with conditions.

Thus was Sextus Pompeius captured. He was the last remaining son of Pompey
						the Great, and had been deprived of his father when very young and of his
						brother while still a stripling. After their death he concealed himself for
						a long time and practised robbery secretly in Spain until he had collected a
						large following, because he made himself known as Pompey's son. Then he
						practised more open robbery. After the death of Gaius Cæsar he
						carried on war vigorously and collected a large army, together with ships
						and money, took islands, became master of the western sea, brought famine
						upon Italy, and compelled his enemies to make peace on such terms as he
						chose. Of most importance was the aid that he rendered to the proscribed in
						Rome exposed to utter destruction, rescuing many of the nobility who were,
						at this later time, safe at home by means of him. But stricken with mental
						aberration, he never pursued an aggressive policy against his foes, although
						fortune offered him many opportunities; he only defended himself. After such
						a career Pompeius was taken prisoner.

Titius brought Pompeius' soldiers into Antony's service and put Pompeius
						himself to death at Miletus in the fortieth year of his age. This he did
						either on his own account, angry at some former insult, and ungrateful for
						the subsequent kindness, or in pursuance of Antony's order. Some say that
						Plancus, not Antony, gave this order. They think that Plancus, while
						governing Syria, was authorized by letters to sign Antony's name in cases of
						urgency and to use his seal. Others think that it was written by Plancus
						with Antony's knowledge, but that the latter was ashamed to write it on
						account of the name Pompeius, and because Cleopatra was favorable to him on
						account of Pompey the Great. Still others think that Plancus, being
						cognizant of these facts, took it upon himself to give the order as a matter
						of precaution, lest Pompeius, with the coöperation of Cleopatra,
						should breed dissension between Antony and Octavius.

After the death of Pompeius Antony made a new expedition to Armenia, and
						Octavius made one against the Illyrians, who were plundering Italy, some of
						whom had never been subject to the Romans, while others had revolted during
						the civil wars. Since these Illyrian affairs are not very well known to me,
						and are not of sufficient length to make a book by themselves, and have no
						suitable place to be treated elsewhere, I have recorded them above
						(beginning with the time when Illyria was acquired by the Romans and
						bringing them down to the end), and added them to the history of the
						neighboring Macedonia.

WHEN Troy was captured on the 8th day of the month of December,
						Æneas fled to Mount Ida, passing through the Achæans,
						who gave way to him as he was carrying off his household gods and his
						family. Others say that it was not that pious sight that saved him, but that
						Æneas had often urged the barbarians to give Helen back to the
						Achæans. There, having collected a band of Phrygians, he departed to Laurentum, and having
						married Lavinia, the daughter of Latinus, king of the Aborigines, he built a
						city and named it Lavinium after his wife. Three years later Latinus died,
						and Æneas succeeded to the kingdom, by virtue of his marriage
						relationship, and gave the name of Latins to the Aborigines. Three years
						later still, Mezentius, the king of the Rutuli, engaged in war with him
						because Lavinia had been previously betrothed to himself, and
						Æneas was slain.

Ascanius then became king in his stead. Despising Lavinium as a paltry town,
						Ascanius founded another under the Alban mount and named it Alba, which,
						after it had held sway 300 years, the Romans destroyed, so that not even a
						foundation was left. Silvius, the third in descent, succeeded Ascanius. Then
						another Æneas was the fourth, Latinus was the fifth, Capys the
						sixth, Capetus the seventh, Tiberinus the eighth, Agrippa the ninth, Romulus
						the tenth, Aventinus the eleventh, Procas the twelfth, and Numitor and
						Amulius the thirteenth.

The father of these left the kingdom to Numitor as the elder of the two. His
						brother Amulius dispossessed him and became king. Amulius, fearing
						vengeance, slew Egestus, Numitor's son, while hunting, and being
						apprehensive lest the sister of Egestus should bear children he made her a
						vestal. She became pregnant, as she said, by Mars, while drawing water from
						a fountain sacred to him, and gave birth to Remus and Romulus. Amulius
						accordingly incarcerated her and gave the boys to be thrown into the Tiber,
						which was at that time called the Thubris. The bearers took the boys to the
						river. They were shepherds, and they placed the basket on the margin of the
						water where the river was marshy. After they had gone away the water receded
						and the babes were left on dry land, and a she-wolf stepped into the basket
						and suckled them. Laurentia, the wife of the shepherd Faustulus . . . They
						were reared to manhood in the practice of robbery, and Remus was captured
						while raiding the estates of Numitor, and was brought before Amulius.

The latter sent him to his brother Numitor, as the one who had suffered the
						robbery, to be condemned and punished. But Numitor, when he beheld the young
						man and reckoned up the time when he was exposed and the other
						circumstances, began to suspect the truth, and examined him closely as to
						his bringing up. Romulus became alarmed, and learning from Faustulus the
						facts concerning himself and his brother, and how his mother had been
						incarcerated, collected a band of shepherds and with them attacked Amulius,
						and, having killed him, proclaimed Numitor king of the Albans. Then they
						built a city on the bank of the river by the side of which they had been
						exposed and nourished, and where they had practised robbery after they had
						grown up; and they named it Rome. It was previously called the Tetragon,
						because its perimeter was sixteen stades, having four stades on each side.