After this, not many days later,
									Thymochares came from Athens with a
								few ships; and thereupon the Lacedaemonians and the Athenians fought
								another naval battle, and the Lacedaemonians were victorious, under
								the leadership of Agesandridas.

Shortly after this, at the beginning
								of the winter, Dorieus, the son of Diagoras, sailed into the
								Hellespont from Rhodes with fourteen ships, arriving at daybreak.
								And when the Athenian day-watcher described him, he signalled to the
								generals, and they put out against him with twenty ships; and
								Dorieus, fleeing from them towards the shore, beached his triremes,
								as fast as he got them clear of the enemy, in the neighbourhood of
								Rhoeteum.

And when the Athenians came near, the men under Dorieus fought, from
								their ships and from the shore, until the Athenians sailed away to
								Madytus, to the rest of their fleet, without having accomplished
								anything.

Now Mindarus caught sight of the
								battle as he was sacrificing to Athena at Ilium, and hurrying to the
								sea he launched his triremes and set out, in order to pick up the
								ships under Dorieus.

And the Athenians set out against him and did battle, along the strand near Abydus, from
								morning till late afternoon. They were at some points victorious and
								at others defeated, when Alcibiades sailed into the Hellespont to
								their support, with eighteen ships.

Thereupon the Peloponnesians took to flight in the direction of
								Abydus; and Pharnabazus came along the shore to their aid, and
								riding his horse into the sea as far as possible, bore a share in
								the fighting and cheered on his followers, cavalry and infantry.

Meanwhile the Peloponnesians made a barrier of their ships and
								marshalled themselves on the shore and fought. At length the
								Athenians sailed away to Sestus after capturing thirty of the
								enemy’s ships, though without their crews, and recovering those
								which they had previously lost themselves.

From Sestus all but forty of their ships went off in different
								directions, outside the Hellespont, to collect money; and
								Thrasyllus, who was one of the generals, set sail for Athens to
								report these events and to ask for troops and ships.

After this Tissaphernes came to the
								Hellespont; and when Alcibiades with a single trireme went to visit
								him, bearing friendly offerings and gifts, Tissaphernes seized him
								and imprisoned him in Sardis, saying that the King ordered him to
								make war upon the Athenians.

Thirty days later, however, Alcibiades, together with Mantitheus, who
								had been taken prisoner in Caria, provided themselves with horses
								and made their escape from Sardis by night to Clazomenae.

Meanwhile the Athenians at Sestus,
								learning that Mindarus was planning to
								sail against them with sixty ships, withdrew by night to Cardia.
									There Alcibiades joined them,
								coming from Clazomenae with five triremes and a dispatch boat. But
								upon learning that the Peloponnesian ships had set out from Abydus
								to Cyzicus, he proceeded overland to Sestus and gave orders that the
								ships should sail around to that place.

When they had arrived there and he was on the point of putting out to
								sea for battle, Theramenes sailed in from Macedonia with a
								reinforcement of twenty ships, and at the same time Thrasybulus
								arrived from Thasos with twenty more, both of them having been
								engaged in collecting money.

And after bidding them also to follow after him when they had removed
								their cruising sails, Alcibiades set
								off with his own ships to Parium; and when all the ships had come
								together at Parium, to the number of eighty-six, they set sail
								during the ensuing night, and on the next day at breakfast time
								arrived at Proconnesus.

There they learned that Mindarus was at Cyzicus, and also Pharnabazus
								with his army. Accordingly they remained that day at Proconnesus,
								but on the following day Alcibiades called an assembly of his men
								and told them that they must needs fight at sea, fight on land, and
								fight against fortresses. For we, he said, have no money, but the enemy have an
									abundance of it from the King.

Now on the preceding day, when they had come to anchor, Alcibiades
								had taken into his custody all the vessels in the harbour, even the
								small ones, in order that no one should report to the enemy the size
								of his fleet, and he made proclamation that death would be the
								punishment of any one who was caught sailing across to the other
								side of the strait.

And after the assembly he made preparations for battle and, in the
								midst of a heavy rain, set out for Cyzicus. When he was near Cyzicus, the weather cleared and
								the sun came out, and he sighted the ships under Mindarus, sixty in
								number, engaged in practice at some distance from the harbour and
								already cut off from it by his own fleet.

But the Peloponnesians, when they saw that the Athenian triremes were
								far more numerous than before and were near the harbour, fled to the
								shore; and mooring their ships together, they fought with their
								adversaries as they sailed down upon them.

Alcibiades, however, with twenty of his ships sailed round the fleets
								and landed on the shore. When Mindarus saw this, he also landed, and
								fell fighting on the shore; and those who were with him fled. And
								the Athenians took away with them to Proconnesus all the
								Peloponnesian ships, except those of the Syracusans; for these were
								burned by their own crews. From
								Proconnesus the Athenians sailed on the next day against
								Cyzicus;

and the Cyzicenes admitted them, inasmuch as the Peloponnesians and
								Pharnabazus had evacuated the city.

There Alcibiades remained for twenty days, and after obtaining a
								great deal of money from the Cyzicenes, but without doing any
								further harm in the city, sailed back to Proconnesus. From there he
								sailed to Perinthus and Selymbria.

And the Perinthians admitted the Athenian forces to their city, and
								the Selymbrians, while not admitting them, gave them money.

From there they proceeded to Chrysopolis, in Calchedonia, and
								fortified it, established a custom house in the city, and proceeded
								to collect the tithe-duty from vessels sailing out of the
									Pontus ;
								they also left there as a garrison thirty ships and two of the
									generals, Theramenes and Eumachus,
								to have charge of the fort, to attend to the outgoing ships, and to
								harm the enemy in any other way they could. The other generals
								returned to the Hellespont.

Meanwhile a letter dispatched to
								Lacedaemon by Hippocrates, vice-admiral under Mindarus, was
								intercepted and taken to Athens; it ran as follows: The ships are
								gone. Mindarus is dead. The men are starving. We know not what to
								do.

Pharnabazus, however, urged the whole Peloponnesian army and their
								allies not to be discouraged over a matter of ship-timber—for he
								said there was plenty of that in the King’s land—so long as their
								bodies were safe; and he not only gave to each man a cloak and
								subsistence for two months, but he also armed the sailors and set
								them as guards over his own coastline.

Furthermore, calling together the generals and ship-captains from the
								various states, he bade them build triremes at Antandrus to equal
								the number which they had severally lost, giving them money for the
								purpose and telling them to get timber from Mount Ida.

And while the ship-building was going on, the Syracusans helped the
								Antandrians to finish a portion of their wall, and in the
								garrison-duty made themselves most popular. For this reason the
								Syracusans now enjoy at Antandrus the privileges of benefactors and
								citizens. As for Pharnabazus, after making these arrangements he
								went at once to the relief of Calchedon.

At this time word came from home to
								the Syracusan generals that they had been banished by the democratic
									party. Accordingly they
								called together their soldiers and, through Hermocrates as
									spokesman, lamented their
								misfortune in being unjustly and illegally banished, all without
								exception. They urged their soldiers to continue zealous in the
								future, as they had been in the past, and to be true men in obeying
								every order; and they directed them to choose new commanders, to
								hold office until those who had been chosen to fill their places
								should arrive from Syracuse.

The men, however, and particularly the captains and marines and
								steersmen, set up a shout at this and bade the generals remain in
								command. They replied that they ought not to indulge in partizan
								opposition to their own government. But if anyone, they said, has
								any charge to bring against us, you should give us a hearing,
								remembering how many naval battles you have won and how many ships
								you have captured when fighting by yourselves, and how often when
								associated with others you have proved yourselves invincible under
								our leadership, occupying the most honourable post in the line of
								battle on account of our skill and your own zealous spirit,
								exhibited both on land and sea.

But when no one brought any charge against them, at the request of
								the troops they remained until their successors arrived,—Demarchus,
								the son of Epicydes, Myskon, the son of Menecrates, and Potamis, the
								son of Gnosis. Then, after most of the captains had taken oath that,
								when they returned to Syracuse, they would bring their generals back
								from exile, they sped them on their ways, commending them all;

but in particular those who had associated with Hermocrates felt
								exceedingly the loss of his care and enthusiasm and democratic
								spirit. For the best of those whose acquaintance he made, both
								captains and steersmen and marines, he used to gather every day in the morning and
								at evening to his own tent, where he communicated to them whatever
								he was planning to say or to do; he instructed them also, sometimes
								directing them to speak ex tempore and sometimes after
								deliberation.

As a result of this Hermocrates enjoyed the greatest reputation in
								the general council, and was thought superior to all others as
								speaker and adviser. He now went to visit Pharnabazus; and since he
								had once brought an accusation against Tissaphernes at Lacedaemon,
								in which Astyochus supported him as witness, and had been adjudged
								to speak the truth, he received money from Pharnabazus before he
								asked for it, and busied himself with collecting mercenaries and
								triremes with a view to his restoration to Syracuse. Meanwhile the
								Syracusans who succeeded the banished generals arrived at Miletus
								and took over the ships and the troops.

At about this time a revolution took
								place in Thasos, and the partisans of Lacedaemon and the Laconian
								governor Eteonicus were driven out of the island. And Pasippidas the
								Laconian, who was accused of having managed this intrigue, in
								collusion with Tissaphernes, was banished from Sparta, while
								Cratesippidas was sent out to the fleet which Pasippidas had
								collected from the allies, and assumed command of it at Chios.

During these days also, and while
								Thrasyllus was in Athens, Agis made a raid from Decelea up to the
								very walls of the city; and Thrasyllus led forth the Athenians and
								all others who were in the city and marshalled them beside the
									Lyceum, with the intention of engaging the enemy if they
								approached.

When Agis saw this, he withdrew in haste, and some few of his rear line were killed by the
								Athenian light troops. In consequence of this occurrence the
								Athenians were still more ready to give Thrasyllus the help for
								which he had come, and they voted that he might choose out for
								service a thousand hoplites, a hundred horsemen, and fifty
								triremes.

Meanwhile Agis, who could see from
								Decelea great numbers of grain-ships sailing in to Piraeus, said
								that it was useless for his troops to be trying all this long time
								to shut off the Athenians from access to their land, unless one
								should occupy also the country from which the grain was coming in by
								sea; and that it was best to send to Calchedon and Byzantium
								Clearchus, the son of Rhamphias, who was diplomatic agent for the
								Byzantines at Sparta.

When this was resolved upon, fifteen ships were manned by the
								Megarians and the other allies, more properly transports than
								warships, and Clearchus set out with them. Three of his ships were
								destroyed in the Hellespont by the nine Attic ships which were
								continually on duty there to protect the Athenian merchantmen, but
								the rest escaped to Sestus and from there made their way safely to
								Byzantium.

So the year ended, being the year in
								which the Carthaginians, under the leadership of Hannibal, made an
								expedition against Sicily, with an army of one hundred thousand men,
								and in the course of three months captured two Greek cities, Selinus
								and Himera.

In the next year—in which was
									celebrated the ninety-third
								Olympiad, when the newly added two-horse race was won by Euagoras of
								Elis and the stadium by Eubotas of Cyrene, Euarchippus being now
								ephor at Sparta and Euctemon archon at Athens —the Athenians
								fortified Thoricus; and Thrasyllus took the ships which had been
								voted him, equipped five thousand of his sailors so that he might
								employ them as peltasts also, and set sail at the beginning of the
								summer for Samos.

After remaining there for three days he sailed to Pygela; and there
								he laid waste the country and attacked the wall of the town. A force
								from Miletus, however, came to the aid of the Pygelans, and finding
								the Athenian light troops scattered, pursued them.

Thereupon the peltasts and two companies of the hoplites came to the
								aid of their light troops and killed all but a few of the men from
								Miletus; they also captured about two hundred shields and set up a
								trophy.

On the next day they sailed to Notium and from there, after making
								the necessary preparations, marched to Colophon; and the
								Colophonians gave them their allegiance. It was now the time when
								the grain was ripening, and during the following night they made a
								raid into Lydia, burned many villages, and seized money, slaves, and
								other booty in great quantities.

Stages, the Persian, however, was in this region, and when the
								Athenians had scattered from their camp for private plunder, he
								captured one of them and killed seven others, despite the fact that
								their cavalry came to the rescue.

After this Thrasyllus led his army back
								to the coast, with the intention of sailing to Ephesus. But when
								Tissaphernes learned of this plan, he gathered together a large army
								and sent out horsemen to carry word to everybody to rally at Ephesus
								for the protection of Artemis.

And now, on the seventeenth day after his raid, Thrasyllus sailed to
								Ephesus; and having disembarked the hoplites at the foot of Mount
								Coressus, and the cavalry, peltasts, marines, and all the rest near
								the marsh on the opposite side of the city, he led forward the two
								divisions at daybreak.

The defenders of the city sallied forth to meet the attack,—the
								Ephesians, the allies whom Tissaphernes had brought them, the crews
								of the original twenty Syracusan ships and of five others which
								chanced to have arrived there at the time, newly come from Syracuse
								under the command of Eucles, the son of Hippon, and Heracleides, the
								son of Aristogenes, and finally, the crews of two Selinuntine
								ships.

All these contingents directed their first attack upon the hoplites
								at Coressus; and after routing them, killing about a hundred of
								them, and pursuing the rest down to the shore, they turned their
								attention to those by the marsh; and there also the Athenians were
								put to flight, and about three hundred of them were killed.

So the Ephesians set up a trophy there and a second at Coressus. They
								also gave to the Syracusans and Selinuntines, who had especially
								distinguished themselves, the prizes for valour, not only general
								prizes, but many to particular individuals among them, while upon
								any one of them who at any time might desire it they conferred the
								privilege of dwelling in Ephesus tax free; and to the Selinuntines,
								after Selinus had been destroyed, they gave the rights of Ephesian citizenship as well.

As for the Athenians, after obtaining
								a truce and so recovering the bodies of their dead, they sailed back
								to Notium, buried the dead there, and sailed on towards Lesbos and
								the Hellespont.

While they were at anchor in the harbour of Methymna, in Lesbos, they
								saw sailing past them from Ephesus the twenty-five Syracusan ships;
								and putting out to the attack they captured four of them, men and
								all, and chased the rest back to Ephesus.

And Thrasyllus sent home to Athens all the prisoners with the
								exception of Alcibiades; this Alcibiades, who was an Athenian and a
								cousin and fellow-exile of Alcibiades the general, he caused to be
								stoned to death. Then he set sail to Sestus to join the rest of the
								army; and from Sestus the entire force crossed over to
								Lampsacus.

And now the winter came on. During the
								course of it the Syracusan prisoners, who were immured in stone
								quarries in Piraeus, dug through the rock and made their escape by
								night, most of them to Decelea and the rest to Megara.

Meanwhile at Lampsacus Alcibiades endeavoured to marshal his entire
								army as a unit, but the old soldiers were unwilling to be marshalled
								with the troops of Thrasyllus; for they said that they had never
								known defeat, while the others had just come from a defeat. Both
								contingents, however, wintered there together, occupying themselves
								in fortifying Lampsacus.

They also made an expedition against Abydus; and Pharnabazus, who
								came to its aid with a large force of cavalry, was defeated in
								battle and put to flight. And Alcibiades pursued him with the Athenian cavalry and one
								hundred and twenty of the hoplites, under the command of Menander,
								until darkness covered the retreat.

As a result of this battle the soldiers came together of their own
								accord and the old troops fraternised with those under Thrasyllus.
								The Athenians also made some other expeditions during the winter
								into the interior and laid waste the King’s territory.

At the same period the Lacedaemonians
								granted terms to the Helots who had revolted and fled from Malea to
								Coryphasium, allowing them to evacuate Coryphasium unmolested. At about the same time, also, the colonists of
								Heracleia, in Trachis, were betrayed by the Achaeans in a battle
								where both peoples were drawn up against their enemies, the
								Oetaeans, and as a result about seven hundred of the Heracleots
								perished, together with the Lacedaemonian governor, Labotas.

So this year ended, being the year in
								which the Medes, who had revolted from Darius, king of the Persians,
								were again reduced to subjection.

During the ensuing year the temple
									of Athena at Phocaea was
								struck by lightning and set on fire. When the winter ended and
								spring began,—Pantacles being now ephor and Antigenes archon, and
								the war having continued for twenty-two years—the Athenians sailed
								with their entire force to Proconnesus.

From there they set out against Calchedon and Byzantium, and went
								into camp near Calchedon. Now the Calchedonians, when they learned
								that the Athenians were approaching, had put all their portable property in the keeping of the Bithynian
								Thracians, their neighbours.

Alcibiades, however, taking a few of the hoplites and the cavalry,
								and giving orders that the ships should sail along the coast, went
								to the Bithynians and demanded the property of the Calchedonians,
								saying that if they did not give it to him, he would make war upon
								them; so they gave it over.

And when Alcibiades returned to his camp with the booty, after having
								concluded a treaty with the Bithynians, he proceeded with his whole
								army to invest Calchedon by building a wooden stockade which
								extended from sea to sea, taking in the river also in so far as this
								was practicable.

Thereupon Hippocrates, the Lacedaemonian governor, led forth his
								troops from the city to do battle; and the Athenians marshalled
								themselves against him, while Pharnabazus, outside the stockade,
								with infantry and horsemen in great numbers, tried to aid
								Hippocrates.

Now for a long time Hippocrates and Thrasyllus fought, each with his
								hoplites, until Alcibiades came to the rescue with a few hoplites
								and the cavalry. Then Hippocrates was killed, and those who were
								with him fled back into the city.

At the same time Pharnabazus, unable to effect a junction with
								Hippocrates owing to the narrowness of the space, since the stockade
								came down close to the river, retired to the Heracleium in the
								Calchedonian territory, where he had his camp.

After this Alcibiades went off to the Hellespont and the Chersonese
								to collect money; and the rest of the generals concluded a compact
								with Pharnabazus which provided that, in consideration of their sparing Calchedon,
								Pharnabazus should give the Athenians twenty talents and should
								conduct Athenian ambassadors to the King;

they also received from Pharnabazus a pledge under oath that the
								Calchedonians should pay to the Athenians precisely the same tribute
								they had been accustomed to pay and should settle the arrears of
								tribute, while they on their side made oath that the Athenians would
								not wage war upon the Calchedonians until the ambassadors should
								return from the King.

Alcibiades was not present at the exchange of these oaths, but was in
								the neighbourhood of Selymbria; and when he had captured that city,
								he came to Byzantium, bringing with him all the forces of the
								Chersonesians and soldiers from Thrace and more than three hundred
								horsemen.

Now Pharnabazus thought that Alcibiades also ought to give his oath,
								and so waited at Calchedon until he should come from Byzantium; but
								when he came, he said that he would not make oath unless Pharnabazus
								also should do the like to him.

In the end, Alcibiades made oath at Chrysopolis to the
								representatives of Pharnabazus, Mitrobates and Arnapes, and
								Pharnabazus at Calchedon to the representatives of Alcibiades,
								Euryptolemus and Diotimus, both parties not only giving the official
								oath but also making personal pledges to one another.

Immediately after this Pharnabazus went away, leaving word that the
								ambassadors who were going to the King should meet him at Cyzicus.
								The Athenians who were sent were Dorotheus, Philocydes, Theogenes,
								Euryptolemus, and Mantitheus, and with them two Argives, Cleostratus
								and Pyrrolochus; ambassadors of the Lacedaemonians also went along,
								Pasippidas and others, and with them
								Hermocrates, who was already an exile from Syracuse, and his brother
								Proxenus.

While Pharnabazus was conducting this
								party, the Athenians were besieging Byzantium; they had built a
								stockade around the city, and were attacking its wall with missiles
								from a distance and by close assault.

Within Byzantium was Clearchus the Lacedaemonian, its governor, and
								with him some Laconian Perioeci, a few emancipated Helots, a
								contingent of Megarians, under the command of Helixus the Megarian,
								and one of Boeotians, under the command of Coeratadas.

Now the Athenians, finding that they were unable to accomplish
								anything by force, persuaded some of the Byzantines to betray the
								city.

Meanwhile Clearchus, the governor, supposing that no one would do
								that, arranged everything as well as he could, turned over the
								charge of the city to Coeratadas and Helixus, and crossed to the
								opposite shore to meet Pharnabazus, in order to get from him pay for
								the soldiers and also to collect ships. His plan was to assemble
								those which had been left behind by Pasippidas as guardships and
								were now in the Hellespont, those at Antandrus, and those which
								Agesandridas, a lieutenant of Mindarus, had under his command on the
								Thracian coast, and finally, to have other ships built; then, after
								gathering them all together, he thought to harry the allies of the
								Athenians and so draw off their army from Byzantium.

But when Clearchus had sailed away, those who wanted to betray the
								city of the Byzantines set about their work,—Cydon, Ariston,
								Anaxicrates, Lycurgus, and Anaxilaus.

This Anaxilaus was afterwards tried for his life at Lacedaemon because of this betrayal, but was
								acquitted, on the plea that he did not betray the city, but rather
								saved it; he was a Byzantine, he said, not a Lacedaemonian, and when
								he saw children and women perishing of starvation,—for Clearchus, he
								said, gave whatever provisions the city contained to the soldiers of
								the Lacedaemonians,—he had for this reason admitted the enemy, not
								for the sake of money nor out of hatred to the Lacedaemonians.

As has been said, however, these betrayers made their preparations,
								and then, opening by night the gates that lead to the Thracian
								Square, as it is called, let in the Athenian army and
								Alcibiades.

Now Helixus and Coeratadas, who knew nothing of what was going on,
								hurried to the market-place with all their troops; but when they
								found that the enemy were masters everywhere and that they could do
								nothing, they surrendered themselves.

They were all sent off to Athens, and as they were disembarking at
								Piraeus, Coeratadas slipped away in the crowd and made his escape to
								Decelea.

As for Pharnabazus and the
								ambassadors, while they were spending the winter at Gordium, in
								Phrygia, they heard what had happened at Byzantium.

But as they were continuing their journey to the King, at the opening of the spring, they met
								not only the Lacedaemonian ambassadors returning,—Boeotius and his
								colleagues and the messengers besides, who reported that the
								Lacedaemonians had obtained from the King everything they
								wanted,—

but also Cyrus, who had come in order to be ruler of all the peoples
								on the coast and to support the Lacedaemonians in the war. This
								Cyrus brought with him a letter,
								addressed to all the dwellers upon the sea and
								bearing the King’s seal, which contained among other things these
								words: I send down Cyrus as caranus of
									those whose mustering-place is Castolus.

When the Athenian ambassadors heard
								all this and saw Cyrus, they wished, if it were possible, to make
								their journey to the King, but otherwise to return home.

Cyrus, however, directed Pharnabazus either to give the ambassadors
								into his charge, or at any rate not to let them go home as yet, for
								he wished the Athenians not to know of what was going on.

Pharnabazus, accordingly, in order that Cyrus might not censure him,
								detained the ambassadors for a time, now saying that he would
								conduct them to the King, and again, that he would let them go
								home;

but when three years had passed, he requested Cyrus to release them,
								on the plea that he had given his oath to conduct them back to the
								coast, since he could not take them to the King. So they sent the
								ambassadors to Ariobarzanes and directed him to escort them on; and
								he conducted them to Cius, in Mysia, whence they set sail to join
								the Athenian army.

Meanwhile Alcibiades, wishing to sail
								home with his troops, made straight for Samos; from there he sailed,
								with twenty of the ships, to the Ceramic Gulf, in Caria; and after
								collecting there a hundred talents, he returned to Samos.

Thrasybulus, however, with thirty ships, went off to the Thracian
								coast, where he reduced all the places which had revolted to the
								Lacedaemonians, and especially Thasos,
								which was in a bad state on account of wars and revolutions and
								famine.

Thrasyllus finally, with the rest of the fleet, sailed home to
								Athens; but before he arrived, the Athenians had chosen as generals
								Alcibiades, who was still in exile, Thrasybulus, who was absent, and
								as a third, from among those at home, Conon.

And now Alcibiades sailed from Samos with his twenty ships and his
								money to Paros, and from there directed his course straight to
								Gytheium, in order to take a look at the thirty triremes which he
								heard the Lacedaemonians were making ready there and to see how his
								city felt toward him, with reference to his homecoming.

And when he found that the temper of the Athenians was kindly, that
								they had chosen him general, and that his friends were urging him by
								personal messages to return, he sailed in to Piraeus, arriving on
								the day when the city was celebrating the Plynteria and the statue of
								Athena was veiled from sight,—a circumstance which some people
								imagined was of ill omen, both for him and for the state; for on
								that day no Athenian would venture to engage in any serious
								business.

When he sailed in, the common crowd of
								Piraeus and of the city gathered to his ships, filled with wonder
								and desiring to see the famous Alcibiades. Some of them said that he
								was the best of the citizens; that he alone was banished without
								just cause, but rather because he was plotted against by those who
								had less power than he and spoke less well and ordered their
								political doings with a view to their own private gain, whereas he
								was always advancing the common
								weal, both by his own means and by the power of the state.

At the time in question, they said, he
								was willing to be brought to trial at once, when the charge had just
								been made that he had committed sacrilege against the Eleusinian
								Mysteries; his enemies, however, postponed the trial, which was
								obviously his right, and then, when he was absent, robbed him of his
								fatherland;

thereafter, in his exile, helpless as a slave and in danger of his
								life every day, he was forced to pay court to those whom he hated
									most ; and though he saw those who were dearest to
								him, his fellow-citizens and kinsmen and all Athens, making
								mistakes, he was debarred by his banishment from the opportunity of
								helping them.

It was not the way, they said, of men such as he to desire revolution
								or a change in government; for under the democracy it had been his
								fortune to be not only superior to his contemporaries but also not
								inferior to his elders, while his enemies, on the other hand, were
								held in precisely the same low estimation after his banishment as
								before; later, however, when they had gained power, they had slain
								the best men, and since they alone were left, they were accepted by
								the citizens merely for the reason that better men were not
								available.

Others, however, said that Alcibiades
								alone was responsible for their past troubles, and as for the ills
								which threatened to befall the state, he alone would probably prove
								to be the prime cause of them.

Meanwhile Alcibiades, who had come to
								anchor close to the shore, did not at once disembark, through fear
								of his enemies; but mounting upon the deck of his ship, he looked to see whether his
								friends were present.

But when he sighted his cousin Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax,
								and his other relatives and with them his friends, then he
								disembarked and went up to the city, accompanied by a party who were
								prepared to quell any attack that anyone might make upon him.

And after he had spoken in his own defence before the Senate and the
								Assembly, saying that he had not committed sacrilege and that he had
								been unjustly treated, and after more of the same sort had been
								said, with no one speaking in opposition because the Assembly would
								not have tolerated it, he was proclaimed general-in-chief with
								absolute authority, the people thinking that he was the man to
								recover for the state its former power; then, as his first act, he
								led out all his troops and conducted by land the procession of the Eleusinian Mysteries, which the
								Athenians had been conducting by sea on account of the war;

and after this he collected an armament of fifteen hundred hoplites,
								one hundred and fifty horsemen, and one hundred ships. Then, in the
								fourth month after his return to Athens, he set sail for Andros,
								which had revolted from the Athenians; and with him were sent
								Aristocrates and Adeimantus, the son of Leucolophides, the generals
								who had been chosen for service by land.

Alcibiades disembarked his army at
								Gaurium, in the territory of Andros; and when the men of Andros and
								the Laconians who were there came forth to meet him, the Athenians
								routed them, shut them up in their city, and killed some few of
								them.

Accordingly Alcibiades set up a trophy, and after remaining there a
								few days, sailed to Samos, and from Samos
								as a base prosecuted the war.

Not long before this the
								Lacedaemonians had sent out Lysander as admiral, since
								Cratesippidas’ term of office had expired. And after Lysander had
								arrived at Rhodes and secured some ships there, he sailed to Cos and
								Miletus, and from there to Ephesus, where he remained with seventy
								ships until Cyrus arrived at Sardis. On his arrival Lysander went up
								to visit him, accompanied by the ambassadors from Lacedaemon.

Then and there they told Cyrus of the deeds of which Tissaphernes had
								been guilty, and begged him to show the utmost zeal in the war.

Cyrus replied that this was what his father had instructed him to do,
								and that he had no other intention himself, but would do everything
								possible; he had brought with him, he said, five hundred talents; if
								this amount should prove insufficient, he would use his own money,
								which his father had given him; and if this too should prove
								inadequate, he would go so far as to break up the throne whereon he
								sat, which was of silver and gold.

The ambassadors thanked him, and urged him to make the wage of each
								sailor an Attic drachma a day, explaining that if this
								were made the rate, the sailors of the Athenian fleet would desert
								their ships, and hence he would spend less money.

He replied that their plan was a good one, but that it was not
								possible for him to act contrary to the King’s instructions;
								besides, the original compact ran in this way, that the King should
								give thirty minae per month to each ship, whatever number of ships the
									Lacedaemonians might wish to
								maintain.

Lysander accordingly dropped the matter for the moment; but after
								dinner, when Cyrus drank his health and asked him by what act he
								could gratify him most, Lysander replied: By adding an obol to the
								pay of each sailor.

And from this time forth the wage was four obols, whereas it had
								previously been three. Cyrus also settled the arrears of pay and
								gave them a month’s wage in advance besides, so that the men of the
								fleet were much more zealous.

Now when the Athenians heard of this, they were despondent, and sent
								ambassadors to Cyrus through Tissaphernes.

Cyrus, however, would not receive them, although Tissaphernes urged
								him to do so and advised him to see to it that no single Greek state
								should become strong, but that all be kept weak through constant
								quarrelling among themselves,—the policy he himself had followed on
								the advice of Alcibiades.

As for Lysander, when he had finished
								organising his fleet, he hauled ashore the ships which were at
								Ephesus, now ninety in number, and kept quiet, while the ships were
								being dried out and repaired.

Meantime Alcibiades, hearing that Thrasybulus had come out from the
								Hellespont and was investing Phocaea, sailed across to see him,
								leaving in command of the fleet Antiochus, the pilot of his own
								ship, with orders not to attack Lysander’s ships.

Antiochus, however, with his own ship and one other sailed from
								Notium into the harbour of Ephesus and coasted along past the very
								prows of Lysander’s ships.

Lysander at first launched a few ships and pursued him, but when the
								Athenians came to the aid of Antiochus with more ships, he then
									formed into line of battle
								every ship he had and sailed against them. Thereupon the Athenians
								also launched the rest of their triremes at Notium and set out, as
								each one got a clear course.

From that moment they fell to fighting, the one side in good order,
								but the Athenians with their ships scattered, and fought until the
								Athenians took to flight, after losing fifteen triremes. As for the
								men upon them, the greater part escaped, but some were taken
								prisoners. Then Lysander, after taking possession of his prizes and
								setting up a trophy at Notium, sailed across to Ephesus, while the
								Athenians went to Samos.

After this Alcibiades came to Samos, set sail with all his ships to
								the harbour of Ephesus, and formed the fleet in line at the mouth of
								the harbour as a challenge to battle, in case anyone cared to fight.
								But when Lysander did not sail out against him, because his fleet
								was considerably inferior in numbers, Alcibiades sailed back to
								Samos. And a little later the Lacedaemonians captured Delphinium and
								Eion.

When the Athenians at home got the
								news of the battle at Notium, they were angry with Alcibiades,
								thinking that he had lost the ships through neglect of duty and
								dissolute conduct, and they chose ten new generals, Conon, Diomedon,
								Leon, Pericles, Erasinides, Aristocrates, Archestratus, Protomachus,
								Thrasyllus, and Aristogenes.

So Alcibiades, who was in disfavour with the army as well, took a
								trireme and sailed away to his castle in the Chersonese.

After this Conon set sail from Andros, with the twenty ships which he
								had, to Samos, there to assume command of
								the fleet in accordance with the vote which the Athenians had
								passed. They also sent Phanosthenes to Andros, with four ships, to
								replace Conon.

On the way Phanosthenes fell in with two Thurian triremes and
								captured them, crews and all; and the men who were thus taken were
								all imprisoned by the Athenians, but their commander, Dorieus, a
								Rhodian by birth, but some time before exiled from both Athens and
								Rhodes by the Athenians, who had condemned him and his kinsmen to
								death, and now a citizen of Thurii, they set free without even
								exacting a ransom, taking pity upon him.

When, meanwhile, Conon had arrived at Samos, where he found the
								Athenian fleet in a state of despondency, he manned with full
								complements seventy triremes instead of the former number, which was
								more than a hundred, and setting out with this fleet, in company
								with the other generals, landed here and there in the enemy’s
								territory and plundered it.

So the year ended, being the year in
								which the Carthaginians made an expedition to Sicily with one
								hundred and twenty triremes and an army of one hundred and twenty
								thousand men, and although defeated in battle, starved Acragas into
								submission after besieging it for seven months.

In the ensuing year—the year in which
									there was an eclipse of the
								moon one evening, and the old temple of
								Athena at Athens was burned, Pityas being now ephor at Sparta and
								Callias archon at Athens—the Lacedaemonians sent Callicratidas to
								take command of the fleet, since
								Lysander’s term of office had ended (and with it the twenty-fourth
								year of the war).

And when Lysander delivered over the ships, he told Callicratidas
								that he did so as master of the sea and victor in battle.
								Callicratidas, however, bade him coast along from Ephesus on the
								left of Samos, where the Athenian ships were, and deliver over the
								fleet at Miletus; then, he said, he would grant him that he was
								master of the sea.

But when Lysander replied that he would not meddle when another was
								commander, Callicratidas, left to himself, manned with sailors from
								Chios and Rhodes and other allied states fifty ships in addition to
								those which he had received from Lysander. And after assembling the
								entire fleet, a total of one hundred and forty ships, he prepared to
								meet the enemy.

But when he found out that Lysander’s friends were intriguing against
								him,—they not only rendered half-hearted service, but also spread
								the report in the cities that the Lacedaemonians made a serious
								mistake in changing their admirals; for in place of men who were
								proving themselves fit and were just coming to understand naval
								matters and knew well how to deal with men, they frequently sent out
								men who were unacquainted with the sea and unknown to the people
								near the seat of war; and there was danger, they said, of their
								meeting with disaster on this account,—after hearing of all this
								Callicratidas called together the Lacedaemonians who were there and
								addressed them as follows:

I, for my part, am content to stay at
								home, and if Lysander or anyone else professes to be more
								experienced in naval affairs, I will not stand in his way so far as
								I am concerned; but it is I who have been sent by the state to
								command the fleet, and I cannot do otherwise than obey my orders to
								the best of my power. As for you, in view of the ambition which I
								cherish and the criticisms which our state incurs,—and you know them
								as well as I do,—give me whatever advice seems to you best on the
								question of my remaining here or sailing back home to report the
								conditions which exist here.

Since no one dared to propose anything
								else than that he should obey the authorities at home and do the
								work for which he had come, he went to Cyrus and asked for pay for
								the sailors; Cyrus, however, told him to wait for two days.

But Callicratidas, indignant at being thus put off and driven to
								anger by having to dance attendance at his gates, declaring that the
								Greeks were in a sorry plight, toadying to barbarians for the sake
								of money, and saying that if he reached home in safety he would do
								his best to reconcile the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians, sailed
								away to Miletus;

and after despatching triremes from there to Lacedaemon to get money,
								he gathered the Milesians in assembly and spoke as
									follows: Upon me, men of Miletus,
								lies the necessity of obeying the authorities at home; and as for
								you, I claim that you should show the utmost zeal in this war,
								because you dwell among barbarians and in the past have suffered
								very many ills at their hands.

And you should as leaders show the
								other allies how we may inflict the utmost harm upon the enemy in
								the shortest time, until the people return from Lacedaemon whom I
								have sent thither to get money;

for the money which Lysander had on hand he gave back to Cyrus, as
								though it were unneeded surplus, and went his way; and as for Cyrus,
								whenever I visited him he invariably put off giving me an audience,
								and I could not bring myself to dance attendance at his gates.

But I promise you that for whatever good results we achieve while we
								are waiting for the funds from Sparta I will make you an adequate
								return. Let us then, with the help of the gods, show the barbarians
								that even without paying court to them we can punish our
								enemies.

When he had said this, many arose,
								particularly those who were accused of opposing him, and in alarm
								proposed a grant of money, offering private contributions as well.
								And taking this money and supplying from Chios a payment of five
								drachmae apiece for his seamen, he sailed against Methymna, in
								Lesbos, which was hostile.

And when the Methymnaeans refused to surrender,—for there was an
								Athenian garrison in the place and those who had control of the
								government were partisans of Athens, —Callicratidas attacked the
								city and captured it by storm.

All the property which it contained the soldiers seized as booty, but
								all the captives Callicratidas assembled in the market-place; and
								when his allies urged him to sell into slavery the Methymnaeans as
								well as the Athenians, he said that while he was commander no Greek
								should be enslaved if he could help
								it.

Accordingly on the next day he let the Methymnaeans go free, but sold
								the members of the Athenian garrison and such of the captives as were slaves; then
								he sent word to Conon that he would put a stop to his playing the
								wanton with his bride, the sea. And when he caught sight of Conon
								putting out to sea at daybreak, he pursued him, aiming to cut off
								his course to Samos, so that he could not direct his flight
								thither.

Conon’s ships, however, made good speed as he fled, because the best
								oarsmen had been picked out of a great many crews and assembled in a
								few; in the end he sought refuge in the harbour of Mytilene, in
								Lesbos, and with him two more of the ten generals, Leon and
								Erasinides. But Callicratidas, pursuing with one hundred and seventy
								ships, sailed into the harbour simultaneously.

And Conon, thwarted in his plan by the enemy’s swiftness, was forced
								to give battle at the mouth of the harbour and lost thirty ships;
								their crews, however, escaped to the land; and the remainder of his
								ships, forty in number, he drew up on shore under the wall of the
								city.

Thereupon Callicratidas anchored in the harbour and blockaded him on
								that side, holding the outlet to the sea. As for the land side, he
								summoned the Methymnaeans to come to his aid with their entire force
								and brought over his army from Chios; and money came to him from
								Cyrus.

When Conon found himself blockaded
								both by land and by sea, and was unable to procure provisions from
								anywhere,—and the people in the city were many, and the Athenians could not come to his
								aid because they had not learned of these events,—he launched two of
								his fastest ships and manned them before daybreak, picking out the
								best oarsmen from his whole fleet, shifting the marines to the hold
								of the ships, and setting up the side screens.

They continued in this way through the day, but each evening he had
								them disembark when darkness came on, so that the enemy might not
								perceive that they were so doing. On the fifth day they put on board
								a moderate quantity of provisions, and when it came to be midday and
								the blockaders were careless and some of them asleep, they rowed out
								of the harbour, and one of the ships set out for the Hellespont and
								the other to the open sea.

And the blockaders, as they severally got their ships clear of one
								another, cutting away their anchors and rousing themselves from
								sleep, hastened to the pursuit in confusion, for it chanced that
								they had been breakfasting on the shore; and when they had embarked,
								they pursued the vessel which had made for the open sea, and at
								sunset they overhauled her and, after capturing her in battle, took
								her in tow and brought her back, men and all, to their fleet.

But the ship which fled toward the Hellespont escaped, and on its
								arrival at Athens reported the blockade. Meanwhile Diomedon, seeking
								to aid Conon, blockaded as he was, anchored with twelve ships in the
								strait of Mytilene.

Callicratidas, however, sailed down upon him suddenly and captured
								ten of his ships, Diomedon escaping with his own ship and one
								other.

When the Athenians heard of what had
									happened and of the blockade,
								they voted to go to the rescue with one hundred and ten ships,
								putting aboard all who were of military age, whether slave or free;
								and within thirty days they manned the one hundred and ten ships and
								set forth. Even the knights went aboard
								in considerable numbers.

After this they sailed to Samos and from there got ten Samian ships;
								they collected also more than thirty others from the rest of the
								allies, forcing everybody to embark, and in like manner whatever
								Athenian ships happened to be abroad. And the total number of the
								ships came to more than one hundred and fifty.

Now Callicratidas, when he heard that the relief expedition was
								already at Samos, left behind him at Mytilene fifty ships with
								Eteonicus as commander, and setting sail with the remaining one
								hundred and twenty, took dinner at Cape Malea in Lesbos.

On the same day it chanced that the Athenians took dinner on the
								Arginusae islands. These lie opposite Mytilene.

And when Callicratidas saw their fires during the night and people
								reported to him that it was the Athenians, he proposed to put to sea
								at about midnight, in order to attack them unexpectedly; but a heavy
								rain coming on, with thunder, prevented the setting out. And when it
								ceased, he sailed at daybreak for the Arginusae.

The Athenians stood out to meet him,
								extending their left wing out to sea and arranged in the following
								order: Aristocrates, in command of the left wing, led the way with fifteen ships,
								and next in order Diomedon with fifteen more; and Pericles was
								stationed behind Aristocrates and Erasinides behind Diomedon; and
								beside Diomedon were the Samians with ten ships, drawn up in single
								line; and their commander was a Samian named Hippeus; and next to
								them were the ten ships of the taxiarchs, also in single line; and behind these the three
								ships of the nauarchs and also some ships from
								the allies;

and the right wing was under the command of Protomachus, with fifteen
								ships; and beside him was Thrasyllus with fifteen more; and Lysias,
								with the same number of ships, was stationed behind Protomachus, and
								Aristogenes behind Thrasyllus.

The ships were arranged in this way so as not to give the enemy a
								chance of breaking through the line; for
								the Athenians were inferior in seamanship. But all the vessels of
								the Lacedaemonians were arranged in single line, with a view to
								breaking through the enemy and circling round him, inasmuch as they
								had superior seamen. And Callicratidas was on the right wing.

Now Hermon the Megarian, the pilot of Callicratidas’ ship, said to
								him that it was well to sail away; for the triremes of the Athenians
								were far more numerous. Callicratidas, however, said that Sparta
								would fare none the worse if he were killed, but flight, he said,
								would be a disgrace.

After this they fell to fighting, and
								fought for a long time, their ships at first in close order and
									afterwards scattered. But when
								Callicratidas, as his ship rammed an enemy, fell overboard into the
								sea and disappeared, and Protomachus and those with him on the right
								wing defeated the opposing Lacedaemonian left, then began a flight
								of the Peloponnesians to Chios, though very many went to Phocaea;
								while the Athenians sailed back to the Arginusae.

The loss on the Athenian side was twenty-five ships, crews and all,
								with the exception of a few men who were brought to shore, and on
								the Peloponnesian side nine Laconian ships, out of a total of ten,
								and more than sixty ships of the allies.

After this victory it was resolved by the Athenian generals that
								Theramenes and Thrasybulus, who were ship-captains, and some of the
								taxiarchs, should sail with forty-seven ships to the aid of the
								disabled vessels and the men on board them, while they themselves
								went with the rest of the fleet to attack the ships under Eteonicus
								which were blockading Mytilene. But despite their desire to carry
								out these measures, the wind and a heavy storm which came on
								prevented them; accordingly, after setting up a trophy, they
								bivouacked where they were.

As for Eteonicus, the dispatch-boat
								reported to him the whole story of the battle. He, however, sent the
								boat out again, telling those who were in it to sail out of the
								harbour in silence and not talk with anyone, and then to sail back
								immediately to his fleet, wearing garlands and shouting that
								Callicratidas had been victorious in battle and that all the ships
								of the Athenians had been destroyed.

This they proceeded to do; and when they were sailing in, Eteonicus
								began to offer sacrifices for the good news, and gave orders that the soldiers
								should take their dinner, that the traders should put their goods
								into their boats in silence and sail off to Chios (for the wind was
								favourable), and that the triremes also should sail thither with all
								speed.

And he himself led his land forces back to Methymna, after setting
								fire to their camp. Conon now launched his ships, and, since the
								enemy had stolen away and the wind was quieter, went to meet the
								Athenians, who had by this time set out from the Arginusae, and told
								them what Eteonicus had done. The Athenians put in to Mytilene,
								sailed thence against Chios, and, accomplishing nothing there,
								sailed back towards Samos.

Now the people at home deposed the
								above-mentioned generals, with the exception of Conon; and as his
								colleagues they chose two men, Adeimantus and Philocles. As for
								those generals who had taken part in the battle, two of
								them—Protomachus and Aristogenes—did not return to Athens, but when
								the other six came home—

Pericles, Diomedon, Lysias, Aristocrates, Thrasyllus, and
								Erasinides,—Archedemus, who was at that time a leader of the popular
								party at Athens and had charge of the two-obol fund, brought accusation against Erasinides before
								a court and urged that a fine be imposed upon him, claiming that he
								had in his possession money from the Hellespont which belonged to
								the people; he accused him, further, of misconduct as general. And
								the court decreed that Erasinides should be imprisoned.

After this the generals made a statement before the Senate in regard
								to the battle and the violence of the storm; and upon motion of Timocrates, that the others also should
								be imprisoned and turned over to the Assembly for trial, the Senate
								imprisoned them.

After this a meeting of the Assembly was called, at which a number of
								people, and particularly Theramenes, spoke against the generals,
								saying that they ought to render an account of their conduct in not
								picking up the shipwrecked. For as proof that the generals fastened
								the responsibility upon no person apart from themselves, Theramenes
								showed a letter which they had sent to the Senate and to the
								Assembly, in which they put the blame upon nothing but the
								storm.

After this the several generals spoke in their own defence (though
								briefly, for they were not granted the hearing prescribed by the
								law) and stated what they had done, saying that they themselves
								undertook to sail against the enemy and that they assigned the duty
								of recovering the shipwrecked to certain of the captains who were
								competent men and had been generals in the past,—Theramenes,
								Thrasybulus, and others of that sort;

and if they had to blame any, they could blame no one else in the
								matter of the recovery except these men, to whom the duty was
								assigned. And we shall not, they added, just because they accuse
								us, falsely say that they were to blame, but rather that it was the
								violence of the storm which prevented the recovery.

They offered as witnesses to the truth of these statements the pilots
								and many others among their ship-companions. With such arguments
								they were on the point of persuading the Assembly, and many of the
								citizens rose and wanted to give bail for them; it was decided,
								however, that the matter should be postponed to another meeting of
								the Assembly (for by that time it was late
								in the day and they could not have distinguished the hands in the
								voting), and that the Senate should draft and bring in a
									proposal regarding
								the manner in which the men should be tried.

After this the Apaturia was
								celebrated, at which fathers and kinsmen meet together. Accordingly
								Theramenes and his supporters arranged at this festival with a large
								number of people, who were clad in mourning garments and had their
								hair close shaven, to attend the meeting of the Assembly, pretending
								that they were kinsmen of those who had perished, and they bribed
								Callixeinus to accuse the generals in the Senate.

Then they called an Assembly, at which the Senate brought in its
								proposal, which Callixeinus had drafted in the following terms:
								 Resolved, that since the Athenians have heard in the previous
								meeting of the Assembly both the accusers who brought charges
								against the generals and the generals speaking in their own defence,
								they do now one and all cast their votes by tribes; and that two
								urns be set at the voting-place of each tribe; and that in each
								tribe a herald proclaim that whoever adjudges the generals guilty,
								for not picking up the men who won the victory in the naval battle,
								shall cast his vote in the first urn, and whoever adjudges them not
								guilty, shall cast his vote in the second;

and if they be adjudged guilty, that they be punished with death and
								handed over to the Eleven, and that their property be
								confiscated and the tenth thereof belong to the goddess.

And there came before the Assembly a
								man who said that he had been saved by floating upon a meal-tub, and
								that those who were perishing charged him to report to the people,
								if he were saved, that the generals did not pick up the men who had
								proved themselves most brave in the service of their country.

Now Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, and some others served a
								summons upon Callixeinus, alleging that he had made an
								unconstitutional proposal. And some of the people applauded this
								act, but the greater number cried out that it was monstrous if the
								people were to be prevented from doing whatever they wished.

Indeed, when Lyciscus thereupon moved that these men also should be
								judged by the very same vote as the generals, unless they withdrew
								the summons, the mob broke out again with shouts of approval, and
								they were compelled to withdraw the summonses.

Furthermore, when some of the Prytanes refused to
								put the question to the vote in violation of the law, Callixeinus
								again mounted the platform and urged
								the same charge against them; and the crowd cried out to summon to
								court those who refused.

Then the Prytanes, stricken with fear, agreed to put the
								question,—all of them except Socrates, the son of Sophroniscus; and
								he said that in no case would he act except in accordance with the
								law.

After this Euryptolemus mounted the platform and spoke as follows in
								defence of the generals: I have come
								to the platform, men of Athens, partly to accuse Pericles, though he
								is my kinsman and intimate, and Diomedon, who is my friend,
									partly to speak in their
								defence, and partly to advise the measures which seem to me to be
								best for the state as a whole.

I accuse them, because they persuaded their colleagues to change
								their purpose when they wanted to send a letter to the Senate and to
								you, in which they stated that they assigned to Theramenes and
								Thrasybulus, with forty-seven triremes, the duty of picking up the
								shipwrecked, and that they failed to perform this duty.

Such being the case, are these generals to share the blame now with
								Theramenes and Thrasybulus, although it was those alone who
								blundered, and are they now, in return for the humanity they showed
								then, to be put in hazard of their lives through the machinations of
								those men and certain others?

No! at least not if you take my advice and follow the just and
								righteous course, the course which will best enable you to learn the
								truth and to avoid finding out hereafter, to your sorrow, that it is
								you yourselves who have sinned most grievously, not only against the
								gods, but against yourselves. The advice I give you is such that, it
								you follow it, you cannot be deceived either by me or by anyone
								else, and that with full knowledge you will punish the guilty with
								whatever punishment you may desire, either all of them together or
								each one separately, namely, by first granting them at least one
								day, if not more, to speak in their own defence, and by putting your
								trust, not so much in others, but in yourselves.

Now you all know, men of Athens, that the decree of Cannonus is
								exceedingly severe: it provides that if anyone shall wrong the
								people of Athens, he shall plead his case in fetters before the
								people, and if he be adjudged guilty, he shall be put to death by
								being cast into the pit, and his
								property shall be confiscated and the tenth part thereof shall
								belong to the goddess.

Under this decree I urge you to try the generals, and, by Zeus, if it
								so please you, Pericles, my kinsman, first of them all; for it would
								be base for me to think more of him than of the general interests of
								the state.

Or if you do not wish to do this, try them under the following law,
								which applies to temple-robbers and traitors: namely, if anyone
								shall be a traitor to the state or shall steal sacred property, he
								shall be tried before a court, and if he be convicted, he shall not
								be buried in Attica, and his property shall be confiscated.

By whichever of these laws you choose, men of Athens, let the men be
								tried, each one separately, and let the day be
								divided into three parts, one wherein you shall gather and vote as
								to whether you judge them guilty or not, another wherein the
								accusers shall present their case, and another wherein the accused
								shall make their defence.

If this is done, the guilty will
								incur the severest punishment, and the guiltless will be set free by
								you, men of Athens, and will not be put to death unjustly.

As for yourselves, you will be granting a trial in accordance with
								the law and standing true to religion and your oaths, and you will
								not be fighting on the side of the Lacedaemonians by putting to
								death the men who captured seventy ships from them and defeated
								them,—by putting to death these men, I say, without a trial, in
								violation of the law.

What is it, pray, that you fear, that you are in such excessive haste? Do you fear lest you
								will lose the right to put to death and set free anyone you please
								if you proceed in accordance with the law, but think that you will
								retain this right if you proceed in violation of the law, by the
								method which Callixeinus persuaded the Senate to report to the
								people, that is, by a single vote?

Yes, but you might possibly be putting to death some one who is
								really innocent; and repentance afterwards—ah, remember how painful
								and unavailing it always is, and especially when one’s error has
								brought about a man’s death.

You would do a monstrous thing if, after granting in the past to
									Aristarchus, the destroyer of the democracy and afterwards
								the betrayer of Oenoe to your enemies the Thebans, a day in which to
								defend himself as he pleased, and allowing him all his other rights
								under the law,—if, I say, you shall now deprive the generals, who
								have done everything to your satisfaction, and have defeated the
								enemy, of these same rights.

Let no such act be yours, men of Athens, but guard the laws, which
								are your own and above all else have made you supremely great, and
								do not try to do anything without their sanction. And now come back to the actual
								circumstances under which the mistakes are thought to have been
								committed by the generals. When, after winning the battle, they
								sailed in to the shore, Diomedon urged that they should one and all
								put out to sea in line and pick up the wreckage and the shipwrecked
								men, while Erasinides proposed that all should sail with the utmost
								speed against the enemy at Mytilene. But Thrasyllus said that both
									things would be accomplished if
								they should leave some of the ships there and should sail with the
								rest against the enemy;

and if this plan were decided upon, he advised that each of the
								generals, who were eight in number, should leave behind three ships
								from his own division, and that they should also leave the ten ships
								of the taxiarchs, the ten of the Samians, and the three of the
								nauarchs. These amount all told to forty-seven ships, four for each
								one of the lost vessels, which were twelve in number.

Among the captains who were left behind were both Thrasybulus and
								Theramenes, the man who accused the generals at the former meeting
								of the Assembly. And with the rest of the ships they planned to sail
								against the enemy’s fleet. Now what one of these acts did they not
								do adequately and well? It is but just, therefore, that those, on
								the one hand, who were detailed to go against the enemy should be
								held to account for their lack of success in dealing with the enemy,
								and that those, on the other hand, who were detailed to recover the
								shipwrecked, in case they did not do what the generals ordered,
								should be tried for not recovering them.

This much, however, I can say in defence of both parties, that the
								storm absolutely prevented them from doing any of the things which
								the generals had planned. And as witnesses to this fact you have
								those who were saved by mere chance, among whom is one of our
								generals, who came through safely on a disabled ship, and whom they
								now bid you judge by the same vote (although at that time he needed
								to be picked up himself) by which you judge those who did not do
								what they were ordered to do.

Do not, then, men of Athens, in the face of your victory and your
								good fortune, act like men who are beaten and unfortunate, nor, in
								the face of heaven’s visitation, show yourselves unreasonable by
								giving a verdict of treachery instead of helplessness, since they
								found themselves unable on account of the storm to do what they had
								been ordered to do; nay, it would be far more just for you to honour
								the victors with garlands than, yielding to the persuasions of
								wicked men, to punish them with death.

When Euryptolemus had thus spoken, he
								offered a resolution that the men be tried under the decree of
								Cannonus, each one separately; whereas the proposal of the Senate
								was to judge them all by a single vote. The vote being now taken as
								between these two proposals, they decided at first in favour of the
								resolution of Euryptolemus; but when Menecles interposed an
								objection under oath and a second vote was taken,
								they decided in favour of that of the Senate. After this they
								condemned the generals who took part in the battle, eight in all;
								and the six who were in Athens were put to death.

And not long afterwards the Athenians repented, and they voted that
									complaints be brought against any who had
								deceived the people, that they furnish bondsmen men until such time
								as they should be brought to trial, and
								that Callixeinus be included among them. Complaints were brought
								against four others also, and they were put into confinement by
								their bondsmen. But when there broke out afterwards a factional
								disturbance, in the course of which Cleophon was
								put to death, these men escaped, before being brought to trial;
								Callixeinus indeed returned, at the time when the Piraeus party
								returned to the city, but he was hated by everybody and died
								of starvation.

The troops that were at Chios under
									Eteonicus subsisted, so long as
								the summer lasted, upon the produce of the season and by working for
								hire up and down the island; when winter came on, however, and they
								were without food and poorly clad and unshod, they got together and
								agreed to make an attack upon Chios; and it was decided that those
								who approved this plan should carry a reed, so that they could tell
								how numerous they were.

Now when Eteonicus learned of the plot, he was uncertain how to deal
								with the matter on account of the great number of the reed-bearers.
								To attack them openly seemed to him to be dangerous, for he feared
								that they might rush to their arms, gain possession of the city,
								turn enemies, and so ruin everything, in case they should prevail;
								while, in the other case, to be putting allied soldiers to death in
								such numbers was also clearly a serious matter, for in this way the
								Lacedaemonians might incur harsh criticism among the other Greeks as
								well, and the troops might be disaffected toward the cause.

Accordingly he took with him fifteen men armed with daggers and
								proceeded through the city, and meeting a man suffering from
								ophthalmia as he was leaving a physician’s house, a reed in his
								hand, he put him to death.

And when an uproar resulted and people asked why the man had been put
								to death, Eteonicus ordered his followers to give out word that it was because he had the reed. As a
								result of this announcement all those who were carrying reeds threw
								them away, each man as he heard the report being afraid that he
								might be seen with one.

After this Eteonicus called together the Chians and bade them
								contribute money, in order that the sailors might get their pay and
								not attempt anything seditious; and the Chians did so. At the same
								time he ordered his men to embark upon their ships; and going along
								past each ship in its turn he encouraged and advised them at length,
								as though he knew nothing of what had happened, and distributed a
								month’s pay to all hands.

After this the Chians and the rest of
								the allies gathered at Ephesus and resolved, in view of the existing
								situation, to send ambassadors to Lacedaemon to report the facts and
								to ask for Lysander as commander of the fleet, a man who was in high
								favour among the allies as a result of his former command, when he
								won the battle of Notium.

Ambassadors were accordingly sent, and with them went also envoys
								from Cyrus with the same request. And the Lacedaemonians granted
								them Lysander as vice-admiral, but made Aracus admiral; for it was
								contrary to their law for a man to hold the office of admiral twice;
								nevertheless, they put the ships under the command of Lysander—the
								war having now lasted twenty-five years.

It was in this year that Cyrus put to
								death Autoboesaces and Mitraeus, who were sons of Darius’ sister—the
								daughter of Darius’ father Xerxes—because upon meeting him they did
								not thrust their hands through the corê, an honour they show
									the King alone. (The corê is
								a longer sleeve than the cheiris, and a man who had his hand in one
								would be powerless to do anything.)

In consequence, Hieramenes and his wife said to Darius that it would
								be shameful if he were to overlook such wanton violence on the part
								of Cyrus; and Darius, on the plea that he was ill, sent messengers
								and summoned Cyrus to come to him.

In the following year—Archytas being
								now ephor, and Alexias archon at
								Athens—Lysander arrived at Ephesus and sent for Eteonicus to come
								thither from Chios with the ships, while he also gathered together
								all the other ships that were anywhere to be found; then he occupied
								himself with refitting these vessels and building more at
								Antandrus.

Meantime he went to Cyrus and asked for money; and Cyrus told him
								that the funds provided by the King had been spent, in fact much
								more besides, showing him how much each of the admirals had
								received; nevertheless he did give him money.

And upon receiving it Lysander appointed to each trireme its captain
								and paid his sailors the wages that were due them. Meanwhile the
								Athenian generals also were getting their fleet in readiness, at
								Samos.

At this point Cyrus sent for Lysander,
								for a messenger had come to him from his father with word that he
								was ill and summoned him, he being at Thamneria, in Media, near the
								country of the Cadusians, against whom he had made an expedition,
								for they were in revolt.

And when Lysander arrived, Cyrus warned him not to give battle to the
								Athenians unless he should far outnumber them in ships; for, Cyrus
								said, both the King and he had money in abundance, and hence, so far as that point
								was concerned, it would be possible to man many ships. He then
								assigned to Lysander all the tribute which came in from his cities
								and belonged to him personally, and gave him also the balance he had
								on hand; and, after reminding Lysander how good a friend he was both
								to the Lacedaemonian state and to him personally, he set out on the
								journey to his father.

Now Lysander, when Cyrus had thus
								given over to him all his money and set out, in response to the
								summons, to visit his sick father, distributed pay to his men and
								set sail to the Ceramic Gulf, in Caria. There he attacked a city
								named Cedreiae which was an ally of the Athenians, and on the second
								day’s assault captured it by storm and reduced the inhabitants to
								slavery; they were a mixture of Greek and barbarian blood. Thence he
								sailed away to Rhodes.

As for the Athenians, they harried the territory of the King, using
								Samos as a base, and sailed against Chios and Ephesus; they were
								also making their preparations for battle, and had chosen three
								generals in addition to the former number,—Menander, Tydeus, and
								Cephisodotus.

Meanwhile Lysander sailed from Rhodes along the coast of Ionia to the
								Hellespont, in order to prevent the passing out of the grain-ships
								and to take action against the cities which had revolted from the
								Lacedaemonians. The Athenians likewise set out thither from Chios,
								keeping to the open sea;

for Asia was hostile to them. But Lysander coasted along from Abydus
								to Lampsacus, which was an ally of the Athenians; and the people of
								Abydus and the other cities were at hand on the shore to support
								him, being commanded by Thorax, a
								Lacedaemonian.

Then they attacked the city and captured it by storm, whereupon the
								soldiers plundered it. It was a wealthy city, full of wine and grain
								and all other kinds of supplies. But Lysander let go all the free
								persons who were captured.

Now the Athenians had been sailing in the wake of Lysander’s fleet,
								and they anchored at Elaeus, in the Chersonese, with one hundred and
								eighty ships. While they were breakfasting there, the news about
								Lampsacus was reported to them, and they set out immediately to
								Sestus.

From there, as soon as they had provisioned, they sailed to
								Aegospotami, which is opposite Lampsacus, the Hellespont at this
								point being about fifteen stadia wide. There they took
								dinner.

And during the ensuing night, when early dawn came, Lysander gave the
								signal for his men to take breakfast and embark upon their ships,
								and after making everything ready for battle and stretching the side
									screens, he gave orders that no one should stir from his
								position or put out.

At sunrise the Athenians formed their ships in line for battle at the
								mouth of the harbour. Since, however, Lysander did not put out
								against them, they sailed back again, when it grew late in the day,
								to Aegospotami.

Thereupon Lysander ordered the swiftest of his ships to follow the
								Athenians and, when they had disembarked, to observe what they did,
								and then to sail back and report to him; and he did not disembark
								his men from their vessels until these scout-ships had returned.
								This he did for four days; and the Athenians continued to sail out
								and offer battle.

Meantime Alcibiades, who could discern from his castle that the
								Athenians were moored on an open shore,
								with no city near by, and were fetching their provisions from
								Sestus, a distance of fifteen stadia from their ships, while the
								enemy, being in a harbour and near a city, had everything needful,
								told the Athenians that they were not moored in a good place, and
								advised them to shift their anchorage to Sestus and thus gain a
								harbour and a city; for if you are there, he said, you will be
								able to fight when you please.

The generals, however, and especially Tydeus and Menander, bade him
								be gone; for they said that they were in command now, not he. So he
								went away.

And now Lysander, on the fifth day the Athenians sailed out against
								him, told his men, who followed them back, that as soon as they saw
								that the enemy had disembarked and had scattered up and down the
								Chersonese, —and the Athenians did this far more freely every day,
								not only because they bought their provisions at a distance, but
								also because they presumed to think lightly of Lysander for not
								putting out to meet them,—they were to sail back to him and to hoist
								a shield when midway in their course. And they did just as he had
								ordered.

Straightway Lysander gave a signal to his fleet to sail with all
								speed, and Thorax with his troops went with the fleet. Now when
								Conon saw the oncoming attack, he signalled the Athenians to hasten
								with all their might to their ships. But since his men were
								scattered here and there, some of the ships had but two banks of
								oars manned, some but one, and some were entirely empty; Conon’s own
								ship, indeed, and seven others accompanying him, which were fully
								manned, put to sea in close order, and the Paralus with them, but all the rest Lysander captured on the
								beach. He also gathered up on the shore most of the men of their
								crews; some, however, gained the shelter of the neighbouring
								strongholds.

But when Conon, fleeing with his nine
								ships, realized that the Athenian cause was lost, he put in at
								Abarnis, the promontory of Lampsacus, and there seized the cruising
								sails that belonged to Lysander’s ships; then he sailed away with
								eight ships to seek refuge with Euagoras in Cyprus, while the
								Paralus went to Athens with the tidings of what had happened.

As for Lysander, he took his prizes and prisoners and everything else
								back to Lampsacus, the prisoners including Philocles, Adeimantus,
								and some of the other generals. Furthermore, on the day when he
								achieved this victory he sent Theopompus, the Milesian buccaneer, to
								Lacedaemon to report what had happened, and Theopompus arrived and
								delivered his message on the third day.

After this Lysander gathered together the allies and bade them
								deliberate regarding the disposition to be made of the prisoners.
								Thereupon many charges began to be urged against the Athenians, not
								only touching the outrages they had already committed and what they
								had voted to do if they were victorious in the battle, —namely, to
								cut off the right hand of every man taken alive,—but also the fact
								that after capturing two triremes, one a Corinthian and the other an
								Andrian, they had thrown the crews overboard to a man. And it was
								Philocles, one of the Athenian generals, who had thus made away with
								these men.

Many other stories were told, and it was finally resolved to put to death all of the prisoners who were
								Athenians, with the exception of Adeimantus, because he was the one
								man who in the Athenian Assembly had opposed the decree in regard to
								cutting off the hands of captives; he was charged, however, by some
								people with having betrayed the fleet. As to Philocles, who threw
								overboard the Andrians and Corinthians, Lysander first asked him
								what he deserved to suffer for having begun outrageous practices
								towards Greeks, and then had his throat cut.

After setting in order the affairs of
								Lampsacus, Lysander sailed against Byzantium and Calchedon. And the
								people of those cities admitted him, allowing the Athenian
								garrisons, by the terms of the surrender, to withdraw. And those who
								had betrayed Byzantium to Alcibiades fled at this time to the
								Pontus, but afterwards they went to Athens and became Athenian
								citizens.

Now the Athenian garrisons, and in fact every other Athenian whom he
								saw anywhere, Lysander sent home to Athens, giving them safe conduct
								if they sailed to that one place and not if they went to any other;
								for he knew that the more people were collected in the city and
								Piraeus, the more quickly there would be a scarcity of provisions.
								Then, after leaving Sthenelaus, a Laconian, as governor of Byzantium
								and Calchedon, he sailed back to Lampsacus and occupied himself with
								refitting his ships.

It was at night that the Paralus
								arrived at Athens with tidings of the disaster, and a sound of
								wailing ran from Piraeus through the long walls to the city, one man
								passing on the news to another; and during that night no one slept,
								all mourning, not for the lost
								alone, but far more for their own selves, thinking that they would
								suffer such treatment as they had visited upon the Melians, colonists of the Lacedaemonians,
								after reducing them by siege, and upon the Histiaeans and Scionaeans
								and Toronaeans and Aeginetans and many other Greek peoples.

On the following day they convened an Assembly, at which it was
								resolved to block up all the harbours except one, to repair the
								walls, to station guards, and in all other respects to get the city
								ready for a siege. They busied themselves, accordingly, with these
								matters.

Meanwhile Lysander, sailing out of the
								Hellespont with two hundred ships, arrived at Lesbos and arranged
								the affairs of Mytilene and the other cities of the island; and he
								sent Eteonicus with ten triremes to the places on the Thracian
								coast, and Eteonicus brought over everything in that region to the
								side of the Lacedaemonians.

Indeed, the rest of the Greek world also had fallen away from the
								Athenians immediately after the battle, with the exception of Samos;
								there the people slaughtered the aristocrats and held possession of
								their city.

After this Lysander sent word to Agis, at Decelea, and to Lacedaemon
								that he was coming with two hundred ships. Thereupon the
								Lacedaemonians took the field with their whole force, and likewise
								the rest of the Peloponnesians excepting the Argives, at the command
								of Pausanias, the other king of the Lacedaemonians.

And when all had been gathered together, Pausanias led them to Athens
								and encamped in the Academy.

Meantime Lysander, upon reaching Aegina, restored the state to the
								Aeginetans, gathering together as many of them as he could, and he
								did the same thing for the Melians also and for all the others who
								had been deprived of their native states. Then, after laying waste
								Salamis, he anchored at Piraeus with one hundred and fifty ships and
								closed the entrance to the harbour against all merchantmen.

Now the Athenians, being thus besieged
								by land and by sea, knew not what to do, since they had neither
								ships nor allies nor provisions; and they thought that there was no
								way out, save only to suffer the pains which they had themselves
								inflicted, not in retaliation, but in wantonness and unjustly upon
								the people of small states, for no other single reason than because
								they were in alliance with the Lacedaemonians.

On this account they restored to the disfranchised their political
								rights and held out steadfastly, refusing to make overtures for
								peace even though many were dying in the city from starvation. When,
								however, their provisions had entirely given out, they sent
								ambassadors to Agis declaring their wish to become allies of the
								Lacedaemonians while still keeping their walls and Piraeus, and on
								these terms to conclude a treaty.

But Agis bade them go to Lacedaemon, saying that he himself had no
								authority. And when the ambassadors reported to the Athenians this
								reply, they sent them to Lacedaemon.

But when they were at Sellasia, near Laconia, and the ephors learned
								from them what proposals they were bringing,—the same, namely, as
								those which they had presented to Agis,—they directed them to go
								back again without coming a step
								farther and, if they really had any desire for peace, to take better
								counsel before they returned.

And when the ambassadors reached home and reported this to the
								people, despondency descended upon all; for they imagined that they
								would be reduced to slavery, and that while they were sending
								another set of ambassadors, many would die of the famine.

Nevertheless, no one wanted to make any proposal involving the
								destruction of the walls; for when Archestratus said in the Senate
								that it was best to make peace with the Lacedaemonians on the terms
								they offered—and the terms were that they should tear down a portion
								ten stadia long of each of the two long walls,—he was thrown into
								prison, and a decree was passed forbidding the making of a proposal
								of this sort.

This being the condition of affairs in
								Athens, Theramenes said in the Assembly that if they were willing to
								send him to Lysander, he would find out before he came back whether
								the Lacedaemonians were insistent in the matter of the walls because
								they wished to reduce the city to slavery, or in order to obtain a
								guarantee of good faith. Upon being sent, however, he stayed with
								Lysander three months and more, waiting for the time when, on
								account of the failure of provisions, the Athenians would agree to
								anything and everything which might be proposed.

And when he returned in the fourth month, he reported in the Assembly
								that Lysander had detained him all this time and had then directed
								him to go to Lacedaemon, saying that he had no authority in the
								matters concerning which Theramenes asked for information, but only
								the ephors. After this Theramenes was chosen ambassador to
								Lacedaemon with full power, being at the
								head of an embassy of ten.

Lysander meanwhile sent Aristoteles, an Athenian exile, in company
								with some Lacedaemonians, to report to the ephors that the answer he
								had made to Theramenes was that they only had authority in the
								matter of peace and war.

Now when Theramenes and the other ambassadors were at Sellasia and,
								on being asked with what proposals they had come, replied that they
								had full power to treat for peace, the ephors thereupon gave orders
								to summon them to Lacedaemon. When they arrived, the ephors called
								an assembly, at which the Corinthians and Thebans in particular,
								though many other Greeks agreed with them, opposed making a treaty
								with the Athenians and favoured destroying their city.

The Lacedaemonians, however, said that they would not enslave a Greek
								city which had done great service amid the greatest perils that had
								befallen Greece, and they offered to make peace on these conditions:
								that the Athenians should destroy the long walls and the walls of
								Piraeus, surrender all their ships except twelve, allow their exiles
								to return, count the same people friends and enemies as the
								Lacedaemonians did, and follow the Lacedaemonians both by land and
								by sea wherever they should lead the way.

So Theramenes and his
								fellow-ambassadors brought back this word to Athens. And as they
								were entering the city, a great crowd gathered around them, fearful
								that they had returned unsuccessful; for it was no longer possible
								to delay, on account of the number who were dying of the famine.

On the next day the ambassadors reported to the Assembly the terms on which the Lacedaemonians
								offered to make peace; Theramenes acted as spokesman for the
								embassy, and urged that it was best to obey the Lacedaemonians and
								tear down the walls. And while some spoke in opposition to him, a
								far greater number supported him, and it was voted to accept the
								peace.

After this Lysander sailed into Piraeus, the exiles returned, and the
								Peloponnesians with great enthusiasm began to tear down the walls to
								the music of flute-girls, thinking that that day was the beginning
								of freedom for Greece.

So the year ended, in the middle of
								which Dionysius of Syracuse, the son of Hermocrates, became tyrant,
								after the Carthaginians had been defeated in battle by the
								Syracusans, but had captured Acragas by famine, the Siceliots
								abandoning the city.

In the following year—in which was
									celebrated an Olympiad, wherein
								Crocinas the Thessalian was victorious in the stadium, Endius being
								now ephor at Sparta and Pythodorus archon at Athens. Since, however,
								Pythodorus was chosen during the time of the oligarchy, the
								Athenians do not use his name to mark the year, but call it the
								archonless year. And this oligarchy came into being in the way
								hereafter described —

it was voted by the people to choose thirty men to frame the ancient
									laws into a
								constitution under which to conduct the government. And the
								following men were chosen: Polychares, Critias, Melobius,
								Hippolochus, Eucleides, Hieron, Mnesilochus, Chremon, Theramenes,
								Aresias, Diocles, Phaedrias, Chaereleos, Anaetius, Peison,
								Sophocles, Eratosthenes, Charicles, Onomacles, Theognis, Aeschines, Theogenes, Cleomedes,
								Erasistratus, Pheidon, Dracontides, Eumathes, Aristoteles,
								Hippomachus, Mnesitheides.

When this had been done, Lysander sailed off to Samos, while Agis
								withdrew the land force from Decelea and dismissed the several
								contingents to their cities.

It was near this date, and at about
								the time of an eclipse of the sun, that Lycophron of Pherae, who
								wanted to make himself ruler of all Thessaly, defeated in battle
								those among the Thessalians who opposed him, namely the Larisaeans
								and others, and slew many of them.

It was at the same time also that
								Dionysius, the tyrant of Syracuse, was defeated in battle by the
								Carthaginians and lost Gela and Camarina. Shortly afterwards also
								the Leontines, who had been dwelling at Syracuse, revolted from
								Dionysius and the Syracusans and returned to their own city. And
								immediately thereafter the Syracusan horsemen were despatched by
								Dionysius to Catana.

Meanwhile the Samians were being
								besieged by Lysander on every side, and when, seeing that at first
								they refused to come to terms, he was on the point of making an
								attack upon them, they came to an agreement with him that every free
								person should depart from the city with but one cloak and that all
								else should be surrendered; and on these terms they withdrew.

And Lysander gave over the city and everything therein to the former
								citizens, and appointed ten rulers to guard it; then he dismissed
								the naval contingents of the allies to their several cities,

and he sailed home with the Laconian ships to Lacedaemon, taking with
								him the prows of the captured ships, the triremes from Piraeus
								except twelve, the crowns which he had received from the cities as
								gifts to himself individually, four hundred and seventy talents in
								money, being the balance that remained of the tribute money which
								Cyrus had assigned to him for the prosecution of the war, and
								whatever else he had obtained during the course of the war.

All these things he delivered over to the Lacedaemonians at the close
								of the summer—with which ended the twenty-eight years and six months
								of the war, during which years the eponymous ephors were the
								following: Aenesias first, in whose term the war began, in the
								fifteenth year of the thirty years’ truce which followed the
								conquest of Euboea, and after him the following:

Brasidas, Isanor, Sostratidas, Exarchus, Agesistratus, Angenidas,
								Onomacles, Zeuxippus, Pityas, Pleistolas, Cleinomachus, Ilarchus,
								Leon, Chaerilas, Patesiadas, Cleosthenes, Lycarius, Eperatus,
								Onomantius, Alexippidas, Misgolaidas, Isias, Aracus, Euarchippus,
								Pantacles, Pityas, Archytas, and Endius; it was in Endius’ term that
								Lysander sailed home after performing the deeds above described.

Now at Athens the Thirty had been
								chosen as soon as the long walls and the walls round Piraeus were
								demolished; although chosen, however, for the purpose of framing a
								constitution under which to conduct the government, they continually
								delayed framing and publishing this constitution, but they appointed
								a Senate and the other magistrates as they saw fit.

Then, as a first step, they arrested and
								brought to trial for their lives those persons who, by common
								knowledge, had made a living in the time of the democracy by acting
								as informers and had been offensive to the aristocrats; and the
								Senate was glad to pronounce these people guilty, and the rest of
								the citizens—at least all who were conscious that they were not of
								the same sort themselves—were not at all displeased.

When, however, the Thirty began to consider how they might become
								free to do just as they pleased with the state, their first act was
								to send Aeschines and Aristoteles to Lacedaemon and persuade
								Lysander to help them to secure the sending of a Lacedaemonian
								garrison, to remain until, as they said, they could put the
								scoundrels out of the way and establish their government; and they
								promised to maintain this garrison at their own charges.

Lysander consented, and helped them to secure the dispatch of the
								troops and of Callibius as governor. But when they had got the
								garrison, they paid court to Callibius in every way, in order that
								he might approve of everything they did, and as he detailed
								guardsmen to go with them, they arrested the people whom they wished
								to reach,—not now the scoundrels and persons of little account,
								but from this time forth the men who, they thought, were least
								likely to submit to being ignored, and who, if they undertook to
								offer any opposition, would obtain supporters in the greatest
								numbers.

Now in the beginning Critias and
								Theramenes were agreed in their policy and friendly; but when
								Critias showed himself eager to put many to death, because, for one
								thing, he had been banished by the democracy, Theramenes opposed
								him, saying that it was not
								reasonable to put a man to death because he was honoured by the
								commons, provided he was doing no harm to the aristocrats. For, 
								said he, you and I also have said and done many things for the sake
								of winning the favour of the city.

Then Critias (for he still treated Theramenes as a friend) replied
								that it was impossible for people who wanted to gain power not to
								put out of the way those who were best able to thwart them. But
								if, he said, merely because we are thirty and not one, you imagine
								that it is any the less necessary for us to keep a close watch over
								this government, just as one would if it were an absolute monarchy,
								you are foolish.

But when, on account of the great numbers continually—and
								unjustly—put to death, it was evident that many were banding
								together and wondering what the state was coming to, Theramenes
								spoke again, saying that unless they admitted an adequate number of
								citizens into partnership with them in the management of affairs, it
								would be impossible for the oligarchy to endure.

Accordingly Critias and the rest of the Thirty, who were by this time
								alarmed and feared above all that the citizens would flock to the
								support of Theramenes, enrolled a body of three thousand, who were
								to share, as they said, in the government.

Theramenes, however, objected to this move also, saying that, in the
								first place, it seemed to him absurd that, when they wanted to make
								the best of the citizens their associates, they should limit
								themselves to three thousand, as though this number must somehow be
								good men and true and there could neither be excellent men outside
								this body nor rascals within it.
								 Besides, he said, we are undertaking, in my opinion, two
								absolutely inconsistent things,—to rig up our government on the
								basis of force and at the same time to make it weaker than its
								subjects.

This was what Theramenes said. As for
								the Thirty, they held a review, the Three Thousand assembling in the
								market-place and those who were not on the roll in various places
								here and there; then they gave the order to pile arms, and while the
								men were off duty and away, they sent their Lacedaemonian guardsmen
								and such citizens as were in sympathy with them, seized the arms of
								all except the Three Thousand, carried them up to the Acropolis, and
								deposited them in the temple.

And now, when this had been accomplished, thinking that they were at
								length free to do whatever they pleased, they put many people to
								death out of personal enmity, and many also for the sake of securing
								their property. One measure that they resolved upon, in order to get
								money to pay their guardsmen, was that each of their number should
								seize one of the aliens residing in the city, and that they should
								put these men to death and confiscate their property.

So they bade Theramenes also to seize anyone he pleased; and he
								replied: But it is not honourable, as it seems to me, he said,
								 for people who style themselves the best citizens to commit acts of
								greater injustice than the informers used to do. For they allowed
								those from whom they got money, to live; but shall we, in order to
								get money, put to death men who are guilty of no wrong-doing? Are
								not such acts altogether more unjust than theirs were?

Then the Thirty, thinking that Theramenes was an obstacle to their
								doing whatever they pleased, plotted against him, and kept accusing him to individual
								senators, one to one man and another to another, of injuring the
								government. And after passing the word to some young men, who seemed
								to them most audacious, to be in attendance with daggers hidden
								under their arms, they convened the Senate.

Then when Theramenes arrived, Critias arose and spoke as
								follows: Gentlemen of the Senate,
								if anyone among you thinks that more people than is fitting are
								being put to death, let him reflect that where governments are
								changed these things always take place; and it is inevitable that
								those who are changing the government here to an oligarchy should
								have most numerous enemies, both because the state is the most
								populous of the Greek states and because the commons have been bred
								up in a condition of freedom for the longest time.

Now we, believing that for men like ourselves and you democracy is a
								grievous form of government, and convinced that the commons would
								never become friendly to the Lacedaemonians, our preservers, while
								the aristocrats would continue ever faithful to them, for these
								reasons are establishing, with the approval of the Lacedaemonians,
								the present form of government.

And if we find anyone opposed to the oligarchy, so far as we have the
								power we put him out of the way; but in particular we consider it to
								be right that, if any one of our own number is harming this order of
								things, he should be punished.

Now in fact we find this man
								Theramenes trying, by what means he can, to destroy both ourselves
								and you. As proof that this is true you will discover, if you
								consider the matter, that no one finds more fault with the present proceedings than
								Theramenes here, or offers more opposition when we wish to put some
								demagogue out of the way. Now if he had held these views from the
								beginning, he was, to be sure, an enemy, but nevertheless he would
								not justly be deemed a scoundrel.

In fact, however, he was the very man who took the initiative in the
								policy of establishing a cordial understanding with the
								Lacedaemonians; he was the very man who began the overthrow of the
								democracy, and who urged you most to inflict punishment upon those
								who were first brought before you for trial; but now, when you and
								we have manifestly become hateful to the democrats, he no longer
								approves of what is going on,—just so that he may get on the safe
								side again, and that we may be punished for what has been done.

Therefore he ought to be punished, not merely as an enemy, but also
								as a traitor both to you and to ourselves. And treason is a far more
								dreadful thing than war, inasmuch as it is harder to take precaution
								against the hidden than against the open danger, and a far more
								hateful thing, inasmuch as men make peace with enemies and become
								their trustful friends again, but if they catch a man playing the
								traitor, they never in any case make peace with that man or trust
								him thereafter.

Now to let you know that this man’s
								present doings are nothing new, but that he is, rather, a traitor by
								nature, I will recall to you his past deeds. This man in the
								beginning, although he had received honours at the hands of the
								democracy, was extremely eager, like his father Hagnon, to change
								the democracy into the oligarchy of the Four Hundred, and
								he was a leader in that government. When, however, he perceived that some opposition to
								the oligarchy was gathering, he look the lead again—as champion of
								the democrats against the oligarchs! That is the reason, you know,
								why he is nicknamed Buskin :

for as the buskin seems to fit both feet, so he faces both ways. But,
								Theramenes, the man who deserves to live ought not to be clever at
								leading his comrades into dangerous undertakings and then, if any
								hindrance offers itself, to turn around on the instant, but he
								ought, as one on shipboard, to hold to his task until they come into
								a fair breeze. Otherwise, how in the world would sailors reach the
								port for which they are bound, if they should sail in the opposite
								direction the moment any hindrance offered itself?

It is true, of course, that all sorts of changes in government are
								attended by loss of life, but you, thanks to your changing sides so
								easily, share the responsibility, not merely for the slaughter of a
								large number of oligarchs by the commons, but also for the slaughter
								of a large number of democrats by the aristocracy. And this
								Theramenes, you remember, was the man who, although detailed by the
								generals to pick up the Athenians whose ships were disabled in the
								battle off Lesbos, failed to do so, and nevertheless was the very
								one who accused the generals and brought about their death in order
								that he might save his own life!

Now when a man clearly shows that he
								is always looking out for his own advantage and taking no thought
								for honour or his friends, how in the world can it be right to spare
								him? Ought we not surely, knowing of his previous changes, to take
								care that he shall not be able to do the same thing to us also? We therefore arraign him on the charge of
								plotting against and betraying both ourselves and you. And in proof
								that what we are thus doing is proper, consider this fact also.

The constitution of the Lacedaemonians is, we know, deemed the best
								of all constitutions. Now in Lacedaemon if one of the ephors should
								undertake to find fault with the government and to oppose what was
								being done instead of yielding to the majority, do you not suppose
								that he would be regarded, not only by the ephors themselves but
								also by all the rest of the state, as having merited the severest
								punishment? Even so you, if you are wise, will not spare this
								Theramenes, but rather yourselves; for to leave him alive would
								cause many of those who hold opposite views to yours to cherish high
								thoughts, while to destroy him would cut off the hopes of them all,
								both within and without the city.

When Critias had so spoken, he sat
								down; and Theramenes rose and said: I will mention first,
								gentlemen, the last thing Critias said against me. He says that I
								brought about the death of the generals by my accusation. But it was
								not I, as you know, who began the matter by accusing them; on the
								contrary, it was they who accused me, by stating that although that
								duty was assigned me by them, I failed to pick up the unfortunates
								in the battle off Lesbos. I said in my defence that on account of
								the storm it was not possible even to sail, much less to pick up the
								men, and it was decided by the state that my plea was a reasonable
								one, while the generals were clearly accusing themselves. For though
								they said it was possible to save the men, they nevertheless sailed
								away and left them to perish.

I do not wonder, however, that Critias has misunderstood the matter;
								for when these events took place, it chanced that he was not here;
								he was establishing a democracy in Thessaly along with Prometheus,
								and arming the serfs against their masters.

God forbid that any of the things which he was doing there should
								come to pass here. I quite agree with
								him, however, on this point, that if anyone is desirous of deposing
								you from your office and is making strong those who are plotting
								against you, it is just for him to incur the severest punishment.
								But I think you can best judge who it is that is doing this, if you
								will consider the course which each of us two has taken and is now
								taking.

Well then, up to the time when you became members of the Senate and
								magistrates were appointed and the notorious informers were brought
								to trial, all of us held the same views; but when these Thirty began
								to arrest men of worth and standing, then I, on my side, began to
								hold views opposed to theirs.

For when Leon the Salaminian was put to death,—a man of capacity,
								both actually and by repute,—although he was not guilty of a single
								act of wrong-doing, I knew that those who were like him would be
								fearful, and, being fearful, would be enemies of this government. I
								also knew, when Niceratus, the son of Nicias, was arrested,—a man of
								wealth who, like his father, had never done anything to curry
								popular favour,—that those who were like him would become hostile to
								us.

And further, when Antiphon, who during the war supplied from his own
								means two fast-sailing triremes, was put to death by us, I knew that
								all those who had been zealous in the
								state’s cause would look upon us with suspicion. I objected, also,
								when they said that each of us must seize one of the resident
								aliens; for it was entirely clear that if these men were put to
								death, the whole body of such aliens would become enemies of the
								government.

I objected likewise when they took away from the people their arms,
								because I thought that we ought not to make the state weak; for I
								saw that, in preserving us, the purpose of the Lacedaemonians had
								not been that we might become few in number and unable to do them
								any service; for if this had been what they desired, it was within
								their power, by keeping up the pressure of famine a little while
								longer, to leave not a single man alive.

Again, the hiring of guardsmen did not please me, for we might have
								enlisted in our service an equal number of our own citizens, until
								we, the rulers, should easily have made ourselves masters of our
								subjects. And further, when I saw that many in the city were
								becoming hostile to this government and that many were becoming
								exiles, it did not seem to me best to banish either Thrasybulus or
								Anytus or Alcibiades; for I knew that by such measures the
								opposition would be made strong, if once the commons should acquire
								capable leaders and if those who wished to be leaders should find a
								multitude of supporters.

Now would the man who offers openly
								this sort of admonition be fairly regarded as a well-wisher, or as a
								traitor? It is not, Critias, the men who prevent one’s making
								enemies in abundance nor the men who teach one how to gain allies in
								the greatest numbers,—it is not these, I say, who make one’s enemies
								strong; but it is much rather those who unjustly rob others of property and put to
								death people who are guilty of no wrong, who, I say, make their
								opponents numerous and betray not only their friends but also
								themselves, and all to satisfy their covetousness.

And if it is not evident in any other way that what I say is true,
								look at the matter in this way: do you suppose that Thrasybulus and
								Anytus and the other exiles would prefer to have us follow here the
								policy which I am urging by word, or the policy which these men are
								carrying out in deed? For my part, I fancy that now they believe
								every spot is full of allies, while if the best element in the state
								were friendly to us, they would count it difficult even to set foot
								anywhere in the land!

Again, as to his statement that I have a propensity to be always
								changing sides, consider these facts also: it was the people itself,
								as everybody knows, which voted for the government of the Four
								Hundred, being advised that the Lacedaemonians would trust any form
								of government sooner than a democracy.

But when the Lacedaemonians did not in the least relax their efforts
								in prosecuting the war, and Aristoteles, Melanthius, Aristarchus,
								and their fellow-generals were found to be building a fort on the
									peninsula, into which they proposed to admit the
								enemy and so bring the state under the control of themselves and
								their oligarchical associates,—if I perceived this plan and thwarted
								it, is that being a traitor to one’s friends?

He dubs me Buskin, because, as he
								says, I try to fit both parties. But for the man who pleases neither
								party,—what in the name of the gods should we call him? For you in
								the days of the democracy were
								regarded as the bitterest of all haters of the commons, and under
								the aristocracy you have shown yourself the bitterest of all haters
								of the better classes .

But I, Critias, am forever at war with the men who do not think there
								could be a good democracy until the slaves and those who would sell
								the state for lack of a shilling should share in the government, and
								on the other hand I am forever an enemy to those who do not think
								that a good oligarchy could be established until they should bring
								the state to the point of being ruled absolutely by a few. But to
								direct the government in company with those who have the means to be
								of service, whether with horses or with shields, —this plan I
								regarded as best in former days and I do not change my opinion
								now.

And if you can mention any instance, Critias, where I joined hands
								with demagogues or despots and undertook to deprive men of standing
								of their citizenship, then speak. For if I am found guilty either of
								doing this thing now or of ever having done it in the past, I admit
								that I should justly suffer the very uttermost of all penalties and
								be put to death.

When with these words he ceased
								speaking and the Senate had shown its good will by applause,
								Critias, realizing that if he should allow the Senate to pass
								judgment on the case, Theramenes would escape, and thinking that
								this would be unendurable, went and held a brief consultation with
								the Thirty, and then went out and ordered the men with the daggers
								to take their stand at the railing in plain
								sight of the Senate.

Then he came in again and said:
								 Senators, I deem it the duty of a leader who is what he ought to
								be, in case he sees that his friends are being deceived, not to
								permit it. I, therefore, shall follow that course. Besides, these
								men who have taken their stand here say that if we propose to let a
								man go who is manifestly injuring the oligarchy, they will not
								suffer us to do so. Now it is provided in the new laws that while no
								one of those who are on the roll of the Three Thousand may be put to
								death without your vote, the Thirty shall have power of life or
								death over those outside the roll. I, therefore, he said, strike
								off this man Theramenes from the roll, with the approval of all the
								Thirty. That being done, he added, we now condemn him to
								death.

When Theramenes heard this, he sprang
								to the altar and said: And I, sirs, said he, beg only bare
								justice,—that it be not within the power of Critias to strike off
								either me or whomsoever of you he may wish, but rather that both in
								your case and in mine the judgment may be rendered strictly in
								accordance with that law which these men have made regarding those
								on the roll.

To be sure, said he, I know, I swear by the gods, only too well,
								that this altar will avail me nothing, but I wish to show that these
								Thirty are not only most unjust toward men, but also most impious
								toward the gods. But I am surprised at you, he said, gentlemen of
								the aristocracy, that you are not going to defend your own rights,
								especially when you know that my name is not a whit easier to strike
								off than the name of each of you.

At this moment the herald of the Thirty ordered the Eleven to seize
								Theramenes; and when they came in, attended by their servants and
									with Satyrus, the most
								audacious and shameless of them, at their head, Critias said: We
								hand over to you, said he, this man Theramenes, condemned
								according to the law. Do you, the Eleven, take him and lead him to
								the proper place and do that which follows.

When Critias had spoken these words,
								Satyrus dragged Theramenes away from the altar, and his servants
								lent their aid. And Theramenes, as was natural, called upon gods and
								men to witness what was going on. But the senators kept quiet,
								seeing that the men at the rail were of the same sort as Satyrus and
								that the space in front of the senate-house was filled with the
								guardsmen, and being well aware that the former had come armed with
								daggers.

So they led the man away through the market-place, while he
								proclaimed in a very loud voice the wrongs he was suffering. One
								saying of his that is reported was this: when Satyrus told him that
								if he did not keep quiet, he would suffer for it, he asked: Then if
								I do keep quiet, shall I not suffer? And when, being compelled to
								die, he had drunk the hemlock, they said that he threw out the last
								drops, like a man playing kottabos, and exclaimed:
								 Here’s to the health of my beloved Critias. Now I am not unaware
								of this, that these are not sayings worthy of record; still, I deem
								it admirable in the man that when death was close at hand, neither
								self-possession nor the spirit of playfulness departed from his
								soul.

So, then, Theramenes died; but the
									Thirty, thinking that now they
								could play the tyrant without fear, issued a proclamation forbidding
								those who were outside the roll to enter the city and evicted them
								from their estates, in order that they themselves and their friends
								might have these people’s lands. And when they fled to Piraeus, they
								drove many of them away from there also, and filled both Megara and
								Thebes with the refugees.

Presently Thrasybulus set out from
								Thebes with about seventy companions and seized Phyle, a strong
								fortress. And the Thirty marched out from the city against him with
								the Three Thousand and the cavalry, the weather being very fine
								indeed. When they reached Phyle, some of the young men were so bold
								as to attack the fortress at once, but they accomplished nothing and
								suffered some wounds themselves before they retired.

And while the Thirty were planning to invest the place, so as to
								force them to surrender by shutting off their avenues for receiving
								provisions, a very heavy snow storm came on during the night and
								continued on the following day. So they came back to the city in the
								snow, after losing a goodly number of their camp-followers by the
								attacks of the men in Phyle.

Then the Thirty, knowing that the enemy would also gather plunder
								from the farms if there were no force to protect them, sent out all
								but a few of the Laconian guardsmen and two divisions of the cavalry
								to the outlying districts about fifteen stadia from Phyle. These
								troops made their camp in a bushy spot and proceeded to keep
								guard.

Now by this time about seven hundred men were gathered at Phyle, and
								during the night Thrasybulus marched down with them; and about three or four stadia from the
								guardsmen he had his troops ground their arms and keep quiet.

Then when it was drawing towards day and the enemy were already
								getting up and going away from their camp whithersoever each one had
								to go, and the grooms were keeping up a hubbub as they curried their
								horses, at this moment Thrasybulus and his men picked up their arms
								and charged on the run. They struck down some of the enemy and
								turned them all to flight, pursuing them for six or seven stadia;
								and they killed more than one hundred and twenty of the hoplites,
								and among the cavalry Nicostratus, nicknamed the beautiful, and
								two more besides, catching them while still in their beds.

Then after returning from the pursuit and erecting a trophy and
								packing up all the arms and baggage they had captured, they went
								back to Phyle. And when the cavalry from the city came to the
								rescue, there were none of the enemy left to be seen; so after
								waiting until their relatives had taken up the bodies of the dead,
								they returned to the city.

After this the Thirty, deeming their
								government no longer secure, formed a plan to appropriate Eleusis,
								so as to have a place of refuge if it should prove necessary.
								Accordingly Critias and the rest of the Thirty, having issued orders
								to the cavalry to accompany them, went to Eleusis. There they held a
								review of the townspeople under guard of the cavalry, pretending
								that they wanted to know how numerous they were and how large an
								additional garrison they would require, and then ordered them all to
								register; and each man when he had registered had to pass out by the
								gate in the town wall in the direction of the sea. Meanwhile they had stationed the cavalry
								on the shore on either side of the gate, and as each man passed out
								their servants bound him fast. And when all had thus been seized,
								they ordered Lysimachus, the cavalry commander, to take them to
								Athens and turn them over to the Eleven.

On the following day they summoned to the Odeum the hoplites
								who were on the roll and the cavalry also. Then Critias rose and
								said: We, gentlemen, said he, are establishing this government no
								less for you than for ourselves. Therefore, even as you will share
								in honours, so also you must share in the dangers. Therefore you
								must vote condemnation of the Eleusinians who have been seized, that
								you may have the same hopes and fears as we. Then he showed them a
								place and bade them cast their ballots therein, in plain sight of
								everybody.

Now the Laconian guardsmen were in one half of the Odeum, fully
								armed; and these proceedings were pleasing also to such of the
								citizens as cared only for their own advantage. Soon after this Thrasybulus took the men of
								Phyle, who had now gathered to the number of about one thousand, and
								came by night to Piraeus. When the Thirty learned of this, they at
								once set out against him, with the Laconian guardsmen and their own
								cavalry and hoplites; then they advanced along the carriage road
								which leads up to Piraeus.

And for a time the men from Phyle tried to prevent their coming up,
								but when they saw that the line of the town wall, extensive as it
								was, needed a large force for its defence, whereas they were not yet
								numerous, they gathered in a compact body on the hill of Munichia. 
								And the men from the city, when they came to the market-place of
									Hippodamus, first formed themselves in line of battle, so
								that they filled the road which leads to the temple of Artemis of
								Munichia and the sanctuary of Bendis; and they made a line not less
								than fifty shields in depth; then, in this formation, they advanced
								up the hill.

As for the men from Phyle, they too filled the road, but they made a
								line not more than ten hoplites in depth. Behind the hoplites,
								however, were stationed peltasts and light javelin-men, and behind
								them the stone-throwers. And of these there were many, for they came
								from that neighbourhood. And now,
								while the enemy were advancing, Thrasybulus ordered his men to
								ground their shields and did the same himself, though still keeping
								the rest of his arms, and then took his stand in the midst of them
								and spoke as follows:

Fellow-citizens, I wish to inform some of you and to remind others
								that those who form the right wing of the approaching force are the
								very men whom you turned to flight and pursued four days ago, but
								the men upon the extreme left—they, yes they, are the Thirty, who
								robbed us of our city when we were guilty of no wrong, and drove us
								from our homes, and proscribed those who were dearest to us. But
								now, behold, they have found themselves in a situation in which they
								never expected to be, but we always prayed that they might be.

For with arms in our hands we stand face to face with them; and the
								gods, because once we were seized while dining or sleeping or trading, because some of us also were
								banished when we were not only guilty of no offence, but were not
								even in the city, are now manifestly fighting on our side. For in
								fair weather they send a storm, when it is to our advantage, and
								when we attack, they grant us, though we are few in number and our
								enemies are many, to set up trophies of victory;

and now in like manner they have brought us to a place where the men
								before you, because they are marching up hill, cannot throw either
								spears or javelins over the heads of those in front of them, while
								we, throwing both spears and javelins and stones down hill, shall
								reach them and strike down many.

And though one would have supposed that we should have to fight with
								their front ranks at least on even terms, yet in fact, if you let
								fly your missiles with a will, as you should, no one will miss his
								man when the road is full of them, and they in their efforts to
								protect themselves will be continually skulking under their shields.
								You will therefore be able, just as if they were blind men, to
								strike them wherever you please and then leap upon them and
								overthrow them.

And now, comrades, we must so act that each man shall feel in his
								breast that he is chiefly responsible for the victory. For victory,
								God willing, will now give back to us country and homes, freedom and
								honours, children, to such as have them, and wives. Happy, indeed,
								are those of us who shall win the victory and live to behold the
								gladdest day of all! And happy also he who is slain; for no one,
								however rich he may be, will gain a monument so glorious. Now, when
								the right moment comes, I will strike up the paean; and when we call
									Enyalius to
								our aid, then let us all, moved by one spirit, take vengeance upon these men for the outrages
								we have suffered.

After saying these words and turning
								about to face the enemy, he kept quiet; for the seer bade them not
								to attack until one of their own number was either killed or
								wounded. But as soon as that happens, he said, we shall lead on,
								and to you who follow will come victory, but death, methinks, to
								me.

And his saying did not prove false, for when they had taken up their
								shields, he, as though led on by a kind of fate, leaped forth first
								of all, fell upon the enemy, and was slain, and he lies buried at
								the ford of the Cephisus; but the others were victorious, and
								pursued the enemy as far as the level ground. In this battle fell
								two of the Thirty, Critias and Hippomachus, one of the Ten who ruled
								in Piraeus, Charmides, the son of Glaucon, and about seventy of the
								others. And the victors took possession of their arms, but they did
								not strip off the tunic of
								any citizen. When this had been done and while they were giving back
								the bodies of the dead, many on either side mingled and talked with
								one another.

And Cleocritus, the herald of the initiated, a man with
								a very fine voice, obtained silence and said: Fellow citizens, why
								do you drive us out of the city? why do you wish to kill us? For we
								never did you any harm, but we have shared with you in the most
								solemn rites and sacrifices and the most splendid festivals, we have
								been companions in the dance and schoolmates and comrades in arms,
								and we have braved many dangers with you both by land and by sea in
								defense of the common safety and
								freedom of us both.

In the name of the gods of our fathers and mothers, in the name of
								our ties of kinship and marriage and comradeship,—for all these many
								of us share with one another,—cease, out of shame before gods and
								men, to sin against your fatherland, and do not obey those most
								accursed Thirty, who for the sake of their private gain have killed
								in eight months more Athenians, almost, than all the Peloponnesians
								in ten years of war.

And when we might live in peace as fellow citizens, these men bring
								upon us war with one another, a war most utterly shameful and
								intolerable, utterly unholy and hated by both gods and men. Yet for
								all that, be well assured that for some of those now slain by our
								hands not only you, but we also, have wept bitterly. Thus he spoke; but the surviving officials
								of the oligarchy, partly because their followers were hearing such
								things, led them back to the city.

On the following day the Thirty, utterly dejected and with but few
								adherents left, held their session in the council-chamber; and as
								for the Three Thousand, wherever their several detachments were
								stationed, everywhere they began to quarrel with one another. For
								all those who had done any act of especial violence and were
								therefore fearful, urged strenuously that they ought not to yield to
								the men in Piraeus; while those who were confident that they had
								done no wrong, argued in their own minds and set forth to the others
								that there was no need of their suffering these evils, and they said
								that they ought not to obey the Thirty or allow them to ruin the
								state. In the end they voted to depose the Thirty and choose others.
								And they chose ten, one from each
								tribe.

The Thirty thereupon retired to
								Eleusis; and the Ten, with the aid of the
								cavalry commanders, took care of the men in the city, who were in a
								state of great disquiet and distrust of one another. In fact, even
								the cavalry did guard duty by night, being quartered in the Odeum
								and keeping with them both their horses and their shields ; and such was the suspicion that prevailed, that they
								patrolled along the walls from evening onwards with their
								shields, and toward dawn with their horses, fearing continually that
								they might be attacked by parties of men from Piraeus.

The latter, who were now numerous and included all sorts of people,
								were engaged in making shields, some of wood, others of wicker-work,
								and in painting them. And having given pledges that whoever fought
								with them should be accorded equality in taxation 
								with citizens even if they were foreigners, they marched forth
								before ten days had passed, a large body of hoplites with numerous
								light troops; they also got together about seventy horsemen; and
								they made forays and collected wood and produce, and then came back
								to spend the night in Piraeus.

As for the men in the city, none of them went forth from the walls
								under arms except the cavalry, who sometimes captured foraging
								parties made up of the men from Piraeus and inflicted losses upon
								their main body. They also fell in with some people of Aexone who
								were going to their own farms after provisions; and Lysimachus, the cavalry commander, put
								these men to the sword, although they pleaded earnestly and many of
								the cavalrymen were much opposed to the proceeding.

In retaliation, the men in Piraeus killed one of the cavalrymen,
								Callistratus, of the tribe of Leontis, having captured him in the
								country. For by this time they were very confident, so that they
								even made attacks upon the wall of the city. And perhaps it is
								proper to mention also the following device of the engineer in the
								city: when he learned that the enemy were intending to bring up
								their siege-engines by the race-course which leads from the Lyceum,
								he ordered all his teams to haul stones each large enough to load a
								wagon and drop them at whatever spot in the course each driver
								pleased. When this had been done, each single one of the stones
								caused the enemy a great deal of trouble.

And now, when the Thirty in Eleusis
								sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon, and likewise those in the city who
								were on the roll, and asked for aid on the plea that the commons had
								revolted from the Lacedaemonians, Lysander, calculating that it was
								possible to blockade the men in Piraeus both by land and by sea and
								to force them to a quick surrender if they were cut off from
								provisions, lent his assistance to the ambassadors, with the result
								that a hundred talents was loaned to the Athenian oligarchs and that
								Lysander himself was sent out as governor on land and his brother
								Libys as admiral of the fleet.

Accordingly, Lysander proceeded to Eleusis and busied himself with
								gathering a large force of Peloponnesian hoplites; meanwhile the
								admiral kept guard on the sea, to prevent any supplies from coming
								in by water to the besieged; so that the men in Piraeus were soon in difficulties again, while
								the men in the city again had their turn of being confident, in
								reliance upon Lysander. While matters were proceeding in this way,
								Pausanias the king, seized with envy of Lysander because, by
								accomplishing this project, he would not only win fame but also make
								Athens his own, persuaded three of the five ephors and led forth a
								Lacedaemonian army.

And all the allies likewise followed with him, excepting the
								Boeotians and the Corinthians; and the plea of these was that they
								did not think they would be true to their oaths if they took the
								field against the Athenians when the latter were doing nothing in
								violation of the treaty; in fact, however, they acted as they did
								because they supposed that the Lacedaemonians wanted to make the
								territory of the Athenians their own sure possession. So Pausanias encamped on the plain which is
								called Halipedum, near Piraeus, himself commanding the right wing,
								while Lysander and his mercenaries formed the left.

Then, sending ambassadors to the men in Piraeus, Pausanias bade them
								disperse to their homes; and when they refused to obey, he attacked
								them, at least so far as to raise the war-cry, in order that it
								might not be evident that he felt kindly toward them. And when he
								had retired without accomplishing anything by his attack, on the
								next day he took two regiments of the Lacedaemonians and three
								tribes of the Athenian cavalry and proceeded along the shore to the
								Still Harbour, looking to
								see where Piraeus could best be shut off by a wall.

As he was returning, some of the enemy attacked him and caused him
								trouble, whereupon, becoming angry, he
								ordered the cavalry to charge upon them at full speed, and the
								infantrymen within ten years of military age to follow the cavalry; while he himself
								with the rest of his troops came along in the rear. And they killed
								nearly thirty of the enemy’s light troops and pursued the rest to
								the theatre in Piraeus.

There, as it chanced, the whole body of the light troops and likewise
								the hoplites of the men in Piraeus were arming themselves. And the
								light troops, rushing forth at once, set to throwing javelins,
								hurling stones, shooting arrows, and discharging slings; then the
								Lacedaemonians, since many of them were being wounded and they were
								hard pressed, gave ground, though still facing the enemy; and at
								this the latter attacked much more vigorously. In this attack
								Chaeron and Thibrachus, both of them polemarchs, were slain, and Lacrates, the
								Olympic victor, and other Lacedaemonians who lie buried before the
								gates of Athens in the Cerameicus.

Now Thrasybulus and the rest of his troops—that is, the hoplites—when
								they saw the situation, came running to lend aid, and quickly formed
								in line, eight deep, in front of their comrades. And Pausanias,
								being hard pressed and retreating about four or five stadia to a
								hill, sent orders to the Lacedaemonians and to the allies to join
								him. There he formed an extremely deep phalanx and led the charge
								against the Athenians. The Athenians did indeed accept battle at
								close quarters; but in the end some of them were pushed into the
								mire of the marsh of Halae and others gave way; and about one
								hundred and fifty of them were slain.

Thereupon Pausanias set up a trophy
								and returned to his camp; and despite what had happened he was not
								angry with them, but sent secretly and instructed the men in Piraeus
								to send ambassadors to him and the ephors who were with him, telling
								them also what proposals these ambassadors should offer; and they
								obeyed him. He also set about dividing the men in the city, and gave
								directions that as many of them as possible should gather together
								and come to him and the ephors and say that they had no desire to be
								waging war with the men in Piraeus, but rather to be reconciled with
								them and in common with them to be friends of the
								Lacedaemonians.

Now Naucleidas also, who was an ephor, was pleased to hear this. For,
								as it is customary for two of the ephors to be with a king on a
								campaign, so in this instance Naucleidas and one other were present,
								and both of them held to the policy of Pausanias rather than to that
								of Lysander. For this reason they eagerly sent to Lacedaemon both
								the envoys from Piraeus, having the proposals for peace with the
								Lacedaemonians, and the envoys from the city party as private
								individuals, namely, Cephisophon and Meletus.

When, however, these men had departed for Lacedaemon, the authorities
								in the city also proceeded to send ambassadors, with the message
								that they surrendered both the walls which they possessed and
								themselves to the Lacedaemonians, to do with them as they wished;
								and they said they counted it only fair that the men in Piraeus, if
								they claimed to be friends of the Lacedaemonians, should in like
								manner surrender Piraeus and Munichia.

When the ephors and the members of the Lacedaemonian assembly had
								heard all the ambassadors, they
								dispatched fifteen men to Athens and commissioned them, in
								conjunction with Pausanias, to effect a reconciliation in the best
								way they could. And they effected a reconciliation on these terms,
								that the two parties should be at peace with one another and that
								every man should depart to his home except the members of the
								Thirty, and of the Eleven, and of the Ten who had ruled in Piraeus.
								They also decided that if any of the men in the city were afraid,
								they should settle at Eleusis.

When these things had been
								accomplished, Pausanias disbanded his army and the men from Piraeus
								went up to the Acropolis under arms and offered sacrifice to Athena.
								When they had come down, the generals convened an Assembly. There
								Thrasybulus spoke as follows:

I advise you, he said, men of the city, to know yourselves. And
								you would best learn to know yourselves were you to consider what
								grounds you have for arrogance, that you should undertake to rule
								over us. Are you more just? But the commons, though poorer than you,
								never did you any wrong for the sake of money; while you, though
								richer than any of them, have done many disgraceful things for the
								sake of gain. But since you can lay no claim to justice, consider
								then whether it is courage that you have a right to pride yourselves
								upon.

And what better test could there be of this than the way we made war
								upon one another? Well then, would you say that you are superior in
								intelligence, you who having a wall, arms, money, and the
								Peloponnesians as allies, have been worsted by men who had none of
								these? Is it the Lacedaemonians, then, think you, that you may pride yourselves upon? How
								so? Why, they have delivered you up to this outraged populace, just
								as men fasten a clog upon the necks of snapping dogs and deliver
								them up to keepers, and now have gone away and left you.

Nevertheless, my comrades, I am not the man to ask you to violate any
								one of the pledges to which you have sworn, but I ask you rather to
								show this virtue also, in addition to your other virtues,—that you
								are true to your oaths and are god-fearing men. When he had said
								this and more to the same effect, and had told them that there was
								no need of their being disturbed, but that they had only to live
								under the laws that had previously been in force, he dismissed the
								Assembly.

So at that time they appointed their
								magistrates and proceeded to carry on their government; but at a later period, on learning that the men
								at Eleusis were hiring mercenary troops, they took the field with
								their whole force against them, put to death their generals when
								they came for a conference, and then, by sending to the others their
								friends and kinsmen, persuaded them to become reconciled. And,
								pledged as they were under oath, that in very truth they would not
								remember past grievances, the two parties even to this day live
								together as fellow-citizens and the commons abide by their
								oaths.

So ended the civil strife at Athens.
									Shortly after this Cyrus sent
								messengers to Lacedaemon and asked that the Lacedaemonians should
								show themselves as good friends to him as he was to them in the war
								against the Athenians. And the ephors, thinking that what he said
								was fair, sent instructions to Samius, at that time their admiral,
								to hold himself under Cyrus’ orders, in case he had any request to
								make. And in fact Samius did zealously just what Cyrus asked of him:
								he sailed round to Cilicia at the head of his fleet, in company with
								the fleet of Cyrus, and made it impossible for Syennesis, the ruler
								of Cilicia, to oppose Cyrus by land in his march against the Persian
								king.

As to how Cyrus collected an army and with this army made the march
								up country against his brother, how the battle was fought, how Cyrus
								was slain, and how after that the Greeks effected their return in
								safety to the sea—all this has been written by Themistogenes 
								the Syracusan.

Now when Tissaphernes, who was thought
								to have proved himself very
								valuable to the King in the war against his brother, was sent down
								as satrap both of the provinces which he himself had previously
								ruled and of those which Cyrus had ruled, he straightway demanded that all the Ionian cities
								should be subject to him. But they, both because they wanted to be
								free and because they feared Tissaphernes, inasmuch as they had
								chosen Cyrus, while he was living, instead of him, refused to admit
								him into their cities and sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon asking that
								the Lacedaemonians, since they were the leaders of all Hellas,
								should undertake to protect them also, the Greeks in Asia, in order
								that their land might not be laid waste and that they themselves
								might be free.

Accordingly, the Lacedaemonians sent them Thibron as governor, giving him an army made
								up of a thousand emancipated Helots and four thousand of the other
								Peloponnesians. Thibron also asked from the Athenians three hundred
								cavalrymen, saying that he would provide pay for them himself. And
								the Athenians sent some of those who had served as cavalrymen in the
								time of the Thirty, thinking it would be a gain to the democracy if
								they should live in foreign lands and perish there.

Furthermore, when they arrived in Asia, Thibron also gathered troops
								from the Greek cities of the mainland; for at that time all the
								cities obeyed any command a Lacedaemonian might give. Now while he
								was at the head of this army, Thibron did not venture to descend to
								level ground, because he saw the enemy’s cavalry, but was satisfied
								if he could keep the particular territory where he chanced to be
								from being ravaged.

When, however, the men who had made the march up country with Cyrus
								joined forces with him after their safe return, from that time on he
								would draw up his troops against Tissaphernes even on the plains,
								and he got possession of cities, Pergamus by voluntary surrender,
								and likewise Teuthrania and Halisarna, two cities which were under the rule of
								Eurysthenes and Procles, the descendants of Demaratus the
								Lacedaemonian; and this territory had been given to Demaratus by the
								Persian king as a
								reward for accompanying him on his expedition against Greece.
								Furthermore, Gorgion and Gongylus gave in their allegiance to
								Thibron, they being brothers, one of them the ruler of Gambrium and
								Palaegambrium, the other of Myrina and Grynium; and these cities
								also were a gift from the Persian king to the earlier Gongylus,
								because he espoused the Persian cause,—the only man among the
								Eretrians who did so,—and was therefore banished.

On the other hand, there were some weak cities which Thibron did
								actually capture by storm; as for Larisa (Egyptian Larisa, as it is
									called ), when it refused
								to yield he invested and besieged it. When he proved unable to
								capture it in any other way, he sunk a shaft and began to dig a
								tunnel therefrom, with the idea of cutting off their water supply.
								And when they made frequent sallies from within the wall and threw
								pieces of wood and stones into the shaft, he met this move by making
								a wooden shed and setting it over the shaft. The Larisaeans,
								however, sallied forth by night and destroyed the shed also, by
								fire. Then, since he seemed to be accomplishing nothing, the ephors
								sent him word to leave Larisa and undertake a campaign against
								Caria.

When, in pursuance of his intention to
								march against Caria, he was already at Ephesus, Dercylidas arrived
								to take command of the army, a man who was reputed to be exceedingly
								resourceful; indeed, he bore the
								nickname Sisyphus. Thibron accordingly went back home, and was
								condemned and banished; for the allies accused him of allowing his
								soldiers to plunder their friends.

And when Dercylidas took over the command of the army, being aware
								that Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus were suspicious of each other, he
								came to an understanding with Tissaphernes and led away his army
								into the territory of Pharnabazus, preferring to make war against
								one of the two rather than against both together. Besides,
								Dercylidas was an enemy of Pharnabazus from earlier days; for after
								he had become governor at Abydus at the time when Lysander was
								admiral, he was compelled, as a result of his being slandered by
								Pharnabazus, to stand sentry, carrying his shield—a thing which is
								regarded by Lacedaemonians of character as a disgrace; for it is a
								punishment for insubordination. On this account, then, he was all
								the more pleased to proceed against Pharnabazus.

And from the outset he was so superior to Thibron in the exercise of
								command that he led his troops through the country of friends all
								the way to the Aeolis, 
								in the territory of Pharnabazus,
								without doing any harm whatever to his allies. This Aeolis belonged, indeed, to Pharnabazus, but Zenis
								of Dardanus had, while he lived, acted as satrap of this territory
								for him; when Zenis fell ill and died, and Pharnabazus was preparing
								to give the satrapy to another man, Mania, the wife of Zenis, who
								was also a Dardanian, fitted out a great retinue, took presents with
								her to give to Pharnabazus himself and to use for winning the favour
								of his concubines and the men who had the
								greatest influence at the court of Pharnabazus, and set forth to
								visit him. And when she had gained an audience with him, she
								said:

Pharnabazus, my husband was not only a friend to you in all other
								ways, but he also paid over the tributes which were your due, so
								that you commended and honoured him. Now, therefore, if I serve you
								no less faithfully than he, why should you appoint another as
								satrap? And if I fail to please you in any point, surely it will be
								within your power to deprive me of my office and give it to
								another.

When Pharnabazus heard this, he decided that the woman should be
								satrap. And when she had become mistress of the province, she not
								only paid over the tributes no less faithfully than had her husband,
								but besides this, whenever she went to the court of Pharnabazus she
								always carried him gifts, and whenever he came down to her province
								she received him with far more magnificence and courtesy than any of
								his other governors;

and she not only kept securely for Pharnabazus the cities which she
								had received from her husband, but also gained possession of cities
								on the coast which had not been subject to him, Larisa, Hamaxitus,
								and Colonae—attacking their walls with a Greek mercenary force,
								while she herself looked on from a carriage; and when a man won her
								approval she would bestow bounteous gifts upon him, so that she
								equipped her mercenary force in the most splendid fashion. She also
								accompanied Pharnabazus in the field, even when he invaded the land
								of the Mysians or the Pisidians because of their continually
								ravaging the King’s territory. In return for these services
								Pharnabazus paid her magnificent honours, and sometimes asked her to
								aid him as a counsellor.

Now when she was more than forty years old, Meidias, who was the husband of her daughter, was
								disturbed by certain people saying that it was a disgraceful thing
								for a woman to be the ruler while he was in private station, and
								since, although she guarded herself carefully against all other
								people, as was proper for an absolute ruler, she trusted him and
								gave him her affection, as a woman naturally would to a son-in-law,
								he made his way into her presence, as the story goes, and strangled
								her. He also killed her son, a youth of very great beauty about
								seventeen years old.

When he had done these things, he seized the strong cities of Scepsis
								and Gergis, where Mania had kept the most of her treasure. The other
								cities, however, would not admit him into their walls, but the
								garrisons that were in them kept them safe for Pharnabazus. Then
								Meidias sent gifts to Pharnabazus and claimed the right to be ruler
								of the province, even as Mania had been. And Pharnabazus in reply
								told him to take good care of his gifts until he came in person and
								took possession of them and of him too; for he said that he would
								not wish to live if he failed to avenge Mania.

It was at this juncture that
								Dercylidas arrived, and he forthwith took possession in a single day
								of Larisa, Hamaxitus, and Colonae, the cities on the coast, by their
								voluntary act; then he sent to the cities of Aeolis also and urged
								them to free themselves, admit him into their walls, and become
								allies. Now the people of Neandria, Ilium, and Cocylium obeyed him,
								for the Greek garrisons of those cities had been by no means well
								treated since the death of Mania;

but the man who commanded the garrison in Cebren, a very strong
								place, thinking that if he succeeded in keeping the city for Pharnabazus he would
								receive honours at his hands, refused to admit Dercylidas. Thereupon
								the latter, in anger, made preparations for attack. And when the
								sacrifices that he offered did not prove favourable on the first
								day, he sacrificed again on the following day. And when these
								sacrifices also did not prove favourable, he tried again on the
								third day; and for four days he kept persistently on with his
								sacrificing, though greatly disturbed by the delay; for he was in
								haste to make himself master of all Aeolis before Pharnabazus came
								to the rescue.

Now a certain Athenadas, a Sicyonian captain, thinking that
								Dercylidas was acting foolishly in delaying, and that he was strong
								enough of himself to deprive the Cebrenians of their water supply,
								rushed forward with his own company and tried to choke up their
								spring. And the people within the walls, sallying forth against him,
								inflicted many wounds upon him, killed two of his men, and drove
								back the rest with blows and missiles. But while Dercylidas was in a
								state of vexation and was thinking that his attack would thus be
								made less spirited, heralds came forth from the wall, sent by the
								Greeks in the city, and said that what their commander was doing was
								not to their liking, but that for their part they preferred to be on
								the side of the Greeks rather than of the barbarian.

While they were still talking about this, there came a messenger from
								their commander, who sent word that he agreed with all that the
								first party were saying. Accordingly Dercylidas, whose sacrifices on
								that day, as it chanced, had just proved favourable, immediately had
								his troops take up their arms and led them toward the gates; and the
								people threw them open and admitted him. And after stationing a garrison in this city also, he marched at
								once against Scepsis and Gergis.

Now Meidias, who was expecting the
								coming of Pharnabazus and on the other hand was by this time afraid
								of his own citizens, sent to Dercylidas and said that he would come
								to a conference with him if he should first receive hostages. And
								Dercylidas sent him one man from each of the cities of the allies,
								and bade him take as many and whoever he pleased. Meidias took ten
								and came forth from the city, and when he met Dercylidas asked him
								on what conditions he could be an ally of the Lacedaemonians.
								Dercylidas replied, on condition of allowing his citizens to be free
								and independent; and as he said this he proceeded to advance upon
								Scepsis.

Then Meidias, realizing that he would not be able, against the will
								of the citizens, to prevent his doing so, allowed him to enter the
								city. And Dercylidas, when he had sacrificed to Athena on the
								acropolis of Scepsis, led forth Meidias’ garrison, gave over the
								city to the citizens, and then, after exhorting them to order their
								public life as Greeks and freemen should, departed from the city and
								led his army against Gergis. And many of the Scepsians took part in
								the escort which accompanied him on his way, paying him honour and
								being well pleased at what had been done,

and Meidias also followed along with him and urged him to give over
								the city of the Gergithians to him. And Dercylidas told him only
								that he would not fail to obtain any of his rights; and as he said
								this, he was approaching the gates of the city together with
								Meidias, and the army was following him in double file as though on
								a peaceful mission. Now the men on the
								towers of Gergis, which were extremely
								high, did not throw their missiles because they saw Meidias with
								him; and when Dercylidas said: Bid them open the gates, Meidias, so
								that you may lead the way and I may go with you to the temple and
								there sacrifice to Athena, Meidias, although he shrank from opening
								the gates, nevertheless out of fear that he might be seized on the
								spot, gave the order to open them.

When Dercylidas entered he proceeded to the acropolis, keeping
								Meidias with him as before; and he ordered the rest of his soldiers
								to take their positions along the walls while he, with those about
								him, sacrificed to Athena. When the sacrifice had been completed he
								made proclamation that the spearmen of Meidias’ bodyguard should
								take their positions at the van of his own army, saying that they
								were to serve him as mercenaries; for Meidias, he said, no longer
								had anything to fear.

Then Meidias, not knowing what to do, said: Well as for me, said
								he, I will go away to prepare hospitality for you. And Dercylidas
								replied: No, by Zeus, for it would be shameful for me, who have
								just sacrificed, to be entertained by you instead of entertaining
								you. Stay, therefore, with us, and while the dinner is preparing you
								and I will think out what is fair toward one another and act
								accordingly.

When they were seated Dercylidas began
								asking questions: Tell me, Meidias, did your father leave you
								master of his property? Yes, indeed, he said. And how many
								houses had you? How many farms? How many pastures? As Meidias began
								to make a list, the Scepsians who were present said, He is
								deceiving you, Dercylidas.

Now don’t you, said he, be too petty about the details. When the
								list of the inheritance of Meidias had been made Dercylidas said:
								 Tell me, to whom did Mania belong? They all said that she belonged
									to Pharnabazus. Then, said he, do not her possessions belong to
										Pharnabazus too? Yes, indeed, they said. Then they must be
											ours, he said, since we are victorious; for Pharnabazus is our
												enemy. Let some one, then, said he, lead the way to the place
								where the possessions of Mania—or rather of Pharnabazus—are
								stored.

Now when the rest led the way to the dwelling of Mania, to which
								Meidias had succeeded, the latter also followed. And when Dercylidas
								entered he called the stewards, told his servants to seize them, and
								announced to them that if they were caught concealing any of Mania’s
								property they should have their throats cut on the spot; so they
								showed it to him. When he had seen all, he shut it up, sealed it,
								and set a guard upon it.

As he came out he said to some of the commanders of divisions and
								captains whom he found at the doors: Gentlemen, we have earned pay
								for the army—eight thousand men—for almost a year; and if we earn
								anything more, that, too, shall be added. He said this because he
								knew that upon hearing it the soldiers would be far more orderly and
								obedient. And when Meidias asked: But as for me, Dercylidas, where
									am I to dwell? he replied: Just where it is most proper that you
								should dwell, Meidias, —in your native city, Scepsis, and in your
								father’s house.

After Dercylidas had accomplished
								these things and gained possession of nine cities in eight days, he
								set about planning how he might avoid being a burden to his allies,
								as Thibron had been, by wintering in a friendly country, and how, on
								the other hand, Pharnabazus might
								not, despising the Lacedaemonian army because of his superiority in
								cavalry, harm the Greek cities. So he sent to Pharnabazus and asked
								him whether he preferred to have peace or war. And Pharnabazus,
								thinking that Aeolis had been made a strong base of attack upon his
								own dwelling-place, Phrygia, chose a truce.

When these things had taken place,
								Dercylidas went to Bithynian Thrace and there passed the winter, by
								no means to the displeasure of Pharnabazus, for the Bithynians were
								often at war with him. And during most of the time Dercylidas was
								plundering Bithynia in safety and had provisions in abundance; when,
								however, a force of Odrysians, about two hundred horsemen and about
								three hundred peltasts, came to him as allies from Seuthes 
								across the strait, these troops, after making a camp about twenty
								stadia from the Greek army and enclosing it with a palisade, asked
								Dercylidas for some of his hoplites as a guard for their camp and
								then sallied forth for booty, and seized many slaves and much
								property.

When their camp was already full of a great deal of plunder, the
								Bithynians, learning how many went out on the raids and how many
								Greeks they had left behind as a guard, gathered together in great
								numbers, peltasts and horsemen, and at daybreak made an attack upon
								the Greek hoplites, who numbered about two hundred. When the
								attacking party came near, some of them hurled spears and others
								threw javelins at the Greeks. And the latter, wounded and slain one
								after another, and unable to do the enemy any harm because of
									being shut up in the palisade,
								which was about the height of a man, finally broke through their own
								fortification and charged upon them.

Then the Bithynians, while they gave way at whatever point the Greeks
								rushed forth, and easily made their escape, since they were peltasts
								fleeing from hoplites, kept throwing javelins upon them from the one
								side and the other and struck down many of them at every sally; and
								in the end the Greeks were shot down like cattle shut up in a pen.
								About fifteen of them, however, made their escape to the main Greek
								camp, and these fifteen only because, as soon as they perceived the
								situation, they had slipped away in the course of the battle
								unheeded by the Bithynians.

As for the latter, when they had accomplished this speedy victory,
								had slain the Odrysian Thracians who guarded the tents, and
								recovered all the booty, they departed; so that the Greeks, on
								coming to the rescue when they learned of the affair, found nothing
								in the camp except dead bodies stripped bare. But when the Odrysians
								returned, they first buried their dead, drank a great deal of wine
								in their honour, and held a horse-race; and then, from that time on
								making common camp with the Greeks, they continued to plunder
								Bithynia and lay it waste with fire.

At the opening of the spring
								Dercylidas departed from Bithynia and
								came to Lampsacus. While he was there, Aracus, Naubates, and
								Antisthenes arrived under commission of the authorities at home.
								They came to observe how matters stood in general in Asia, and to
								tell Dercylidas to remain there and continue in command for the
								ensuing year; also to tell him that the ephors had given them
									instructions to call together the
								soldiers and say that while the ephors censured them for what they
								had done in former days, they commended them because now they were
								doing no wrong; they were also to say in regard to the future that
								if the soldiers were guilty of wrong-doing the ephors would not
								tolerate it, but if they dealt justly by the allies they would
								commend them.

When, however, they called together the soldiers and told them these
								things, the leader of Cyrus’ former troops replied: But,
								men of Lacedaemon, we are the same men now as we were last year; but
								our commander now is one man, and in the past was another. Therefore
								you are at once able to judge for yourselves the reason why we are
								not at fault now, although we were then.

While the ambassadors from home and
								Dercylidas were quartered together, one of Aracus’ party mentioned
								the fact that they had left ambassadors from the Chersonesians at
								Lacedaemon. And they said that these ambassadors stated that now
								they were unable to till their land in the Chersonese, for it was
								being continually pillaged by the Thracians; but if it were
								protected by a wall extending from sea to sea, they and likewise all
								of the Lacedaemonians who so desired would have an abundance of
								good, tillable land. Consequently, they said, they would not be
								surprised if some Lacedaemonian were in fact sent out by the state
								with an army to perform this task.

Now Dercylidas, when he heard this, did not make known to them the
								purpose which he cherished, but dismissed them on their journey
								through the Greek cities to Ephesus, being well pleased that they
								were going to see the cities enjoying a state of peace and prosperity. So they departed.
								But Dercylidas, having now found out that he was to remain in Asia,
								sent to Pharnabazus again and asked whether he preferred to have a
								truce, as during the winter, or war. Since Pharnabazus on this
								occasion again chose a truce, under these circumstances Dercylidas,
								leaving the cities of that region also in peace, crossed the
								Hellespont with his army to Europe, and after marching through a
								portion of Thrace which was friendly and being entertained by
								Seuthes, arrived at the Chersonese.

And when he learned that this Chersonese contained eleven or twelve
								towns and was an extremely productive and rich land, but had been
								ravaged, even as was stated, by the Thracians, and found also that
								the width of the isthmus was thirty-seven stadia, he did not delay,
								but after offering sacrifices proceeded to build a wall, dividing
								the whole distance part by part among the soldiers; and by promising
								them that he would give prizes to the first who finished their part,
								and also to the others as they severally might deserve, he completed
								the wall, although he had not begun upon it until the spring, before
								the time of harvest. And he brought under the protection of the wall
								eleven towns, many harbours, a great deal of good land suited for
								raising grain and fruit, and a vast amount of splendid pasture-land
								for all kinds of cattle.

When he had done this, he crossed back again to Asia. As he was now inspecting the cities of Asia,
								he saw that in general they were in good condition, but found that
								exiles from Chios held possession of Atarneus, a strong place, and
								from this as a base were pillaging Ionia and making their living
								thereby. When he learned further that they had a large stock of grain in the city, he invested and
								besieged them; and in eight months he brought them to terms,
								appointed Dracon of Pellene to have charge of the city, and after
								storing in the place all kinds of supplies in abundance, so that he
								might have it as a halting-place whenever he came there, departed to
								Ephesus, which is distant from Sardis a three days’ journey.

Up to this time Tissaphernes and
								Dercylidas, and the Greeks of this
								region and the barbarians, continued at peace with one another. Now,
								however, embassies came to Lacedaemon from the Ionian cities and set
								forth that it was in the power of Tissaphernes, if he chose, to
								leave the Greek cities independent; therefore they expressed the
								belief that if Caria, the particular province where the residence of
								Tissaphernes was, should suffer harm, under these circumstances he
								would very quickly leave them independent. When the ephors heard
								this, they sent to Dercylidas and gave orders that he should cross
								the river into Caria, and that Pharax, the admiral, should coast
								along with his ships to the same place. They accordingly did so.

Now it chanced that at this time Pharnabazus had come to visit
								Tissaphernes, not only because Tissaphernes had been appointed
								general-in-chief, but also for the purpose of assuring him that he
								was ready to make war together with him, to be his ally, and to aid
								him in driving the Greeks out of the territory of the King; for he
								secretly envied Tissaphernes his position as general for various
								reasons, but in particular he took it hardly that he had been
								deprived of Aeolis. Now when Tissaphernes heard his words, he said:
								 First, then, cross over with me into Caria, and then we will consult about these
								matters.

But when they were there, they decided to station adequate garrisons
								in the fortresses and to cross back again to Ionia. And when
								Dercylidas heard that they had crossed the Maeander again, he told
								Pharax that he was afraid Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus might overrun
								and pillage the land, unprotected as it was, and so crossed over
								himself to Ionia. Now while they were on the march, the army being
								by no means in battle formation, since they supposed that the enemy
								had gone on ahead into the territory of the Ephesians, on a sudden
								they saw scouts on the burial-mounds in front of them;

and when they also sent men to the tops of the mounds and towers in
								their neighbourhood, they made out an army drawn up in line of
								battle where their own road ran—Carians with white shields, the
								entire Persian force which chanced to be at hand, all the Greek
								troops which each of the two satraps had, and horsemen in great
								numbers, those of Tissaphernes upon the right wing and those of
								Pharnabazus upon the left.

When Dercylidas learned of all this,
								he told the commanders of divisions and the captains to form their
								men in line, eight deep, as quickly as possible, and to station the
								peltasts on either wing and likewise the cavalry—all that he chanced
								to have and such as it was; meanwhile he himself offered
								sacrifice.

Now all that part of the army which was from Peloponnesus kept quiet
								and prepared for battle; but as for the men from Priene and
								Achilleium, from the islands and the Ionian cities, some of them
								left their arms in the standing grain (for the grain was tall in the
								plain of the Maeander) and ran away, while all those who did stand
								showed clearly that they would not stand
								very long.

On the other side Pharnabazus, it was reported, was urging an
								engagement. But Tissaphernes, remembering the way Cyrus’ troops had
								made war with the Persians and believing that the Greeks were all
								like them, did not wish to fight, but sent to Dercylidas and said
								that he wanted to come to a conference with him. And Dercylidas,
								taking the best-looking of the troops he had, both cavalry and
								infantry, came forward to meet the messengers and said: For my part
								I had prepared to fight, as you see; however, since he wishes to
								come to a conference, I have no objection myself. But if this is to
								be done, pledges and hostages must be given and received.

When this plan had been decided upon and carried out, the armies went
								away, the barbarians to Tralles in Caria, and the Greeks to
								Leucophrys, where there was a very holy shrine of Artemis and a lake
								more than a stadium in length, with a sandy bottom and an unfailing
								supply of drinkable, warm water. This, then, was what was done at
								that time; but on the following day the commanders came to the place
								agreed upon, and it seemed best to them to learn from one another on
								what terms each would make peace.

Dercylidas accordingly stated his condition, that the King should
								leave the Greek cities independent; and Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus
								stated theirs, that the Greek army should depart from the country
								and the Lacedaemonian governors from the cities. When they had
								stated these terms to one another, they concluded a truce, to
								continue until the proposals should be reported by Dercylidas to
								Lacedaemon, and by Tissaphernes to the King.

While these things were being done in
								Asia by Dercylidas, the
								Lacedaemonians at the same time were engaged in war at home, against
								the Eleans. They had long been angry with the Eleans, both because
								the latter had concluded an alliance with the Athenians, Argives,
								and Mantineans, and because, alleging that judgment had been
								rendered against the Lacedaemonians, they had debarred them from
								both the horse-races and the athletic contests; and this alone
								did not suffice them, but furthermore, after Lichas had made
								over his chariot to the Thebans and they were proclaimed victorious,
								when Lichas came in to put the garland upon his charioteer, they had
								scourged him, an old man, and driven him out.

And again, at a later time, when Agis was sent to sacrifice to Zeus
								in accordance with an oracle, the Eleans would not allow him to pray
								for victory in war, saying that even from ancient times it was an
								established principle that Greeks should not consult the oracle
								about a war with Greeks; so that Agis went away without
								sacrificing.

It was in consequence of all these things that the ephors and the
								assembly were angry, and they determined to bring the Eleans to
								their senses. Accordingly, they sent ambassadors to Elis and said
								that it seemed to the authorities of Lacedaemon to be just that they
								should leave their outlying towns independent. And when the Eleans
								replied that they would not do so, for the reason that they held the
								towns as prizes of war, the ephors called out the ban. 
								And Agis, at the head of the army, made his entrance into the
								territory of Elis through Achaea, along the Larisus.

Now when the army had but just
								arrived in the enemy’s country and the land was being laid waste, an
								earthquake took place. Then Agis, thinking that this was a
								heaven-sent sign, departed again from the country and disbanded his
								army. As a result of this the Eleans were much bolder, and sent
								around embassies to all the states which they knew to be unfriendly
								to the Lacedaemonians.

In the course of the year, however, the ephors again called out the
								ban against Elis, and with the exception of the Boeotians and the
								Corinthians all the allies, including the Athenians, took part with
								Agis in the campaign. Now when Agis entered Elis by way of Aulon,
								the Lepreans at once revolted from the Eleans and came over to him,
								the Macistians likewise at once, and after them the Epitalians. And
								while he was crossing the river, the Letrinians, Amphidolians, and
								Marganians came over to him.

Thereupon he went to Olympia and
								offered sacrifices to Olympian Zeus,
								and this time no one undertook to prevent him. After his sacrifices
								he marched upon the city of Elis, laying the land waste with axe and
								fire as he went, and vast numbers of cattle and vast numbers of
								slaves were captured in the country; insomuch that many more of the
								Arcadians and Achaeans, on hearing the news, came of their own
								accord to join the expedition and shared in the plunder. In fact
								this campaign proved to be a harvest, as it were, for
								Peloponnesus.

When Agis reached the city he did some harm to the suburbs and the
								gymnasia, which were beautiful, but as for the city itself (for it
								was unwalled) the Lacedaemonians thought that he was unwilling,
								rather than unable, to capture it. Now while the country was being
								ravaged and the Lacedaemonian army
								was in the neighbourhood of Cyllene, the party of Xenias—the man of
								whom it was said that he measured out with a bushel measure the
								money he received from his father—wishing to have their city go over
								to the Lacedaemonians and to receive the credit for this, rushed out
								of a house, armed with swords, and began a slaughter; and having
								killed, among others, a man who resembled Thrasydaeus, the leader of
								the commons, they supposed that they had killed Thrasydaeus himself,
								so that the commons lost heart entirely and kept quiet,

while the men engaged in the slaughter supposed that everything was
								already accomplished and their sympathizers gathered under arms in
								the market-place. But it chanced that Thrasydaeus was still asleep
								at the very place where he had become drunk. And when the commons
								learned that he was not dead, they gathered round his house on all
								sides, as a swarm of bees around its leader.

And when Thrasydaeus put himself at their head and led the way, a
								battle took place in which the commons were victorious, and those
								who had undertaken the slaughter were forced to flee to the
								Lacedaemonians. As for Agis, when he departed and crossed the
								Alpheus again, after leaving a garrison in Epitalium near the
								Alpheus, with Lysippus as governor, and also leaving there the
								exiles from Elis, he disbanded his army and returned home
								himself.

During the rest of the summer and the
								ensuing winter the country of the Eleans was plundered by Lysippus
								and the men with him. But in the course of the following summer Thrasydaeus sent to
								Lacedaemon and agreed to tear down the walls of Phea and Cyllene, to
								leave the Triphylian towns of Phrixa and Epitalium independent, likewise the
								Letrinians, Amphidolians, and Marganians, and besides these the
								Acrorians and the town of Lasion, which was claimed by the
								Arcadians. The Eleans, however, claimed the right to hold Epeum, the
								town between Heraea and Macistus; for they said that they had bought
								the whole territory for thirty talents from the people to whom the
								town at that time belonged, and had paid the money.

But the Lacedaemonians, deciding that it was no more just to get
								property from the weaker by a forced purchase than by a forcible
								seizure, compelled them to leave this town also independent; they
								did not, however, dispossess them of the presidency of the shrine of
								Olympian Zeus, even though it did not belong to the Eleans in
								ancient times, for they thought that the rival claimants were country people and not competent to
								hold the presidency. When these things had been agreed upon, a peace
								and an alliance were concluded between the Eleans and the
								Lacedaemonians. And so the war between the Lacedaemonians and the
								Eleans ended.

After this Agis, having gone to Delphi
								and offered to the god the appointed tithe of his booty, on his way
								back fell sick at Heraea, being now an old man, and although he was
								still living when brought home to Lacedaemon, once there he very
								soon died; and he received a burial more splendid than belongs to
								man. When the prescribed days of mourning had been religiously
								observed and it was necessary to appoint a king, Leotychides, who
								claimed to be a son of Agis, and Agesilaus, a brother of Agis,
								contended for the kingship.

And Leotychides said: But, Agesilaus,
								the law directs, not that a brother, but that a son of a king,
								should be king; if, however, there should chance to be no son, in
								that case the brother would be king. It is I, then, who should be
								king. How so, when I am alive? Because he whom you call your
								father said that you were not his son. Nay, but my mother, who
								knows far better than he did, says even to this day that I am. But
								Poseidon showed that you are entirely in the wrong, for he drove
								your father out of her chamber into
								the open by an earthquake. And time also, which is said to be the
								truest witness, gave testimony that the god was right; for you were
								born in the tenth month from the time when he fled from the
								chamber. Such were the words which passed between these two.

But Diopeithes, a man very well versed in oracles, said in support of
								Leotychides that there was also an oracle of Apollo which bade the
								Lacedaemonians beware of the lame kingship. Lysander, however, made
								reply to him, on behalf of Agesilaus, that he did not suppose the
								god was bidding them beware lest a king of theirs should get a
								sprain and become lame, but rather lest one who was not of the royal
								stock should become king. For the kingship would be lame in very
								truth when it was not the descendants of Heracles who were at the
								head of the state.

After hearing such arguments from both claimants the state chose
								Agesilaus king. When Agesilaus had
								been not yet a year in the kingly office, once while he was offering
								one of the appointed sacrifices in behalf of the state, the seer
								said that the gods revealed a conspiracy of the most terrible sort. And when he sacrificed
								again, the seer said that the signs appeared still more terrible.
								And upon his sacrificing for the third time, he said: Agesilaus,
								just such a sign is given me as would be given if we were in the
								very midst of the enemy. There-upon they made offerings to the gods
								who avert evil and to those who grant safety, and having with
								difficulty obtained favourable omens, ceased sacrificing. And within
								five days after the sacrifice was ended a man reported to the ephors
								a conspiracy, and Cinadon as the head of the affair.

This Cinadon was a young man, sturdy of body and stout of heart, but
								not one of the peers. 
								And when the ephors asked how he had said that the plan would be
								carried out, the informer replied that Cinadon had taken him to the
								edge of the market-place and directed him to count how many
								Spartiatae there were in the market-place. And I, 
								he said, after counting king and ephors and senators and about
								forty others, asked Why, Cinadon, did you bid me count these men? 
								And he replied: Believe, said he, that these men are your
								enemies, and that all the others who are in the market-place, more
								than four thousand in number, are your allies. In the streets
								also, the informer said, Cinadon pointed out as enemies here one and
								there two who met them, and all the rest as allies; and of all who
								chanced to be on the country estates belonging to Spartiatae, while
								there would be one whom he would point out as an enemy, namely the
								master, yet there would be many on each estate named as allies.

When the ephors asked how many
								Cinadon said there really were who were in the secret of this
								affair, the informer replied that he said in regard to this point
								that those who were in the secret with himself and the other leaders
								were by no means many, though trustworthy; the leaders, however, put
								it this way, that it was they who knew the secret of all the
								others—Helots, freedmen, lesser Spartiatae, and Perioeci; for
								whenever among these classes any mention was made of Spartiatae, no
								one was able to conceal the fact that he would be glad to eat them
								raw.

When the ephors asked again: And where did they say they would get
								weapons? the informer replied that Cinadon said: Of course those
								of us who are in the army have weapons of our own, and as for the
								masses —he led him, he said, to the iron market, and showed him
								great quantities of knives, swords, spits, axes, hatchets, and
								sickles. And he said, the informer continued, that all those tools
								with which men work the land and timber and stone were likewise
								weapons, and that most of the other industries also had in their
								implements adequate weapons, especially against unarmed men. When he
								was asked again at what time this thing was to be done, he said that
								orders had been given him to stay in the city.

Upon hearing these statements the
								ephors came to the conclusion that he was describing a
								well-considered plan, and were greatly alarmed; and without even
								convening the Little Assembly, as it was called, but merely
								gathering about them—one ephor here and another there—some of the
								senators, they decided to send Cinadon to Aulon along with others of
								the younger men, and to order him to bring back with him certain of the Aulonians and Helots
								whose names were written in the official dispatch. And they ordered
								him to bring also the woman who was said to be the most beautiful
								woman in Aulon and was thought to be corrupting the Lacedaemonians
								who came there, older and younger alike.

Now Cinadon had performed other services of a like sort for the
								ephors in the past; so this time they gave him the dispatch in which
								were written the names of those who were to be arrested. And when he
								asked which of the young men he should take with him, they said: Go
								and bid the eldest of the commanders of the guard to send with you
								six or seven of those who may chance to be at hand. In fact they
								had taken care that the commander should know whom he was to send,
								and that those who were sent should know that it was Cinadon whom
								they were to arrest. The ephors said this thing besides to Cinadon,
								that they would send three wagons, so that they would not have to
								bring back the prisoners on foot—trying to conceal, as far as they
								could, the fact that they were sending after one man—himself.

The reason they did not plan to arrest him in the city was that they
								did not know how great was the extent of the plot, and they wished
								to hear from Cinadon who his accomplices were before these should
								learn that they had been informed against, in order to prevent their
								escaping. Accordingly, those who made the arrest were to detain
								Cinadon, and after learning from him the names of his confederates,
								to write them down and send them back as quickly as possible to the
								ephors. And so seriously did the ephors regard the matter that they
								even sent a regiment of cavalry to support the men who had set out for Aulon.

When the man had been seized and a horseman had returned with the
								names of those whom Cinadon had listed, the ephors immediately
								proceeded to arrest the seer Tisamenus and the most influential of
								the others. And when Cinadon was brought back and questioned, and
								confessed everything and told the names of his confederates, they
								asked him finally what in the world was his object in undertaking
								this thing. He replied: I wished to be inferior to no one in
								Lacedaemon. Thereupon he was straightway bound fast, neck and arms,
								in a collar, and under scourge and goad was dragged about through
								the city, he and those with him. And so they met their
								punishment.

After this a Syracusan named Herodas,
									being in Phoenicia with a
								certain shipowner, and seeing Phoenician war-ships—some of them
								sailing in from other places, others lying there fully manned, and
								yet others still making ready for sea—and hearing, besides, that
								there were to be three hundred of them, embarked on the first boat
								that sailed to Greece and reported to the Lacedaemonians that the
								King and Tissaphernes were preparing this expedition; but whither it
								was bound he said he did not know.

Now while the Lacedaemonians were in a state of great excitement, and
								were gathering together their allies and taking counsel as to what
								they should do, Lysander, thinking that the Greeks would be far
								superior on the sea, and reflecting that the land force which went
								up country with Cyrus had returned safely, persuaded Agesilaus to
								promise, in case the Lacedaemonians would give him thirty
								Spartiatae, two thousand emancipated Helots, and a contingent of six thousand of the
								allies, to make an expedition to Asia. Such were the motives which
								actuated Lysander, but, in addition, he wanted to make the
								expedition with Agesilaus on his own account also, in order that
								with the aid of Agesilaus he might re-establish the decarchies 
								which had been set up by him in the cities, but had been overthrown
								through the ephors, who had issued a proclamation restoring to the
								cities their ancient form of government.

When Agesilaus offered to undertake the campaign, the Lacedaemonians
								gave him everything he asked for and provisions for six months. And
								when he marched forth from the country after offering all the
								sacrifices which were required, including that at the frontier, he dispatched messengers to the various cities
								and announced how many men were to be sent from each city, and where
								they were to report; while as for himself, he desired to go and
								offer sacrifice at Aulis, the place where Agamemnon had sacrificed
								before he sailed to Troy.

When he had reached Aulis, however, the Boeotarchs, on learning that he was sacrificing,
								sent horsemen and bade him discontinue his sacrificing, and they
								threw from the altar the victims which they found already offered.
								Then Agesilaus, calling the gods to witness, and full of anger,
								embarked upon his trireme and sailed away. And when he arrived at
								Gerastus and had collected there as large a part of his army as he
								could, he directed his course to Ephesus.

When he reached Ephesus, Tissaphernes
								at once sent and asked him with what intent he had come. And he answered: That the cities in Asia
								shall be independent, as are those in our part of Greece. In reply
											to this Tissaphernes said: Then if you are willing to make a truce
								until I can send to the King, I think you could accomplish this
								object and, if you should so desire, sail back home. Indeed I
									should so desire, said he, if I could but think that I was not
									being deceived by you. But, said he, it is possible for you to
								receive a guarantee on this point, that in very truth and without
								guile, if you follow this course, we will do no harm to any part of
								your domain during the truce.

After this agreement had been reached, Tissaphernes made oath to the
								commissioners who were sent to him, Herippidas, Dercylidas, and
								Megillus, that in very truth and without guile he would negotiate
								the peace, and they in turn made oath on behalf of Agesilaus to
								Tissaphernes that in very truth, if he did this, Agesilaus would
								steadfastly observe the truce. Now Tissaphernes straightway violated
								the oaths which he had sworn; for instead of keeping peace he sent
								to the King for a large army in addition to that which he had
								before. But Agesilaus, though he was aware of this, nevertheless
								continued to abide by the truce.

Meanwhile, during the time that
								Agesilaus was spending in quiet and leisure at Ephesus, since the
								governments in the cities were in a state of confusion—for it was no
								longer democracy, as in the time of Athenian rule, nor decarchy, as
								in the time of Lysander—and since the people all knew Lysander, they
								beset him with requests that he should obtain from Agesilaus the
								granting of their petitions; and for this reason a very great crowd
								was continually courting and following him, so that Agesilaus
									appeared to be a man in private
								station and Lysander king.

Now Agesilaus showed afterwards that he also was enraged by these
								things; but the thirty Spartiatae with him were so jealous that they could
								not keep silence, but said to Agesilaus that Lysander was doing an
								unlawful thing in conducting himself more pompously than royalty.
								When, however, Lysander now began to introduce people to Agesilaus,
								the king would in every case dismiss, without granting their
								petitions, those who were known by him to be supported in any way by
								Lysander. And when Lysander found that the outcome was invariably
								the opposite of what he desired, he realized how the matter stood;
								and he no longer allowed a crowd to follow him, while he plainly
								told those who wanted him to give them any help that they would fare
								worse if he supported them.

But being distressed at his disgrace, he went to Agesilaus and said:
								 Agesilaus, it seems that you, at least, understand how to humiliate
									your friends. Yes, by Zeus, I do, said he, at any rate those who
								wish to appear greater than I; but as for those who exalt me, if I
								should prove not to know how to honour them in return, I should be
								ashamed. And Lysander said: Well, perhaps it is indeed true that
								you are acting more properly than I acted. Therefore grant me this
								favour at least: in order that I may not be shamed by having no
								influence with you, and may not be in your way, send me off
								somewhere. For, wherever I may be, I shall endeavour to be useful to
								you.

When he had thus spoken, Agesilaus also thought it best to follow
								this course, and he sent him to the Hellespont. There Lysander, upon
								learning that Spithridates the Persian had suffered a slight at the
								hands of Pharnabazus, had a conference with him and persuaded him
									to revolt, taking with him
								his children and the money he had at hand and about two hundred
								horsemen. And Lysander left everything else at Cyzicus, but put
								Spithridates himself and his son on board ship and brought them with
								him to Agesilaus. And when Agesilaus saw them, he was pleased with
								the exploit, and immediately inquired about the territory and
								government of Pharnabazus.

Now when Tissaphernes, growing
								confident because of the army which had come down from the King,
								declared war upon Agesilaus if he did not depart from Asia, the
								allies and the Lacedaemonians who were present showed that they were
								greatly disturbed, thinking that the force which Agesilaus had was
								inferior to the King’s array; but Agesilaus, his countenance
								radiant, ordered the ambassadors to carry back word to Tissaphernes
								that he felt very grateful to him because, by violating his oath, he
								had made the gods enemies of his side and allies of the Greeks. Then
								he straightway gave orders to the soldiers to pack up for a
								campaign, and sent word to the cities which had to be visited by
								anyone who marched upon Caria, that they should make ready a market.
								He also dispatched orders to the Ionians, Aeolians, and
								Hellespontines to send to him at Ephesus troops which should take
								part in the campaign.

Now Tissaphernes, both because Agesilaus had no cavalry (and Caria
								was unsuited for cavalry), and because he believed that he was angry
								with him on account of his treachery, made up his mind that he was
								really going to march against his own residence in Caria, and
								accordingly sent all his infantry across into that province, and as
								for his cavalry, he led it round into the plain of the Maeander,
								thinking that he was strong enough to trample the Greeks under foot with his horsemen before they should
								reach the regions which were unfit for cavalry. Agesilaus, however,
								instead of proceeding against Caria, straightway turned in the
								opposite direction and marched towards Phrygia, and he picked up and
								led along with him the contingents which met him on the march,
								subdued the cities, and, since he fell upon them unexpectedly,
								obtained great quantities of booty.

Most of the time he pursued his march through the country in safety;
								but when he was not far from Dascyleium, his horsemen, who were
								going on ahead of him, rode to the top of a hill so as to see what
								was in front. And by chance the horsemen of Pharnabazus, under the
								command of Rhathines and Bagaeus, his bastard brother, just about
								equal to the Greek cavalry in number, had been sent out by
								Pharnabazus and likewise rode to the top of this same hill. And when
								the two squadrons saw one another, not so much as four plethra 
								apart, at first both halted, the Greek horsemen being drawn up four
								deep like a phalanx, and the barbarians with a
								front of not more than twelve, but many men deep. Then, however, the
								barbarians charged.

When they came to a hand-to-hand encounter, all of the Greeks who
								struck anyone broke their spears, while the barbarians, being armed
								with javelins of cornel-wood, speedily killed twelve men and two
								horses. Thereupon the Greeks were turned to flight. But when
								Agesilaus came to the rescue with the hoplites, the barbarians
								withdrew again and one of them was killed.

After this cavalry battle had taken
								place and Agesilaus on the next day was offering sacrifices with a
								view to an advance, the livers of the victims were found to be
								lacking a lobe. This sign having presented itself, he turned and
								marched to the sea. And perceiving that, unless he obtained an
								adequate cavalry force, he would not be able to campaign in the
								plains, he resolved that this must be provided, so that he might not
								have to carry on a skulking warfare. Accordingly he assigned the
								richest men of all the cities in that region to the duty of raising
								horses; and by proclaiming that whoever supplied a horse and arms
								and a competent man would not have to serve himself, he caused these
								arrangements to be carried out with all the expedition that was to
								be expected when men were eagerly looking for substitutes to die in
								their stead.

After this, when spring was just
								coming on, he gathered his whole army
								at Ephesus; and desiring to train the army, he offered prizes both
								to the heavy-armed divisions, for the division which should be in
								the best physical condition, and to the cavalry divisions, for the
								one which should show the best horsemanship; and he also offered
								prizes to peltasts and bowmen, for all who should prove themselves
								best in their respective duties. Thereupon one might have seen all
								the gymnasia full of men exercising, the hippodrome full of riders,
								and the javelin-men and bowmen practising.

In fact, he made the entire city, where he was staying, a sight worth
								seeing; for the market was full of all sorts of horses and weapons,
								offered for sale, and the copper-workers, carpenters, smiths,
								leather-cutters, and painters were all engaged in making martial
								weapons, so that one might have
								thought that the city was really a workshop of war.

And one would have been encouraged at another sight also—Agesilaus in
								the van, and after him the rest of the soldiers, returning garlanded
								from the gymnasia and dedicating their garlands to Artemis. For
								where men reverence the gods, train themselves in deeds of war, and
								practise obedience to authority, may we not reasonably suppose that
								such a place abounds in high hopes?

And again, believing that to feel contempt for one’s enemies infuses
								a certain courage for the fight, Agesilaus gave orders to his
								heralds that the barbarians who were captured by the Greek raiding
								parties should be exposed for sale naked. Thus the soldiers, seeing
								that these men were white-skinned because they never were without
								their clothing, and soft and unused to toil because they always rode
								in carriages, came to the conclusion that the war would be in no way
								different from having to fight with women.

Meanwhile the year had now ended since
								the time when Agesilaus had set sail from Greece, so that Lysander
								and the thirty Spartiatae sailed back home, and Herippidas with his
								thirty came as their successors. Of these, Agesilaus assigned
								Xenocles and one other to the command of the cavalry, Scythes to the
								command of the Helot hoplites, Herippidas to the Cyreans, and Mygdon to the troops from the
								allied cities, and he announced to them that he would immediately
								lead them by the shortest route to the best parts of the country,
								his object being to have them begin at once to prepare their bodies
								and spirits for the fray.

Tissaphernes, however, thought that he
								was saying this from a desire to deceive him again, and that this
								time he would really invade Caria, and accordingly he sent his
								infantry across into Caria, just as before, and stationed his
								cavalry in the plain of the Maeander. Agesilaus, however, did not
								belie his words, but, even as he had announced, marched straight to
								the neighbourhood of Sardis. For three days he proceeded through a
								country bare of enemies, and had provisions for the army in
								abundance, but on the fourth day the cavalry of the enemy came
								up.

And their commander told the leader of the baggage-train to cross the
								Pactolus river and encamp, while the horsemen themselves, getting
								sight of the camp-followers on the side of the Greeks, scattered for
								plunder, killed a large number of them. On perceiving this Agesilaus
								ordered his horsemen to go to their aid. And the Persians, in their
								turn, when they saw this movement, gathered together and formed an
								opposing line, with very many companies of their horsemen.

Then Agesilaus, aware that the infantry of the enemy was not yet at
								hand, while on his side none of the arms which had been made ready
								was missing, deemed it a fit time to join battle if he could.
								Therefore, after offering sacrifice, he at once led his phalanx
								against the opposing line of horsemen, ordering the first ten
									year-classes of the hoplites to run to close
								quarters with the enemy, and bidding the peltasts lead the way at a
								double-quick. He also sent word to his cavalry to attack, in the
								assurance that he and the whole army were following them.

Now the Persians met the attack of the cavalry; but when the whole
								formidable array together was upon them, they gave way, and some of them were struck down at once in
								crossing the river, while the rest fled on. And the Greeks, pursuing
								them, captured their camp as well. Then the peltasts, as was
								natural, betook themselves to plundering; but Agesilaus enclosed all
								alike, friends as well as foes, within the circle of his
								camp. And not only was much other property captured, which fetched
								more than seventy talents, but it was at this time that the camels
								also were captured which Agesilaus brought back with him to
								Greece.

When this battle took place
								Tissaphernes chanced to be at Sardis, so that the Persians charged
								him with having betrayed them. Furthermore, the Persian King himself
								concluded that Tissaphernes was responsible for the bad turn his
								affairs were taking, and accordingly sent down Tithraustes and cut
								off his head. After he had done this, Tithraustes sent ambassadors
								to Agesilaus with this message: Agesilaus, the man who was
								responsible for the trouble in your eyes and ours has received his
								punishment; and the King deems it fitting that you should sail back
								home, and that the cities in Asia, retaining their independence,
								should render him the ancient tribute.

When Agesilaus replied that he could not do this without the sanction
								of the authorities at home, Tithraustes said, But at least, until
								you receive word from the city, go over into the territory of
								Pharnabazus, since it is I who have taken vengeance upon your
								enemy. Then, until I go there, said Agesilaus, give me
								provisions for the army. Tithraustes accordingly gave him thirty
								talents; and he took it and set out for Pharnabazus’ province
									of Phrygia.

And when he was in the plain which is above Cyme, orders came to him
								from the authorities at home to exercise command as he thought best
								over the fleet also, and to appoint as admiral whomsoever he wished.
								Now the Lacedaemonians did this because they reasoned that if the
								same man were in command of both army and fleet, the army would be
								much stronger because the strength of both would be united, and the
								fleet likewise because the army would appear wherever it was
								needed.

But when Agesilaus heard this, in the first place he sent orders to
								the cities in the islands and on the coast to build triremes in such
								numbers as the several cities desired. And the result was new
								triremes to the number of one hundred and twenty, consisting of
								those which the cities offered and those which private individuals
								built out of desire to please Agesilaus.

Then he appointed as admiral Peisander, his wife’s brother, a man who
								was ambitious and of a stout spirit, but rather inexperienced in
								making such provisions as were needful. So Peisander departed and
								busied himself with naval matters; and Agesilaus continued the march
								to Phrygia on which he had set out.

But now Tithraustes, who thought he
								had found out that Agesilaus despised the power of the King and did
								not in the least intend to depart from Asia, but rather had great
								hopes that he would overcome the King, being perplexed to know how
								to deal with the situation, sent Timocrates the Rhodian to Greece,
								giving him gold to the value of fifty talents of silver, and bade
								him undertake, on receipt of the surest pledges, to give this money
								to the leaders in the various states on condition that they should make war upon the Lacedaemonians.
								So Timocrates went and gave his money, at Thebes to Androcleidas,
								Ismenias, and Galaxidorus; at Corinth to Timolaus and Polyanthes;
								and at Argos to Cylon and his followers.

And the Athenians, even though they did not receive a share of this
								gold, were nevertheless eager for the war, thinking that theirs was
								the right to rule. Then those who had taken the money set to work in
								their own states to defame the Lacedaemonians; and when they had
								brought their people to a feeling of hatred toward them, they
								undertook, further, to unite the largest states with one
								another.

But the leading men in Thebes, being
								aware that unless someone began war the Lacedaemonians would not
								break the peace with their allies, persuaded the Opuntian Locrians
								to levy money from the territory which was in dispute between the
								Phocians and themselves, for they thought that if this was done the
								Phocians would invade Locris. And they were not disappointed, for
								the Phocians did at once invade Locris and seize property many times
								as valuable.

Then Androcleidas and his followers speedily persuaded the Thebans to
								aid the Locrians, on the ground that the Phocians had invaded, not
								the disputed territory, but Locris, which was admitted to be a
								friendly and allied country. And when the Thebans made a
								counter-invasion into Phocis and laid waste the land, the Phocians
								straightway sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon and asked the
								Lacedaemonians to aid them, setting forth that they had not begun
								war, but had gone against the Locrians in self-defence.

Now the Lacedaemonians were glad to
								seize a pretext for undertaking a campaign against the Thebans, for
								they had long been angry with them both on account of their claiming
								Apollo’s tenth at Decelea and their refusing
								to follow them against Piraeus. Furthermore, they charged them with
								persuading the Corinthians likewise not to join in that campaign.
								Again, they recalled that they had refused to permit Agesilaus to
								sacrifice at Aulis and had cast from the altar the victims already
								offered, and that they also would not join Agesilaus for the
								campaign in Asia. They also reasoned that it was a favourable time
								to lead forth an army against the Thebans and put a stop to their
								insolent behaviour toward them; for matters in Asia were in an
								excellent condition for them, Agesilaus being victorious, and in
								Greece there was no other war to hinder them.

The city of the Lacedaemonians being thus minded, the ephors called
								out the ban and sent Lysander to Phocis with orders to report at
								Haliartus, bringing with him the Phocians themselves and also the
								Oetaeans, Heracleots, Malians, and Aenianians. And Pausanias also,
								who was to have chief command, agreed to appear at Haliartus on an
								appointed day, with the troops of the Lacedaemonians and the other
								Peloponnesians. Now Lysander carried out all his orders and,
								besides, caused the Orchomenians to revolt from the Thebans.

And Pausanias, when his sacrifice at the frontier proved favourable,
								sent out his officers to muster the allies, and waited for the
								troops from the outlying towns of Laconia, he meanwhile resting at
								Tegea. But when it became clear to the Thebans that the
								Lacedaemonians were going to invade their land, they sent
								ambassadors to Athens with the following
								message:

Men of Athens, as regards your
								complaints against us for having voted for harsh measures toward you
								at the conclusion of the war, your complaints are not justified; for it was
								not the state which voted for those measures, but only the one
								individual who proposed them, a man who chanced at that time to have
								a seat in the assembly of the allies. But when the Lacedaemonians
								summoned us to the attack upon Piraeus, then the whole state voted
								not to join them in the campaign. Therefore, since it is chiefly on your
								account that the Lacedaemonians are angry with us, we think it is
								fair that you should aid our state.

And we consider it in a far greater degree incumbent upon all those
								among you who belonged to the city party that you should zealously
								take the field against the Lacedaemonians. For the Lacedaemonians,
								after establishing you as an oligarchy and making you objects of
								hatred to the commons, came with a great force, ostensibly as your
								allies, and delivered you over to the democrats. Consequently, in so
								far as it depended upon them, you would certainly have perished, but
								the commons here saved you.

Furthermore, men of Athens, although we all understand that you would
								like to recover the dominion which you formerly possessed, we ask in
								what way this is more likely to come to pass than by your aiding
								those who are wronged by the Lacedaemonians? And do not be afraid
								because they rule over many, but much rather be of good courage on
								that account, keeping in mind your own case, that when the subjects
								over whom you ruled were the most numerous, then you had the most enemies. To be sure
								they concealed their enmity to you so long as they had no one to
								whom to revolt, but as soon as the Lacedaemonians offered themselves
								as leaders, then they showed what their feelings were toward
								you.

Even so now, if we and you are found in arms together against the
								Lacedaemonians, be well assured that those who hate them will appear
								in full numbers. That we speak truth
								you will see at once if you consider the matter. For who is now left
								that is friendly to them? Have not the Argives been hostile to them
								from all time?

And now the Eleans, whom they have robbed of much territory and many
								cities, have been added to the number of their enemies. As for the
								Corinthians, Arcadians, and Achaeans, what shall we say of them, who
								in the war against you, at the earnest entreaty of the
								Lacedaemonians, bore a share of all hardships and perils and
								expenses; but when the Lacedaemonians had accomplished what they
								desired, what dominion or honour or what captured treasure did they
								ever share with them? Nay, it is their Helots whom they deem it
								proper to appoint as governors, while toward their allies, who are
								free men, they have behaved themselves like masters since they have
								achieved success.

Furthermore, it is plain that they have deceived in like manner the
								peoples whom they won away from you; for instead of freedom they
								have given them a double servitude—they are under the tyrant rule
								both of the governors and of the decarchies which Lysander
								established in each city. Take the King of Asia also —although his
								contributions helped them most to win the victory over you, what
								better treatment is he now receiving than if he had joined with
									you and subdued them?

How, then, can it be doubtful that if you in your turn offer
								yourselves as leaders of those who are so manifestly wronged, you
								will now become by far the greatest of all the states that have ever
								been? For at the time when you held dominion you were the leaders,
								you recall, of those only who dwelt on the sea; but now you would
								become the leaders of all alike—of ourselves, of the Peloponnesians,
								of those whom you formerly ruled, and of the King himself with his
								vast power. And we certainly were valuable allies to the
								Lacedaemonians, as you so well know; but now we can be expected to
								support you altogether more stoutly than we supported the
								Lacedaemonians then; for it is by no means on behalf of islanders or
								Syracusans, or in fact of any alien people, that we shall be lending
								our aid as we were then, but on behalf of our own injured
								selves.

And this also is to be well understood, that the selfishly acquired
								dominion of the Lacedaemonians is far easier to destroy than the
								empire which was once yours. For you had a navy and ruled over men
								who had none, while they, being few, arrogate to themselves dominion
								over men who are many times their number and are fully as well
								armed. This, then, is our proposal; but be well assured, men of
								Athens, that we believe we are inviting you to benefits far greater
								for your state than for our own.

With these words he ceased speaking.
								But as for the Athenians, very many spoke in support of him and they
								voted unanimously to aid the Thebans. And Thrasybulus, after giving
								the ambassadors the decree for an answer, pointed out also that,
								although Piraeus was without walls, they would nevertheless brave
								the danger of repaying to the Thebans a greater favour than they had received. For whereas
											you, he said, did not join in the campaign against us, we are
								going to fight along with you against them, in case they march upon
								you.

So the Thebans went away and made preparations for defending
								themselves, and the Athenians for aiding them. And in fact the
								Lacedaemonians did not longer delay, but Pausanias the king marched
								into Boeotia with the troops from home and those from Peloponnesus
								except the Corinthians, who refused to accompany them. And Lysander,
								at the head of the army from Phocis, Orchomenus, and the places in
								that region, arrived at Haliartus before Pausanias.

Having arrived, he did not keep quiet and wait for the army from
								Lacedaemon, but went up to the wall of the Haliartians with the
								troops which he had. And at first he tried to persuade them to
								revolt from the Thebans and become independent; but when some of the
								Thebans, who were within the wall, prevented them from doing so, he
								made an attack upon the wall.

And on hearing of this the Thebans came on the run to the rescue,
								both hoplites and cavalry. Whether it was that they fell upon
								Lysander unawares, or that he saw them coming and nevertheless stood
								his ground in the belief that he would be victorious, is uncertain;
								but this at any rate is clear, that the battle took place beside the
								wall; and a trophy stands at the gates of the Haliartians. Now when
								Lysander had been killed and his troops were fleeing to the
								mountain, the Thebans pursued stoutly.

But when they had reached the heights in their pursuit and came upon
								rough country and narrow ways, the hoplites of the enemy turned
								about and threw javelins and other missiles upon them. And when two or three of them who
								were in the van had been struck down, and the enemy began to roll
								stones down the hill upon the rest and to attack them with great
								spirit, the Thebans were driven in flight from the slope, and more
								than two hundred of them were killed.

On this day, therefore, the Thebans
								were despondent, thinking that they had suffered losses no less
								severe than those they had inflicted; on the following day, however,
								when they learned that the Phocians and the rest had all gone away
								in the night to their several homes, then they began to be more
								elated over their exploit. But when, on the other hand, Pausanias
								appeared with the army from Lacedaemon, they again thought that they
								were in great danger, and, by all accounts, there was deep silence
								and despondency in their army.

When, however, on the next day the Athenians arrived and formed in
								line of battle with them, while Pausanias did not advance against
								them nor offer battle, then the elation of the Thebans increased
								greatly; as for Pausanias, he called together the commanders of
								regiments and of fifties, and took counsel with them as to whether
								he should join battle or recover by means of a truce the bodies of
								Lysander and those who fell with him.

Accordingly Pausanias and the other Lacedaemonians who were in
								authority, considering that Lysander was dead and that the army
								under his command had been defeated and was gone, while the
								Corinthians had altogether refused to accompany them and those who
								had come were not serving with any
								spirit; considering also the matter of horsemen, that the enemy’s were numerous while their own
								were few, and, most important of all, that the bodies lay close up
								to the wall, so that even in case of victory it would not be easy to
								recover them on account of the men upon the towers—for all these
								reasons they decided that it was best to recover the bodies under a
								truce.

The Thebans, however, said that they would not give up the dead
								except on condition that the Lacedaemonians should depart from their
								country. The Lacedaemonians welcomed these conditions, and were
								ready, after taking up their dead, to depart from Boeotia. When this
								had been done, the Lacedaemonians marched off despondently, while
								the Thebans behaved most insolently—in case a man trespassed never
								so little upon anyone’s lands, chasing him back with blows into the
								roads. Thus it was that this campaign of the Lacedaemonians came to
								its end.

But when Pausanias reached home he was brought to trial for his life.
								He was charged with having arrived at Haliartus later than Lysander,
								though he had agreed to reach there on the same day, with having
								recovered the bodies of the dead by a truce instead of trying to
								recover them by battle, and with having allowed the Athenian
								democrats to escape when he had got them in his power in
									Piraeus; and since, besides all this, he failed to
								appear at the trial, he was condemned to death. And he fled to
								Tegea, and there died a natural death. These, then, were the events
								which took place in Greece.

Now when Agesilaus arrived, at
								the beginning of autumn, in
								Pharnabazus’ province of Phrygia, he laid the land waste with fire
								and sword and gained possession of cities, some by force, others by
								their voluntary surrender.

And when Spithridates said that if he would come to Paphlagonia with
								him, he would bring the king of the Paphlagonians to a conference
								and make him an ally, Agesilaus eagerly undertook the journey, since
								this was a thing he had long desired—to win some nation away from
								the Persian King.

Upon his arriving in Paphlagonia, Otys
								came and concluded an alliance; for he had been summoned by the
								Persian King and had refused to go up to him. He also, by the
								persuasion of Spithridates, left behind for Agesilaus a thousand
								horsemen and two thousand peltasts.

And Agesilaus, feeling grateful to Spithridates for these things,
								said to him: Tell me, Spithridates, would you not give your
									daugther to Otys? Far more willingly, said he, than he would
								accept her, the daughter of an exile, while he is lord of a great
								land and power. So at that time nothing more was said about the
								marriage.

But when Otys was about to depart, he came to Agesilaus to bid him
								farewell. Then Agesilaus began conversation with him in the presence
								of the thirty Spartiatae, after asking Spithridates to withdraw.

Tell me, he said, Otys, to what sort of a family does Spithridates belong? Otys replied
								that he was inferior in rank to no one of all the Persians. And
									have you noticed his son, said Agesilaus, how handsome he is? To
										be sure I have; for I dined with him last evening. They say his
								daughter is handsomer than the son.

Yes, by Zeus, said Otys, she certainly is beautiful. And I, 
								said he, since you have become a friend of ours, should like to
								advise you to take the girl as your wife, for she is very
								beautiful—and what is more pleasant to a husband than that?—and the
								daughter of a father very well born and possessed of so great power,
								a man who, when wronged by Pharnabazus, takes such vengeance upon
								him that he has, as you see, made him an exile from his whole
								country.

Be well assured, moreover, he said, that even as he is able to take
								vengeance upon Pharnabazus, an enemy, so he would also be able to
								benefit a friend I ask you also to take into consideration that, if
								this plan should be carried out, it would not be he alone that would
								be a connexion of yours, but I too and the rest of the
								Lacedaemonians, and, since we are the leaders of Greece, the rest of
								Greece as well.

And further, if you should do this, who could possibly have a more
								magnificent wedding than you? For what bride was ever escorted by so
								many horsemen and peltasts and hoplites as would escort your wife to
								your house?

And Otys asked, But is this, said he, which you are proposing,
								Agesilaus, pleasing to Spithridates also? By the gods, said
									Agesilaus, it was not he that bade me say this; but I for my own
								part, even though I rejoice exceedingly when I punish an enemy, believe that I am far
								more pleased when I discover some good thing for my friends.

Why, then, said he, do you not find out whether this is pleasing
								to him also? And Agesilaus said: Herippidas, do you men all go and
								persuade him to desire the same things that we do.

So they went and set about persuading him. And when they had spent
								some time away, Agesilaus said: Do you wish, Otys, that we should
									call him in and talk with him ourselves? I do think that he would
								be far more likely to be persuaded by you than by all the rest put
								together. Thereupon Agesilaus called in both Spithridates and the
								others.

And as soon as they came in, Herippidas said: Why, Agesilaus, need
								one make a long story about all that was said? The upshot of it is
								that Spithridates says he would be glad to do anything that you
								think best.

Well, then, said Agesilaus, I think it best that you,
								Spithridates, should give your daughter to Otys—and may good fortune
								attend upon the deed—and that you, Otys, should accept her. But we
								could not fetch the girl by land before spring. But, by Zeus, 
									said Otys, she could be sent by sea at once, if you so
								desired.

Thereupon they gave and received pledges to ratify this agreement,
								and so sent Otys on his way. And
								Agesilaus, being now assured that Otys was eager, immediately manned
								a trireme and ordered Callias the Lacedaemonian to fetch the girl,
								while he set off himself for Dascyleium, the place where the palace
								of Pharnabazus was situated, and round about it were many large
								villages, stored with provisions in abundance, and splendid wild
								animals, some of them in enclosed parks,
								others in open spaces.

There was also a river, full of all kinds of fish, flowing by the
								palace. And, besides, there was winged game in abundance for those
								who knew how to take it. There he spent the winter, procuring
								provisions for his army partly on the spot, and partly by means of
								foraging expeditions.

But on one occasion, while the soldiers were getting their provisions
								in disdainful and careless fashion, because they had not previously
								met with any mishap, Pharnabazus came upon them, scattered as they
								were over the plain, with two scythe-bearing chariots and about four
								hundred horsemen.

Now when the Greeks saw him advancing upon them, they ran together to
								the number of about seven hundred; Pharnabazus, however, did not
								delay, but putting his chariots in front, and posting himself and
								the horsemen behind them, he gave orders to charge upon the
								Greeks.

And when the chariots dashed into the close-gathered crowd and
								scattered it, the horsemen speedily struck down about a hundred men,
								while the rest fled for refuge to Agesilaus; for he chanced to be
								near at hand with the hoplites.

On the third or fourth day following
								this incident, Spithridates learned that Pharnabazus was encamped in
								a large village named Caue, about one hundred and sixty stadia away,
								and at once told Herippidas.

And Herippidas, eager to achieve a brilliant exploit, asked from
								Agesilaus hoplites to the number of two thousand, as many peltasts,
								and for horsemen, those of Spithridates, the Paphlagonians, and as
								many of the Greeks as he could persuade to join him.

When Agesilaus had promised him these troops Herippidas proceeded to
								sacrifice; and towards evening he
								obtained favourable omens and terminated his sacrifice. Thereupon he
								gave orders to his men to get their dinner, and then report in front
								of the camp. But by the time darkness had come on, not so much as
								the half of the several detachments had come out.

However, in order that the rest of the thirty Spartiatae might not
								laugh at him, as they would if he gave up his plan, he set out with
								the force that he had.

And when at daybreak he fell upon the encampment of Pharnabazus, many
								of his outposts, who were Mysians, were slain, the troops themselves
								scattered in flight, and the camp was captured, and with it many
								drinking-cups and other articles such as a man like Pharnabazus
								would naturally have, and besides these things a great deal of
								baggage and many baggage animals.

For through fear that, if he took up a fixed position anywhere, he
								would be surrounded and besieged, Pharnabazus kept going first to
								one and then to another part of the country, even as the nomads do,
								very carefully concealing his encampments.

Now when the Paphlagonians and Spithridates had brought in the
								property they had captured, Herippidas posted commanders of
								divisions and companies to intercept them, and took everything away
								from both Spithridates and the Paphlagonians, merely in order that
								he might have a great quantity of booty to turn in to the officials
								who sold it.

They, however, would not stand being so treated, but, feeling that
								they had been wronged and dishonoured, packed up and went off during
								the night to Ariaeus at Sardis, putting their trust in Ariaeus
								because he also had revolted from the King and made war upon
									him.

And nothing happened during the
								campaign which was more distressing to Agesilaus than the desertion
								of Spithridates, Megabates, and the Paphlagonians.

Now there was a certain Apollophanes
								of Cyzicus who chanced to be an old friend of Pharnabazus and at
								that time had become a friend of Agesilaus also. This man,
								accordingly, said to Agesilaus that he thought he could bring
								Pharnabazus to a conference with him in regard to establishing
								friendly relations.

And when Agesilaus heard what he had to say, Apollophanes, after
								obtaining a truce and a pledge, brought Pharnabazus with him to a
								place which had been agreed upon, where Agesilaus and the thirty
								Spartiatae with him were lying on the ground in a grassy spot
								awaiting them; Pharnabazus, however, came in a dress which was worth
								much gold. But when his attendants were proceeding to spread rugs
								beneath him, upon which the Persians sit softly, he was ashamed to
								indulge in luxury, seeing as he did the simplicity of Agesilaus; so
								he too lay down on the ground without further ado.

And first they gave each other greeting, then Pharnabazus held out
								his right hand and Agesilaus held out his to meet it. After this
								Pharnabazus began speaking,—for he was the elder:

Agesilaus and all you Lacedaemonians
								who are present, I became your friend and ally at the time when you
								were at war with the Athenians, and not only did I make your fleet
								strong by providing money, but on the land I myself fought on
								horseback with you and drove your enemies into the sea. And
								you cannot accuse me, as you accused Tissaphernes, of any double-dealing toward you at any
								time, either in deed or word.

Such a friend I proved myself, and now I am brought to such a pass by
								you that I have not so much as a meal in my own land unless, like
								the beasts, I pick up a bit of what you may leave. And the beautiful
								dwellings and parks, full of trees and wild animals, which my father
								left me, in which I took delight,—all these parks I see cut down,
								all these dwellings burned to the ground. If it is I that do not
								understand either what is righteous or what is just, do you teach me
								how these are the deeds of men who know how to repay favours.

Thus he spoke. And all the thirty
								Spartiatae were filled with shame before him and fell silent; but
								Agesilaus at length said: I think you know, Pharnabazus, that in
								the Greek states, also, men become guest-friends of one another. But
								these men, when their states come to war, fight with their
								fatherlands even against their former friends, and, if it so chance,
								sometimes even kill one another. And so we to-day, being at war with
								your king, are constrained to regard all that is his as hostile; as
								for yourself, however, we should prize it above everything to become
								friends of yours.

And if it were an exchange that you had to make, from the King as
								master to us as masters, I for my part should not advise you to make
								the exchange; but in fact it is within your power by joining with us
								to live in the enjoyment of your possessions without doing homage to
								anyone or having any master. And being free is worth, in my opinion,
								as much as all manner of possessions.

Yet it is not this that we urge upon you, to be free and poor, but
								rather by employing us as allies to increase, not the King’s empire, but your own, subduing
								those who are now your fellow-slaves so that they shall be your
								subjects. And if, being free, you should at the same time become
								rich, what would you lack of being altogether happy?

Shall I, then, said Pharnabazus,
								 tell you frankly just what I shall do? It surely becomes you to
									do so. Well, then, said he, if the King sends another as general
								and makes me his subordinate, I shall choose to be your friend and
								ally; but if he assigns the command to me,—so strong, it seems, is
								the power of ambition—you may be well assured that I shall war upon
								you to the best of my ability.

Upon hearing these words Agesilaus grasped his hand and said: O that
								you, noble sir, a man of such a spirit, may come to be our friend.
								But at least, he said, be assured of one thing, that now I am
								going away from your land as speedily as I can, and in the future,
								even if war continues, we shall withhold our hands from you and
								yours so long as we can turn our attack against another.

With these words he broke up the
								meeting. And Pharnabazus mounted his horse and rode away, but his
								son by Parapita, who was still in the bloom of youth, remaining
								behind, ran up to Agesilaus and said to him: Agesilaus, I make you
									my guest-friend. And I accept your friendship. Remember, then, 
								he said. And immediately he gave his javelin—it was a beautiful
								one—to Agesilaus. And he, accepting it, took off and gave to the boy
								in return a splendid trapping which Idaeus, his secretary, had round
								his horse’s neck. Then the boy leaped upon his horse and followed
								after his father.

And afterwards, when his brother had deprived the son of Parapita of his domain during the
								absence of Pharnabazus, and had made him an exile, Agesilaus not
								only cared for him in every way, but in particular, since he had
								become enamoured of the son of Eualces an Athenian, made every
								effort for his sake to have Eualces’ son, inasmuch as he was taller
								than any of the other boys, admitted to the stadium race at
									Olympia.

So at that time Agesilaus immediately
								marched off out of the territory of Pharnabazus, just as he had told
								him he would; besides, spring was now almost at hand. And upon arriving in the
								plain of Thebe he encamped near the shrine of Artemis of Astyra, and
								there gathered together from all quarters a very great army in
								addition to that which he had. For he was preparing to march as far
								as he could into the interior, thinking that he would detach from
								the King all the nations which he could put in his rear.

Agesilaus, then, was occupied with
								these things. But the Lacedaemonians at home, when they found out
								definitely that the money had come to Greece, and that the largest states had
								united for war against them, believed that their state was in
								danger, and thought that it was necessary to undertake a
								campaign.

And while themselves making preparations for this, they also
								immediately sent Epicydidas to fetch Agesilaus. And when Epicydidas
								arrived in Asia, he told Agesilaus the general condition of affairs,
								and that the state bade him come as speedily as possible to the aid
								of his fatherland.

Now when Agesilaus heard this, although he was disturbed, considering
								what honours and what hopes he was deprived of, nevertheless,
									calling together the allies, he
								made known to them what the state commanded, and said that it was
								necessary to go to the aid of the fatherland. But if those matters
									turn out successfully, be well assured, my allies, he said, that I
								shall not forget you, but shall return again to accomplish the
								things which you desire.

Upon hearing this many burst into tears, but they all voted to go
								with Agesilaus to the aid of Lacedaemon, resolved, if matters there
								should turn out successfully, to bring him back again with them to
								Asia.

Accordingly they made preparations to follow with him. As for
								Agesilaus, he left behind him in Asia Euxenus as governor, and with
								him a garrison of not less than four thousand men, so that he could
								keep the cities safe; and seeing that most of his own soldiers were
								more desirous of remaining than of undertaking a campaign against
								Greeks, in the desire to lead with him the best men and as many as
								possible he offered prizes to the cities, for the one which should
								send the best force, and to the captains of the mercenaries, for the
								one who should join the expedition with the best equipped company of
								hoplites, of bowmen, and of peltasts. He likewise announced to the
								commanders of cavalry that he would also give a prize of victory to
								the one who should furnish the best mounted and best equipped
								battalion.

And he said that he would make the decision in the Chersonese, when
								they had crossed from Asia to Europe, his purpose being to let them
								understand thoroughly that they must select their troops with
								care.

As for the prizes, most of them were beautifully wrought arms, both
								for hoplites and for horsemen; there were also wreaths of gold, and
								the prizes all told cost not less than four talents. As a result, however, of the expending of this
								sum, arms worth a vast sum of money were provided for the army.

And when he had crossed the Hellespont, Menascus, Herippidas, and
								Orsippus were appointed as judges from the side of the
								Lacedaemonians, and from that of the allies one from each city. Then
								Agesilaus, after he had made the decision, marched on with his army
								by the same route which the Persian king followed when he made his expedition
								against Greece.

Meanwhile the ephors called out the
								ban; and since Agesipolis was still a boy, the state
								commanded Aristodemus, who was of the royal family and the boy’s
								guardian, to lead the army.

Now when the Lacedaemonians were marching forth and their enemies had
								gathered together, the latter met and took counsel as to how they
								might fight the battle with the greatest advantage to
								themselves.

Then Timolaus of Corinth spoke as follows: It seems to me, he said,
								 fellow allies, that the case of the Lacedaemonians is much the same
								as that of rivers. For rivers at their sources are not large, but
								easy to cross, yet the farther on they go, other rivers empty into
								them and make their current stronger;

and just so the Lacedaemonians, at the place whence they come forth,
								are alone by themselves, but as they go on and keep attaching the
								cities to them, they become more numerous and harder to fight
								against. Again, I see, he said, that all who wish to destroy
								wasps, in case they try to capture the wasps as they issue forth,
								are stung by many of them; but if they apply the fire while the
								wasps are still in their nests, they suffer no harm and subdue the
								wasps. Considering these things,
								therefore, I believe it is best to fight the battle in Lacedaemon
								itself if possible, but if not, as near there as we can. Since it
								was thought that his advice was good, they voted for this
								course.

But while they were negotiating about the leadership and trying to
								come to an agreement with one another as to the number of ranks in
								depth in which the whole army should be drawn up, in order to
								prevent the states from making their phalanxes too deep and thus
								giving the enemy a chance of surrounding them,—meanwhile the
								Lacedaemonians, having already picked up the Tegeans and Mantineans,
								were on their outward march, taking the road along the
									sea-shore.

And as the two armies marched on, the Corinthians and their allies
								were in the district of Nemea, and the Lacedaemonians and their
								allies at Sicyon, at almost the same time. Now when the latter had
								made their entry into Corinthian territory by way of Epieiceia, at
								first the light troops of their adversaries did them a great deal of
								harm by throwing missiles and discharging arrows upon them from the
								heights upon their right.

But when they had descended towards the sea, they marched on by this
								route through the plain, devastating and burning the land. The enemy
								also, however, retired and encamped, getting the river-bed in front of
								them; and when, as they advanced, the Lacedaemonians were distant
								not so much as ten stadia from the enemy, they also encamped where
								they were and remained quiet.

And now I will state the numbers on
								either side. As for hoplites, there had gathered together of the
								Lacedaemonians about six thousand, of the Eleans, Triphylians, Acrorians, and Lasionians
								almost three thousand, and of the Sicyonians one thousand five
								hundred, while of the Epidaurians, Troezenians, Hermionians, and
								Halians there were not less than three thousand. Besides these there
								were horsemen of the Lacedaemonians to the number of about seven
								hundred, Cretan bowmen who accompanied the army, about three
								hundred, and, further, slingers of the Marganians, Letrinians, and
								Amphidolians, not less than four hundred. The Phliasians, however,
								would not join them; for they said that they were keeping a holy
									truce. This, then, was the force on the side
								of the Lacedaemonians.

But the force of the enemy which was gathered together included, of
								the Athenians about six thousand hoplites, of the Argives, according
								to all accounts, about seven thousand, of the Boeotians (since the
								Orchomenians were not present) only about five thousand, of the
								Corinthians about three thousand, and, further, from the whole of
								Euboea not less than three thousand. This was the number of the
								hoplites; but as for horsemen, there were of the Boeotians (since
								the Orchomenians were not present) about eight hundred, of the
								Athenians about six hundred, of the Chalcidians from Euboea about
								one hundred, and of the Opuntian Locrians about fifty. And of light
								troops also there was a greater number with the party of the
								Corinthians; for the Ozolian Locrians, Malians, and Acarnanians were
								with them.

This, then, was the force on either
								side. Now the Boeotians, so long as they occupied the left
									wing, were not in the least eager to join battle; but
									when the Athenians took
								position opposite the Lacedaemonians, and the Boeotians themselves
								got the right wing and were stationed opposite the Achaeans, they
								immediately said that the sacrifices were favourable and gave the
								order to make ready, saying that there would be a battle. And in the
								first place, disregarding the sixteen-rank formation, they
								made their phalanx exceedingly deep, and, besides, they also veered
								to the right in leading the advance, in order to outflank the enemy
								with their wing; and the Athenians, in order not to be detached from
								the rest of the line, followed them towards the right, although they
								knew that there was danger of their being surrounded.

Now for a time the Lacedaemonians did not perceive that the enemy
								were advancing; for the place was thickly overgrown; but when the
								latter struck up the paean, then at length they knew, and
								immediately gave orders in their turn that all should make ready for
								battle. And when they had been drawn up together in the positions
								which the Lacedaemonian leaders of the allies assigned to the
								several divisions, they passed the word along to follow the van. Now
								the Lacedaemonians also veered to the right in leading the advance,
								and extended their wing so far beyond that of the enemy that only
								six tribes of the Athenians found themselves opposite the
								Lacedaemonians, the other four being opposite the Tegeans.

And when the armies were now not so much as a stadium apart, the
								Lacedaemonians sacrificed the goat to Artemis Agrotera , as is
								their custom, and led the charge upon their adversaries, wheeling
								round their overlapping wing in order to surround them. When they
								had come to close encounter, all the allies of the Lacedaemonians were overcome by their
								adversaries except the men of Pellene, who, being pitted against the
								Thespians, fought and fell in their places,—as did also many of the
								other side.

But the Lacedaemonians themselves overcame that part of the Athenians
								which they covered, and wheeling round with their overlapping wing
								killed many of them, and then, unscathed as they were, marched on
								with lines unbroken. They passed by the other four tribes of the
								Athenians before the latter had returned from the pursuit, so that
								none of these were killed except such as fell in the original
								encounter, at the hands of the Tegeans;

but the Lacedaemonians did come upon the Argives as they were
								returning from the pursuit, and when the first polemarch was about
								to attack them in front, it is said that some one shouted out to let
								their front ranks pass by. When this had been done, they struck them
								on their unprotected sides as they ran past, and killed many of them. The
								Lacedaemonians also attacked the Corinthians as they were returning.
								And, furthermore, they likewise came upon some of the Thebans
								returning from the pursuit, and killed a large number of them.

These things having taken place, the defeated troops at first fled to
								the walls of Corinth; but afterwards, since the Corinthians shut
								them out, they encamped again in their old camp. The Lacedaemonians,
								on the other hand, returning to the place where they first engaged
								the enemy, set up a trophy. Such, then, was the issue of this
								battle.

Meanwhile Agesilaus was hurrying from
								Asia to the rescue; and when he was at Amphipolis, Dercylidas
								brought him word that this time the 
								Lacedaemonians were victorious, and that only eight of them had been
								killed, but of the enemy a vast number; he made it known to him,
								however, that not a few of the allies of the Lacedaemonians had also
								fallen.

And when Agesilaus asked: Would it not be advantageous, Dercylidas,
								if the cities which are sending their troops with us should learn of
								the victory as speedily as possible? Dercylidas replied: It is
								certainly likely that they would be in better spirits if they heard
								of this. Then are not you the man who could report it best, since
								you were present at the battle? And Dercylidas, glad to hear this,
									for he was always fond of travel, replied: If you should so order. 
										 Well, I do, said Agesilaus, and I bid you announce, further, that
								if the present undertaking also turns out well, we shall come back
								again, even as we said.

Accordingly Dercylidas set out at once for the Hellespont. And Agesilaus, passing through Macedonia,
								arrived in Thessaly. Then the Larisaeans, Crannonians, Scotussaeans,
								and Pharsalians, who were allies of the Boeotians, and in fact all
								the Thessalians except those of them who chanced at that time to be
								exiles, followed after him and kept molesting him.

And for a time he led the army in a hollow square, with one half of
								the horsemen in front and the other half at the rear; but when the
								Thessalians, by charging upon those who were behind, kept
								interfering with his progress, he sent along to the rear the
								vanguard of horsemen also, except those about his own person.

Now when the two forces had formed in line of battle against one
								another, the Thessalians, thinking that it was not expedient to
								engage as cavalry in a battle with hoplites, turned round and slowly retired.

And the Greeks very cautiously followed them. Agesilaus, however,
								perceiving the mistakes which each side was making, sent the very
								stalwart horsemen who were about his person and ordered them not
								only to give word to the others to pursue with all speed, but to do
								likewise themselves, and not to give the Thessalians a chance to
								face round again.

And when the Thessalians saw them rushing upon them unexpectedly,
								some of them fled, others turned about, and others, in trying to do
								this, were captured while their horses were turned half round.

But Polycharmus the Pharsalian, who was the commander of the cavalry,
								turned round and fell fighting, together with those about him. When
								this happened, there followed a headlong flight on the part of the
								Thessalians, so that some of them were killed and others were
								captured. At all events they did not stop until they had arrived at
								Mount Narthacium.

On that day, accordingly, Agesilaus set up a trophy between Pras and
								Narthacium and remained on the field of battle, greatly pleased with
								his exploit, in that he had been victorious, over the people who
								pride themselves particularly upon their horsemanship, with the
								cavalry that he had himself gathered together. And on the following
								day he crossed the Achaean mountains of Phthia and marched on
								through a friendly country all the rest of the way, even to the
								boundaries of the Boeotians.

When he was at the entrance to
								Boeotia, the sun seemed to appear crescent-shaped, and word was
								brought to him that the Lacedaemonians had been defeated in the
								naval battle and the admiral, Peisander, had been killed. It was also
								stated in what way the battle had been fought.

For it was near Cnidos that the fleets
								sailed against one another, and Pharnabazus, who was admiral, was
								with the Phoenician ships, while Conon with the Greek fleet was
								posted in front of him.

And when Peisander, in spite of his ships being clearly fewer than
								the Greek ships under Conon, had formed his line of battle against
								them, his allies on the left wing immediately fled, and he himself,
								after coming to close encounter with the enemy, was driven ashore,
								his trireme damaged by the enemy’s beaks; and all the others who
								were driven ashore abandoned their ships and made their escape as
								best they could to Cnidos, but he fell fighting on board his
								ship.

Now Agesilaus, on learning these things, at first was overcome with
								sorrow; but when he had considered that the most of his troops were
								the sort of men to share gladly in good fortune if good fortune
								came, but that if they saw anything unpleasant, they were under no
								compulsion to share in it, —thereupon,
								changing the report, he said that word had come that Peisander was
								dead, but victorious in the naval battle.

And at the moment of saying these things he offered sacrifice as if
								for good news, and sent around to many people portions of the
								victims which had been offered; so that when a skirmish with the
								enemy took place, the troops of Agesilaus won the day in consequence
								of the report that the Lacedaemonians were victorious in the naval
								battle.

Those who were now drawn up against
								Agesilaus were the Boeotians, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians,
								Aenianians, Euboeans, and both the Locrian peoples; while with Agesilaus was a
								regiment of Lacedaemonians which had crossed over from Corinth,
									half of the regiment from
								Orchomenus, furthermore the emancipated Helots from Lacedaemon who
								had made the expedition with him, besides these the foreign
								contingent which Herippidas commanded, and, furthermore, the troops
								from the Greek cities in Asia and from all those cities in Europe
								which he had brought over as he passed through them; and from the
								immediate neighbourhood there came to him hoplites of the
								Orchomenians and Phocians. As for peltasts, those with Agesilaus
								were far more numerous; on the other hand, the horsemen of either
								side were about equal in number.

This, then, was the force on both sides; and I will also describe the
								battle, and how it proved to be like no other of the battles of our
								time. They met on the plain of Coronea, those with Agesilaus coming
								from the Cephisus, and those with the Thebans from Mount Helicon.
								And Agesilaus occupied the right wing of the army under his command,
								while the Orchomenians were at the extreme end of his left wing. On
								the other side, the Thebans themselves were on the right and the
								Argives occupied their left wing.

Now as the opposing armies were coming
								together, there was deep silence for a time in both lines; but when
								they were distant from one another about a stadium, the Thebans
								raised the war-cry and rushed to close quarters on the run. When,
								however, the distance between the armies was still about three
								plethra, the troops whom Herippidas commanded, and with them the
								Ionians, Aeolians, and Hellespontines, ran forth in their turn from
								the phalanx of Agesilaus, and the whole mass joined in the charge
								and, when they came within spear thrust, put to flight the force in
								their front. As for the Argives, they did not await the attack of the forces of
								Agesilaus, but fled to Mount Helicon.

Thereupon some of the mercenaries were already garlanding Agesilaus,
								when a man brought him word that the Thebans had cut their way
								through the Orchomenians and were in among the baggage train. And he
								immediately wheeled his phalanx and led the advance against them;
								but the Thebans on their side, when they saw that their allies had
								taken refuge at Mount Helicon, wishing to break through to join
								their own friends, massed themselves together and came on
								stoutly.

At this point one may unquestionably
								call Agesilaus courageous; at least he certainly did not choose the
								safest course. For while he might have let the men pass by who were
								trying to break through and then have followed them and overcome
								those in the rear, he did not do this, but crashed against the
								Thebans front to front; and setting shields against shields they
								shoved, fought, killed, and were killed. Finally, some of the
								Thebans broke through and reached Mount Helicon, but many were
								killed while making their way thither.

Now when the victory had fallen to Agesilaus and he himself had been
								carried, wounded, to the phalanx, some of the horsemen rode up and
								told him that about eighty of the enemy, still armed, had taken
								shelter in the temple of Athena, and asked him what they should do.
								And he, although he had received many wounds, nevertheless did not
								forget the deity, but ordered them to allow these men to go away
								whithersoever they wished, and would permit them to commit no wrong.
								Then—it was already late—they took dinner and lay down to rest.

And in the morning Agesilaus gave orders
								that Gylis, the polemarch, should draw up the army in line of battle
								and set up a trophy, that all should deck themselves with garlands
								in honour of the god, and that all the flute-players should play. And
								they did these things. The Thebans, however, sent heralds asking to
								bury their dead under a truce. In this way, accordingly, the truce
								was made, and Agesilaus went to Delphi and offered to the god a
								tithe of the amount derived from his booty, an offering of not less
								than one hundred talents; but Gylis, the polemarch, withdrew with
								the army to Phocis and from there made an invasion of Locris.

And for most of the day the soldiers busied themselves in carrying
								off portable property and provisions from the villages; but when it
								was towards evening and they were withdrawing, the Lacedaemonians
								being in the rear, the Locrians followed after them throwing stones
								and javelins. And when the Lacedaemonians, turning about and setting
								out in pursuit, had struck down some of them, after that, although
								the Locrians no longer followed in their rear, they threw missiles
								upon them from the heights upon their right.

Then the Lacedaemonians again undertook to pursue them, even up the
								slope; but since darkness was coming on and, as they were retiring
								from the pursuit, some of them fell on account of the roughness of
								the country, others because they could not see what was ahead of
								them, and still others from the missiles of the enemy, under these
								circumstances Gylis, the polemarch, and Pelles, one of his comrades,
								were slain, and in all about eighteen of the Spartiatae, some by
								being stoned to death, some by javelin wounds. And if some of those who were in the
								camp at dinner had not come to their aid, all of them would have
								been in danger of perishing.

After this the various contingents of
								the army were dismissed to their several cities and Agesilaus also
								sailed back home. And from that time on the Athenians, Boeotians, Argives, and their
								allies continued the war, making Corinth their base, and the
								Lacedaemonians and their allies from Sicyon. As the Corinthians,
								however, saw that their own land was being laid waste and that many
								of them were being killed because they were continually near the
								enemy, while the rest of the allies were living in peace themselves
								and their lands were under cultivation, the most and best of them
								came to desire peace, and uniting together urged this course upon
								one another.

But the Argives, Athenians, Boeotians, and those among the Corinthians who had received
								a share of the money from the King, as well as those who had made
								themselves chiefly responsible for the war, realizing that if they
								did not put out of the way the people who had turned toward peace,
								the state would be in danger of going over to the Lacedaemonians
								again, undertook, under these circumstances, to bring about a
								general massacre. And in the first place, they devised the most
								sacrilegious of all schemes; for other people, even if a man is
								condemned by process of law, do not put him to death during a
								religious festival; but these men chose the last day of the
									Euclea, because they thought they would catch more people
								in the market-place, so as to kill them.

Then again, when the signal was given to those who had been told whom
								they were to kill, they drew their
								swords and struck men down,—one while standing in a social group,
								another while sitting in his seat, still another in the theatre, and
								another even while he was sitting as judge in a dramatic contest.
								Now when the situation became known, the better classes immediately
								fled, in part to the statues of the gods in the market-place, in
								part to the altars; then the conspirators, utterly sacrilegious and
								without so much as a single thought for civilized usage, both those
								who gave the orders and those who obeyed, kept up the slaughter even
								at the holy places, so that some even among those who were not
								victims of the attack, being right-minded men, were dismayed in
								their hearts at beholding such impiety.

In this way many of the older men were killed; for it was they
								especially who chanced to be in the market-place; while the younger
								men, since Pasimelus suspected what was going to happen, had
								remained quietly in the gymnasium of Craneium. But when they heard
								the outcry and some had come to them in flight from the massacre,
								thereupon, rushing up on the slopes of Acrocorinthus, they
								beat off an attack which the Argives and the rest made upon
								them.

While they were deliberating, however, as to what they should do, the
								capital fell from a column, although there had been neither
								earthquake nor wind. Likewise, when they sacrificed, the omens from
								the victims were such that the seers said it was better to descend
								from the place. And at first they retired beyond the territory of
								Corinth with the intention of going into exile; but when their
								friends and mothers and sisters kept coming to them and trying to
								dissuade them, and, further, some of
								the very men who were in power promised under oath that they should
								suffer no harm, under these circumstances some of them returned
								home.

They saw, however, that those who were in power were ruling like
								tyrants, and perceived that their state was being put out of
								existence, inasmuch as boundary stones had been removed and their
								fatherland was called Argos instead of Corinth; and, while they were
								compelled to share in the rights of citizenship at Argos, for which
								they had no desire, they had less influence in their state than
								aliens. Some of them, accordingly, came to the belief that life
								under such conditions was not endurable; but if they endeavoured to
								make their fatherland Corinth again, even as it had been from the
								beginning, and to make it free, and not only pure of the stain of
								the murderers, but blest with an orderly government, they thought it
								a worthy deed, if they could accomplish these things, to become
								saviours of their fatherland, but if they could not do so, to meet a
								most praiseworthy death in striving after the fairest and greatest
								blessings.

Accordingly two men, Pasimelus and Alcimenes, undertook by wading
								through a torrent to effect a meeting with Praxitas, the
								Lacedaemonian polemarch, who chanced to be on garrison duty with his
								regiment at Sicyon, and told him that they could give him entrance
								to the walls which reached down to Lechaeum. And Praxitas, since even
								before this he had known the two men to be trustworthy, trusted
								them, and after arranging that the regiment which was about to
								depart from Sicyon should also remain, made plans for his
								entrance.

And when the two men, partly by accident
								and partly by contrivance, had been made sentinels at the very gate
								where the trophy stands, then Praxitas came with his regiment, the
								Sicyonians, and all the Corinthians who chanced to be exiles. But
								when he was at the gate, being afraid to make the entry, he wished
								to send in one of his trusted men to examine the situation inside.
								Then the two Corinthians led him in and showed him everything in so
								straightforward a manner that the man who went in reported that all
								was truly just as they said. Thereupon Praxitas entered.

The walls, however, are a long distance from each other; his troops,
								in consequence, when they formed in line for battle, thought
								themselves to be few in number, and therefore made a stockade and as
								good a trench as they could in front of them, to protect them until
								their allies should come to their aid. Besides, there was a garrison
								of Thebans in their rear, at the port. Now the day after the night on which they entered they passed
								without a battle; but on the following day came the Argives,
								hurrying with all speed to the rescue; and finding the
								Lacedaemonians stationed on the right of their own line, the
								Sicyonians next to them, and the Corinthian exiles, about one
								hundred and fifty in number, by the eastern wall, the enemy formed
								in line against them with the mercenaries under Iphicrates close to
								the eastern wall, and next to them the Argives; while the
								Corinthians from the city occupied their left wing.

Then the Argives, filled with overweening confidence on account of
								their numbers, advanced at once; and they defeated the Sicyonians,
								and breaking through the stockade pursued them to the sea and there
								killed many of them. But Pasimachus, the Lacedaemonian commander of horse, at the head of a few
								horsemen, when he saw the Sicyonians hard pressed, tied his horses
								to trees, took from the Sicyonians their shields, and advanced with
								a volunteer force against the Argives. The Argives, however, seeing
								the Sigmas upon the shields, did not fear these opponents at all,
								thinking that they were Sicyonians. Then, as the story goes,
								Pasimachus said: By the twin gods, Argives, these Sigmas will deceive
								you, and came to close quarters with them; and fighting thus with a
								few against many he was slain, and likewise others of his party.

Meanwhile the Corinthian exiles, being victorious over the troops
								opposed to them, pushed their way through in the inland direction
								and got near the wall which surrounded the city. As for the
								Lacedaemonians, when they perceived that the forces opposed to the
								Sicyonians were victorious, they issued forth from the stockade and
								went to the rescue, keeping the stockade on their left. But when the
								Argives heard that the Lacedaemonians were in their rear, they
								turned around and burst out of the stockade again on the run. And
								those upon their extreme right were struck on their unprotected
								sides by the Lacedaemonians and killed, but those who were near the
								wall, crowded together in a disorderly mass, continued their retreat
								towards the city. When, however, they came upon the Corinthian
								exiles and discovered that they were enemies, they turned back
								again. Thereupon some of them, climbing up by the steps to the top
								of the wall, jumped down on the other side and were killed, others
								perished around the steps, being shoved and struck by the enemy, and
								still others were trodden under foot
								by one another and suffocated.

And the Lacedaemonians were in no uncertainty about whom they should
								kill; for then at least heaven granted them an achievement such as
								they could never even have prayed for. For to have a crowd of
								enemies delivered into their hands, frightened, panic-stricken,
								presenting their unprotected sides, no one rallying to his own
								defence, but all rendering all possible assistance toward their own
								destruction,—how could one help regarding this as a gift from
								heaven? On that day, at all events, so many fell within a short time
								that men accustomed to see heaps of corn, wood, or stones, beheld
								then heaps of dead bodies. Furthermore, the Boeotians of the
								garrison in the port were also killed, some upon the walls, and
								others after they had climbed up on the roofs of the
								ship-houses.

After this the Corinthians and Argives carried of their dead under a
								truce, and the allies of the Lacedaemonians came to their aid. And
								when they were gathered together, in the first place Praxitas
								decided to tear down a portion of the walls so as to make a passage through wide
								enough for an army, and secondly, putting himself at the head of his
								army, he advanced by the road to Megara and captured by storm, first
								Sidus and then Crommyon. And after stationing garrisons in these
								strongholds he marched back again; then he fortified Epieiceia, in
								order that it might serve as an outpost to protect the territory of
								his allies, and then disbanded his army and himself
								withdrew by the road to Lacedaemon.

From this time on large armies of
								citizens were no longer employed on
								either side, for the states merely sent out garrisons, the one party
								to Corinth, the other to Sicyon, and guarded the walls of these
								cities. Each side, however, had mercenaries, and with these
								prosecuted the war vigorously.

It was at this time also that
								Iphicrates invaded the territory of Phlius, set an ambush, meanwhile
								plundering with a few followers, and when the men from the city came
								out against him in an unguarded way, killed so many of them that the
								Phliasians, although before this they had refused to receive the
								Lacedaemonians within their wall, from fear that the latter would
								bring back to the city the people who said that they were in exile
								on account of their Lacedaemonian sympathies, were then seized with
								such panic fear of the men from Corinth that they sent for the
								Lacedaemonians and put the city and the citadel in their hands to
								guard. And the Lacedaemonians, although they were well minded toward
								the exiles, during all the time that they held their city made not
								so much as the least mention of a restoration of exiles, but when
								the city seemed to have recovered its courage, they departed, after
								giving over to the Phliasians both their city and their laws
								unchanged, precisely as they were when they took the city in
								charge.

Again, Iphicrates and his troops invaded many districts of Arcadia
								also, where they plundered and made attacks upon the walled towns;
								for the hoplites of the Arcadians did not come out from their walls
								at all to meet them; such fear they had conceived of the peltasts.
								But the peltasts in their turn were so afraid of the Lacedaemonians
								that they did not approach within a javelin’s cast of the hoplites;
								for it had once happened that the younger men among the Lacedaemonians, pursuing even
								from so great a distance as that, overtook and killed some of
								them.

But while the Lacedaemonians felt contempt for the peltasts, they
								felt even greater contempt for their own allies; for once, when the
								Mantineans went out against peltasts who had sallied forth from the
								wall that extends to Lechaeum, they had given way under the javelins
								of the peltasts and some of them had been killed as they fled; so
								that the Lacedaemonians were even so unkind as to make game of their
								allies, saying that they feared the peltasts just as children fear
								hobgoblins. As for themselves, setting out from Lechaeum as a base
								with one regiment and the Corinthian exiles, they made expeditions
								all round about the city of the Corinthians;

but the Athenians, on the other hand, fearing the power of the
								Lacedaemonians and thinking that they might come against them, now
								that the long walls of the Corinthians had been destroyed, decided
								that it was best to rebuild the walls destroyed by Praxitas. So they
								came with their full force, accompanied by masons and carpenters,
								and completed within a few days the wall toward Sicyon and the west,
								making a very excellent wall of it, and then went on to build the
								eastern wall in more leisurely fashion.

The Lacedaemonians on their side,
								considering that the Argives were enjoying the fruits of their lands
								at home and taking pleasure in the war, made an expedition against
								them. Agesilaus was in command, and after laying waste all their
								territory he proceeded straight from there across the mountains by
								way of Tenea to Corinth and captured the walls that had been rebuilt
								by the Athenians. And his brother
								Teleutias also came to his support by sea, with about twelve
								triremes; so that their mother was deemed happy in that on the same
								day one of the sons whom she bore captured by land the walls of the
								enemy and the other by sea his ships and dock-yards. And at that
								time, after accomplishing these things, Agesilaus disbanded the army
								of the allies and led his citizen force back home.

After this the Lacedaemonians, upon
									hearing from the Corinthian
								exiles that the people in the city had all their cattle in
									Piraeum and there kept them safe, and
								that many were being maintained from this supply, made another
								expedition to the territory of Corinth, Agesilaus being in command
								this time also. And first he came to the Isthmus ; for it was the month during which the
								Isthmian games are celebrated, and the Argives chanced at the time
								to be offering the sacrifice there to Poseidon, as though Argos were
								Corinth. But when they learned that Agesilaus was approaching, they
								left behind both the victims that had been offered and the breakfast
								that was being made ready and retired to the city in very great
								fear, along the road leading to Cenchreae.

Agesilaus, however, did not pursue them, even though he saw them, but
								encamping in the sacred precinct offered sacrifice himself to the
								god and waited until the Corinthian exiles had conducted the sacrifice and the games in honour of
								Poseidon. But when Agesilaus had left the Isthmus, the Argives
								celebrated the Isthmian games all over again. In that year,
								accordingly, in some of the contests individual competitors were
								beaten twice, while in others the same competitors were twice
								proclaimed victors.

On the fourth day Agesilaus led his
								army against Piraeum. But seeing that it was guarded by many, he
								withdrew after breakfast in the direction of the capital, as though
								the city were going to be betrayed to him; so that the Corinthians,
								in fear that the city was to be betrayed by some one, summoned
								Iphicrates with the greater part of his peltasts. Agesilaus,
								however, upon perceiving that they had passed by during the night,
								turned about, and at daybreak proceeded to lead his army to Piraeum.
								And he himself advanced by way of the hot springs , but he sent one
								regiment up the heights to proceed along the topmost ridge. On that
								night, accordingly, he was in camp at the hot springs, while the
								regiment bivouacked, holding possession of the heights.

It was then that Agesilaus won credit by a trifling but timely
								expedient. For since no one among those who carried provisions for
								the regiment had brought fire, and it was cold, not only because
								they were at a high altitude, but also because there had been rain
								and hail towards evening—and besides, they had gone up in light
								clothing suitable to the summer season—and they were shivering and,
								in the darkness, had no heart for their dinner, Agesilaus sent up
								not less than ten men carrying fire in earthen pots. And when these
								men had climbed up by one way and another and many large fires had
									been made, since there was a
								great deal of fuel at hand, all the soldiers anointed themselves and
								many of them only then began their dinner. It was on this night also
								that the temple of Poseidon was seen burning; but no one knows by
								whom it was set on fire.

Now when the people in Piraeum perceived that the heights were
								occupied, they gave no further thought to defending themselves, but
								fled for refuge to the Heraeum, men and women, slaves and freemen, and
								the greater part of the cattle. And Agesilaus with the army
								proceeded along the sea shore; while the regiment, descending at the
								same time from the heights, captured Oenoe, the stronghold which had
								been fortified in Piraeum, and took possession of all that was
								within it, and in fact all the soldiers on that day possessed
								themselves of provisions in abundance from the farms. Meanwhile
								those who had taken refuge in the Heraeum came out, with the purpose
								of leaving it to Agesilaus to decide as he chose in regard to them.
								He decided to deliver over to the exiles all those who had a part in
								the massacre, and
								that all else should be sold.

Thereupon the prisoners came forth from the Heraeum, a very great
								number of them, together with their property; and many embassies
								from various states presented themselves, while from the Boeotians
								in particular ambassadors had come to ask what they should do in
								order to obtain peace. Agesilaus, however, in a very lofty way
								affected not even to see these ambassadors, although Pharax,
								diplomatic agent for the Thebans at Lacedaemon, was standing beside
								them for the purpose of presenting them to him; but sitting in the
								circular structure near the lake, he occupied himself in
								watching the great quantity of prisoners
								and property that was being brought out. And some Lacedaemonians
								from the camp followed with their spears to guard the prisoners, and
								were much regarded by the bystanders; for somehow men who are
								fortunate and victorious seem ever to be a noteworthy spectacle.

But while Agesilaus was still sitting there in the attitude of a man
								who exulted in what had been accomplished, a horseman rode up, his
								horse sweating profusely. And being asked by many people what news
								he brought, he made no reply to anyone, but when he was near
								Agesilaus, he leaped down from his horse, ran up to him, and with a
								very gloomy face told him of the disaster to the regiment
								stationed in Lechaeum. When Agesilaus heard this, he immediately
								leaped up from his seat, seized his spear, and ordered the herald to
								summon the commanders of regiments and of fifties and the leaders of
								the allies.

When they came running together, he told the rest of them to follow
								along as quickly as possible after swallowing what they could—for
								they had not yet breakfasted—while he himself with his tent
									companions went on ahead breakfastless. And
								the spearmen of his body-guard, fully armed, accompanied him with
								all speed, he leading the way and his tent companions following
								after him. But when he had already passed the hot springs and come
								to the plain of Lechaeum, three horsemen rode up and reported that
								the bodies of the dead had been recovered. When he heard this, he
								gave the order to ground arms, and after resting the army for a
								short time, led it back again to the Heraeum; and on the following
								day he exposed the prisoners and captured
								property for sale.

The ambassadors of the Boeotians were
								now summoned and asked for what purpose they had come. They made no
								further mention of peace, but said that if there were nothing to
								hinder, they desired to pass into the city to join their own
								soldiers. And Agesilaus said with a laugh, On the contrary, I know
								that you are not desirous of seeing your soldiers, but of beholding
								the good fortune of your friends, that you may see how great it has
								been. Wait, therefore, he said, for I will conduct you myself, and
								by being with me you will find out better what manner of thing it is
								that has happened.

And he did not belie his words, but on the next day, after offering
								sacrifice, he led his army to the city. He did not throw down the
								trophy, but by cutting down and burning any fruit-tree that was
								still left, he showed that no one wanted to come out against him.
								When he had done this, he encamped near Lechaeum; as for the
								ambassadors of the Thebans, although he did not let them go into the
								city, yet he sent them home by sea to Creusis. Now
								inasmuch as such a calamity had been unusual with the
								Lacedaemonians, there was great mourning throughout the Laconian
								army, except among those whose sons, fathers, or brothers had fallen
								where they stood; they, however, went about like victors, with
								shining countenances and full of exultation in their own
								misfortune.

Now it was in the following way that
								the disaster to the regiment happened. The Amyclaeans invariably go
								back home to the festival of the Hyacinthia for the paean to Apollo,
								whether they chance to be on a campaign or away from home for any
								other reason. Accordingly Agesilaus
								had on this occasion left behind at Lechaeum all the Amyclaeans in
								the army. Now the polemarch in command of the garrison there
								detailed the garrison troops of the allies to guard the wall, and
								himself with the regiment of hoplites and the regiment of horsemen
								conducted the Amyclaeans along past the city of the Corinthians.

And when they were distant from Sicyon about twenty or thirty stadia,
								the polemarch with the hoplites, who were about six hundred in
								number, set out to return to Lechaeum, and ordered the commander of
								horse to follow after him with the regiment of horsemen after they
								had escorted the Amyclaeans as far as they themselves directed. Now
								they were by no means unaware that there were many peltasts and many
								hoplites in Corinth; but on account of their previous successes they
								contemptuously thought that no one would attack them.

But those in the city of the Corinthians, both Callias, the son of
								Hipponicus, commander of the Athenian hoplites, and Iphicrates,
								leader of the peltasts, when they descried the Lacedaemonians and
								saw that they were not only few in number, but also unaccompanied by
								either peltasts or cavalry, thought that it was safe to attack them
								with their force of peltasts. For if they should proceed along the
								road, they could be attacked with javelins on their unprotected side
								and destroyed; and if they should undertake to pursue, they with
								their peltasts, the nimblest of all troops, could easily escape the
								hoplites.

Having come to this conclusion, they led forth their troops. And
								Callias formed his hoplites in line of battle not far from the city,
								while Iphicrates with his peltasts attacked the Lacedaemonian
								regiment. Now when the Lacedaemonians were being attacked with javelins, and
								several men had been wounded and several others slain, they directed
								the shield-bearers to take up these
								wounded men and carry them back to Lechaeum; and these were the only
								men in the regiment who were really saved. Then
								the polemarch ordered the first ten year-classes to
								drive off their assailants.

But when they pursued, they caught no one, since they were hoplites
								pursuing peltasts at the distance of a javelin’s cast; for
								Iphicrates had given orders to the peltasts to retire before the
								hoplites got near them; and further, when the Lacedaemonians were
								retiring from the pursuit, being scattered because each man had
								pursued as swiftly as he could, the troops of Iphicrates turned
								about, and not only did those in front again hurl javelins upon the
								Lacedaemonians, but also others on the flank, running along to reach
								their unprotected side. Indeed, at the very first pursuit the
								peltasts shot down nine or ten of them. And as soon as this
								happened, they began to press the attack much more boldly.

Then, as the Lacedaemonians continued to suffer losses, the polemarch
								again ordered the first fifteen year-classes to pursue. But when
								these fell back, even more of them were shot down than at the first
								retirement. And now that the best men had already been killed, the
								horsemen joined them, and with the horsemen they again undertook a
								pursuit. But when the peltasts turned to flight, at that moment the
								horsemen managed their attack badly; for they did not chase the
								enemy until they had killed some of them, but both in the pursuit
								and in the turning backward kept an even front
								with the hoplites. And what with striving and suffering in this way
								again and again, the Lacedaemonians themselves kept continually
								becoming fewer and fainter of heart, while their enemies were
								becoming bolder, and those who attacked them continually more
								numerous.

Therefore in desperation they gathered together on a small hill,
								distant from the sea about two stadia, and from Lechaeum about
								sixteen or seventeen stadia. And the men in Lechaeum, upon
								perceiving them, embarked in small boats and coasted along until
								they came opposite the hill. Then the troops, being now desperate,
								because they were suffering and being slain, while unable to inflict
								any harm themselves, and, besides this, seeing the Athenian hoplites
								also coming against them, took to flight. And some of them plunged
								into the sea, and some few made their escape with the horsemen to
								Lechaeum. But in all the battles and in the flight about two hundred
								and fifty of them were killed.

Thus it was that these events took place. After this Agesilaus departed with the defeated
								regiment, and left another behind him in Lechaeum. And as he passed
								along homeward, he led his troops into the cities as late in the day
								as he could and set out again in the morning as early as he could.
								When he approached Mantinea, by leaving Orchomenus before dawn he passed by
								that city while it was still dark: so hard, he thought, would the
								soldiers find it to see the Mantineans rejoicing at their
								misfortune.

After this, Iphicrates was very successful in his other undertakings
								also. For although garrisons had been stationed in Sidus and
								Crommyon by Praxitas when he captured these strongholds, and in
									Oenoe by Agesilaus at the time
								when Piraeum was taken, Iphicrates captured all these places. In
								Lechaeum, however, the Lacedaemonians and their allies maintained
								their garrison. And the Corinthian exiles, no longer proceeding by
								land from Sicyon past Corinth, on account of the disaster to the
								regiment, but sailing along the coast to Lechaeum and sallying forth
								from there, caused annoyance to the people in the city even as they
								suffered annoyance themselves.

After this the Achaeans, who were in
									possession of Calydon—in ancient
								times an Aetolian town —and had made the people of Calydon Achaean
								citizens, were compelled to keep a garrison there. For the
								Acarnanians made an expedition against the city, and some of the
								Athenians and Boeotians joined with them, because the Acarnanians
								were their allies. Therefore, being hard pressed by them, the
								Achaeans sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon. And upon reaching there the
								ambassadors said that they were not receiving fair treatment from
								the Lacedaemonians.

For, gentlemen, they said, we serve with you howsoever you direct
								and follow whithersoever you lead; but now that we are besieged by
								the Acarnanians and their allies, the Athenians and Boeotians, you
								take no thought for us. Now we cannot hold out if these things go on
								in this way, but either we shall abandon the war in Peloponnesus and
								all of us cross over and make war against the Acarnanians and their
								allies, or else we shall make peace on whatever terms we can.

Now they said this by way of covertly threatening to withdraw from
								their alliance with the Lacedaemonians unless the latter should help
								them in return. In view of this
								statement, it seemed to the ephors and the assembly that it was
								necessary to undertake a campaign with the Achaeans against the
								Acarnanians. And they sent out Agesilaus, with two Lacedaemonian
								regiments and the corresponding contingent of the allies. The
								Achaeans, however, joined in the campaign with their entire
								force.

Now when Agesilaus crossed over, all the Acarnanians of the country
								districts fled to the walled towns, and all their cattle were driven
								off to remote parts to prevent their being captured by the army. But
								when Agesilaus arrived at the borders of the enemy’s country, he
								sent to the general assembly of the Acarnanians at Stratus and said
								that unless they discontinued their alliance with the Boeotians and
								Athenians and chose his people and the Achaeans as allies, he would
								lay waste their whole territory, one portion after another, and
								would not spare any portion of it.

Then, upon their refusing to obey him, he proceeded to do so,
								continually devastating the land as he went and hence advancing not
								more than ten or twelve stadia a day. The Acarnanians, therefore,
								deeming it safe on account of the slow progress of the army, brought
								down their cattle from the mountains and continued to till the
								greater part of their land.

But when it seemed to Agesilaus that they were now very bold, on the
								fifteenth or sixteenth day from the time when he entered the
								country, he offered sacrifice in the morning and accomplished before
								evening a march of one hundred and sixty stadia to the lake on whose
								banks were almost all the cattle of the Acarnanians, and he captured
								herds of cattle and droves of horses in large numbers besides all
								sorts of other stock and great numbers of slaves. And after effecting this capture and
								remaining there through the ensuing day, he made public sale of the
								booty.

Now, however, many peltasts of the Acarnanians came up, and, inasmuch
								as Agesilaus was encamped on the mountain-side, by throwing stones
								and discharging their slings from the ridge of the mountain they
								succeeded, without suffering any harm themselves, in forcing the
								army to descend to the plain, even though the men were already
								making preparations for dinner. But at night the Acarnanians
								departed, and the troops posted sentinels and lay down to rest.

On the next day Agesilaus undertook to
								lead his army away. Now the road which led out from the meadow and
								plain surrounding the lake was narrow on account of the mountains
								which encircled it round; and the Acarnanians, taking possession of
								these mountains, threw stones and javelins upon the Lacedaemonians
								from the heights upon their right, and descending gradually to the
								spurs of the mountains pressed the attack and caused trouble to such
								an extent that the army was no longer able to proceed.

And when the hoplites and the horsemen left the phalanx and pursued
								their assailants, they could never do them any harm; for when the
								Acarnanians fell back, they were speedily in safe places. Then
								Agesilaus, thinking it a difficult matter for his troops to go out
								through the narrow pass under these attacks, decided to pursue the
								men who were attacking them on the left, very many in number; for
								the mountain on this side was more accessible both for hoplites and
								horses.

Now while he was sacrificing, the Acarnanians pressed them very hard
								with throwing stones and javelins, and coming close up to them wounded many. But
								when he gave the word, the first fifteen year-classes of the
								hoplites ran forth, the horsemen charged, and he himself with the
								other troops followed.

Then those among the Acarnanians who had come down the mountains and
								were throwing missiles quickly gave way and, as they tried to escape
								uphill, were killed one after another; on the summit, however, were
								the hoplites of the Acarnanians, drawn up in line of battle, and the
								greater part of the peltasts, and there they stood firm, and not
								only discharged their other missiles, but by hurling their spears
								struck down horsemen and killed some horses. But when they were now
								almost at close quarters with the Lacedaemonian hoplites, they gave
								way, and there fell on that day about three hundred of them.

When these things had taken place, Agesilaus set up a trophy. And
								afterwards, going about through the country, he laid it waste with
								axe and fire; he also made assaults upon some of the cities, being
								compelled by the Achaeans to do so, but did not capture any one of
								them. And when at length autumn was coming on, he set about
								departing from the country.

The Achaeans, however, thought that he
								had accomplished nothing because he had gained possession of no
								city, with or without its consent, and they begged him, even if he
								did nothing else, at least to stay long enough to prevent the
								Acarnanians from sowing their seed. He replied that what they were
								proposing was the opposite of the advantageous course. For, he
								said, I shall again lead an expedition hither next summer; and the
								more these people sow, the more they will desire peace.

Having said this, he departed overland through Aetolia by such roads as neither many nor few
								could traverse against the will of the Aetolians; they allowed him,
								however, to pass through; for they hoped that he would aid them to
								recover Naupactus. And when he reached the point opposite Rhium, he
								crossed over at that point and returned home; for the Athenians
								barred the passage from Calydon to Peloponnesus with their triremes, using Oeniadae as a
								base.

When the winter had passed, at the
									very beginning of spring
								Agesilaus again called out the ban against the Acarnanians, in
								accordance with his promise to the Achaeans. But the Acarnanians,
								learning of this and thinking that inasmuch as their cities were in
								the interior they would be just as truly besieged by the people who
								destroyed their corn as if they were besieged by an army encamped
								around them, sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon and concluded peace with
								the Achaeans and an alliance with the Lacedaemonians. Thus ended the
								affair of the Acarnanians.

After this it seemed to the
								Lacedaemonians that it was not safe for them to undertake a campaign
								against the Athenians or against the Boeotians while leaving in
								their rear a hostile state bordering upon Lacedaemon and one so
								large as that of the Argives; they accordingly called out the ban
								against Argos. Now when Agesipolis learned that he was to lead the
								ban, and when the sacrifices which he offered at the frontier proved
								favourable, he went to Olympia and consulted the oracle of the god,
								asking whether it would be consistent
								with piety if he did not acknowledge the holy truce claimed by the
								Argives; for, he urged, it was not when the appointed time came, but
								when the Lacedaemonians were about to invade their territory, that
								they pleaded the sacred months. And the god
								signified to him that it was consistent with piety for him not to
								acknowledge a holy truce which was pleaded unjustly. Then Agesipolis
								proceeded straight from there to Delphi and asked Apollo in his turn
								whether he also held the same opinion as his father Zeus in regard
								to the truce. And Apollo answered that he did hold quite the same
								opinion.

Under these circumstances Agesipolis led forth his army from
								Phlius—for it had been assembling for him there while he was away
								visiting the holy places—and entered the territory of Argos by way
								of Nemea. And when the Argives realized that they would not be able
								to hinder the invasion, they sent, as they were wont to do, two
								heralds, garlanded, pleading a holy truce. But Agesipolis in reply
								said that the gods did not think they were making this plea justly,
								and so he refused to acknowledge the truce, but advanced into their
								territory and caused great distress and terror both in the country
								and in the city.

Now while he was at dinner in the land
								of the Argives, on the first evening of his stay there, and when the
								after-dinner libations had just been made, the god sent an
								earthquake; and all the Lacedaemonians, those in the royal tent
								taking the lead, struck up the paean to Poseidon ; and the rest of the soldiers expected to
								retire from the country, because Agis likewise, on an occasion when
								an earthquake took place, had
								withdrawn his army from Elis. But Agesipolis said that if the god had sent
								an earthquake when he was about to invade, he should have thought
								that he was forbidding the invasion; but since he sent it after he
								had invaded, he believed that he was urging him on;

accordingly, on the next day, after offering sacrifices to Poseidon,
								he again led on his forces, advancing far into the country. And
								inasmuch as Agesilaus had lately made an expedition into Argos,
								Agesipolis, finding out from the soldiers how far Agesilaus had led
								his army in the direction of the wall, and how far he had laid waste
								the land, endeavoured, like an athlete in the pentathlum, to go
								beyond him at every point.

On one occasion it was only when he was being pelted with missiles
								from the towers that he recrossed the trenches around the city wall;
								and once, when most of the Argives were away in Laconia, he
								approached so near the gates that the Argives who were at the gates
								shut out the horsemen of the Boeotians who wanted to enter, through
								fear that the Lacedaemonians would rush in at the gates along with
								them; so that the horsemen were compelled to cling, like bats, tight
								to the walls beneath the battlements. And if it had not chanced that
								the Cretans were off on a plundering expedition to Nauplia at that
								time, many men and horses would have been shot down by their
								arrows.

After this, while Agesipolis was encamping near the enclosed
									space, a thunderbolt fell into his camp; and some men
								were killed by being struck, others by the shock. After this,
								desiring to fortify a garrison post at the entrance to the Argive
								country which leads past Mount Celusa, he offered sacrifice; and the livers of the
								victims were found to be lacking a lobe. When this happened, he led
								his army away and disbanded it, having inflicted very great harm
								upon the Argives because he had invaded their land unexpectedly.

As for the war by land, it was being
								waged in the manner described. I will now recount what happened by
								sea and in the cities on the coast while all these things were going
								on, and will describe such of the events as are worthy of record,
								while those which do not deserve mention I will pass over. In the
								first place, then, Pharnabazus and Conon, after defeating the
								Lacedaemonians in the naval battle, made a tour of
								the islands and the cities on the sea coast, drove out the Laconian
								governors, and encouraged the cities by saying that they would not
								establish fortified citadels within their walls and would leave them
								independent.

And the people of the cities received this announcement with joy and
								approval, and enthusiastically sent gifts of friendship to
								Pharnabazus. Conon, it seems, was advising Pharnabazus that if he
								acted in this way, all the cities would be friendly to him, but if
								it should be evident that he wanted to enslave them, he said that
								each single city was capable of making a great deal of trouble and
								that there was danger that the people of Greece also, if they
								learned of this, would become united.

Pharnabazus was accordingly accepting this counsel. Then,
								disembarking at Ephesus, he gave Conon forty triremes and told him
								to meet him at Sestus, while he himself proceeded by land along the
								coast to his own province. For Dercylidas, who had long been an
								enemy of his, 
								chanced to be in Abydus at the time when
								the naval battle took place, and he did not, like the other
								Lacedaemonian governors, quit the city, but took possession of
								Abydus and was keeping it friendly to the Lacedaemonians. For he
								called together the people of the town and spoke as follows:

Gentlemen, at this moment it is
								possible for you, who even in former days have been friends of our
								state, to show yourselves benefactors of the Lacedaemonians. For
								showing loyalty in the midst of prosperity calls for no particular
								admiration, but always, if men show themselves steadfast when
								friends have fallen upon misfortunes, this is remembered for all
								time. Do not suppose that just because we have been defeated in the
								naval battle, we are therefore ever afterward to be counted for
								naught. Nay, even in former times, you recall, when the Athenians
								were rulers of the sea, our state was able both to confer benefit
								upon friends and to inflict harm upon enemies. And the greater the
								extent to which the other cities have, along with fortune, turned
								away from us, by so much the greater in reality would your fidelity
								be made manifest. But if anyone is afraid that we may be besieged
								here both by land and by sea, let him reflect that there is not yet
								a Greek fleet on the sea, and if the barbarians shall undertake to
								rule the sea, Greece will not tolerate this; so that in helping
								herself she will also become your ally.

Upon hearing these words, the Abydenes
								yielded compliance, not unwillingly, but with enthusiasm, and they
								received kindly the Lacedaemonian governors who came to Abydus and sent for those who were elsewhere. Then, after
								many good men had been collected in the
								city, Dercylidas crossed over to Sestus, which is opposite Abydus
								and distant not more than eight stadia, gathered together all who
								had obtained land in the Chersonese through the Lacedaemonians, and
								received also all those governors who had been driven out in like
								fashion from the cities on the European side, saying to them that
								they ought not to be discouraged, either, when they reflected that
								even in Asia, which had belonged from all time to the King, there
								was Temnus—not a large city—and Aegae and other places in which
								people were able to dwell without being subject to the King. In any
								event, he said, what stronger place could you find than Sestus,
								what place harder to capture by siege? For it is a place which
								requires both ships and troops if it is to be besieged. By such
								words he kept these men also from being panic-stricken.

Now when Pharnabazus found both Abydus
								and Sestus in this condition, he made proclamation to their
								inhabitants that if they did not expel the Lacedaemonians he would
								make war upon them. And upon their refusing to obey, he directed
								Conon to prevent them from sailing the sea, while he himself
								proceeded to lay waste the territory of the Abydenes. But failing to
								make any progress toward subduing them, he himself went back home,
								ordering Conon to try to win over the cities along the Hellespont,
								to the end that as large a fleet as possible might be gathered
								together by the coming of the spring. For he was angry with the
								Lacedaemonians on account of what he had suffered at their hands,
								and therefore desired above all things to go to their country and
								take what vengeance upon them he
								could.

In such occupations, accordingly, they passed the winter; but at the
								opening of spring, having fully
								manned a large number of ships and hired a force of mercenaries
								besides, Pharnabazus, and Conon with him, sailed through the islands
								to Melos, and making that their base, went on to Lacedaemon. And
								first Pharnabazus put in at Pherae and laid waste this region; then
								he made descents at one point and another of the coast and did
								whatever harm he could. But being fearful because the country was
								destitute of harbours, because the Lacedaemonians might send relief
								forces, and because provisions were scarce in the land, he quickly
								turned about, and sailing away, came to anchor at Phoenicus in the
								island of Cythera.

And when those who held possession of
								the city of the Cytherians abandoned their walls through fear of
								being captured by storm, he allowed them to depart to Laconia under
								a truce, and having repaired the wall of the Cytherians, left in
								Cythera a garrison of his own and Nicophemus, an Athenian, as
								governor. After doing these things and sailing to the Isthmus of
								Corinth and there exhorting the allies to carry on the war zealously
								and show themselves men faithful to the King, he left them all the
								money that he had and sailed off homeward.

But when Conon said that if he would allow him to have the fleet, he
								would maintain it by contributions from the islands and would
								meanwhile put in at Athens and aid the Athenians in rebuilding their
								long walls and the wall around Piraeus, adding their he knew nothing could be a
								heavier blow to the Lacedaemonians
								than this. And by this act, therefore, he said, you will have
								conferred a favour upon the Athenians and have taken vengeance upon
								the Lacedaemonians, inasmuch as you will undo for them the deed for
								whose accomplishment they underwent the most toil and trouble. 
								Pharnabazus, upon hearing this, eagerly dispatched him to Athens and
								gave him additional money for the rebuilding of the walls.

Upon his arrival Conon erected a large
								part of the wall, giving his own crews for the work, paying the
								wages of carpenters and masons, and meeting whatever other expense
								was necessary. There were some parts of the wall, however, which the
								Athenians themselves, as well as volunteers from Boeotia and from
								other states, aided in building. The Corinthians, on the other hand,
								manned ships with the money which Pharnabazus left, appointed
								Agathinus as admiral, and established their mastery of the sea in
								the gulf around Achaea and Lechaeum. And the Lacedaemonians on their
								side manned ships, which Podanemus commanded.

But when he was killed in an attack which took place, and Pollis in
								his turn, who was vice-admiral, was wounded and went home,
								Herippidas took command of these ships. Proaenus, the Corinthian,
								however, who had succeeded to the command of the ships of Agathinus,
								abandoned Rhium, and the Lacedaemonians took it over. After this
								Teleutias came to assume charge of the ships of Herippidas, and he
								in his turn was now master of the gulf.

Now the Lacedaemonians, upon hearing
									that Conon was not only
								rebuilding their wall for the Athenians out of the King’s money, but
								was also, while maintaining his fleet from the latter’s funds, engaged in winning over the islands and
								the coast cities on the mainland to the Athenians, conceived the
								idea that if they informed Tiribazus, who was the King’s general, of
								these things, they could either bring Tiribazus over entirely to
								their side or at least put an end to his maintaining Conon’s fleet.
								Having come to this conclusion, they sent Antalcidas to Tiribazus
								with instructions to inform Tiribazus of these facts, and to
								endeavour to make peace between the state and the King.

But when the Athenians learned of this, they likewise sent
								ambassadors,—Conon at their head, and Hermogenes, Dion,
								Callisthenes, and Callimedon. They also invited ambassadors from
								their allies to go with them; and ambassadors did come from the
								Boeotians, from Corinth, and from Argos.

When they had reached their destination, Antalcidas said to Tiribazus
								that he had come desiring peace between his state and the King, and,
								furthermore, just such a peace as the King had wished for. For the
								Lacedaemonians, he said, urged no claim against the King to the
								Greek cities in Asia and they were content that all the islands and
								the Greek cities in general should be independent. And yet, he
								said, if we are ready to agree to such conditions, why should the
								King be at war with us or be spending money? Indeed, if such terms
								were made, we could not take the field against the King, either; the
								Athenians could not unless we assumed the leadership, and we could
								not if the cities were independent.

Now Tiribazus was mightily pleased at
								hearing the words of Antalcidas; but to the opponents of Antalcidas
								these proposals went no further than words. For the Athenians were
								afraid to agree that the cities and
								the islands should be independent lest they should be deprived of
								Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros ; and the Thebans, lest they should be
								compelled to leave the Boeotian cities independent; while the
								Argives thought that they could not keep Corinth as Argos, a thing which they
								desired, if such an agreement and peace were concluded. So it was
								that this project of peace came to naught, and the ambassadors
								returned to their several homes.

As for Tiribazus, he thought that it
								was not safe for him to take the side of the Lacedaemonians without
								the King’s approval; in secret, however, he gave money to
								Antalcidas, to the end that a fleet might be manned by the
								Lacedaemonians and thus the Athenians and their allies be made more
								desirous of peace, and he also imprisoned Conon, on the ground that
								he was wronging the King and that the charges made by the
								Lacedaemonians were true. After doing these things he proceeded to
								go up to the King for the purpose of telling him not only the
								proposals of the Lacedaemonians, but also that he had arrested Conon
								as a wrong-doer, and likewise to ask the King what he should do
								about all these matters.

Now the King, when Tiribazus had arrived at his capital in the interior, sent down
								Struthas to take charge of affairs on the coast. Struthas, however,
								devoted himself assiduously to the Athenians and their allies,
								remembering all the harm which the King’s country had suffered at
								the hands of Agesilaus. The Lacedaemonians accordingly, when they
									saw that Struthas was
								hostile to them and friendly to the Athenians, sent Thibron to make
								war upon him. And Thibron, crossing over to Asia and employing as a
								base of operations not only Ephesus, but also the cities in the
								plain of the Maeander—Priene, Leucophrys, and Achilleum,—proceeded
								to plunder the territory of the King.

As time went on, however, Struthas,
								who had observed that the raiding expeditions of Thibron were in
								every case carried out in a disorderly and disdainful fashion, sent
								horsemen to the plain and ordered them to rush upon the enemy and
								surround and carry off whatever they could. Now it chanced that
								Thibron, having finished breakfast, was engaged in throwing the
									discus with Thersander, the flute-player. For Thersander
								was not only a good flute-player, but he also laid claim to physical
								strength, inasmuch as he was an imitator of things
								Lacedaemonian.

Then Struthas, upon seeing that the enemy were making their raid in
								disorder, and that the foremost of them were few in number, appeared
								upon the scene with a large force of horsemen, drawn up in good
								order. And the first whom they killed were Thibron and Thersander;
								and when these men fell they put to flight the rest of the army
								also, and in the pursuit struck down a very great many. Some of
								Thibron’s men, however, made their escape to the friendly cities and
								a larger number had been left in camp because they had learned of
								the expedition too late. For frequently, as in this case also,
								Thibron undertook his expeditions without even sending out orders.
								Thus ended these events.

Now when those of the Rhodians who had
									been banished by the
								democratic faction came to Lacedaemon, they set forth that it was
								not expedient for the Lacedaemonians to allow the Athenians to
								subdue Rhodes and thus gain for themselves so great a power. The
								Lacedaemonians, therefore, realizing that if the commons should
								prevail, all Rhodes would belong to the Athenians, while if the
								wealthier classes should prevail, it would be their own possession,
								manned for them eight ships and appointed Ecdicus as admiral to
								command them.

They sent out Diphridas also on board these ships, and ordered him to
								cross over into Asia and to keep safe the cities which had received
								Thibron, and then, after assuming command of that part of Thibron’s
								army which was left alive, and after gathering another army from
								wherever he could, to make war upon Struthas. Diphridas accordingly
								set about these things, and he was successful not only in his other
								undertakings, but particularly in capturing Tigranes, the husband of
								Struthas’ daughter, and his wife also, as they were journeying to
								Sardis, and in obtaining a large ransom for their release, so that
								he was at once able to hire mercenaries with the money thus
								obtained.

This Diphridas was as a man no less attractive than Thibron, and as a
								general he was more self-controlled and enterprising. For the
								pleasures of the body did not hold the mastery over him, but in
								whatever task he was engaged, he always gave himself wholly to
									it. As for Ecdicus, after sailing
								to Cnidos and learning that the commons in Rhodes were in possession
								of everything, and were masters both by land and by sea, having
								twice as many triremes as he had himself, he remained quiet in
								Cnidos.

The Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, when they found that he had
									too small a force to be of
								service to their friends, ordered Teleutias, with the twelve ships
								which he had under his command in the gulf round Achaea and
									Lechaeum, to
								sail around to Ecdicus, send him back home, and himself look after
								the interests of those who wished to be their friends, and do
								whatever harm he could to their enemies. And when Teleutias arrived
								at Samos he obtained from there seven more ships and sailed on to
								Cnidos, while Ecdicus returned home.

Then Teleutias continued his voyage to Rhodes, having now
								twenty-seven ships; and while sailing thither he fell in with
								Philocrates, the son of Ephialtes, sailing with ten triremes from
								Athens to Cyprus for the purpose of aiding Euagoras, and captured
								all ten. Both parties were acting in this affair in a manner
								absolutely opposed to their own interests; for the Athenians,
								although they had the King for a friend, were sending aid to
								Euagoras who was making war upon the King, and Teleutias, although
								the Lacedaemonians were at war with the King, was destroying people
								who were sailing to make war upon him. Then Teleutias, after sailing
								back to Cnidos and selling there the booty which he had captured,
								arrived at Rhodes on his second voyage and proceeded to aid those
								who held to the side of the Lacedaemonians.

Meanwhile the Athenians, coming to the
									belief that the Lacedaemonians
								were again acquiring power on the sea, sent out against them
								Thrasybulus, of the deme Steiria, with forty ships. When he had
								sailed out, he gave up his plan of an expedition to Rhodes, thinking
								on the one hand that he could not easily punish the friends of the
									Lacedaemonians, since they held a
								fortress and Teleutias was there with a fleet to support them, and,
								on the other hand, that the friends of his own state would not fall
								under the power of the enemy, since they held the cities, were far
								more numerous, and had been victorious in battle.

Accordingly he sailed to the Hellespont, and, since there was no
								adversary there, thought that he could accomplish some useful
								service for his state. In the first place, therefore, learning that
								Amedocus, the king of the Odrysians, and Seuthes, the ruler of the
								coast region, were at variance, he reconciled them to one another
								and made them friends and allies of the Athenians, thinking that if
								they were friendly, the Greek cities situated on the Thracian coast
								would also show a greater inclination towards the Athenians.

Then, with this matter successfully arranged, and the cities in Asia
								in a favourable attitude on account of the King’s being a friend of
								the Athenians, he sailed to Byzantium and farmed out the tithe-duty
								on vessels sailing out of the Pontus. He also changed the
								government of the Byzantines from an oligarchy to a democracy, so
								that the commons of Byzantium were not sorry to see the greatest
								possible number of Athenians present in their city.

Now after he had accomplished these
								things and had won over the Calchedonians also as friends, he sailed
								back out of the Hellespont. And finding that all the cities in
								Lesbos except Mytilene were on the side of the Lacedaemonians, he
								went against none of them until he had marshalled in Mytilene the
								four hundred hoplites from his own ships and all the exiles from the
								Lesbian cities who had fled for refuge to Mytilene, and had also
									added to this force the
								stoutest of the Mytilenaeans themselves; nor, furthermore, until he
								had suggested hopes, firstly to the Mytilenaeans, that if he
								captured the cities they would be the leaders of all Lesbos,
								secondly to the exiles, that if they proceeded all together against
								each single one of the cities, they would be able, acting in unison,
								to accomplish their restoration to their native states, and again to
								his marines, that by making Lesbos likewise friendly to their state
								they would at once obtain a great abundance of money. Then, after
								giving them this encouragement and marshalling them in line of
								battle, he led them against Methymna.

Therimachus, however, who chanced to be the Lacedaemonian governor,
								on hearing that Thrasybulus was coming against him, took the marines
								from his own ships, the Methymnaeans themselves, and all the
								Mytilenaean exiles who chanced to be there, and went to meet the
								enemy at the borders. A battle was fought in which Therimachus was
								killed on the spot and many of the others were killed as they
								fled.

After this Thrasybulus brought over some of the cities, and was busy collecting money for his
								soldiers by plundering from those which refused to come over;
								meanwhile he was eager to arrive at Rhodes. But to the end that
								there also he might make his army as strong as possible, he
								collected money from various cities, and came to Aspendus in
								particular and anchored in the Eurymedon river. And after he had
								already received money from the Aspendians, his soldiers wrongfully
								did some plundering from their lands; the Aspendians therefore in
								anger fell upon him during the night and cut him down in his
								tent.

This, then, was the end of
								Thrasybulus, who was esteemed a most
								excellent man. And the Athenians chose Agyrrhius in his place, and
								sent him out to take command of the ships. The Lacedaemonians, on
								the other hand, learning that the tithe-duty on the vessels sailing
								out of the Pontus had been sold at Byzantium by the Athenians, that
								they were in possession of Calchedon, and that the other
								Hellespontine cities were in a favourable attitude toward them
								because Pharnabazus was their friend, concluded that they must
								attend to this situation.

They did not, indeed, find any fault with Dercylidas; but Anaxibius,
								inasmuch as the ephors had become friends of his, succeeded in
								having himself sent out to Abydus as governor. And he promised that
								if he received money and ships, he would also make war upon the
								Athenians, so that matters might not stand so well with them in the
								Hellespont.

Accordingly the ephors gave Anaxibius three triremes and money enough
								for a thousand mercenaries, and sent him out. When he had reached
								Abydus, his operations by land were as follows: after collecting a
								mercenary force, he proceeded to detach some of the Aeolian cities
								from Pharnabazus, take the field in retaliatory expeditions against
								the cities which had made expeditions against Abydus, march upon
								them, and lay waste their territory. On the naval side, in addition
								to the ships which he had he fully manned three others from Abydus,
								and brought into port whatever merchant vessel he found anywhere
								belonging to the Athenians or their allies.

The Athenians, however, learning of these things, and fearing that
								the results of all Thrasybulus’ work in the Hellespont might be
								ruined for them, sent out against Anaxibius Iphicrates, with eight
								ships and about one thousand two
								hundred peltasts. The greater part of these were the men whom he had
								commanded at Corinth. For when the Argives had incorporated Corinth
								in Argos, they said that they had no need of them; for Iphicrates
								had put to death some of the partisans of Argos; accordingly he had
								returned to Athens and chanced to be at home at this time.

Now when he reached the Chersonese, at first Anaxibius and he made
								war upon one another by sending out raiding parties; but as time
								went on Iphicrates found out that Anaxibius had gone to Antandrus
								with his mercenaries, the Lacedaemonians who were with him, and two
								hundred hoplites from Abydus, and heard that he had brought
								Antandrus into relations of friendship with him. Whereupon,
								suspecting that after he had also established his garrison there he
								would return again and bring the Abydenes back home, Iphicrates
								crossed over by night to the most deserted portion of the territory
								of Abydus, and going up into the mountains, set an ambush.
								Furthermore, he ordered the triremes which had brought him across
								the strait to sail at daybreak along the coast of the Chersonese, up
								the strait, in order that it might seem that he had sailed up the
								Hellespont to collect money, as he was wont to do.

Having done all these things he was not disappointed, for Anaxibius
								did come marching back, even though—at least, as the story ran—his
								sacrifices on that day had not proved favourable; but despite that
								fact, filled with disdainful confidence because he was proceeding
								through a friendly country and to a friendly city, and because he
								heard from those who met him that Iphicrates had sailed up in the
									direction of Proconnesus, he was
								making his march in a rather careless fashion.

Nevertheless, Iphicrates did not rise from ambush so long as the army
								of Anaxibius was on the level ground; but when the Abydenes, who
								were in the van, were now in the plain of Cremaste, where their gold
								mines are, and the rest of the army as it followed along was on the
								downward slope, and Anaxibius with his Lacedaemonians was just
								beginning the descent, at this moment Iphicrates started his men up
								from their ambush and rushed upon him on the run.

Then Anaxibius, judging that there was no hope of safety, inasmuch as
								he saw that his army extended over a long and narrow way, and
								thought that those who had gone on ahead would clearly be unable to
								come to his assistance up the hill, and since he also perceived that
								all were in a state of terror when they saw the ambush, said to
								those who were with him: Gentlemen, it is honourable for me to die
								here, but do you hurry to safety before coming to close engagement
								with the enemy.

Thus he spoke, and taking his shield from his shieldbearer, fell
								fighting on that spot. His favourite youth, however, remained by his
								side, and likewise from among the Lacedaemonians about twelve of the
								governors, who had come from their cities and joined him, fought and
								fell with him. But the rest of the Lacedaemonians fled and fell one
								after another, the enemy pursuing as far as the city. Furthermore,
								about two hundred of the other troops of Anaxibius were killed, and
								about fifty of the Abydene hoplites. And after accomplishing these
								things Iphicrates went back again to the Chersonese.

Such, then, were the doings of the
									Athenians and Lacedaemonians in
								the region of the Hellespont. Meanwhile Eteonicus was again in
								Aegina, and although previously the Aeginetans had been maintaining
								commercial intercourse with the Athenians, still, now that the war
								was being carried on by sea openly, he, with the approval of the
								ephors, urged on everybody who so wished, to plunder Attica.

Thereupon the Athenians, being cut off from supplies by the
								plunderers, sent to Aegina a force of hoplites and Pamphilus as
								their general, built a fortress as a base of attack upon the
								Aeginetans, and besieged them both by land and by sea with ten
								triremes. Teleutias, however, who chanced to have arrived on one of
								the islands in quest of a grant of money, upon hearing of this (that
								is, in regard to the building of the fortress) came to the aid of
								the Aeginetans; and he drove off the Athenian fleet, but Pamphilus
								succeeded in holding the fortress.

After this Hierax arrived from
								Lacedaemon as admiral. And he took over the fleet, while Teleutias,
								under the very happiest circumstances, set sail for home. For when
								he was going down to the sea as he set out for home, there was no
								one among the soldiers who did not grasp his hand, and one decked
								him with a garland, another with a fillet, and others who came too
								late, nevertheless, even though he was now
								under way, threw garlands into the sea and prayed for many blessings
								upon him.

Now I am aware that I am not describing in these incidents any
								enterprise involving money expended or danger incurred or any
								memorable stratagem; and yet, by Zeus, it seems to me that it is
								well worth a man’s while to consider what sort of conduct it was
								that enabled Teleutias to inspire the men he commanded with such a
								feeling toward himself. For to attain to this is indeed the
								achievement of a true man, more noteworthy than the expenditure of
								much money and the encountering of many dangers.

As for Hierax, on the other hand, he
								sailed back to Rhodes with the bulk of the ships, but left behind
								him in Aegina twelve triremes and Gorgopas, his vice-admiral, as
								governor. And after this it was the Athenians in the fortress who
								were besieged rather than the Aeginetans in the city; insomuch that
								the Athenians, by a formal decree, manned a large number of ships
								and brought back from Aegina in the fifth month the troops in the
								fortress. But when this had been done, the Athenians were again
								molested by the bands of raiders and by Gorgopas, and they manned
								against these enemies thirteen ships and chose Eunomus as admiral to
								command them.

Now while Hierax was at Rhodes the Lacedaemonians sent out Antalcidas as admiral, thinking
								that by doing this they would most please Tiribazus also. And when
								Antalcidas arrived at Aegina, he took with him the ships of Gorgopas
								and sailed to Ephesus, then sent Gorgopas back again to Aegina with
								his twelve ships, and put Nicolochus, his vice-admiral, in command
								of the rest. Thereupon Nicolochus,
								seeking to aid the people of Abydus, proceeded to sail thither; he
								turned aside, however, to Tenedos and laid waste its territory, and
								having obtained money there, sailed on to Abydus.

Then the generals of the Athenians gathered together from Samothrace,
								Thasos, and the places in that region, and set out to aid the people
								of Tenedos. But upon learning that Nicolochus had put in at Abydus
								they then, setting out from the Chersonese as a base, blockaded him
								and his twenty-five ships with the thirty-two ships under their
								command. As for Gorgopas, on his voyage back from Ephesus he fell in
								with Eunomus, and for the moment took refuge in Aegina, reaching
								there a little before sunset. Then he at once disembarked his men
								and gave them dinner.

Meanwhile Eunomus, after waiting a short time, sailed off. And when
								night came on he led the way, carrying a light, as the custom is, so
								that the ships which were following him might not go astray. Then
								Gorgopas immediately embarked his men and followed on in the
								direction of the light, keeping behind the enemy so that he should
								not be visible or give them a chance to notice him; while his
								boatswains gave the time by clicking stones together instead of with
								their voices, and made the men employ a sliding motion of the
								oars.

But when the ships of Eunomus were close to the shore near Cape
								Zoster in Attica, Gorgopas gave the order by the trumpet to sail
								against them. And as for Eunomus, the men on some of his ships were
								just disembarking, others were still occupied in coming to anchor,
								and others were even yet on their way toward the shore. Then, a
								battle being fought by moonlight, Gorgopas captured four triremes,
								and taking them in tow, carried them off
								to Aegina; but the other ships of the Athenians made their escape to
								Piraeus.

After this Chabrias set out on a
								voyage to Cyprus to aid Euagoras, with eight hundred peltasts and
								ten triremes, to which force he had also added more ships and a body
								of hoplites obtained from Athens; and during the night he himself,
								with his peltasts, landed in Aegina and set an ambush in a hollow
								place beyond the Heracleium. Then at daybreak, just as had been
								agreed, the hoplites of the Athenians came, under the command of
								Demaenetus, and ascended to a point about sixteen stadia beyond the
								Heracleium, where the so-called Tripyrgia is.

On hearing of this Gorgopas sallied forth to the rescue with the
								Aeginetans, the marines from his ships, and eight Spartiatae who
								chanced to be there. He also made proclamation that all freemen
								among the crews of the ships should come with him, so that many of
								these also joined the relief force, each man with whatever weapon he
								could get.

Now when those in the van had passed by the ambush, Chabrias and his
								followers rose up and immediately threw javelins and stones upon the
								enemy. And the hoplites who had disembarked from the ships also
								advanced upon them. Then those in the van, inasmuch as they were not
								a compact mass, were quickly killed, among whom were Gorgopas and
								the Lacedaemonians; and when these had fallen the rest also were put
								to flight. And there fell about one hundred and fifty Aeginetans and
								not less than two hundred foreigners, aliens resident in Aegina, and
								sailors who had hurriedly rushed ashore.

After this the Athenians sailed the sea
								just as in time of peace, for the Lacedaemonian sailors refused to
								row for Eteonicus, even though he tried to compel them to do so,
								because he did not give them pay. After this the Lacedaemonians sent out Teleutias again to take
								command of these ships as admiral. And when the sailors saw that he
								had come, they were delighted beyond measure. And he called them
								together and spoke as follows:

Fellow soldiers, I have come without money; yet if God be willing
								and you perform your part zealously, I shall endeavour to supply you
								with provisions in the greatest abundance. And be well assured that,
								whenever I am in command of you, I pray just as earnestly for your
								lives as for my own. As to provisions, you would be surprised,
								perhaps, if I should say that I am more desirous of your being
								supplied than of being supplied myself; indeed, by the gods, I
								should prefer to go without food myself for two days than to have
								you go without for one. And just as my door was open in days past,
								as you know, for him to enter who had any request to make of me, so
								likewise it shall be open now.

Therefore, when you have provisions in abundance, then you will see
								me also living bounteously; but if you see me submitting to cold and
								heat and night-watching, expect to endure all these things
								yourselves. For I do not bid you do any of these things that you may
								suffer discomfort, but that from them you may gain something
								good.

And Sparta too, he added, that Sparta of ours, fellow soldiers,
								which is accounted so prosperous — she be well assured, won her
								prosperity and her glory, not by careless idling, but by being
									willing to undergo both toils
								and dangers whenever there was need. Now you in like manner were in
								former days, as I know, good men; but now you must strive to prove
								yourselves even better men, in order that, just as we gladly undergo
								toils together, so we may gladly enjoy good fortune together.

For what greater gladness can there be than to have to flatter no one
								in the world, Greek or barbarian, for the sake of pay, but to be
								able to provide supplies for oneself, and what is more, from the
								most honourable source? For be well assured that abundance gained in
								war from the enemy yields not merely sustenance, but at the same
								time fair fame among all men.

Thus he spoke, and they all set up a
								shout, bidding him give whatever order was needful, in the assurance
								that they would obey. Now he chanced to have finished sacrificing,
								and he said: Come, my men, get dinner, just as you were intending
								to do anyway; and provide yourselves, I beg you, with food for one
								day. Then come to the ships right speedily, that we may sail to the
								place where God wills that we go, and may arrive in good time.

And when they had come he embarked them upon the ships and sailed
								during the night to the harbour of the Athenians, now letting the
								men rest and bidding them get a little sleep, and now setting them
								at the oars. But if anyone supposes that it was madness for him to
								sail with twelve triremes against men who possessed many ships, let
								such a one consider Teleutias’ calculations.

He conceived that the Athenians were more careless about their fleet
								in the harbour now that Gorgopas was dead; and even if there were
								triremes at anchor there, he believed that it was safer to sail
								against twenty ships which were at
								Athens than against ten elsewhere. For in the case of ships that
								were abroad he knew that the sailors would be quartered on board
								their several ships, while with ships at Athens he was aware that
								the captains would be sleeping at home and the sailors quartered
								here and there.

These, then, were the considerations which he had weighed before he
								sailed; and when he was distant from the harbour five or six stadia,
								he remained quiet and let his men rest. Then, as day was dawning, he
								led on and they followed. Now he forbade them to sink or harm any
								merchant vessel with their own ships; but if they saw a trireme at
								anchor anywhere, he ordered them to try to make her unseaworthy, and
								furthermore, to bring out in tow the merchant ships which were
								loaded, and to board the larger ones wherever they could and take
								off their people. Indeed, there were some of his men who even leaped
								ashore on to the Deigma, seized merchants
								and owners of trading vessels, and carried them aboard the
								ships.

He, then, succeeded in accomplishing these things. But as for the
								Athenians, some of them, upon hearing the uproar, ran from their
								houses into the streets to see what the shouting meant, others ran
								from the streets to their homes to get their weapons, and still
								others to the city to carry the news. Then all the Athenians,
								hoplites and horsemen, rushed to the rescue, thinking that Piraeus
								had been captured.

But Teleutias sent off the captured merchant vessels to Aegina and
								gave orders that three or four of the triremes should convoy them
								thither, while with the rest of the triremes he coasted along the
								shore of Attica and, inasmuch as he was sailing out of the harbour,
								captured great numbers of fishing craft and ferryboats full of
								people as they were sailing in from the islands. And on coming to Sunium he captured
								trading vessels also, some of them full of corn, others of
								merchandise.

Having done all these things he sailed back to Aegina, and when he
								had sold his booty he gave the soldiers a month’s pay in advance. He
								likewise from that time forth cruised round and captured whatever he
								could. And by doing these things he maintained his ships with full
								complements of sailors, and kept his soldiers in a state of glad and
								prompt obedience.

And now Antalcidas returned with
								Tiribazus from the Persian capital,
								having effected an agreement that the King should be an ally of the
								Lacedaemonians if the Athenians and their allies refused to accept
								the peace which he himself directed them to accept. But when
								Antalcidas heard that Nicolochus with his ships was being blockaded
								at Abydus by Iphicrates and Diotimus, he went overland to Abydus.
								And from there he set out during the night with the fleet, after
								spreading a report that the Calchedonians were sending for him; then
								he came to anchor at Percote and remained quiet there.

Now the Athenian forces under Demaenetus, Dionysius, Leontichus, and
								Phanias, upon learning of his departure, followed after him in the
								direction of Proconnesus; and when they had sailed past him,
								Antalcidas turned about and came back to Abydus, for he had heard
								that Polyxenus was approaching with the ships from Syracuse and
								Italy, twenty in number, and he wished to join these also to his
								command. But soon after this Thrasybulus, of the deme Collytus, came
								sailing from Thrace with eight ships, desiring to unite with the
								other Athenian ships.

And Antalcidas, when his scouts signalled to him that eight triremes were approaching,
								embarked the sailors on twelve of his fastest ships, gave orders
								that if anyone was lacking men, he should fill up his crew from the
								ships left behind, and lay in wait with the utmost possible
								concealment. Then, as the enemy were sailing past him, he pursued;
								and they, upon seeing him, fled. Now he speedily succeeded in
								overhauling the slowest of the enemy’s ships with his fastest; but
								giving orders to the leaders of his own fleet not to attack the
								hindmost ships, he continued the pursuit of those which were ahead.
								And when he had captured them, those who were behind, upon seeing
								that the leaders of their fleet were being taken, out of
								discouragement were themselves taken even by the slower ships of
								Antalcidas; and the result was that all the ships were captured.

And after the twenty ships from Syracuse had come and joined
								Antalcidas, and the ships from all that part of Ionia of which
								Tiribazus was master had also come, and more still had been manned
								from the territory of Ariobarzanes — for Antalcidas was an old
								friend of Ariobarzanes, and Pharnabazus had at this time gone up to
								the capital in response to a summons, this being the occasion when
								he married the King’s daughter — then Antalcidas, the whole number
								of his ships amounting to more than eighty, was master of the sea,
								so that he also prevented the ships from the Pontus from sailing to
								Athens, and compelled them to sail to the ports of his people’s
								allies.

The Athenians, therefore, seeing that the enemy’s ships were many,
								fearing that they might be completely subdued, as they had been
								before, now that the King had become an ally of the Lacedaemonians,
								and being beset by the raiding parties from Aegina, for these reasons were exceedingly desirous
								of peace. On the other hand the Lacedaemonians, what with
								maintaining a garrison of one regiment at Lechaeum and another at
								Orchomenus, keeping watch upon their allied states — those which
								they trusted, to prevent their being destroyed, and those which they
								distrusted, to prevent their revolting — and suffering and causing
								trouble around Corinth, were out of patience with the war. As for
								the Argives, knowing that the Lacedaemonian ban had been called out
								against them, and being aware that their plea of the sacred
									months would no longer be of any help to them, they also
								were eager for peace.

So that when Tiribazus ordered those to be present who desired to
								give ear to the peace which the King had sent down, all speedily
								presented themselves. And when they had come together, Tiribazus
								showed them the King’s seal and then read the writing. It ran as
								follows:

King Artaxerxes thinks it just that
								the cities in Asia should belong to him, as well as Clazomenae and
								Cyprus among the islands, and that the other Greek cities, both
								small and great, should be left independent, except Lemnos, Imbros,
								and Scyros; and these should belong, as of old, to the Athenians.
								But whichever of the two parties does not accept this peace, upon
								them I will make war, in company with those who desire this
								arrangement, both by land and by sea, with ships and with
								money.

Upon hearing these words the
								ambassadors from the various states reported them to their own
								several states. And all the others swore that they would steadfastly observe these provisions, but
								the Thebans claimed the right to take the oath in the name of all
								the Boeotians. Agesilaus, however, refused to accept their oaths
								unless they swore, just as the King’s writing directed, that every
								city, whether small or great, should be independent. But the
								ambassadors of the Thebans said that these were not the instructions
								which had been given them. Go then, said Agesilaus, and ask your
								people; and report to them this also, that if they do not so act,
								they will be shut out from the treaty. The Thebans ambassadors
								accordingly departed.

Agesilaus, however, on account of his hatred for the Thebans, did not
								delay, but after winning over the ephors proceeded at once to
								perform his sacrifices. And when the offering at the frontier proved
								favourable, upon his arrival at Tegea he sent horsemen hither and
								thither among the Perioeci to hasten their coming, and likewise sent
								mustering officers to the various cities of the allies. But before
								he had set out from Tegea, the Thebans arrived with word that they
								would leave the cities independent. And so the Lacedaemonians
								returned home and the Thebans were forced to accede to the treaty,
								allowing the Boeotian cities to be independent.

But the Corinthians, on the other hand, would not dismiss the
								garrison maintained in their city by the Argives. Agesilaus,
								however, made proclamation to these peoples also, saying to the
								Corinthians that if they did not dismiss the Argives, and to the
								Argives that if they did not depart from Corinth, he would make war
								upon them. And when, as a result of the fear which seized both
								peoples, the Argives departed and the state of the Corinthians
								regained its self-government, the
								authors of the massacre and those who shared the responsibility for the deed
								withdrew of their own accord from Corinth, while the rest of the
								citizens willingly received back the former exiles.

When these things had been
								accomplished and the states had sworn that they would abide by the
								treaty which the King had proposed, thereupon the armies were
								disbanded and the naval armaments were likewise disbanded. Thus it
								was that this peace was established between the Lacedaemonians and
								Athenians and their allies, the first since the outbreak of the war
								which followed the destruction of the walls of Athens.

Now while in the war the Lacedaemonians were no more than holding
								their own with their antagonists, yet as a result of the so-called
								Peace of Antalcidas they gained a far more distinguished position.
								For by having become champions of the treaty proposed by the King
								and by establishing the independence of the cities they gained an
								additional ally in Corinth, made the Boeotian cities independent of
								the Thebans, a thing which they had long desired, and also put a
								stop to the doings of the Argives in appropriating Corinth as their
								own, by threatening to call out the ban against them if they did not
								depart from Corinth.

Since in all this matters had
								proceeded as they desired, the
								Lacedaemonians resolved, in the case of all among their allies who
								had been hostile during the war and more favourably inclined toward
								the enemy than toward Lacedaemon, to chastise them and put them in
								such a situation that they could not be disloyal. Firstly,
								therefore, they sent to the Mantineans
								and ordered them to tear down their wall, saying that they could not
								trust them in any other way not to take sides with their
								enemies.

For they said they had noted not only that the Mantineans had been
								sending corn to the Argives when they themselves were making war
								upon that people, but also that sometimes, on the pretext of a holy
								truce, they had not served in the Lacedaemonian armies at all, and
								when they had fallen into line, had served badly. Furthermore, the
								Lacedaemonians said they were aware that they were envious if any
								good fortune came to them, and delighted if any disaster befel
									them. It
								was also common talk that the thirty years’ truce, concluded after
								the battle of Mantinea, had expired this year,
								so far as the Mantineans were concerned.

When, accordingly, they now refused to tear down their walls, the
								Lacedaemonians called out the ban against them. Now Agesilaus requested the state to relieve
								him of the command of this expedition, saying that the city of the
								Mantineans had rendered his father many services in the wars against
								Messene; Agesipolis, therefore, led forth the ban, even though his father, Pausanias, was on exceedingly
								friendly terms with the leaders of the popular party in
								Mantinea.

And when he had entered Mantinean territory, he first laid waste the
								land; but since even then they would not tear down the walls, he
								proceeded to dig a trench round about the city, with one half of the
								soldiers sitting under arms in front of the diggers to protect them,
								and the other half working. And after the trench had been
									completed, he then without risk
								built a wall round about the city. Learning, however, that the corn
								supply in the city was abundant, since there had been a good harvest
								the previous year, and thinking that it would be a grievous thing if
								it should prove necessary to burden both his state and its allies
								for a long period with campaigns, he dammed up the river which
								flowed through the city; and it was a very large one.

Its outflow being thus checked, the water rose not only above the
								foundations of the houses but above those of the city wall. Then as
								the lower bricks became soaked and failed to support those above
								them, the wall began first to crack and then to give way. And the
								Mantineans for a time tried to prop it up with timbers, and sought
								contrivances to prevent the tower from falling; but when they were
								no longer able to resist the water, being seized with the fear that
								if any portion of the encircling wall fell they would become
								prisoners of war, they offered to agree to tear down their walls.
								The Lacedaemonians, however, said that they would not make peace
								with them except on condition that they should also dwell apart in
								villages. And they for their part, coming to the conclusion that it
								was necessary, agreed that they would do this also.

Now the partisans of Argos and the leaders of the popular party
								expected that they would be put to death, but the father of
								Agesipolis obtained from him the promise that safety should be
								granted them as they departed from the city, being sixty in number.
								So on both sides of the road, beginning at the city gates, stood the
								Lacedaemonians with their spears, watching those who were coming
								out. And although they hated them, nevertheless they kept their hands off them more easily than did
								the Mantineans belonging to the aristocratic party. Let this, then,
								stand recorded as a striking example of good discipline.

After this the wall was torn down and
								Mantinea was divided into four separate villages, just as the people
								had dwelt in ancient times. And at first they were displeased,
								because they were compelled to tear down the houses which they had
								and to build others; but the owners of the landed property, since
								they not only dwelt nearer to their estates, which were round about
								the villages, but also enjoyed an aristocratic government and were
								rid of the troublesome demagogues, were pleased with what had been
								done. And the Lacedaemonians sent mustering officers to them, not
								singly, but one for each village. Moreover, they came from their
								villages for service in the Lacedaemonian army far more zealously
								than when they were under a democratic government. Thus ended the
								affair of the Mantineans, whereby men were made wiser in this point
								at least — not to let a river run through city walls.

And now the exiles from Phlius, as
								they observed that the Lacedaemonians
								were investigating to see what sort of friends their several allies
								had proved to be to them during the war, thinking that it was an
								opportune time, proceeded to Lacedaemon and set forth that so long
								as they were at home in Phlius, the city had received the
								Lacedaemonians within its walls, and its people had gone with them
								on their campaigns wherever they led the way; but that after the
								Phliasians had driven them into exile, they had declined to follow
								anywhere, and had refused to receive the Lacedaemonians — and them
								alone of all men — within their
								gates.

When the ephors heard these things, they decided that the matter
								deserved attention. Accordingly they sent to the city of the
								Phliasians and said that the exiles were friends of the
								Lacedaemonian state and had been exiled for no wrong-doing. They
								said further that they deemed it proper to effect their return from
								banishment, not by compulsion, but by voluntary consent of the
								Phliasians. Upon hearing this the Phliasians conceived the fear that
								if the Lacedaemonians made an expedition against them, some of the
								people within the walls would let them into the city. For not only
								were there many kinsmen of the exiles in the city, and people who
								were friendly to them for other reasons, but also, as is indeed
								usual in most cities, some desired a change of government and
								therefore wanted to bring back the exiles.

On account, then, of such fears, the Phliasians voted to take back
								the exiles and to restore to them their undisputed property, those
								who had purchased such property to recover the price of it from the
								public treasury; and if any dispute should arise in any case between
								these purchasers and the exiles, it was to be settled by legal
								process. Thus ended, in its turn, this incident of the Phliasian
								exiles at that time.

Then there came ambassadors to
								Lacedaemon from Acanthus and Apollonia,
								which are the largest of the cities in the neighbourhood of
								Olynthus. And when the ephors heard with what object they had come,
								they brought them before the Lacedaemonian assembly and the
								allies.

Thereupon Cleigenes of Acanthus spoke as follows: Men of Lacedaemon
								and of the allied states, we think you are unaware that a great
								danger is springing up in Greece. To be sure, almost all of you know that Olynthus is the
								largest of the cities on the coast of Thrace. These Olynthians, in
								the first place, attached to themselves some of the cities with the
								provision that all should live under the same laws and be
								fellow-citizens, and then they took over some of the larger cities
								also. After this they undertook, further, to free the cities of
								Macedonia from Amyntas, king of the Macedonians.

And when the nearest of them gave their allegiance, they speedily
								proceeded against those which were farther away and larger; and we
								left them already in possession of a great number of Macedonian
								cities, including especially Pella, which is the largest of the
								cities in Macedonia. We also had information that Amyntas was
								withdrawing from his cities and had already been all but driven out
								of all Macedonia. The Olynthians, furthermore, sent to us and to the
								Apollonians and announced to us that if we did not present ourselves
								to join them in their campaigns, they would come against us.

As for ourselves, however, men of
								Lacedaemon, we desire to live under the laws of our fathers and to
								be citizens of our own city; but unless some one shall come to our
								aid, it will be necessary for us also to be united with them. And
								yet at this moment they already have not less than eight hundred
								hoplites and far more than that number of peltasts; while as for
								horsemen, if we also become united with them, they will have more
								than one thousand.

Again, we left ambassadors both of the Athenians and of the Boeotians
								already there. And we heard reports that the Olynthians on their
								side had voted to send ambassadors with them to these states in
								regard to the matter of an alliance. Now if so great a power is to be added to the present strength of
								the Athenians and Thebans, take care, he said, lest you find that
								situation no longer easy to handle. Furthermore, since the
								Olynthians are in possession of Potidaea, which is on the isthmus of
								Pallene, be sure that the cities included within Pallene will also
								be subject to them. And let this fact also be a further evidence to
								you that these cities have come to fear the Olynthians mightily —
								that although they feel the utmost hatred toward the Olynthians,
								nevertheless they did not dare to send ambassadors with us to set
								forth these things.

You should consider this question also, how you can consistently,
								after having taken care in the case of Boeotia to prevent its being
								united, nevertheless disregard the gathering of a much greater
								power, and what is more, a power which is becoming strong not by
								land only, but also by sea. For what indeed is there to hinder such
								expansion, seeing that the country itself possesses ship-timber and
								has revenues from many ports and many trading-places, and likewise
								an abundant population on account of the abundance of food?

And further, mark you, they have for neighbours those Thracians who
								are under no king. They even now are paying court to the Olynthians;
								and if they should come under their sway, this also would be a great
								power added to the Olynthians. Then, if the Thracians were their
								followers, straightway the gold mines of Mount Pangaeum also would
								beckon to them. And there is not one of these things which we say
								which is not also said thousands of times among the people of
								Olynthus.

As for their pride, how could one describe it? For the deity,
								perhaps, has so ordered it that men’s pride should increase with their power. We, then, men of Lacedaemon and of the
								allied states, report that such are the conditions there; it is for
								you to deliberate as to whether they seem to deserve attention. But
								you must understand this also, that the power which we have
								described as great is not yet hard to wrestle with. For such of the
								cities as share in the citizenship of Olynthus unwillingly, these, I
								say, will quickly fall away if they see any opposing force
								presenting itself;

if, however, they once become closely connected by reciprocal rights
								of intermarriage and of property, which have already been voted, and
								find that it is profitable to be on the side of the conqueror — even
								as the Arcadians when they go with you keep their own possessions
								safe and plunder those of others — then, it may be, this confederacy
								will no longer be so easy to break up.

When these things had been said, the
								Lacedaemonians gave their allies permission to speak and bade them
								advise whatever course anyone of them deemed best both for
								Peloponnesus and for the allies. Thereupon many, especially those
								who desired to gratify the Lacedaemonians, advocated raising an
								army, and it was decided that each state should send its
								proportionate contingent for an army of ten thousand.

Proposals were also made that any state which so desired should be
								allowed to give money instead of men, three Aeginetan obols per
								day for each man, while if any state normally furnished horsemen,
								pay equal to that of four hoplites should be given for each
								horseman;

and if any one of the states should fail to
								send its contingent to the army, the Lacedaemonians were to be
								permitted to fine such state a stater per day for each
								man.

When these things had been decided upon, the Acanthians rose again
								and declared that while these measures were excellent, it
								nevertheless was not possible for them to be speedily carried out.
								They said it was better, therefore, that while this expedition was
								gathering, a commander should set out with all possible speed with a
								force from Lacedaemon, of such size as could take the field quickly,
								and likewise from the other states; for if this were done, the
								cities which had not yet gone over to the Olynthians would take no
								step in that direction, and those which had been coerced would be
								less likely to continue in alliance with them.

This plan also was adopted, and the Lacedaemonians sent out
								Eudamidas, and with him emancipated Helots and men of the Perioeci
								and the Sciritans to the total
								number of about two thousand. Now Eudamidas on setting out requested
								the ephors to allow Phoebidas, his brother, to gather together all
								the troops assigned to him which were left behind and to follow
								after him; as for himself, when he reached the region of the
								Thracian coast, he sent garrisons to such of the cities as desired
								them, gained possession of Potidaea, which came over voluntarily,
								although it was already an ally of the Olynthians, and making that
								city his base of operations, carried on war in the way one naturally
								would who had an inferior force.

Then Phoebidas, after he had gathered
								together the remaining portion of Eudamidas’ troops, took them under
								his command and began his march. And when they arrived in the district of Thebes,
								they encamped outside the city, near the gymnasium. Now since the
								Thebans were divided by factions, it chanced that Ismenias and
								Leontiades, who were polemarchs , were
								at variance with one another, and both of them leaders of their
								respective political clubs. Hence Ismenias, on account of his hatred
								for the Lacedaemonians, did not even go near Phoebidas. Leontiades,
								however, not only paid court to him in various ways, but when he had
								become intimate with him, spoke to him as follows:

Phoebidas, it is within your power this day to render the greatest
								service to your fatherland; for if you will follow me with your
								hoplites, I will lead you into the Acropolis. And this once
								accomplished, be sure that Thebes will be completely under the
								control of the Lacedaemonians and of us who are your friends;

whereas now, as you see, proclamation has been made forbidding any
								Theban from serving with you against the Olynthians. But if you join
								with us and accomplish this deed, we will at once send with you many
								hoplites and many horsemen; so that you will go to the aid of your
								brother with a large force, and while he is getting ready to subdue
								Olynthus, you will already have subdued Thebes, a far greater state
								than Olynthus.

When Phoebidas heard this, he was filled with bouyant hopes; for he
								was a man with a far greater passion for performing some brilliant
								achievement than for life itself, although, on the other hand, he
								was not regarded as one who weighed his acts or had much practical
								wisdom. And when he had agreed to the plan, Leontiades directed him
								to set out on his way, prepared as he was to depart from
									Thebes. And when the proper
											time arrives, said Leontiades, I will return to you and act as
								your guide myself.

Accordingly, while the senate was in session in the portico in the
								market-place, for the reason that the women were celebrating the
								festival of the Thesmophoria in the Cadmea, and while, inasmuch as it
								was summer and midday, the streets were entirely deserted, at this
								time Leontiades rode out on horseback to overtake Phoebidas, turned
								him back, and led him straight to the Acropolis. And after
								establishing Phoebidas there with the troops under his command,
								giving him the key to the gates, and telling him to let no one into
								the Acropolis unless he himself so ordered, he proceeded at once to
								the meeting of the senate. And when he had arrived there, he spoke
								as follows:

Be not at all despondent, gentlemen, because the Lacedaemonians are
								in possession of the Acropolis; for they say that they have not come
								as enemies to anyone who is not eager for war; as for me, since the
								law directs that a polemarch shall have power to arrest any man who
								seems to be doing deeds which deserve death, I arrest Ismenias here,
								as an instigator of war. Therefore do you captains, and you who have
								been detailed with them, arise, seize this man, and lead him away to
								the place where you have been directed to take him.

Now those who knew of the plan were of course present, obeyed the
								order, and seized Ismenias; but of those who did not know about it
								and were opponents of Leontiades and his party, some fled at once
								out of the city, fearing that they would be put to death; others
								withdrew at first to their homes; when they learned, however, that
								Ismenias was imprisoned in the Cadmea, then all those who held the same views as Androcleidas and
								Ismenias retired to Athens, to the number of about three
								hundred.

When these things had been
								accomplished, they chose another polemarch in place of Ismenias, but
								Leontiades proceeded at once to Lacedaemon. There he found the
								ephors and the majority of the citizens angry with Phoebidas because
								he had acted in this matter without authorization by the state.
								Agesilaus, however, said that if what he had done was harmful to
								Lacedaemon, he deserved to be punished, but if advantageous, it was
								a time-honoured custom that a commander, in such cases, had the
								right to act on his own initiative. It is precisely this point,
									therefore, he said, which should be considered, whether what has
								been done is good or bad for the state.

Then Leontiades came before the
								assembly and spoke as follows: Men of Lacedaemon, that the Thebans
								were hostile to you before what has now been done came to pass, you
								were wont to say yourselves; for you saw that they were always
								friendly to your enemies, and enemies to your friends. Did they not
								refuse to join you in the campaign against the Athenian commons in
								Piraeus, who were bitter enemies of yours, and did they not, on the
								other hand, march against the Phocians because they saw that you
								were well disposed towards them?

Again, knowing that you were making war upon the Olynthians, they
								undertook to conclude an alliance with them, and you in those past
								days were always uneasily watching for the time when you should hear
								that they were forcing Boeotia to be under their sway; but now that
								this stroke has been accomplished, there is
								no need of your fearing the Thebans; on the contrary, a brief
								message from you will suffice to secure from that quarter all the
								support that you may desire, provided only you show as much concern
								for us as we have shown for you.

Upon hearing these words the Lacedaemonians resolved, so long as the
								Acropolis had been seized, to keep it garrisoned, and to bring
								Ismenias to trial. Accordingly they sent out as judges three
								Lacedaemonians and one from each of the allied states, whether small
								or great. And it was not until the court held its sitting that
								charges were brought against Ismenias, — that he was a supporter of
								the barbarians, that he had become a guest-friend of the Persian
								satrap to the hurt of Greece, that he had received a share of the
								money which came from the King, and that he and Androcleidas were
								chiefly responsible for all the trouble and disorder in Greece.

To all these charges he did indeed make a defence, but he failed to
								persuade the court that he was not a man of great and evil
								undertakings. So he was pronounced guilty and put to death; as for
								Leontiades and his party, they held possession of Thebes and gave
								the Lacedaemonians their support in even more than was demanded of
								them.

After these things had been
								accomplished, the Lacedaemonians with much
								more spirit set about dispatching the joint army to Olynthus. They
								sent out Teleutias as governor, and not only sent with him their own
								full contingent of the total ten thousand men, but also transmitted
								official dispatches to the various allied states, directing them to
								follow Teleutias in accordance with the resolution of the allies.
									And all the states gave
								their hearty support to Teleutias, — for he was regarded as a man
								not ungrateful to those who performed any service, — while the
								Theban state in particular, inasmuch as he was a brother of
								Agesilaus, eagerly sent with him both hoplites and horsemen.

Now he prosecuted his march with no great speed, his concern being
								rather to make the journey without doing any harm to the friends of
								his state and to collect as large a force as possible. He also sent
								word on ahead to Amyntas and asked him not only to hire mercenaries,
								but likewise to give money to the kings in his neighbourhood, that
								they might become allies, if he really wanted to recover his
								dominions. Furthermore, he sent to Derdas, the ruler of Elimia,
								pointing out to him that the Olynthians had already subdued the
								greater power, Macedonia, and would not let the lesser escape unless
								someone put a stop to their presumption.

As a result of his doing these things he had a very large army when
								he arrived in the territory of his state’s allies. And when he had
								come to Potidaea, he proceeded from there with his army in order of
								battle into the enemy’s country. Now on his way toward the city of
								Olynthus he neither burned nor cut down, believing that anything of
								this sort he should do would prove so many obstacles in his way both
								as he approached and as he withdrew; but he believed that when he
								should retire from the city it would be right to cut down the trees
								and put them in the way of anyone who might come against him from
								behind.

And when he was distant from the city
								not so much as ten stadia, he halted the army, himself occupying the
								left wing, — for in this way it fell to him to advance in the direction of the gate
								where the enemy issued forth, — while the rest of the phalanx, made
								up of the allies, stretched away to the right. As for the horsemen,
								he likewise posted upon the right wing the Laconians, the Thebans,
								and all the Macedonians who were present, while he kept by his own
								side Derdas and his horsemen, numbering about four hundred, not only
								because he admired this troop, but also to do honour to Derdas, so
								that he should be glad he had joined the expedition.

But when the enemy came and formed in opposing line beneath the city
								wall, their horsemen, massing themselves together, charged upon the
								Laconians and Boeotians. And they not only struck down from his
								horse Polycharmus, the Lacedaemonian commander of cavalry, and
								inflicted very many wounds upon him as he lay, but they also killed
								others, and finally put to flight the cavalry upon the right wing.
								Now as the cavalry fled, the infantry next them also gave way, and
								the whole army, indeed, would have been in danger of being defeated
								had not Derdas with his troop dashed straight for the gates of the
								Olynthians. And Teleutias also advanced to the attack with his
								troops in battle order.

When the Olynthian horsemen perceived these movements, being seized
								with fear lest they should be shut out from the gates, they turned
								about and retired in great haste. Then Derdas killed very many of
								them as they rode past him. And the foot-soldiers of the Olynthians
								also retired into the city; but not many of them were killed,
								because the wall was near.

And when a trophy had been set up and this victory had fallen to
								Teleutias, then as he withdrew he
								proceeded to cut down the trees. Now after continuing the campaign
								through this summer he dismissed both the Macedonian army and the
								horsemen of Derdas; the Olynthians, however, on their side made
								frequent raids into the territory of the cities allied with the
								Lacedaemonians, and carried off booty and killed men.

At the very beginning of the following
									spring the Olynthian horsemen,
								about six hundred in number, had made a raid into the district of
								Apollonia at midday and were scattered about pillaging; and it
								chanced that on that day Derdas had arrived with his horsemen and
								was breakfasting at Apollonia. When he saw the raid, he kept quiet,
								keeping his horses saddled and bridled and their riders fully armed.
								But when the Olynthians came riding disdainfully not only into the
								suburbs, but to the very gates of the city, then he dashed forth
								with his men in good order.

And upon seeing him the enemy took to flight. But he, when once he
								had turned them to flight, did not stop pursuing and killing for
								ninety stadia, until he had chased them to the very wall of the
								Olynthians. It was said, indeed, that Derdas killed in this action
								about eighty horsemen. And from this day forth the enemy stayed more
								closely within their wall and cultivated only an exceedingly small
								portion of their land.

As time went on, however, and Teleutias had led his army up to the
								city of the Olynthians in order to destroy whatever tree was left or
								whatever field had been cultivated by the enemy, the Olynthian
								horsemen issued forth and, proceeding quietly, crossed the river
								which flows by the city and held on their way towards the opposing army. And when Teleutias saw
								them, being irritated at their audacity, he immediately ordered
								Tlemonidas, the leader of the peltasts, to charge against them on
								the run.

Now when the Olynthians saw the peltasts sallying forth, they turned
								about, retired quietly, and crossed the river again. The peltasts,
								on the other hand, followed very rashly and, with the thought that
								the enemy were in flight, pushed into the river after them to pursue
								them. Thereupon the Olynthian horsemen, at the moment when they
								thought that those who had crossed the river were still easy to
								handle, turned about and dashed upon them, and they not only killed
								Tlemonidas himself, but more than one hundred of the others.

But Teleutias, filled with anger when he saw what was going on,
								snatched up his arms and led the hoplites swiftly forward, while he
								ordered the peltasts and the horsemen to pursue and not stop
								pursuing. Now in many other instances those who have pressed a
								pursuit too close to a city’s wall have come off badly in their
								retreat, and in this case also, when the men were showered with
								missiles from the towers, they were forced to retire in disorder and
								to guard themselves against the missiles.

At this moment the Olynthians sent out their horsemen to the attack,
								and the peltasts also came to their support; finally, their hoplites
								likewise rushed out, and fell upon the Lacedaemonian phalanx when it
								was already in confusion. There Teleutias fell fighting. And when
								this happened, the troops about him at once gave way, and in fact no
								one stood his ground any longer, but all fled, some for Spartolus,
								others for Acanthus, others to Apollonia, and the majority to
								Potidaea. As they fled in all directions, so likewise the enemy pursued in all
								directions, and killed a vast number of men, including the most
								serviceable part of the army.

From such disasters, however, I hold
								that men are taught the lesson, chiefly, indeed, that they ought not
								to chastise anyone, even slaves, in anger — for masters in anger
								have often suffered greater harm than they have inflicted; but
								especially that, in dealing with enemies, to attack under the
								influence of anger and not with judgment is an absolute mistake. For
								anger is a thing which does not look ahead, while judgment aims no
								less to escape harm than to inflict it upon the enemy.

When the Lacedaemonians heard of this
								affair, it seemed to them as they deliberated that they must send
								out no small force, in order that the pride of the victors might be
								quenched and that the efforts already made might not go for nothing.
								Having come to this conclusion, they sent out Agesipolis, the king,
								as commander, and with him, as they had sent with Agesilaus to Asia,
								thirty Spartiatae.

There followed with him also many of the Perioeci as volunteers, men
								of the better class, and aliens who belonged to the so-called
									foster-children of Sparta, and sons of the Spartiatae by Helot
								women, exceedingly finelooking men, not without experience of the
								good gifts of the state. Furthermore, volunteers from the allied
								states joined the expedition and horsemen of the Thessalians, who
								wished to become known to Agesipolis, while Amyntas and Derdas took
								part with even greater eagerness than before. Under these circumstances it was that
								Agesipolis marched against Olynthus.

Meanwhile the people of Phlius, partly
								because they had been commended by Agesipolis for giving him a large
								sum of money for his campaign and giving it speedily, partly because
								they thought that with Agesipolis abroad Agesilaus would not take
								the field against them, and that it never would happen that both the
								kings would be outside of Sparta at the same time, boldly refused to
								grant any of their rights to the restored exiles. For while the
								exiles demanded that the questions in dispute should be brought to
								trial before an impartial court, their policy was to compel them to
								plead their cases in the city itself. And when the exiles asked what
								manner of trial that was, where the wrong-doers were themselves the
								judges, they refused to listen to them at all.

Consequently these restored exiles came to Lacedaemon to present
								their charge against the state, and other people from home came with
								them, saying that many even among the citizens thought that the
								exiles were not receiving just treatment. But the state of Phlius,
								angered at this, fined all who had gone to Lacedaemon without being
								sent by the state.

And those who were thus fined were afraid to return home, but
								remained and protested to the Lacedaemonians, saying: These men,
								who are engaged in these high-handed proceedings, are the men who
								have banished us and have also excluded you from their city, these
								are the men who are buying our property and resorting to high-handed
								measures so as not to give it back, and now these same men have
								contrived to have a fine inflicted upon us for coming here, so that
								in the future no one shall dare to come
								for the purpose of revealing what is going on in the state.

And since it seemed that the Phliasians were really acting
								insolently, the ephors called out the ban against them. Now this was
								not displeasing to Agesilaus; for the followers of Podanemus had
								been friends of his father Archidamus and were at this time among
								the restored exiles; while the partisans of Procles, the son of
								Hipponicus, were friends of his own.

And when, after the sacrifices at the frontier had proved favourable,
								he made no delay but proceeded on the march, many embassies met him
								and offered him money not to invade the country of Phlius. He
								replied, however, that he was not taking the field to do wrong, but
								to aid those who were suffering wrong.

Finally they said that they would do anything whatsoever, and begged
								him not to invade. He answered again that he could not trust to
								words, for they had proved false to their word in the previous case,
								but he said there was need of some deed that one could trust. And
								when he was asked what manner of deed this would be, he replied
								again: The same thing, said he, that you did before, and in doing
								which you suffered no wrong whatever at our hands. By this he meant
								giving over their Acropolis.

As they refused to do this, he invaded their land and quickly built a
								wall of circumvallation around the city and besieged them. And when
								many Lacedaemonians said that merely for the sake of a few
								individuals they were making themselves hated by a state of more
								than five thousand men — for the Phliasians held their assemblies in
								plain sight of the people outside the city just for the purpose of
								making the fact of their numbers evident — Agesilaus devised a
								scheme to meet this situation.

Whenever any Phliasians came out of the city either from friendship
								or kinship with the exiles, he instructed the latter to form common
								messes of their own with such of the new-comers as were ready to
								undertake the army training, and to supply money enough for
								provisions; he also urged them to provide arms for all these people
								and not to hesitate to borrow money for this purpose. The exiles
								accordingly carried out his injunctions, and showed as a result more
								than a thousand men in splendid condition of body, well disciplined,
								and extremely well armed; so that the Lacedaemonians finally said
								that they had need of such fellow-soldiers.

Agesilaus, then, was occupied with
								these things. As for Agesipolis, he
								advanced straight from Macedonia and halted near the city of the
								Olynthians. And when no one ventured to come out against him, he
								then laid waste whatever part of the Olynthian country was left
								unravaged, and proceeding into the territory of their allied cities,
								destroyed the corn; but Torone he attacked and captured by
								storm.

While he was engaged in these operations, at midsummer a burning
								fever seized him. And since he had previously seen the sanctuary of
								Dionysus at Aphytis, a longing took possession of him at this time
								for its shady resting-places and its clear, cool waters. He was
								therefore carried thither, still living, but, nevertheless, on the
								seventh day from the time when he fell sick, he came to his end
								outside the sanctuary. And he was placed in honey and carried home,
								and received the royal burial.

When Agesilaus heard of this, he did
								not, as one might have expected, rejoice over it, as over the death
								of an adversary, but he wept, and mourned the loss of his companionship; for the kings
								of course lodge together when they are at home. And Agesipolis was a
								man well fitted to converse with Agesilaus about youthful days,
								hunting exploits, horses, and love affairs; besides this he also
								treated Agesilaus with deference in their association together in
								their common quarters, as one would naturally treat an elder. In the
								place, then, of Agesipolis the Lacedaemonians sent out Polybiades to
								Olynthus as governor.

Now Agesilaus had already gone beyond
								the time for which the
								food-supply in Phlius was said to suffice; for self-restraint in
								appetite differs so much from unrestrained indulgence that the
								Phliasians, by voting to consume half as much food as before and
								carrying out this decision, held out under siege for twice as long a
								time as was to have been expected.

Furthermore, courage sometimes differs so much from cowardice that a
								certain Delphion, who was regarded as a brilliant man, taking to
								himself three hundred of the Phliasians, was able to hold in check
								those who desired to make peace, was able to shut up and keep under
								guard those whom he distrusted, and had the power to compel the
								masses of the people to go to their posts and by putting sentinels
								over them to keep these people faithful. Frequently also he would
								sally forth with the three hundred picked men and beat off the
								troops on guard at one point and another of the wall of
								circumvallation.

When, however, these picked men with searching in every way could not
								find food in the city, thereupon they sent to Agesilaus and asked
								him to give them safe conduct for going on an embassy to Lacedaemon;
								for they said that they had resolved to leave it to the authorities of the
								Lacedaemonians to do whatever they would with the city.

Agesilaus, however, angered because they treated him as one without
								authority, sent to his friends at home and arranged that the
								decision about Phlius should be left to him, but nevertheless he
								gave safe conduct to the embassy. Then he kept guard with a force
								even stronger than before, in order that no one of the people in the
								city might escape. In spite of this, however, Delphion, and with him
								a branded desperado who had many times stolen away weapons from the
								besiegers, escaped by night.

But when messengers arrived from Lacedaemon with word that the state
								left it to Agesilaus to decide as he thought best upon matters in
								Phlius, Agesilaus decided in this way — that fifty men from the
								restored exiles and fifty from the people at home should, in the
								first place, make inquiry to determine who ought justly to be left
								alive in the city and who ought to be put to death, and, secondly,
								should draw up a constitution under which to conduct the government;
								and until such time as these matters should be settled, he left
								behind him a garrison and six months’ pay for those who composed it.
								After doing all this he dismissed the allies and led his citizen
								troops back home. And thus the affair of Phlius in its turn came to
								a conclusion, after a year and eight months.

At this time also Polybiades compelled
								the Olynthians, who were in an exceedingly wretched state from
								famine, inasmuch as they got no food from their own land and none
								was brought in to them by sea, to send to Lacedaemon to treat for
								peace; and those who went thither, being ambassadors with full
								powers, concluded a compact to count the same people enemies and friends as the
								Lacedaemonians did, to follow wherever they led the way, and to be
								their allies. Then after taking an oath that they would abide by
								this compact, they went back home.

And now that success had to such an
								extent attended the efforts of the Lacedaemonians that the Thebans
								and the rest of the Boeotians were completely in their power, the
								Corinthians had become absolutely faithful, the Argives had been
								humbled for the reason that their plea of the sacred months was no
								longer of any help to them, and the Athenians were left destitute of
								allies, while on the other hand those among the allies of the
								Lacedaemonians who had been unfriendly to them had been chastised,
								it seemed that they had at length established their empire most
								excellently and securely.

Now one could mention many other
								incidents, both among Greeks and barbarians, to prove that the gods
								do not fail to take heed of the wicked or of those who do
								unrighteous things; but at present I will speak of the case which is
								before me. The Lacedaemonians, namely, who had sworn that they would
								leave the states independent, after seizing possession of the
								Acropolis of Thebes were punished by the very men, unaided, who had
								been thus wronged, although before that time they had not been
								conquered by any single one of all the peoples that ever existed;
								while as for those among the Theban citizens who had led them into
								the Acropolis and had wanted the state to be in subjection to the
								Lacedaemonians in order that they might rule despotically
								themselves, just seven of the exiles were enough to destroy the
								government of these men. How all
								this came to pass I will proceed to relate.

There was a certain Phillidas, who
								acted as secretary to Archias and his fellow polemarchs and in other ways served them, as it seemed,
								most excellently. Now this man went to Athens on a matter of
								business, and there met Melon, one of the Thebans in exile at Athens
								and a man who had been an acquaintance of his even before this time.
								Melon, after learning of the doings of the polemarch Archias and the
								tyrannous rule of Philippus, and finding out that Phillidas hated
								the conditions that existed at home even more than he himself did,
								exchanged pledges with him and came to an agreement as to how
								everything should be managed.

After this Melon took with him six of the fittest men among the
								exiles, armed with daggers and no other weapon, and in the first
								place proceeded by night into the territory of Thebes; then after
								spending the day in a deserted spot they came to the city gates, as
								if on their way back from the country, at just the time when the
								last returning labourers came in. When they had entered the city,
								they spent that night at the house of a certain Charon, and likewise
								spent the following day there.

As for Phillidas, since the polemarchs always celebrate a festival of
								Aphrodite upon the expiration of their term of office, he was making
								all the arrangements for them, and in particular, having long ago
								promised to bring them women, and the most stately and beautiful
								women there were in Thebes, he said he would do so at that time. And
								they — for they were that sort of men — expected to spend the night
								very pleasantly.

Now when they had dined and with his
								zealous help had quickly become drunk, after they had long urged him
								to bring in their mistresses he went out and brought Melon and his
								followers, having dressed up three of them as matrons and the others
								as their attendants.

He conducted them all to the anteroom adjoining the treasury of the
								polemarchs’ building, and then came in himself and told Archias and
								his colleagues that the women said they would not enter if any of
								the servants were in the room. At that the polemarchs speedily
								ordered them all to withdraw, while Phillidas gave them wine and
								sent them off to the house of one of their number. Then he led in
								the supposed courtesans and seated them one beside each man. And the
								agreement was, that when they were seated, they should unveil
								themselves and strike at once.

It was in this way, then, as some tell the story, that the polemarchs
								were killed, while others say that Melon and his followers came in
								as though they were revellers and killed them. After this Phillidas
								took three of his men and proceeded to the house of Leontiades and
								knocking at the door he said that he wished to give him a message
								from the polemarchs. Now it chanced that Leontiades had dined by
								himself and was still reclining on his couch after dinner, while his
								wife sat beside him, working with wool. And believing Phillidas
								trustworthy he bade him come in. When the party had entered, they
								killed Leontiades and frightened his wife into silence. And as they
								went out, they ordered that the door should remain shut; and they
								threatened that if they found it open, they would kill all who were
								in the house.

When these things had been done, Phillidas took two of the men and
								went to the prison, and told the
								keeper of the prison that he was bringing a man from the polemarchs
								who was to be shut up. And as soon as the keeper opened the door,
								they immediately killed him and released the prisoners. Then they
								speedily armed these men with weapons which they took down from the
								portico, and, leading them to the Ampheum, 
								ordered them to stand under arms.

After this they immediately made proclamation to all the Thebans,
								both horsemen and hoplites, to come forth from their houses, saying
								that the tyrants were dead. The citizens, however, so long as night
								lasted, remained quiet out of distrust; but when day came, and what
								had taken place was evident, then both the hoplites and the horsemen
								speedily rushed forth with their arms to lend aid. The returned
								exiles also sent horsemen to fetch the troops of the Athenians who
								were on the borders under two of the generals. And the latter,
								knowing the purpose for which they had sent out the horsemen, came
								to their aid.

Now when the Lacedaemonian governor in
								the Acropolis heard the proclamation of the night, he at once sent
								to Plataea and Thespiae for help. And the Theban horsemen, upon
								perceiving that the Plataeans were approaching, went out to meet
								them and killed more than twenty of them; then as soon as they had
								re-entered the city after this achievement, and the Athenians from
								the borders had arrived, they made an attack upon the Acropolis.

Now when those in the Acropolis realized that they were few in
								number, and saw the spirit of all who were coming against them, —
								for there were also offers of large prizes to those who should first ascend the Acropolis —
								being frightened in consequence of these things, they said that they
								would withdraw if the Thebans would allow them to do so in safety,
								keeping their arms. And the Thebans gladly granted what they asked,
								and after making a truce and giving their oaths let them go forth on
								these terms.

As they were on their way out, however, the citizens seized and
								killed all whom they recognized as belonging to the number of their
								political foes. There were some, indeed, who were spirited away and
								saved by the Athenians who had come from the borders with their
								supporting force. But the Thebans even seized the children of those
								who had been killed, whenever they had children, and slaughtered
								them.

When the Lacedaemonians learned of
								these events, they put to death the governor who had abandoned the
								Acropolis instead of waiting for the relief force, and called out
								the ban against the Thebans. Now Agesilaus said that it was more
								than forty years since he had come of military age, and pointed out
								that just as other men of his age were no longer bound to serve
								outside their own country, so the same law applied to kings also.
								He, then, on this plea would not undertake the campaign. It was not,
								however, for this reason that he stayed at home, but because he well
								knew that if he was in command the citizens would say that Agesilaus
								was making trouble for the state in order that he might give
								assistance to tyrants. Therefore he let them decide as they would
								about this matter.

But the ephors, hearing the stories of those who had been banished
								after the slaughter in Thebes, sent out Cleombrotus, —
								this being the first time that he had a command, — in the dead of
								winter. Now the road which leads
								through Eleutherae was guarded by Chabrias with peltasts of the
								Athenians; but Cleombrotus climbed the mountain by the road leading to
								Plataea. And at the summit of the pass his peltasts, who were
								leading the advance, found the men who had been released from the
								prison, about one hundred and fifty in number, on guard. And the
								peltasts killed them all, except for one or another who may have
								escaped; whereupon Cleombrotus descended to Plataea, which was still
								friendly.

Then after he had arrived at Thespiae, he went on from there to
								Cynoscephalae, which belonged to the Thebans, and encamped. But
								after remaining there about sixteen days he retired again to
								Thespiae. There he left Sphodrias as governor and a third part of
								each contingent of the allies; he also gave over to Sphodrias all
								the money which he chanced to have brought from home and directed
								him to hire a force of mercenaries besides.

Sphodrias, then, set about doing this. Meanwhile Cleombrotus
								proceeded to conduct the soldiers under his command back homeward by
								the road which leads through Creusis, the troops being vastly
								puzzled to know whether there was really war between them and the
								Thebans, or peace; for he had led his army into the country of the
								Thebans and then departed after doing just as little damage as he
								could.

While he was on the homeward way, however, an extraordinary wind
								beset him, which some indeed augured was a sign foreshadowing what
								was going to happen. For it not only did many other violent things, but
								when he had left Creusis with his army and was crossing the mountain
								ridge which runs down to the sea, it hurled down the precipice great numbers of
								packasses, baggage and all, while very many shields were snatched
								away from the soldiers and fell into the sea.

Finally many of the men, unable to proceed with all their arms, left
								their shields behind here and there on the summit of the ridge,
								putting them down on their backs and filling them with stones. On
								that day, then, they took dinner as best they could at Aegosthena in
								the territory of Megara; and on the following day they went back and
								recovered their shields. After this all returned at once to their
								several homes; for Cleombrotus dismissed them.

Now the Athenians, seeing the power of
								the Lacedaemonians and that the war was no longer in Corinthian
								territory, but that the Lacedaemonians were now going past Attica
								and invading the country of Thebes, were so fearful that they
								brought to trial the two generals who had been privy to the uprising
								of Melon against Leontiades and his party, put one of them to death,
								and, since the other did not remain to stand trial, exiled him.

The Thebans, for their part, being
								also fearful in case no others except
								themselves should make war upon the Lacedaemonians, devised the
								following expedient. They persuaded Sphodrias, the Lacedaemonian
								governor at Thespiae, — by giving him money, it was suspected, — to
								invade Attica, that so he might involve the Athenians in war with
								the Lacedaemonians. And he in obedience to their persuasions,
								professing that he would capture Piraeus, inasmuch as it still had
								no gates, led forth his troops from Thespiae after they had
								taken an early dinner, saying that he would finish the journey to
								Piraeus before daybreak.

But he was still at Thria when daylight came upon him, and then he
								made no effort to escape observation, but on the contrary, when he
								had turned about, seized cattle and plundered houses. Meanwhile some
								of those who fell in with him during the night fled to the city and
								reported to the Athenians that a very large army was coming against
								them. So they speedily armed themselves, both horsemen and hoplites,
								and kept guard over the city.

Now it chanced also that there were ambassadors of the Lacedaemonians
								in Athens at the house of Callias, their diplomatic agent, —
								Etymocles, Aristolochus, and Ocyllus; and when the matter of the
								invasion was reported, the Athenians seized these men and kept them
								under guard, in the belief that they too were concerned in the plot.
								But they were utterly dismayed over the affair and said in their
								defence that if they had known that an attempt was being made to
								seize Piraeus, they would never have been so foolish as to put
								themselves in the power of the Athenians in the city, and, still
								less, at the house of their diplomatic agent, where they would most
								speedily be found.

They said, further, that it would become clear to the Athenians also
								that the Lacedaemonian state was not cognizant of this attempt,
								either. For as to Sphodrias, they said they well knew that they
								would hear that he had been put to death by the state. They
								accordingly were adjudged to be without any knowledge of the affair
								and were released.

But the ephors recalled Sphodrias and brought capital charges against
								him. He, however, out of fear did not obey the summons; but
								nevertheless, although he did not obey and present himself for the
								trial, he was acquitted. And it seemed
								to many that the decision in this case was the most unjust ever
								known in Lacedaemon. The reason for it was as follows.

Sphodrias had a son Cleonymus, who was
								at the age just following boyhood and was, besides, the handsomest
								and most highly regarded of all the youths of his years. And
								Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, chanced to be extremely fond of
								him. Now the friends of Cleombrotus were political associates of
								Sphodrias, and were therefore inclined to acquit him, but they
								feared Agesilaus and his friends, and likewise those who stood
								between the two parties; for it seemed that he had done a dreadful
								deed.

Therefore Sphodrias said to Cleonymus: It is within your power, my
								son, to save your father by begging Archidamus to make Agesilaus
								favourable to me at my trial. Upon hearing this Cleonymus gathered
								courage to go to Archidamus and begged him for his sake to become
								the saviour of his father.

Now when Archidamus saw Cleonymus weeping, he wept with him as he
								stood by his side; and when he heard his request, he replied:
								 Cleonymus, be assured that I cannot even look my father in the
								face, but if I wish to accomplish some object in the state, I
								petition everyone else rather than my father; yet nevertheless,
								since you so bid me, believe that I will use every effort to
								accomplish this for you.

At that time, accordingly, he went from the public mess-room to his
								home and retired to rest; then he arose at dawn and kept watch, so
								that his father should not leave the house without his notice. But
								when he saw him going out, in the first place, if anyone among the
								citizens was present, he gave way to allow them to converse with
								Agesilaus, and again, if it was a stranger,
								he did the same, and again he even made way for any one of his
								attendants who wished to address him. Finally, when Agesilaus came
								back from the Eurotas and entered his house, Archidamus went away
								without even having approached him. On the next day also he acted in
								the very same way.

And Agesilaus, while he suspected for what reason he kept going to
								and fro with him, nevertheless asked no question, but let him alone.
								But Archidamus, on the other hand, was eager, naturally enough, to
								see Cleonymus; still, he did not know how he could go to him without
								first having talked with his father about the request that Cleonymus
								had made. And the partisans of Sphodrias, since they did not see
								Archidamus coming to visit Cleonymus, whereas formerly he had come
								often, were in the utmost anxiety, fearing that he had been rebuked
								by Agesilaus.

Finally, however, Archidamus gathered courage to approach Agesilaus
								and say: Father, Cleonymus bids me request you to save his father;
								and I make the same request of you, if it is possible. And
									Agesilaus answered: For yourself, I grant you pardon; but how could
								I obtain my own pardon from the state if I failed to pronounce
								guilty of wrong-doing a man who made traffic for himself to the hurt
								of the state, I do not see.

Now at the time Archidamus said nothing in reply to these words, but
								yielding to the justice of them, went away. Afterwards, however,
								whether because he had conceived the idea himself or because it had
								been suggested to him by some one else, he went to Agesilaus and
								said: Father, I know that if Sphodrias had done no wrong, you would
								have acquitted him; but as it is, if he has done something wrong,
								let him for our sakes obtain pardon at
									your hands. And Agesilaus said: Well, if this should be honourable
								for us, it shall be so. Upon hearing these words Archidamus went
								away in great despondency.

Now one of the friends of Sphodrias in conversation with Etymocles,
								said to him: I suppose, said he, that you, the friends of
								Agesilaus, are all for putting Sphodrias to death. And Etymocles
									replied: By Zeus, then we shall not be following the same course as
								Agesilaus, for he says to all with whom he has conversed the same
								thing, — that it is impossible that Sphodrias is not guilty of
								wrong-doing; but that when, as child, boy, and young man, one has
								continually performed all the duties of a Spartan, it is a hard
								thing to put such a man to death; for Sparta has need of such
								soldiers.

The man, then, upon hearing this, reported it to Cleonymus. And he,
								filled with joy, went at once to Archidamus and said: We know now
								that you have a care for us; and be well assured, Archidamus, that
								we in our turn shall strive to take care that you may never have
								cause to be ashamed on account of our friendship. And he did not
								prove false to his words, for not only did he act in all ways as it
								is deemed honourable for a citizen of Sparta to act while he lived,
								but at Leuctra, fighting in defence of his king
								with Deinon the polemarch, he fell three times and was the first of
								the citizens to lose his life in the midst of the enemy. And while
								his death caused extreme grief to Archidamus, still, as he promised,
								he did not bring shame upon him, but rather honour. It was in this
								way, then, that Sphodrias was acquitted.

As for the Athenians, those among them
									who favoured the Boeotians
								pointed out to the people that the Lacedaemonians had not only not
								punished Sphodrias, but even commended him, for plotting against
								Athens. Therefore the Athenians furnished Piraeus with gates, set
								about building ships, and gave aid to the Boeotians with all
								zeal.

The Lacedaemonians on their side called out the ban against the
								Thebans, and believing that Agesilaus would lead them with more
								judgment than Cleombrotus, requested him to act as commander of the
								army. And he, saying that he would offer no objection to whatever
								the state thought best, made his preparations for the campaign.

Now he knew that unless one first gained possession of Mount
								Cithaeron, it would not be easy to effect an entrance into the
								country of Thebes; he therefore, upon learning that the Cletorians
								were at war with the Orchomenians and were maintaining a force of
								mercenaries, came to an agreement with them that their mercenary
								force should be turned over to him if he had any need of it.

And when his sacrifices at the frontier had proved favourable, before
								he had himself reached Tegea he sent to the commander of the
								mercenaries at Cletor, gave them pay for a month, and ordered them
								to occupy Cithaeron in advance. Meanwhile he directed the
								Orchomenians to cease from war so long as his campaign lasted;
								indeed, if any state undertook an expedition against any other while
								his army was in the field, he said that his first act would be to go
								against that state, in accordance with the resolution of the
								allies.

After Agesilaus had crossed Cithaeron
								and had arrived at Thespiae, he made that his base of operations and proceeded against the
								country of the Thebans. When he found, however, that the plain and
								the most valuable portions of their territory had been surrounded by
								a protecting trench and stockade, he encamped now here and now
								there, and, leading forth his army after breakfast, laid waste those
								parts of the country which were on his side of the stockade and
								trench. For wherever Agesilaus appeared, the enemy moved along
								within the stockade and kept in his front, for the purpose of
								offering resistance.

And once, when he was already withdrawing in the direction of his
								camp, the cavalry of the Thebans, up to that moment invisible,
								suddenly dashed out through the exits which had been made in the
								stockade, and inasmuch as the peltasts of Agesilaus were going away
								to dinner or were making their preparations for doing so, while the
								horsemen were some of them still dismounted and others in the act of
								mounting, the Thebans charged upon them; and they not only struck
								down a large number of the peltasts, but among the horsemen Cleas
								and Epicydidas, who were Spartiatae, one of the Perioeci, Eudicus,
								and some Theban exiles, such as had not yet mounted their
								horses.

But when Agesilaus turned about and came to the rescue with the
								hoplites, his horsemen charged against the enemy’s horsemen and the
								first ten year-classes of the hoplites ran along with them to the
								attack. The Theban horsemen, however, acted like men who had drunk a
								little at midday; for although they awaited the oncoming enemy in
								order to throw their spears, they threw before they were within
								range. Still, though they turned about at so great a distance,
								twelve of them were killed.

But when Agesilaus had noted that it was always after breakfast that the enemy also appeared,
								he offered sacrifice at daybreak, led his army forward as rapidly as
								possible, and passed within the stockade at an unguarded point. Then
								he devastated and burned the region within the enclosure up to the
								walls of the city. After doing this and withdrawing again to
								Thespiae, he fortified their city for the Thespians. There he left
								Phoebidas as governor, while he himself crossed the mountain again
								to Megara, disbanded the allies, and led his citizen troops back
								home.

After this Phoebidas plundered the
								Thebans by sending out bands of freebooters, while by making raids
								he devastated their land. The Thebans, on their side, desiring to
								avenge themselves, made an expedition with their entire force
								against the country of the Thespians. But when they were within the
								territory of Thespiae, Phoebidas pressed them close with his
								peltasts and did not allow them to stray at any point from their
								phalanx; so that the Thebans in great vexation proceeded to retreat
								more rapidly than they had advanced, and their mule-drivers also
								threw away the produce which they had seized and pushed for home; so
								dreadful a panic had fallen upon the army.

Meanwhile Phoebidas pressed upon them boldly, having with him his
								peltasts and giving orders to the hoplites to follow in battle
								order. Indeed, he conceived the hope of putting the Thebans to rout;
								for while he himself was leading on stoutly, he was exhorting the
								others to attack the enemy and ordering the hoplites of the
								Thespians to follow.

But when the horsemen of the Thebans as they retired came to an
								impassable ravine, they first gathered together and then turned to
								face him, not knowing where they could cross. Now the peltasts were
									few in number; the foremost
								of them were therefore seized with fear of the horsemen and took to
								flight; but when the horsemen, in their turn, saw this, they applied
								the lesson they had learned from the fugitives and attacked
								them.

So then Phoebidas and two or three with him fell fighting, and when
								this happened the mercenaries all took to flight. And when as they
								fled they came to the hoplites of the Thespians, these also, though
								previously they had been quite proudly confident that they would not
								give way before the Thebans, took to flight without so much as being
								pursued at all. For by this time it was too late in the day for a
								pursuit. Now not many of the Thespians were killed, but nevertheless
								they did not stop until they got within their wall.

As a result of this affair the spirits of the Thebans were kindled
								again, and they made expeditions to Thespiae and to the other cities
								round about them. The democratic factions, however, withdrew from
								these cities to Thebes. For in all of them oligarchical governments
								had been established, just as in Thebes ; the result was that
								the friends of the Lacedaemonians in these cities were in need of
								aid. But after the death of Phoebidas the Lacedaemonians merely sent
								over by sea a polemarch and one regiment, and thus kept Thespiae
								garrisoned.

When the spring came, however, the
								ephors again called out the ban
								against Thebes and, just as before, requested Agesilaus to take
								command. Now since he held the same views as before about invading
									Boeotia, 
								he sent to the polemarch at Thespiae before even offering the
								sacrifice at the frontier and ordered him to occupy in advance the
								summit overlooking the road which
								leads over Cithaeron and to guard it until he himself arrived.

And when he had passed this point and arrived at Plataea, he
								pretended that he was again going to Thespiae first, and sending
								thither he gave orders that a market should be made ready and that
								the embassies should await him there; so that the Thebans guarded
								strongly the pass leading from Thespiae into their country.

But on the following day at daybreak, after offering sacrifices,
								Agesilaus proceeded by the road to Erythrae. And after accomplishing
								in one day a two days’ march for an army, he passed the line of the
								stockade at Scolus before the Thebans returned from keeping guard at
								the place where he had entered on the previous occasion. Having done
								this, he laid waste the region to the east of the city of the
								Thebans, as far as the territory of the Tanagraeans; for at that
								time Hypatodorus and his followers, who were friends of the
								Lacedaemonians, still held possession of Tanagra. After this he
								proceeded to retire, keeping the wall of Tanagra on his left.

Meanwhile the Thebans came up quietly and formed in line of battle
								against him on the hill called Old Woman’s Breast, with the trench
								and the stockade in their rear, believing that this was a good place
								to risk a battle; for the ground at this point was a rather narrow
								strip and hard to traverse. When Agesilaus observed this, he did not
								lead his army against them, but turned aside and proceeded in the
								direction of the city.

The Thebans, on the other hand, being seized with fear for their
								city, because it was empty of defenders, abandoned the place where
								they were drawn up and hurried toward the city on the run, by the
								road which leads to Potniae; for this was the safer route. And it really seemed that Agesilaus’
								expedient proved a clever one, for though he led his army directly
								away from the enemy, he caused the latter to retire on the run, and
								while the enemy ran past, some of his polemarchs with their
								regiments nevertheless succeeded in charging upon them.

The Thebans, however, hurled their spears from the hill-tops, so that
								Alypetus, one of the polemarchs, was struck and killed; but in spite
								of that the Thebans were put to flight from this hill also.
								Consequently the Sciritans and some of the horsemen climbed the hill
								and showered blows upon the hind-most of the Thebans as they rushed
								past them toward the city.

As soon as they got near the wall, however, the Thebans turned about;
								and the Sciritans, upon seeing them, fell back at a faster pace than
								a walk. Now not one of them was killed; nevertheless, the Thebans
								set up a trophy, because after climbing the hill the Sciritans had
								retired.

As for Agesilaus, when it was time for him to do so, he withdrew and
								encamped at the very spot where he had seen the enemy drawn up; then
								on the following day he led his army away by the road to Thespiae.
								But since the peltasts who were mercenaries in the service of the
								Thebans clung boldly at his heels, and kept calling out to Chabrias
								because he was not doing the same, the horsemen of the Olynthians —
								for they were now serving with the Lacedaemonians in accordance with
								their sworn agreement — wheeled about and, once in pursuit of the
								peltasts, chased them on up a slope and killed very many of them;
								for when going up a hill where the riding is good foot-soldiers are
								quickly overtaken by horsemen.

Now when Agesilaus had arrived at Thespiae, finding that the citizens were involved in
								factional strife, and that those who said they were supporters of
								Lacedaemon wanted to put to death their opponents, of whom Menon was
								one, he did not allow this proceeding; but he reconciled them and
								compelled them to give oaths to one another, and then, this being
								accomplished, he came back again by way of Cithaeron, taking the
								road leading to Megara. From there he dismissed the allies and led
								his citizen troops back home.

The Thebans were now greatly pinched
								for want of corn, because they had got no crops from their land for
								two years; they therefore sent men and two triremes to Pagasae after
								corn, giving them ten talents. But while they were buying up the
								corn, Alcetas, the Lacedaemonian who was keeping guard in Oreus,
								manned three triremes, taking care that the fact should not be
								reported. And when the corn was on its way from Pagasae, Alcetas
								captured both corn and triremes, and made prisoners of the men, who
								were not fewer than three hundred in number. These men he then shut
								up in the Acropolis, where he himself had his quarters.

Now since, as the story ran, there was a boy of Oreus, an extremely
								fine lad too, who was always in attendance upon him, Alcetas went
								down from the Acropolis and occupied himself with this boy.
								Accordingly the prisoners, observing his carelessness, seized the
								Acropolis, and the city revolted; so that thereafter the Thebans
								brought in supplies of corn easily.

As the spring came on again, Agesilaus
								was confined to his bed. For when he
								was leading his army back from Thebes, and, in Megara, was ascending
								from the Aphrodisium to the government building, some vein or other was ruptured,
								and the blood from his body poured into his sound 
								leg. Then as the lower part of his leg became immensely swollen and
								the pain unendurable, a Syracusan surgeon opened the vein at his
								ankle. But when once the blood had begun to flow, it ran night and
								day, and with all they could do they were unable to check the flow
								until he lost consciousness; then, however, it stopped. So it came
								about that after being carried back to Lacedaemon he was ill the
								rest of the summer and throughout the winter.

The Lacedaemonians, however, when
								spring was just beginning, again called out the ban and directed
								Cleombrotus to take command. Now when he arrived at Cithaeron with
								the army, his peltasts went on ahead for the purpose of occupying in
								advance the heights above the road. But some of the Thebans and
								Athenians who were already in possession of the summit allowed the
								peltasts to pursue their ascent for a time, but when they were close
								upon them, rose from their concealment, pursued them, and killed
								about forty. After this had happened, Cleombrotus, in the belief
								that it was impossible to cross over the mountain into the country
								of the Thebans, led back and disbanded his army.

When the allies gathered together at
								Lacedaemon, speeches were forthcoming from them to the effect that,
								through slackness in prosecuting the war, they were going to be worn
								out by it. For they said it was within their power to man far more
								ships than the Athenians had and to capture their city by
								starvation; and it was also within their power to transport an army across to Thebes in these same
								ships, steering for Phocis if they chose, or, if they chose, for
								Creusis.

Influenced by these considerations they manned sixty triremes, and
								Pollis was made admiral of them. And those who had conceived these
								views were not disappointed, for the Athenians were in fact as good
								as besieged; for while their corn ships got as far as Gerastus, they
								would not now venture to sail along the coast from that point, since
								the Lacedaemonian fleet was in the neighbourhood of Aegina, Ceos,
								and Andros. Then the Athenians, realizing the necessity that was
								upon them, went on board their ships themselves, joined battle with
								Pollis under the leadership of Chabrias, and were victorious in the
								battle. Thus the corn was brought in for the Athenians.

Again, while the Lacedaemonians
								were preparing to transport an army across the gulf to proceed
								against the Boeotians, the Thebans requested the Athenians to send
								an expedition around Peloponnesus, believing that if this were done
								it would not be possible for the Lacedaemonians at one and the same
								time to guard their own country and likewise the allied cities in
								their neighbourhood, and also to send across an army large enough to
								oppose themselves, the Thebans.

And the Athenians, angry as they were with the Lacedaemonians on
								account of Sphodrias’ act, did eagerly dispatch the expedition
								around Peloponnesus, manning sixty ships and choosing Timotheus as
								their commander. Now since the enemy had not invaded the territory
								of Thebes in the year when Cleombrotus was in command of the army
								and did not do so in the year when Timotheus made his voyage, the
								Thebans boldly undertook expeditions against the neighbouring cities
								of Boeotia and recovered them a second
								time.

As for Timotheus, after he had sailed round Peloponnesus he brought
								Corcyra at once under his control; he did not, however, enslave the
								inhabitants or banish individuals or change the government. As a
								result of this he made all the states in that region more favourably
								inclined to him. The

Lacedaemonians, however, manned a fleet to oppose him, and sent out
								Nicolochus, a very daring man, as admiral; and as soon as he sighted
								the ships under Timotheus, he did not delay, even though six of his
								ships, those from Ambracia, were not with him, but with fifty-five
								ships he joined battle with those under Timotheus, which numbered
								sixty. And at that time he was defeated, and Timotheus set up a
								trophy at Alyzeia.

But when the ships of Timotheus had been hauled up and were being
								refitted, and meanwhile the six Ambraciot triremes had joined
								Nicolochus, he sailed to Alyzeia, where Timotheus was. And since the
								latter did not put out against him, he in his turn set up a trophy
								on the nearest islands. When, however, Timotheus finished refitting
								the ships which he had and had manned, besides, others from Corcyra,
								the whole number of his ships now amounting to more than seventy, he
								was far superior to the enemy in the size of his fleet. But he kept
								sending for money from Athens; for he needed a great deal, inasmuch
								as he had a great many ships.

The Athenians and Lacedaemonians,
								then, were occupied with these
								things. As for the Thebans, after they had subdued the cities in
								Boeotia they made an expedition into Phocis also. And when the Phocians, on their side, sent ambassadors
								to Lacedaemon and said that unless the Lacedaemonians came to their
								assistance they would not be able to escape yielding to the Thebans,
								thereupon the Lacedaemonians sent Cleombrotus, the king, across to
								Phocis by sea, and with him four regiments of their own and the
								corresponding contingents of the allies.

At about this time Polydamas of
								Pharsalus also arrived from Thessaly and presented himself before
								the general assembly of the Lacedaemonians. This man was not only
								held in very high repute throughout all Thessaly, but in his own
								city was regarded as so honourable a man that, when the Pharsalians
								fell into factional strife, they put their Acropolis in his hands
								and entrusted to him the duty of receiving the revenues, and of
								expending, both for religious purposes and for the administration in
								general, all the sums which were prescribed in their laws.

And he did, in fact, use these funds to guard the Acropolis and keep it safe for them, and
								likewise to administer their other affairs, rendering them an
								account yearly. And whenever there was a deficit he made it up from
								his own private purse, and whenever there was a surplus of revenue
								he paid himself back. Besides, he was hospitable and magnificent,
								after the Thessalian manner. Now when this man arrived at Lacedaemon
								he spoke as follows:

Men of Lacedaemon, I am your
								diplomatic agent and benefactor, as all my ancestors have been
								of whom we have any knowledge; I therefore deem it proper, if I am
								in any difficulty, to come to you, and if any trouble is gathering
								for you in Thessaly, to make it known to you. Now you also, I am
								very sure, often hear the name of Jason spoken, for the man has great power and is
								famous. This man, after concluding a truce with my city, had a
								meeting with me and spoke as follows:

Polydamas, that I could bring over your city, Pharsalus, even
								against its will, you may conclude from the following facts. You
								know, he said, that I have as allies the greater number and the
								largest of the cities of Thessaly; and I subdued them when you were
								with them in the field against me. Furthermore, you are aware that I
								have men of other states as mercenaries to the number of six
								thousand, with whom, as I think, no city could easily contend. As
								for numbers, he said, of course as great a force might march out
								of some other city also; but armies made up of citizens include men who are already advanced in
								years and others who have not yet come to their prime. Furthermore,
								in every city very few men train their bodies, but among my
								mercenaries no one serves unless he is able to endure as severe
								toils as I myself.

And he himself — for I must tell you the truth — is exceedingly
								strong of body and a lover of toil besides. Indeed, he makes trial
								every day of the men under him, for in full armour he leads them,
								both on the parade-ground and whenever he is on a campaign anywhere.
								And whomsoever among his mercenaries he finds to be weaklings he
								casts out, but whomsoever he sees to be fond of toil and fond of the
								dangers of war he rewards, some with double pay, others with triple
								pay, others even with quadruple pay, and with gifts besides, as well
								as with care in sickness and magnificence in burial; so that all the
								mercenaries in his service know that martial prowess assures to them
								a life of greatest honour and abundance.

He pointed out to me, further,
								although I knew it before, that he already had as subjects the
								Maracians, the Dolopians, and Alcetas, the ruler in Epirus.
								 Therefore, he said, what have I to fear that I should not expect
								to subdue you easily? To be sure, one who did not know me might
								perhaps retort, Then why do you delay, instead of prosecuting your
								campaign against the Pharsalians at once? Because, by Zeus, it
								seems to me to be altogether better to bring you over to my side
								willingly rather than unwillingly. For if you were constrained by
								force, you, on the one hand, would be planning whatever harm you
								could against me, and I, on the other, should be wanting to keep you
								as weak as I could; but if it was
								through persuasion that you joined with me, it is clear that we
								should advance one another’s interests to the best of our
								ability.

Now I know, Polydamas, that your city looks to you, and if you make
								her friendly to me I promise you, he said, that I will make you
								the greatest, next to myself, of all the men in Greece; and what
								manner of fortune it is wherein I offer you the second place, hear
								from me, and believe nothing that I say unless upon consideration it
								appears to you true. Well, then, this is plain to us, that if
								Pharsalus and the cities which are dependent upon you should be
								added to my power, I could easily become Tagus of all the
								Thessalians; and, further, that whenever Thessaly is under a Tagus,
								her horsemen amount to six thousand and more than ten thousand men
								become hoplites.

And when I see both their bodies and their high spirit, I think that
								if one should handle them rightly, there would be no people to whom
								the Thessalians would deign to be subject. Again, while Thessaly is
								an exceedingly flat land, all the
								peoples round about are subject to her as soon as a Tagus is
								established here; and almost all who dwell in these neighbouring
								regions are javelin-men, so that it is likely that our force would
								be far superior in peltasts also.

Furthermore, the Boeotians and all the others who are at war with the
								Lacedaemonians are my allies, and they are ready to be my followers,
								too, if only I free them from the Lacedaemonians. The Athenians
								also, I know very well, would do anything to become allies of ours,
								but I do not think it best to
								establish a friendship with them; for I believe that I could obtain
								empire by sea even more easily than by land.

To see whether my calculations are
								reasonable, he said, consider these points also. With Macedonia in
								our possession, the place from which the Athenians get their timber,
								we shall of course be able to construct far more ships than they.
								Again, who are likely to be better able to supply these ships with
								men, the Athenians or ourselves, who have so many serfs of so
								excellent a sort? And who are likely to be better able to maintain
								the sailors, we, who on account of our abundance even have corn to
								export to other lands, or the Athenians, who have not even enough
								for themselves unless they buy it?

Then as for money, we surely should be likely to enjoy a greater
								abundance of it, for we should not be looking to little islands for
								our revenues, but drawing upon the resources of peoples of the
								continent. For of course all who are round about us pay tribute as
								soon as Thessaly is under a Tagus. And you certainly know that it is
								by drawing upon the resources, not of islands, but of a continent,
								that the King of the Persians is the richest of mortals; and yet I
								think that it is even easier to reduce him to subjection than to
								reduce Greece. For I know that everybody there, save one person, has
								trained himself to servitude rather than to prowess, and I know what
								manner of force it was — both that which went up with Cyrus and that
								which went up with Agesilaus — that brought the King to
								extremities.

Now in answer to these statements I
								replied that while the other matters which he mentioned were worth considering, nevertheless for
								people who were friends of the Lacedaemonians to secede and go over
								to their enemies without having any charge to bring against them —
								this, I said, seemed to me to be impracticable. He thereupon, after
								commending me and saying that he must cling to me the more because I
								was that sort of a man, permitted me to come to you and say the
								truth, that he was intending to undertake a campaign against the
								Pharsalians if we did not yield to him. Therefore he bade me ask
								assistance from you. And if, said he, the gods grant that you
								persuade them to send a supporting force large enough to make war
								with me, so be it, he said, and let us abide by whatever may be
								the result of the war; but if it seems to you that they do not give
								you adequate assistance, would you not justly be blameless
								thenceforth if you should follow the course that is best for your
								city, which honours you?

It is about these matters, then, that
								I have come to you, and I tell you the whole situation there as I
								myself see it and have heard it from his lips. And I believe that
								this is the case, men of Lacedaemon, that if you send thither a
								force such as shall seem, not to me only, but also to the rest of
								the Thessalians, large enough to make war upon Jason, the cities
								will revolt from him; for all of them are afraid of the lengths to
								which the man’s power will go. But if you imagine that emancipated
								Helots and a private individual as commander will suffice, I advise you
								to remain quiet.

For, be well assured, the war will be against strong forces and
								against a man who is so sagacious a general that whatsoever he undertakes to accomplish,
								whether it be by secrecy, or by getting ahead of an enemy, or by
								sheer force, he is not very apt to fail of his object. For he is
								able to make as good use of night as of day, and when he is in
								haste, to take breakfast and dinner together and go on with his
								labours. And he thinks it is proper to rest only after he has
								reached the goal for which he had set out and has accomplished the
								things that are needful; moreover, he has accustomed his followers
								also to the same habits. Yet he also knows how to satisfy the wishes
								of his soldiers when by added toils they have achieved some success;
								so that all who are with him have learned this lesson too, that from
								toils come indulgences.

Again, he has greater self-control than any man I know as regards the
								pleasures of the body, so that he is not prevented by such things,
								either, from doing always what needs to be done. Consider,
								therefore, and tell me, as beseems you, what you will be able to do
								and intend to do.

Thus he spoke. As for the
								Lacedaemonians, at the time they deferred their answer; but after
								reckoning up on the next day and on the third their regiments
								abroad, to see how many they numbered, and the regiments which were
								in the vicinity of Lacedaemon to be employed against the triremes of
								the Athenians and for the war upon their neighbours, they replied
								that at present they could not send him an adequate supporting
								force, and told him to go home and arrange his own affairs and those
								of his city as best he could.

He, then, after commending the straightforwardness of the state,
								departed. And he begged Jason not to force him to give over the Acropolis of the Pharsalians, his
								wish being that he might still keep it safe for those who had put it
								into his hands; but he gave his own children to Jason as hostages,
								with the promise not only to win over the city and make it his
								willing ally, but also to help in establishing him as Tagus. When,
								accordingly, they had exchanged pledges with one another, the
								Pharsalians at once observed peace, and Jason was speedily
								established by common consent as Tagus of the Thessalians.

Having become Tagus, he assessed the contingents of cavalry and
								hoplites that the cities were to furnish, according to the ability
								of each. And the result was that he had more than eight thousand
								horsemen, including the allies, his hoplites were reckoned at not
								fewer than twenty thousand, and there were peltasts enough to be set
								in array against the whole world; for it is a task even to enumerate
								the cities which furnished them. Further, he sent orders to all who
								dwelt round about to pay the same tribute as had been fixed in the
								time of Scopas. 
								Thus these events were proceeding to their issue; I now return to
								the point at which I digressed when I took up the story of
								Jason.

The Lacedaemonians, then, and their
								allies were gathering together in Phocis, and the Thebans had
								withdrawn to their own country and were guarding the passes. As for
								the Athenians, since they saw that the Thebans were growing in power
								through their help and still were not contributing money for their
								fleet, while they were themselves being worn out by extraordinary
								taxes, by plundering expeditions from Aegina, and by guarding their
									territory, they conceived a desire
								to cease from the war, and sending ambassadors to Lacedaemon,
								concluded peace.

Two of the Athenian ambassadors,
								acting in accordance with a decree of the state, sailed directly
								from there and gave orders to Timotheus to sail back home, inasmuch
								as there was peace; as he was sailing back, however, he landed in
								their country the exiles of the Zacynthians.

And when the Zacynthians in the city sent to the Lacedaemonians and
								told them the sort of treatment they had received at the hands of
								Timotheus, the Lacedaemonians immediately deemed the Athenians
								guilty of wrong-doing, set about preparing a fleet again, and fixed
								the proportionate contingents, for a total of sixty ships, from
								Lacedaemon itself, Corinth, Leucas, Ambracia, Elis, Zacynthus,
								Achaea, Epidaurus, Troezen, Hermion, and Haliae.

Then they put Mnasippus in command of this fleet as admiral and
								directed him to look after all their interests in that part of the
								sea, and especially to make an expedition against Corcyra. They
								likewise sent to Dionysius, pointing out that it was advantageous to him
								also that Corcyra should not be under the Athenians.

Mnasippus, accordingly, as soon as his
								fleet had been gathered together, set sail to Corcyra; and besides
								the troops from Lacedaemon who served with him he also had no fewer
								than one thousand five hundred mercenaries.

Now when he had disembarked he was master of the country, laid waste
								the land, which was most beautifully cultivated and planted, and
								destroyed magnificent dwellings and wine-cellars with which the
								farms were furnished; the result was,
								it was said, that his soldiers became so luxurious that they would
								not drink any wine unless it had a fine bouquet. Furthermore, very
								many slaves and cattle were captured on the farms.

Afterwards he encamped with his land forces on a hill which was
								distant from the city about five stadia and situated between the
								city and the country, so that he might from there intercept any of
								the Corcyraeans who might try to go out to their lands; then he had
								the sailors from his ships encamp on the other side of the city, at
								a point from which he thought they would observe in good time any
								vessels that approached and prevent their coming in. In addition he
								also maintained a blockade at the mouth of the harbour when the
								weather did not interfere.

In this way, then, he held the city besieged. When the Corcyraeans found themselves unable to get
								anything from their farms because they were overmastered by land,
								while on the other hand nothing was brought in to them by water
								because they were overmastered by sea, they were in great
								straits.

Accordingly, sending to the Athenians, they begged them to come to
								their assistance, and pointed out that they would lose a great
								advantage if they were deprived of Corcyra, and would add great
								strength to their enemies; for from no other state, they said,
								except Athens, could come a greater number of ships or a greater
								amount of money. Further, Corcyra was situated in a favourable
								position with respect to the Corinthian Gulf and the states which
								reach down to its shores, in a favourable position for doing damage
								to the territory of Laconia, and in an extremely favourable position
								with respect to Epirus across the way and the coastwise route from
								Sicily to Peloponnesus.

When the Athenians heard these things they came to the conclusion
								that they must give serious care to the matter, and they sent out
								Ctesicles as general with about six hundred peltasts and requested
									Alcetas to
								help to convey them across.

Accordingly these troops were brought across by night to a place in
								the country of Corcyra, and made their way into the city. The
								Athenians also voted to man sixty ships, and elected Timotheus as
								commander of them.

But he was unable to man his ships at Athens, and therefore set sail for the islands and
								endeavoured to complete his crews there, thinking that it was a
								serious matter to sail light-heartedly around Peloponnesus to attack
								ships with well-trained crews.

The Athenians, however, believing that he was using up the time of
								the year which was favourable for his voyage, did not pardon him,
								but deposed him from his office and chose Iphicrates in his
								place.

As soon as he assumed office, he proceeded to man his ships
								expeditiously, and compelled his captains to do their duty. He also
								obtained from the Athenians whatever war-ships were cruising here or
								there in the neighbourhood of Attica, as well as the Paralus and the
								Salaminia, saying that if matters in Corcyra turned out
								successfully, he would send them back many ships. And his ships
								amounted in all to about seventy.

Meanwhile the Corcyraeans were
								suffering so greatly from hunger that on account of the number of
								the deserters Mnasippus issued a proclamation directing that whoever
								deserted should be sold into slavery. And when they kept on
								deserting none the less, at last he even tried to drive them back
									with the scourge. Those in
								the city, however, would not admit the slaves within the wall again,
								and many died outside.

Now Mnasippus, seeing these things, and believing that he all but had
								possession of the city already, was trying innovations with his
								mercenaries. He had before this dismissed some of them from his
								service, and he now owed those who remained as much as two months’
								pay. This was not, so it was said, because he lacked money, for most
								of the states had sent him money instead of men, because it was an overseas expedition.

Now the people in the city, observing from their towers that the
								enemy’s posts were less carefully guarded than formerly, and that
								the men were scattered through the country, made a sally, capturing
								some of them and cutting down others.

When Mnasippus perceived this, he put on his armour and went to the
								rescue himself, with all the hoplites he had, and at the same time
								ordered the captains and commanders of divisions to lead forth the
								mercenaries.

And when some captains replied that it was not easy to keep men
								obedient unless they were given provisions, he struck one of them
								with a staff and another with the spike of his spear. So it was,
								then, that when his forces issued from the city with him they were
								all dispirited and hostile to him — a situation that is by no means
								conducive to fighting.

Now after he had formed the troops in
								line, Mnasippus himself turned to flight those of the enemy who were
								in front of the gates, and pursued them. When, however, these came
								near the wall, they turned about, and from the tombstones threw
								spears and javelins upon the Lacedaemonians; meanwhile others sallied out by the other gates and
								in mass formation attacked those who were at the extreme end of the
								line.

These latter, who were drawn up only eight deep, thinking that the
								outer end of the phalanx was too weak, undertook to swing it around
								upon itself. But as soon as they began the backward
								movement, the enemy fell upon them, in the belief that they were in
								flight, and they did not go on and swing forward; furthermore, those
								who were next to them also began to flee.

As for Mnasippus, while he was unable to aid the troops which were
								hard pressed, because the enemy was attacking him in front, he was
								left with an ever smaller number of men. Finally, all of the enemy
								massed themselves together and charged upon Mnasippus and his
								troops, which were by this time very few. And the citizens, seeing
								what was going on, came out to join in the attack.

Then after they had killed Mnasippus, all straightway joined in the
								pursuit. And they probably would have captured the very camp, along
								with its stockade, had not the pursuers turned back upon seeing the
								crowd of camp-followers, of attendants, and of slaves, imagining
								that there was some fighting ability in them.

At this time, accordingly, the Corcyraeans set up a trophy and gave
								back the bodies of the dead under a truce. And after this the people
								in the city were stouter of heart, while those outside were in the
								utmost despondency. For there was not only a report that Iphicrates
								was already practically at hand, but the Corcyraeans were in fact
								also manning ships.

Then Hypermenes, who chanced to be vice-admiral under Mnasippus, manned fully the entire fleet
								which he had there, and after sailing round to the stockade and
								filling all his transports with the slaves and the captured
								property, sent them off; he himself, however, with his marines and
								such of the soldiers as had been left alive, kept guard over the
								stockade;

but finally they, too, embarked upon the triremes in great confusion
								and went sailing off, leaving behind them a great deal of corn, much
								wine, and many slaves and sick soldiers; for they were exceedingly
								afraid that they would be caught on the island by the Athenians. And
								so they reached Leucas in safety.

As for Iphicrates, when he began his
								voyage around Peloponnesus he went on with all needful preparations
								for a naval battle as he sailed; for at the outset he had left his
								large sails behind him at Athens, since he expected to fight, and
								now, further, he made but slight use of his smaller sails, even if
								the wind was favourable; by making his voyage, then, with the oar,
								he kept his men in better condition of body and caused the ships to
								go faster.

Furthermore, whenever the expedition was going to take the noonday or
								the evening meal at any particular spot, he would often draw back
								the head of the column from the shore opposite the place in
								question; then he would turn the line around again, cause the
								triremes to head toward the land, and start them off at a signal to
								race to the shore. It was counted a great prize of victory to be the
								first to get water or anything else they needed, and the first to
								get their meal. On the other hand, those who reached the shore last
								incurred a great penalty in that they came off worse in all these
								points, and in the fact that they had
								to put to sea again at the same time as the rest when the signal was
								given; for the result was that those who came in first did
								everything at their leisure, while those who came in last had to
								hurry.

Again, in setting watches, if he chanced to be taking the midday meal
								in a hostile country, he posted some on the land, as is proper, but
								besides he hoisted the masts on the ships and had men keep watch
								from their tops. These men, therefore, could see much farther, from
								their higher point of view, than those on the level. Further,
								wherever he dined or slept, he would not have a fire inside the camp
								during the night, but kept a light burning in front of his forces,
								so that no one could approach unobserved. Frequently, however, if it
								was good weather, he would put to sea again immediately after
								dining; and if there was a favourable breeze, they sailed and rested
								at the same time, while if it was necessary to row, he rested the
								sailors by turns.

Again, when he sailed by day, he would lead the fleet, by signals, at
								one time in column and at another in line of battle; so that, while
								still pursuing their voyage, they had at the same time practised and
								become skilled in all the manoeuvres of battle before they reached
								the sea which, as they supposed, was held by the enemy. And although
								for the most part they took both their noonday and their evening
								meals in the enemy’s country, nevertheless, by doing only the
								necessary things, he always got to sea before the enemy’s forces
								arrived to repel him and speedily got under way again.

At the time of Mnasippus’ death
								Iphicrates chanced to be near the Sphagiae. Then,
								after reaching Elis and sailing past the mouth of the Alpheus, he anchored beneath the
								promontory called Ichthys. From there he put to sea on the following
								day for Cephallenia, having his fleet in such order and making the
								voyage in such a way that, if it should be necessary to fight, he
								should be ready in all essential respects to do so. For he had not
								heard the news of Mnasippus’ death from any eyewitness, but
								suspected that it was told to deceive him, and hence was on his
								guard; when he arrived at Cephallenia, however, he there got
								definite information, and so rested his forces.

Now I am aware that all these matters
								of practice and training are customary whenever men expect to engage
								in a battle by sea, but that which I commend in Iphicrates is this,
								that when it was incumbent upon him to arrive speedily at the place
								where he supposed he should fight with the enemy, he discovered a
								way to keep his men from being either, by reason of the voyage they
								had made, unskilled in the tactics of fighting at sea, or, by reason
								of their having been trained in such tactics, any the more tardy in
								arriving at their destination.

After subduing the cities in
								Cephallenia he sailed to Corcyra. There, upon hearing that ten
								triremes were sailing thither from Dionysius to aid the
								Lacedaemonians, he first went in person and looked over the ground
								to find a point from which any who approached the island could be
								seen and the men stationed there to send signals to the city would
								be visible; he then stationed his watchers at that point.

He also agreed with them as to how they were to signal when the enemy
								were approaching and when they were at anchor. Then he gave his
								orders to twenty of the captains, whose duty it should be to follow him when the herald gave the word;
								and in case anyone failed to follow, he warned him that he would not
								have occasion to find fault with his punishment. Now when the signal
								came that the triremes were approaching, and when the word was given
								by the herald, the ardour of all was a sight worth seeing; for there
								was no one among those who were to sail who did not run to get
								aboard his ship.

When Iphicrates had reached the place where the enemy’s triremes
								were, he found the crews of all save one already disembarked on the
								shore, but Melanippus, the Rhodian, had not only advised the others
								not to remain there, but had manned his own ship and was sailing out
								to sea. Now although he met the ships of Iphicrates, he nevertheless
								escaped, but all the ships from Syracuse were captured, along with
								their crews.

Thereupon Iphicrates cut off the beaks and towed the triremes into
								the harbour of Corcyra; as for the crews, he concluded an agreement
								that each man should pay a fixed ransom, with the exception of
								Crinippus the commander, whom he kept under guard, intending either
								to exact a very large ransom or to sell him. Crinippus, however, was
								so mortified that he died by a self-inflicted death, and Iphicrates
								let the rest go, accepting Corcyraeans as sureties for the
								ransoms.

Now he maintained his sailors for the most part by having them work
								for the Corcyraeans on their lands; the peltasts, however, and the
								hoplites from his ships he took with him and crossed over to
								Acarnania. There he gave aid to the cities which were friendly, in
								case any of them needed aid, and made war upon the Thyrians, who
								were very valiant men and were in possession of a very strong
								fortress.

Furthermore, he took over the fleet
								which was at Corcyra, and with almost ninety ships first sailed to
								Cephallenia and collected money, in some cases with the consent of
								the people, in other cases against their will. Then he made
								preparations to inflict damage upon the territory of the
								Lacedaemonians, and to bring over to his side such of the other
								hostile states in that region as were willing and to make war upon
								such as would not yield.

Now for my part I not only commend
								this campaign in particular among all the campaigns of Iphicrates,
								but I commend, further, his directing the Athenians to choose as his
								colleagues Callistratus, the popular orator, who was not very
								favourably inclined toward him, and Chabrias, who was regarded as a
								very good general. For if he thought them to be able men and hence
								wished to take them as advisers, he seems to me to have done a wise
								thing, while on the other hand if he believed them to be his
								adversaries and wished in so bold a way to prove that he was neither
								remiss nor neglectful in any point, this seems to me to be the act
								of a man possessed of great confidence in himself. He, then, was
								occupied with these things.

Meanwhile the Athenians, seeing that
									the Plataeans, who were
								their friends, had been expelled from Boeotia and had fled to them
								for refuge, and that the Thespians were beseeching them not to allow
								them to be left without a city, no longer commended the Thebans,
								but, on the contrary, while they were partly ashamed to make war
									upon them and partly reckoned
								it to be inexpedient, they nevertheless refused any longer to take
								part with them in what they were doing, inasmuch as they saw that
								they were campaigning against the Phocians, who were old friends of
								the Athenians, and were annihilating cities which had been faithful
								in the war against the barbarian and were friendly to
								Athens.

For these reasons the Athenian people voted to make peace, and in the
								first place sent ambassadors to Thebes to invite the Thebans to go
								with them to Lacedaemon to treat for peace if they so desired; then
								they sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon themselves. Among those who were
								chosen were Callias, the son of Hipponicus; Autocles, the son of
								Strombichides; Demostratus, the son of Aristophon; Aristocles,
								Cephisodotus, Melanopus, and Lycaethus.

Callistratus, the popular orator, also went with the embassy; for he
								had promised Iphicrates that if he would let him go home, he would
								either send money for the fleet or bring about peace, and
								consequently he had been at Athens and engaged in efforts to secure
								peace; and when the ambassadors came before the assembly of the
								Lacedaemonians and the representatives of their allies, the first of
								them who spoke was Callias, the torch-bearer. 
								He was the sort of man to enjoy no less being praised by himself
								than by others, and on this occasion he began in about the following
								words:

Men of Lacedaemon, as regards the
								position I hold as your diplomatic agent, I am not the only member
								of our family who has held it, but my father’s father received it
								from his father and handed it on to
								his descendants; and I also wish to make clear to you how highly
								esteemed we have been by our own state. For whenever there is war
								she chooses us as generals, and whenever she becomes desirous of
								tranquillity she sends us out as peacemakers. I, for example, have
								twice before now come here to treat for a termination of war, and on
								both these embassies I succeeded in achieving peace both for you and
								for ourselves; now for a third time I am come, and it is now, I
								believe, that with greater justice than ever before I should obtain
								a reconciliation between us.

For I see that you do not think one way and we another, but that you as
								well as we are distressed over the destruction of Plataea and
								Thespiae. How, then, is it not fitting that men who hold the same
								views should be friends of one another rather than enemies? Again,
								it is certainly the part of wise men not to undertake war even if
								they should have differences, if they be slight; but if, in fact, we
								should actually find ourselves in complete agreement, should we not
								be astounding fools not to make peace?

The right course, indeed, would have been for us not to take up arms
								against one another in the beginning, since the tradition is that
								the first strangers to whom Triptolemus, our ancestor, revealed the mystic rites of
								Demeter and Core were Heracles, your state’s founder, and the
								Dioscuri, your citizens; and, further, that it was upon Peloponnesus
								that he first bestowed the seed of Demeter’s fruit. How, then, can
								it be right, either that you should
								ever come to destroy the fruit of those very men from whom you
								received the seed, or that we should not desire those very men, to
								whom we gave the seed, to obtain the greatest possible abundance of
								food? But if it is indeed ordered of the gods that wars should come
								among men, then we ought to begin war as tardily as we can, and,
								when it has come, to bring it to an end as speedily as
								possible.

After him Autocles, who had the
								reputation of being a very incisive orator, spoke as follows: Men
								of Lacedaemon, that what I am about to say will not be said to your
								pleasure, I am not unaware; but it seems to me that men who desire
								the friendship which they may establish to endure for the longest
								possible time, ought to point out to one another the causes of their
								wars. Now you always say, The cities must be independent, but you
								are yourselves the greatest obstacle in the way of their
								independence. For the first stipulation you make with your allied
								cities is this, that they follow wherever you may lead. And yet how
								is this consistent with independence?

And you make for yourselves enemies without taking counsel with your
								allies, and against those enemies you lead them; so that frequently
								they who are said to be independent are compelled to take the field
								against men most friendly to themselves. Furthermore — and there can
								be nothing in the world more opposed to independence — you establish
								governments of ten here and governments of thirty there; and in the
								case of these rulers your care is, not that they shall rule
								according to law, but that they shall be able to hold possession of
								their cities by force. So that you manifestly take pleasure in
								despotisms rather than in free
								governments.

Again, when the King directed that the cities be independent, you
								showed yourselves strongly of the opinion that if the Thebans did
								not allow each one of their cities, not only to rule itself, but
								also to live under whatever laws it chose, they would not be acting
								in accordance with the King’s writing; but when you had seized the
								Cadmea, you did not permit even the Thebans themselves to be
								independent. The right thing, however, is that those who are going
								to be friends should not insist upon obtaining their full rights
								from others, and then show themselves disposed to grasp the most
								they can.

By these words he caused silence on
								the part of all, while at the same time he gave pleasure to those
								who were angry with the Lacedaemonians. After him Callistratus said:
								 Men of Lacedaemon, that mistakes have not been made, both on our
								side and on yours, I for one do not think I could assert; but I do
								not hold to the opinion that one ought never again to have any
								dealings with people who make mistakes. For I see that no one in the
								world remains always free from error. And it seems to me that
								through making mistakes men sometimes become even easier to deal
								with, especially if they have incurred punishment in consequence of
								their mistakes, as we have.

In your own case, also, I see that sometimes many reverses result
								from the things you have done with too little judgment, among which
								was, in fact, the seizure of the Cadmea in Thebes; now, at any rate,
								the cities which you were eager to make independent have all, in
								consequence of the wrong done to the Thebans, fallen again under
								their power. Hence I hope that now, when we have been taught that to seek selfish advantage is
								unprofitable, we shall again be reasonable in our friendship with
								each other.

Now touching the slanderous allegations of certain people who wish to
								defeat the peace, to the effect that we have come here, not because
								we desire friendship, but rather because we fear that Antalcidas may
								arrive with money from the King, consider how foolishly they are
								talking. For the King directed, as you know, that all the cities in
								Greece were to be independent; why then should we, who agree with
								the King in both word and deed, be afraid of him? Or does anyone
								imagine that the King prefers to spend money and make others great,
								rather than, without expense, to have those things accomplished for
								him which he judged to be best?

So much for that. Why, then, have we
								come? That it surely is not because we are in straits, you could
								discover, if you please, by looking at the situation by sea or, if
								you please, at the situation by land at the present time. What,
								then, is the reason? Manifestly that some of our allies are doing
								what is not pleasing to us. And perhaps we also should like to show
								you the gratitude we rightly conceived toward you because you
								preserved us.

Furthermore, to mention also the matter of expediency, there are, of
								course, among all the cities of Greece, some that take your side and
								others that take ours, and in each single city some people favour
								the Lacedaemonians and others the Athenians. If, therefore, we
								should become friends, from what quarter could we with reason expect any trouble? For who
								could prove strong enough to vex us by land if you were our friends?
								And who could do you any harm by sea if we were favourably inclined
								toward you?

Moreover, we all know that wars are forever breaking out and being
								concluded, and that we — if not now, still at some future time —
								shall desire peace again. Why, then, should we wait for the time
								when we shall have become exhausted by a multitude of ills, and not
								rather conclude peace as quickly as possible before anything
								irremediable happens?

Again, I for my part do not commend those men who, when they have
								become competitors in the games and have already been victorious
								many times and enjoy fame, are so fond of contest that they do not
								stop until they are defeated and so end their athletic training; nor
								on the other hand do I commend those dicers who, if they win one
								success, throw for double stakes, for I see that the majority of
								such people become utterly impoverished.

We, then, seeing these things, ought never to engage in a contest of
								such a sort that we shall either win all or lose all, but ought
								rather to become friends of one another while we are still strong
								and successful. For thus we through you, and you through us, could
								play even a greater part in Greece than in times gone by.

Since these men were adjudged to have
								spoken rightly, the Lacedaemonians voted to accept the peace, with
								the provision that all should withdraw their governors from the
								cities, disband their armaments both on sea and on land, and leave
								the cities independent. And if any state should act in violation of
								this agreement, it was provided that any which so desired might aid
								the injured cities, but that any which did
								not so desire was not under oath to be the ally of those who were
								injured.

On these terms the Lacedaemonians took the oath for themselves and
								their allies, while the Athenians and their allies took the oath
								severally, city by city. The Thebans also signed their names among
								the cities which had sworn, but on the following day their
								ambassadors came in again and demanded that the writing be changed
								to read that the Boeotians instead of the Thebans had
									sworn. Agesilaus, however,
								replied that he would change no part of what they had sworn to and
								signed in the first place; but if they did not wish to be included
								in the treaty, he said that he would strike out their names if they
								so directed.

When, accordingly, under these circumstances the others had concluded
								peace, while the only controversy was with the Thebans, the
								Athenians were of the opinion that now there was hope that the
								Thebans would be decimated, as the common saying puts it, and as for
								the Thebans themselves, they went home utterly despondent.

After this the Athenians, on their
								side, proceeded to withdraw their garrisons from the cities and to
								send after Iphicrates and his ships, and they compelled him to give
								back everything which he had captured after the time when the oaths
								were taken at Lacedaemon.

But the Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, while they withdrew both
								their governors and their garrisons from all the other cities, did
								not follow this course in the case of Cleombrotus, who was at the
								head of the army in Phocis and now asked the authorities at home
								what he should do. Prothous did indeed say that it seemed to him
									they ought first to disband
								the army in accordance with their oaths and send round word to the
								various cities to make contributions, as large as each city chose to
								make, to the temple of Apollo, and afterwards, in case anyone
								tried to prevent the cities from being independent, to call together
								again at that time all who wished to support the cause of
								independence and lead them against those who opposed it; for he
								thought, he continued, that in this way the gods would be most
								favourably inclined toward them and the cities would be least
								annoyed.

The Lacedaemonian assembly, however, upon hearing these words, came
								to the conclusion that he was talking nonsense; for at this moment,
								as it seems, Fate was leading them on; and they sent orders to
								Cleombrotus not to disband his army, but to lead it at once against
								the Thebans if they did not leave the cities independent. When,
								therefore, he learned that, so far from leaving the cities
								independent, the Thebans were not even disbanding their army, in
								order that they might marshal themselves against him, under these
								circumstances he undertook to lead his troops into
									Boeotia. Now Cleombrotus did not
								enter Boeotia from Phocis at the point where the Thebans expected
								him to enter and where they were keeping guard at a narrow pass; but
								proceeding by way of Thisbae along a mountainous and unexpected
								route, he arrived at Creusis, captured its wall, and took twelve
								triremes belonging to the Thebans.

After accomplishing this exploit and marching up from the sea-coast,
								he encamped at Leuctra, in the territory of Thespiae. And the
								Thebans encamped on the opposite hill not very far away, with no
								allies except the Boeotians. Then his
								friends went to Cleombrotus and said:

Cleombrotus, if you let the Thebans escape without a battle, you
								will be in danger of suffering the uttermost penalty at the hands of
								your state. For they will remember against you not only the time
								when you reached Cynoscephalae and laid waste no part of the country
								of the Thebans, but also the time when, on your later expedition,
								you were beaten back from effecting your entrace, although Agesilaus
								always made his entrance by way of Cithaeron. Therefore if you
								really have a care for yourself or a desire to see your fatherland
								again, you must lead against these men. Such were the words of his
								friends; but his opponents said: Now is the time when the man will
								make it clear whether he is in truth partial to the Thebans, as
								rumour has it.

Cleombrotus, then, as he heard these
								things was spurred on to join battle. The leaders of the Thebans, on
								the other hand, calculated that if they did not fight, the cities
								round about would revolt from them and they would themselves be
								besieged; further, that if the people of Thebes were thus cut off
								from provisions, the city itself would be in danger of turning
								against them. And since many of them had been in exile before, they
								estimated that it was better to die fighting than to be exiled
								again.

Besides this, they were also somewhat encouraged by the oracle which
								was reported — that the Lacedaemonians were destined to be defeated
								at the spot where stood the monument of the virgins, who are said to
								have killed themselves because they had been violated by certain
								Lacedaemonians. The Thebans accordingly decorated this monument
								before the battle. Furthermore, reports were brought to them from the city that all the temples were
								opening of themselves, and that the priestesses said that the gods
								revealed victory. And the messengers reported that from the
								Heracleium the arms also had disappeared, indicating that Heracles
								had gone forth to the battle. Some, to be sure, say that all these
								things were but devices of the leaders.

But in the battle, at any rate, everything turned out adversely for
								the Lacedaemonians, while for the other side everything went
								prosperously, even to the gifts of fortune. For it was after the
								morning meal that Cleombrotus held his last council over the battle,
								and drinking a little, as they did, at the middle of the day, it was
								said that the wine helped somewhat to excite them.

Again, when both sides were arming themselves and it was already
								evident that there would be a battle, in the first place, after
								those who had provided the market and some baggage-carriers and such
								as did not wish to fight had set out to withdraw from the Boeotian
								army, the Lacedaemonian mercenaries under Hieron, the peltasts of
								the Phocians, and, among the horsemen, the Heracleots and Phliasians
								made a circuit and fell upon these people as they were departing,
								and not only turned them about but chased them back to the camp of
								the Boeotians. Thereby they made the Boeotian army much larger and
								more densely massed than it had been before.

In the second place, since the space between the armies was a plain,
								the Lacedaemonians posted their horsemen in front of their phalanx,
								and the Thebans in like manner posted theirs over against them. Now
								the cavalry of the Thebans was in good training as a result of the
								war with the Orchomenians and the war with the Thespians, while the
								cavalry of the Lacedaemonians was
								exceedingly poor at that time.

For the richest men kept the horses, and it was only when the ban was
								called out that the appointed trooper presented himself; then he
								would get his horse and such arms as were given him, and take the
								field on the moment’s notice. As for the men, on the other hand, it
								was those who were least strong of body and least ambitious who were
								mounted on the horses.

Such, then, was the cavalry on either side. Coming now to the
								infantry, it was said that the Lacedaemonians led each half-company
								three files abreast, and that this resulted in the phalanx being not
								more than twelve men deep. The Thebans,
								however, were massed not less than fifty shields deep, calculating
								that if they conquered that part of the army which was around the
								king, all the rest of it would be easy to overcome.

Now when Cleombrotus began to lead his
								army against the enemy, in the first place, before the troops under
								him so much as perceived that he was advancing, the horsemen had
								already joined battle and those of the Lacedaemonians had speedily
								been worsted; then in their flight they had fallen foul of their own
								hoplites, and, besides, the companies of the Thebans were now
								charging upon them. Nevertheless, the fact that Cleombrotus and his
								men were at first victorious in the battle may be known from this
								clear indication: they would not have been able to take him up and
								carry him off still living, had not those who were fighting in front
								of him been holding the advantage at that time.

But when Deinon, the polemarch, Sphodrias, one of the king’s
								tent-companions, and Cleonymus, the son of
								Sphodrias, had been killed, then the royal bodyguard, the so-called
								aides of the polemarch, and the others fell back under the pressure
								of the Theban mass, while those who were on the left wing of the
								Lacedaemonians, when they saw that the right wing was being pushed
								back, gave way. Yet despite the fact that many had fallen and that
								they were defeated, after they had crossed the trench which chanced
								to be in front of their camp they grounded their arms at the spot
								from which they had set forth. The camp, to be sure, was not on
								ground which was altogether level, but rather on the slope of a
								hill. After the disaster some of the Lacedaemonians, thinking it
								unendurable, said that they ought to prevent the enemy from setting
								up their trophy and to try to recover the bodies of the dead, not by
								means of a truce, but by fighting.

The polemarchs, however, seeing that of the whole number of the
								Lacedaemonians almost a thousand had been killed; seeing, further,
								that among the Spartiatae themselves, of whom there were some seven
								hundred there, about four hundred had fallen; and perceiving that
								the allies were one and all without heart for fighting, while some
								of them were not even displeased at what had taken place, gathered
								together the most important personages and deliberated about what
								they should do. And as all thought it best to recover the bodies of
								the dead by a truce, they finally sent a herald to ask for a truce.
								After this, then, the Thebans set up a trophy and gave back the
								bodies under a truce.

After these things had happened, the
								messenger who was sent to carry the news of the calamity to Lacedaemon arrived there on the last day
								of the festival of the Gymnopaediae, when the chorus of
								men was in the theatre. And when the ephors heard of the disaster,
								they were indeed distressed, as, I conceive, was inevitable; yet
								they did not withdraw the chorus, but suffered it to finish its
								performance. Further, although they duly gave the names of the dead
								to their several kinsmen, they gave orders to the women not to make
								any outcry, but to bear the calamity in silence. And on the
								following day one could see those whose relatives had been killed
								going about in public with bright and cheerful faces, while of those
								whose relatives had been reported as living you would have seen but
								few, and these few walking about gloomy and downcast.

After this the ephors called out the
								ban of the two remaining regiments, going up as far as those who were
								forty years beyond the minimum military age; they also sent out all
								up to the same age who belonged to the regiments abroad ; for
								in the original expedition to Phocis only those men who were not
								more than thirty-five years beyond the minimum age had served;
								furthermore, they ordered those who at that time had been left
								behind in public office to join their regiments.

Now Agesilaus as a result of his illness was not yet strong;
								accordingly the state directed Archidamus, his son, to act as
								commander. And the Tegeans served with him zealously; for the
								followers of Stasippus were still alive, who were favourable to the
								Lacedaemonians and had no slight power in their own state. Likewise
								the Mantineans from their villages 
								supported him stoutly; for they
								chanced to be under an aristocratic government. Furthermore, the
								Corinthians, Sicyonians, Phliasians, and Achaeans followed him with
								all zeal, and other states also sent out soldiers. Meanwhile the
								Lacedaemonians themselves and the Corinthians manned triremes and
								requested the Sicyonians also to help them in so doing, intending to
								carry the army across the gulf on these ships.

And Archidamus accordingly offered his sacrifices at the
									frontier. As for the Thebans,
								immediately after the battle they sent to Athens a garlanded
								messenger, and while telling of the greatness of their victory, they
								at the same time urged the Athenians to come to their aid, saying
								that now it was possible to take vengeance upon the Lacedaemonians
								for all the harm they had done to them.

Now the Senate of the Athenians chanced to be holding its sitting on
								the Acropolis. And when they heard what had taken place, it was made
								clear to everyone that they were greatly distressed; for they did
								not invite the herald to partake of hospitality and about the matter
								of aid they gave him no answer. So the herald departed from Athens
								without having received a reply. But to Jason, who was their ally,
								the Thebans sent in haste, urging him to come to their aid; for they
								were debating among themselves how the future would turn out.

And Jason immediately proceeded to man triremes, as though he
								intended to go to their assistance by sea, but in fact he took his
								mercenary force and his bodyguard of cavalry and, although the
								Phocians were engaged in a bitter warfare against him, proceeded by
								land through their country into
								Boeotia, appearing in many of their towns before it was reported to
								them that he was on the march. At any rate, before they could gather
								troops together from here and there, he was already far on ahead,
								thus making it clear that in many cases it is speed rather than
								force which accomplishes the desired results.

But when he arrived in Boeotia and the
								Thebans said that now was the right moment to attack the
								Lacedaemonians, he with his mercenaries from the heights above and
								they by a frontal assault, Jason sought to dissuade them, pointing
								out that since they had done a good work, it was not worth while for
								them to venture a decisive engagement in which they would either
								accomplish yet greater things or would be deprived of the victory
								already gained.

Do you not see, he said, that in your own case it was when you
								found yourselves in straits that you won the victory? Therefore one
								must suppose that the Lacedaemonians also, if they were in like
								straits, would fight it out regardless of their lives. Besides, it
								seems that the deity often takes pleasure in making the small great
								and the great small.

With such words, then, he endeavoured to dissuade the Thebans from
								making the final venture; to the Lacedaemonians, on the other hand,
								he pointed out what manner of thing a defeated army was, and what an
								army victorious. And if you wish, he said, to forget the disaster
								which has befallen you, I advise you first to recover your breath
								and rest yourselves, and then, after you have become stronger, go
								into battle against men who are unconquered. But now, he said, be
								well assured that even among your allies there are those who are
								holding converse with the enemy about a
								treaty of friendship with them; by all means, then, try to obtain a
								truce. And I am myself eager for this, he said, out of a desire to
								save you, both because of my father’s friendship with you and
								because I am your diplomatic agent.

Such, then, were the arguments he urged, but he was acting perhaps
								with the purpose that these two parties, at variance as they were
								with one another, might both alike be in need of him. The
								Lacedaemonians, however, after hearing his words bade him negotiate
								for the truce; and when the report came that the truce had been
								made, the polemarchs gave orders that after dining all should have
								their baggage packed and ready with the purpose of setting out
								during the night, in order that at daybreak they might be climbing
								Cithaeron. But when the men had dined and before they went to rest,
								the polemarchs gave the order to follow, and led the way immediately
								upon the fall of evening by the road through Creusis, trusting to
								secrecy more than to the truce.

And proceeding with very great difficulty, since they were
								withdrawing at night and in fear and by a hard road, they arrived at
								Aegosthena in the territory of Megara. There they fell in with the
								army under Archidamus. And after waiting there until all the allies
								had joined him, Archidamus led back the whole army together as far
								as Corinth; from there he dismissed the allies and led the citizen
								troops back home.

As for Jason, on his way back through
								Phocis he captured the outer city of the Hyampolitans, laid waste
								their land, and killed many of them, but he passed through the rest
								of Phocis without any hostile act. Upon arriving at Heracleia,
								however, he destroyed the walled city
								of the Heracleots, manifestly having no fear that when this
									passage-way had been thus thrown open anyone would march
								against his own dominion, but rather making provision that none
								should seize Heracleia, situated as it was at a narrow pass, and block his way
								if he wanted to march to any place in Greece.

And when he had come back again to Thessaly, he was in great repute
								both because he had legally been made Tagus of the Thessalians and because he maintained
								about him many mercenaries, both foot-soldiers and horsemen, these
								moreover being troops which had been trained to the highest
								efficiency; his repute was yet greater by reason of his many allies,
								including, in addition to those whom he already had, also those who
								were desirous of becoming such. And he was the greatest of the men
								of his time in that he was not lightly to be despised by anyone
								soever.

Now when the Pythian festival was
									approaching, Jason sent orders to his
								cities to make ready cattle, sheep, goats, and swine for the
								sacrifice. And it was said that although he laid upon each city a
								very moderate demand, there were contributed no fewer than a
								thousand cattle and more than ten thousand of the other animals. He
								also made proclamation that a golden crown would be the prize of
								victory to the city which should rear the finest bull to lead the
								herd in honour of the god.

Furthermore, he gave orders to the Thessalians to make preparations
								for taking the field at the time of the Pythian festival; for he was
								intending, it was said, to be himself the director both of the
								festal assembly in honour of the god and of the games. What he intended, however, in regard to the
								sacred treasures, is even to this day uncertain; but it is said that
								when the Delphians asked the god what they should do if he tried to
								take any of his treasures, Apollo replied that he would himself take
								care of the matter.

At any rate this man, great as he was and purposing deeds so great
								and of such a kind, after he had held a review and inspection of the
								cavalry of the Pheraeans, and was now in his seat and making answer
								if anyone came to him with any request, was struck down and killed
								by seven young men who came up to him as though they had some
								quarrel with one another.

And when the guardsmen who attended him rushed stoutly to his aid,
								one of the young men, while still in the act of striking Jason, was
								pierced with a lance and killed; a second was caught while mounting
								his horse, suffered many wounds, and so was killed; but the rest
								leaped upon the horses which they had in readiness and escaped, and
								in most of the Greek cities to which they came they were honoured.
								This fact, indeed, made it plain that the Greeks had conceived a
								very great fear lest Jason should become tyrant.

When he had thus been slain,
								Polydorus, his brother, and Polyphron succeeded to the office of
								Tagus. Now Polydorus, while the two were on their way to Larisa, was
								killed at night in his sleep by Polyphron, his brother, as people
								thought; for his death was sudden and without manifest cause.

Then Polyphron, in his turn, held sway for a year, and made the
								office of Tagus like the rule of a tyrant. For in Pharsalus he put
								to death Polydamas and eight more of the
								best among the citizens, and from Larisa he drove many into exile.
								While thus engaged he, also, was slain
								by Alexander, who posed as avenger of Polydorus and destroyer of the
								tyranny.

But when Alexander had himself succeeded to the position of ruler, he
								proved a cruel Tagus to the Thessalians, a cruel enemy to the
								Thebans and Athenians, and an unjust robber both by land and by sea.
								Being such a man, he likewise was slain in his turn, the actual deed being done by his wife’s
								brothers, though the plan was conceived by the woman herself.

For she reported to her brothers that Alexander was plotting against
								them, and concealed them within the house for the entire day. Then
								after she had received Alexander home in a drunken state and had put
								him to bed, while the light was left burning she carried his sword
								out of the chamber. And when she perceived that her brothers were
								hesitating to go in and attack Alexander, she said that if they did
								not act at once she would wake him. Then, as soon as they had gone
								in, she closed the door and held fast to the knocker until her
								husband had been killed.

Now her hatred toward her husband is said by some people to have been
								caused by the fact that when Alexander had imprisoned his own
								favourite, who was a beautiful youth, and she begged him to release
								him, he took him out and slew him; others, however, say that
								inasmuch as no children were being born to him of this woman,
								Alexander was sending to Thebes and trying to win as his wife the
								widow of Jason. The reasons, then, for the plot on the part of his
								wife are thus stated; but as for those who executed this deed,
								Tisiphonus, who was the eldest of the brothers, held the position of
								ruler up to the time when this narrative
								was written.

All the events, then, which took place
								in Thessaly in connection with Jason, and, after his death, down to
								the rule of Tisiphonus, have thus been described; now I return to
								the point from which I digressed to discuss these matters. When,
								namely, Archidamus had led back his army from the relief expedition to Leuctra, the
								Athenians, taking thought of the fact that the Peloponnesians still
								counted themselves bound to follow the Lacedaemonians, and that the
								latter were not yet in the same situation to which they had brought
								the Athenians, invited to Athens all the cities which wished to
								participate in the peace which the King had sent down.

And when they had come together, they passed a resolution to take the
								following oath, in company with such as desired to share in the
								peace: I will abide by the treaty which the King sent down, and by
								the decrees of the Athenians and their allies. And if anybody takes
								the field against any one of the cities which have sworn this oath,
								I will come to her aid with all my strength. Now all the others
								were pleased with the oath; the Eleans only opposed it, saying that
								it was not right to make either the Marganians, Scilluntians, or
								Triphylians independent, for these cities were theirs.

But the Athenians and the others, after voting that both small and
								great cities alike should be independent, even as the King wrote,
								sent out the officers charged with administering the oath and
								directed them to administer it to the highest authorities in each
									city. And all took the oath
								except the Eleans. As a natural result
								of these proceedings the Mantineans, feeling that they were now
								entirely independent, all came together and voted to make Mantinea a
									single 
								city and to put a wall about it.

But the Lacedaemonians, on the other hand, thought that it would be a
								grievous thing if this were done without their approval. They
								accordingly sent Agesilaus as ambassador to the Mantineans, because
								he was regarded as an ancestral friend of theirs. Now when he had
								come to them, the officials refused to assemble for him the
								Mantinean people, but bade him tell them what he desired. He then
								offered them his promise that, if they would desist from their
								wall-building for the present, he would arrange matters so that the
								wall should be constructed with the approval of Lacedaemon and
								without great expense.

And when they replied that it was impossible to desist, since a
								resolution to build at once had been adopted by the entire city,
								Agesilaus thereupon departed in anger. It did not seem to be
								possible, however, to make an expedition against them, inasmuch as
								the peace had been concluded on the basis of independence. Meanwhile
								some of the Arcadian cities sent men to help the Mantineans in their
								building, and the Eleans made them a contribution of three talents
								in money toward the expense of the wall. The Mantineans, then, were
								occupied with this work.

Among the Tegeans, on the other hand,
								the followers of Callibius and
								Proxenus were making efforts to the end that all the people of
								Arcadia should unite, and that whatever measure was carried in
									the common assembly should
								be binding on the several cities as well; but the followers of
								Stasippus made it their policy to leave their city undisturbed and
								to live under the laws of their fathers.

Now the followers of Proxenus and Callibius, defeated in the council
								of the magistrates, and conceiving the thought that if the people
								came together they would prove far superior in numbers, gathered
								openly under arms. Upon seeing this the followers of Stasippus also
								armed themselves in their turn, and they did indeed prove fewer in
								number; when, however, they had set forth for battle, they killed
								Proxenus and a few others along with him, but although they put the
								rest to flight they did not pursue them; for Stasippus was the sort
								of man not to desire to kill many of his fellow-citizens.

Then the followers of Callibius, who had retired to a position under
								the city wall and the gates on the side toward Mantinea, inasmuch as
								their adversaries were no longer attacking them, remained quietly
								gathered there. They had long before this sent to the Mantineans
								bidding them come to their aid, but with the followers of Stasippus
								they were negotiating for a reconciliation. When, however, the
								Mantineans were to be seen approaching, some of them leaped upon the
								wall, urged the Mantineans to come on to their assistance with all
								possible speed, and with shouts exhorted them to hurry; others
								meanwhile opened the gates to them.

Now when the followers of Stasippus perceived what was going on, they
								rushed out by the gates leading to Pallantium, gained refuge in the
								temple of Artemis before they could be overtaken by their pursuers,
								and after shutting themselves in, remained quiet there. But their
								foes who had followed after them climbed upon the temple, broke through the roof, and
								pelted them with the tiles. And when the people within realized the
								hopelessness of their situation, they bade them stop and said they
								would come out. Then their adversaries, as soon as they had got them
								in their power, bound them, threw them into a wagon, and carried
								them back to Tegea. There, in company with the Mantineans, they
								passed sentence upon them and put them to death.

While these things were going on,
								about eight hundred of the Tegeans who were partisans of Stasippus
								fled to Lacedaemon as exiles, and subsequently the Lacedaemonians
								decided that, in accordance with their oaths, they ought to avenge
								the Tegeans who had been slain and to aid those who had been
								banished. So they decided to make an expedition against the
								Mantineans on the ground that, in violation of their oaths, they had
								proceeded in arms against the Tegeans. The ephors accordingly called
								out the ban, and the state directed Agesilaus to act as
								commander.

Now most of the Arcadians were gathering together at Asea. But since
								the Orchomenians refused to be members of the Arcadian League on
								account of their enmity toward the Mantineans, and had even received
								into their city the mercenary force, commanded by Polytropus, which
								had been collected at Corinth, the Mantineans were remaining at home
								and keeping watch upon them. On the other hand, the Heraeans and
								Lepreans were serving with the Lacedaemonians against the
								Mantineans.

Agesilaus, then, when his sacrifices at the frontier proved
								favourable, at once proceeded to march against Arcadia. And having
								occupied Eutaea, which was a city on the border, and found there the older men, the women,
								and the children living in their houses, while the men of military
								age had gone to the Arcadian assembly, he nevertheless did the city
								no harm, but allowed the people to continue to dwell there, and his
								troops got everything that they needed by purchase; and if anything
								had been taken as booty at the time when he entered the city, he
								searched it out and gave it back. He also occupied himself, during
								the whole time that he spent there awaiting the mercenaries under
								Polytropus, in repairing all those portions of the city wall which
								needed it.

Meanwhile the Mantineans made an
								expedition against the Orchomenians. And they came off very badly
								from their attack upon the city wall, and some of them were killed;
								but when in their retreat they had reached Elymia and, although the
								Orchomenian hoplites now desisted from following them, Polytropus
								and his troops were very boldly pressing upon them, then the
								Mantineans, realizing that if they did not beat them off many of
								their own number would be struck down by javelins, turned about and
								charged their assailants.

Polytropus fell fighting where he stood; the rest fled, and very many
								of them would have been killed had not the Phliasian horsemen
								arrived, and by riding around to the rear of the Mantineans made
								them desist from their pursuit. The Mantineans, then, after
								accomplishing these things, went back home.

Agesilaus heard of this affair and
								came to the conclusion that the mercenaries from Orchomenus could
								not now join him; under these circumstances, therefore, he continued
								his advance. On the first day he took dinner in the territory of
								Tegea, and on the following day crossed
								into the territory of the Mantineans and encamped at the foot of the
								mountains to the west of Mantinea; there at the same time he laid
								waste the land and plundered the farms. Meanwhile the Arcadians who
								had assembled at Asea made their way by night to Tegea.

On the next day Agesilaus encamped at a distance of about twenty
								stadia from Mantinea. But the Arcadians from Tegea, a very large
								force of hoplites, made their appearance; they were skirting the
								mountains between Mantinea and Tegea, desiring to effect a junction
								with the Mantineans, for the Argives, who came with them, were not
								in full force. And there were some who tried to persuade Agesilaus
								to attack these troops separately; he, however, fearing that while
								he was marching against them the Mantineans might issue forth from
								their city and attack him in flank and rear, judged it best to allow
								the two hostile forces to come together and, in case they wished to
								fight, to conduct the battle in regular fashion and in the
									open. The Arcadians from Tegea had
								by now effected a junction with the Mantineans.

On the other hand, the peltasts from Orchomenus, and with them the
								horsemen of the Phliasians, made their way during the night past
								Mantinea and appeared as Agesilaus was sacrificing in front of his
								camp at daybreak; and they caused the Lacedaemonians to fall
								hurriedly into line and Agesilaus himself to retire to the camp. But
								when they had been recognized as friends, and Agesilaus had obtained
								favourable omens, immediately after breakfast he led his army
								forward. Later, as evening was coming on, he unwittingly encamped in
								the valley which lies behind the town of Mantinea; it is surrounded by mountains
								which are only a short distance away.

On the following day at daybreak he was offering sacrifices in front
								of the army; and seeing that troops were gathering from the city of
								the Mantineans on the mountains which were above the rear of his
								army, he decided that he must lead his men out of the valley with
								all possible speed. Now he feared that if he led the way himself,
								the enemy would fall upon his rear; accordingly, while keeping quiet
								and presenting his front toward the enemy, he ordered the men at the
								rear to face about to the right and march along behind the phalanx
								toward him. And in this manner he was at the same time leading them
								out of the narrow valley and making the phalanx continually
									stronger.

When the phalanx had thus been doubled in depth, he proceeded into
								the plain with the hoplites in this formation, and then extended the
								army again into a line nine or ten shields deep. The Mantineans,
								however, now desisted from coming forth from their city, for the
								Eleans, who were making the campaign with them, urged them not to
								fight a battle until the Thebans arrived; and they said they were
								quite sure that the Thebans would come, for they had borrowed ten
								talents from the Eleans themselves for the expenses of the
								expedition to aid them.

The Arcadians, then, upon hearing this, remained quiet in Mantinea;
								and Agesilaus, even though he was exceedingly desirous of leading back his army — for it was
								mid-winter — nevertheless remained there for three days, not far
								away from the city of the Mantineans, that he might not be thought
								to be hurrying his departure out of fear. On the fourth day,
								however, after breakfasting early he began his homeward march,
								intending to encamp at the place where he had originally made camp
								on his departure from Eutaea.

But since none of the Arcadians appeared, he continued his march as
								rapidly as possible to Eutaea, even though it was very late, with
								the desire of getting his hoplites away before they even saw the
								enemy’s fires, so that no one could say that he had withdrawn in
								flight. For he seemed to have brought the state some relief from its
								former despondency, inasmuch as he had invaded Arcadia and, though
								he laid waste the land, none had been willing to fight with him. And
								after he had arrived in Laconia, he let the Spartiatae go home and
								dismissed the Perioeci to their several cities.

As for the Arcadians, since Agesilaus
								had departed and they learned that his army had been disbanded,
								while they themselves were still gathered together, they made an
								expedition against the Heraeans, not only because they refused to be
								members of the Arcadian League, but also because they had joined
								with the Lacedaemonians in invading Arcadia. And after entering the
								territory of Heraea they proceeded to burn the houses and cut down
								the trees. It was not until the
								Thebans with their supporting force were reported to have arrived in
								Mantinea that the Arcadians departed from Heraea and united with the
								Thebans.

When they had joined forces, the Thebans
								thought that matters stood well with them, inasmuch as they had come
								to bring aid and there was no longer an enemy to be seen in the
								land; they accordingly made their preparations for going back. But
								the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleans urged them to lead the way with
								all speed into Laconia, pointing out the number of their own
									troops and praising beyond measure the
								army of the Thebans. For all the Boeotians were now training
								themselves in the craft of arms, glorying in their victory at
								Leuctra; and they were reinforced by the Phocians, who had become
								their subjects, the Euboeans from all their cities, both the Locrian
									peoples, 
								the Acarnanians, the Heracleots, and the Malians; they were also
								reinforced by horsemen and peltasts from Thessaly. The Arcadians,
								then, seeing all this and describing the dearth of men in
								Lacedaemon, begged them by no means to turn back before invading the
								country of the Lacedaemonians.

But while the Thebans listened to this
								request, they took into account, on the other hand, the fact that
								Laconia was said to be exceedingly difficult to enter, and that they
								believed garrisons were posted at the points of easiest access. For
								Ischolaus was at Oeum, in Sciritis, commanding a garrison composed
								of emancipated Helots and about four hundred of the youngest of the
								Tegean exiles; and there was another garrison also at Leuctrum,
								above Maleatis. The Thebans likewise weighed this consideration,
								that the force of the Lacedaemonians would gather quickly and that
								they would fight nowhere better than in
								their own country. Therefore, taking into account all these things,
								they were by no means eager to proceed into Lacedaemon.

But when people had come from Caryae telling of the dearth of men,
								promising that they would themselves act as guides, and bidding the
								Thebans slay them if they were found to be practising any deception,
								and when, further, some of the Perioeci appeared, asking the Thebans
								to come to their aid, engaging to revolt if only they would show
								themselves in the land, and saying also that even now the Perioeci
								when summoned by the Spartiatae were refusing to go and help them —
								as a result, then, of hearing all these reports, in which all
								agreed, the Thebans were won over, and pushed in with their own
								forces by way of Caryae, while the Arcadians went by way of Oeum, in
								Sciritis.

Now if Ischolaus had advanced to the
								difficult part of the pass and had made his stand there, no one, by
								all accounts, could have accomplished the ascent by that route at
								least; but in fact, since he wished to employ the Oeans as allies,
								he remained in the village, and the Arcadians ascended the pass in
								very great numbers. There, in the face-to-face fighting, the troops
								with Ischolaus were victorious; but when the enemy showered blows
								and missiles upon them from the rear, on the flank, and from the
								houses upon which they mounted, then Ischolaus was killed and all
								the rest as well, unless one or another slipped through
								unrecognized.

After achieving this deed the Arcadians marched to join the Thebans
								at Caryae; and when the Thebans heard what had been accomplished by
								the Arcadians, they proceeded to make the descent with far greater
								boldness. Coming to Sellasia, they at
								once burned and pillaged it; but when they arrived in the plain,
								they encamped there, in the sacred precinct of Apollo. The next day
								they marched on. Now they did not even
								make the attempt to cross over by the bridge against Sparta, for in
								the sanctuary of Athena Alea the hoplites were to be seen, ready to
								oppose them; but keeping the Eurotas on their right they passed
								along, burning and plundering houses full of many valuable
								things.

As for the people in the city, the women could not even endure the
								sight of the smoke, since they had never seen an enemy; but the
								Spartiatae, their city being without walls, were posted at
								intervals, one here, another there, and so kept guard, thought they
								were, and were seen to be, very few in number. It was also
								determined by the authorities to make proclamation to the Helots
								that if any wished to take up arms and be assigned to a place in the
								ranks, they should be given a promise that all should be free who
								took part in the war.

And it was said that at first more than six thousand enrolled
								themselves, so that they in their turn occasioned fear when they
								were marshalled together, and were thought to be all too numerous;
								but when the mercenaries from Orchomenus remained true, and the
								Lacedaemonians received aid from the Phliasians, Corinthians,
								Epidaurians, Pelleneans, and likewise some of the other states, then
								the Spartiatae were less fearful of those who had been enrolled.

Now when, in its onward march, the
								army of the enemy came opposite Amyclae, at this point they crossed
								the Eurotas. And wherever the Thebans encamped they at once threw
								down in front of their lines the greatest possible quantity of the
								trees which they cut down, and in
								this way guarded themselves; the Arcadians, however, did nothing of
								this sort, but left their camp behind them and turned their
								attention to plundering the houses. After this, on the third or
								fourth day of the invasion, the horsemen advanced to the race-course
								in the sanctuary of Poseidon Gaeaochus by divisions, the Thebans in
								full force, the Eleans, and all the horsemen who were there of the
								Phocians, Thessalians, or Locrians.

And the horsemen of the Lacedaemonians, seemingly very few in number,
								were formed in line against them. Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians had
								set an ambush of the younger hoplites, about three hundred in
								number, in the house of the Tyndaridae, and at the same moment
								these men rushed forth and their horsemen charged. The enemy,
								however, did not await their attack, but gave way. And on seeing
								this, many of the foot-soldiers also took to flight. But when the
								pursuers stopped and the army of the Thebans stood firm, the enemy
								encamped again.

It now seemed somewhat more certain that they would make no further
								attempt upon the city; and in fact their army departed thence and
								took the road toward Helos and Gytheium. And they burned such of the
								towns as were unwalled and made a three days’ attack upon Gytheium,
								where the Lacedaemonians had their dockyards. There were some of the
								Perioeci also who not only joined in this attack, but did regular
								service with the troops that followed the Thebans.

When the Athenians heard of all these
								things, they were in a state of
								concern as to what they should do in regard to the Lacedaemonians,
								and by resolution of the Senate they called a meeting of the
								Assembly. Now it chanced that there were present ambassadors of the
								Lacedaemonians and of the allies who still remained to them.
								Wherefore the Lacedaemonians spoke — Aracus, Ocyllus, Pharax,
								Etymocles, and Olontheus — almost all of them saying much the same
								things. They reminded the Athenians that from all time the two
								peoples had stood by one another in the most important crises for
								good ends; for they on their side, they said, had aided in expelling
								the tyrants 
								from Athens, while the Athenians, on the other hand, gave them
								zealous assistance at the time when they were hard pressed by the
									Messenians.

They also described all the blessings which were enjoyed at the time
								when both peoples were acting in union, recalling how they had
								together driven the barbarian back, recalling likewise how the
								Athenians had been chosen by the Greeks as leaders of the fleet and
								custodians of the common funds, the Lacedaemonians
								supporting this choice, while they had themselves been selected by
								the common consent of all the Greeks as leaders by land, the
								Athenians in their turn supporting this selection.

And one of them even said something like this: But if you and we,
								gentlemen, come to agreement, there is hope now that the Thebans
								will be decimated, as the old saying has it. The Athenians,
								however, were not very much inclined to accept all this, and a
								murmur went round to the effect that this is what they say now, but
								in the time when they were prosperous
								they were hostile to us. The weightiest of the arguments urged by
								the Lacedaemonians seemed to their hearers to be, that at the time
								when they subdued the Athenians, though the Thebans wanted to
								destroy Athens utterly, it was they who had prevented it.

Most stress was laid, however, upon the consideration that the
								Athenians were required by their oaths to come to their assistance;
								for it was not because the Lacedaemonians had done wrong that the
								Arcadians and those with them were making an expedition against
								them, but rather because they had gone to the aid of the Tegeans for
								the reason that the Mantineans, in violation of their oaths, had
								taken the field against them. At these words an uproar again ran
								through the Assembly; for some said that the Mantineans had done
								right in avenging the followers of Proxenus who had been slain by
								the followers of Stasippus, while others said that they were in the
								wrong because they had taken up arms against the Tegeans.

While the Assembly itself was trying
								to determine these matters, Cleiteles, a Corinthian, arose and spoke
								as follows: Men of Athens, it is perhaps a disputed point who began
								the wrong-doing; but as for us, can anyone accuse us of having, at
								any time since peace was concluded, either made a campaign against
								any city, or taken anyone’s property, or laid waste another’s land?
								Yet, nevertheless, the Thebans have come into our country, and have
								cut down trees, and burned down houses, and seized property and
								cattle. If, therefore, you do not aid us, who are so manifestly
								wronged, will you not surely be acting in violation of your oaths?
								They were the same oaths, you remember, that you yourselves took
								care to have all of us swear to
								all of you. Thereupon the Athenians shouted their approval, saying
								that Cleiteles had spoken to the point and fairly.

Then Procles, a Phliasian, arose after
								Cleiteles and said: Men of Athens, it is clear to everyone, I
								imagine, that you are the first against whom the Thebans would march
								if the Lacedaemonians were got out of the way; for they think that
								you are the only people in Greece who would stand in the way of
								their becoming rulers of the Greeks.

If this is so, I, for my part, believe that if you undertake a
								campaign, you would not be giving aid to the Lacedaemonians so much
								as to your own selves. For to have the Thebans, who are unfriendly
								to you and dwell on your borders, become leaders of the Greeks,
								would prove much more grievous to you, I think, than when you had
								your antagonists far away. Furthermore, you would aid yourselves
								with more profit if you should do so while there are still people
								who would fight on your side, than if they should perish first and
								you should then be compelled to enter by yourselves upon a decisive
								struggle with the Thebans.

Now if any are fearful that in case
								the Lacedaemonians escape this time, they may again in the future
								cause you trouble, take thought of this, that it is not those whom
								one benefits, but those whom one injures, of whom one has to fear
								that they may some day attain great power. And you should bear in
								mind this likewise, that it is meet both for individuals and for
								states to acquire a goodly store in the days when they are
								strongest, in order that, if some day they become powerless, they
								may draw upon their previous labours for succour.

So to you has now been offered by
								some god an opportunity, in case you aid the Lacedaemonians in their
								need, of acquiring them for all time as friends who will plead no
								excuses. For it is not in the presence of only a few witnesses, as
								it seems to me, that they would now receive benefit at your hands,
								but the gods will know of this, who see all things both now and for
								ever, and both your allies and your enemies know also what is taking
								place, and the whole world of Greeks and barbarians besides. For to
								none of them all is it a matter of indifference.

Therefore, if the Lacedaemonians should show themselves base in their
								dealings with you, who would ever again become devoted to them? But
								it is fair to expect that they will prove good rather than base men,
								for if any people in the world seem consistently to have striven for
								commendation and to have abstained from deeds of shame, it is truly
								they. Besides all this, take thought of the following considerations
								likewise.

If ever again danger should come to Greece from barbarians, whom
								would you trust more than the Lacedaemonians? Whom would you more
								gladly make your comrades in the ranks than these, whose countrymen,
								posted at Thermopylae, chose every man to die fighting rather than
								to live and admit the barbarian to Greece? Therefore, both because
								they proved themselves brave men along with you, and because there
								is hope that they will so prove themselves again, is it not surely
								right that you and we alike should show all good-will toward
								them?

It is also worth while to show the
								Lacedaemonians good-will for the sake of the allies who are present
								with them. For be well assured that those who remain faithful to
								them in their misfortunes are the very
								men who would be ashamed if they did not make due requital to you.
								And if we who are willing to share the peril with them seem to be
								small states, reflect that if your state is added to our number, we
								who aid them shall no longer be small states.

In former days, men of Athens, I used from hearsay to admire this
								state of yours, for I heard that all who were wronged and all who
								were fearful fled hither for refuge, and here found assistance; now
								I no longer hear, but with my own eyes at this moment see the
								Lacedaemonians, those most famous men, and their most loyal friends
								appearing in your state and in their turn requesting you to assist
								them.

I see also the Thebans, who then did not succeed in
								persuading the Lacedaemonians to enslave you, now requesting you to
								allow those who saved you to perish. It is truly a noble deed that is told of your ancestors, when
								they did not suffer those Argives who died at the Cadmea to go
									unburied; but you
								would achieve a far nobler deed if you did not suffer those
								Lacedaemonians who still live either to incur insult or to
								perish.

And while that other deed was also noble, when you checked the
								insolence of Eurystheus and preserved the sons of Heracles, would it not surely be an even nobler one if you
								saved from perishing, not merely the founders, but the whole state
								as well? And noblest of all deeds if, after the Lacedaemonians saved
								you then by a vote, void of danger,
								you shall aid them now with arms and at the risk of your lives.

Again, when even we, who by word urge you to aid brave men, are proud
								of doing so, it would manifestly be generous of you, who are able to
								aid by act, if, after being many times both friends and enemies of
								the Lacedaemonians, you should recall, not the harm you have
								suffered at their hands, but rather the favours which you have,
								received, and should render them requital, not in behalf of
								yourselves alone, but also in behalf of all Greece, because in her
								behalf they proved themselves brave men.

After this the Athenians deliberated,
								and they would not endure to listen to those who spoke on the other
								side, but voted to go to the aid of the Lacedaemonians in full
								force, and chose Iphicrates as general. And when his sacrifices had
								proved favourable and he had issued orders to his men to dine in the
									Academy, 
								many, it is said, went thither ahead of Iphicrates himself. After
								this Iphicrates led the way and they followed, believing that he
								would lead them to some noble achievement. And when, after arriving
								in Corinth, he delayed there for some days, they at once began to
								censure him, for the first time, for this delay; then when he at
								length marched them forth, they eagerly followed wherever he led the
								way, and eagerly attacked any stronghold against which he brought
								them.

As for the enemy in Lacedaemon, many Arcadians, Argives, and Eleans
								had already departed, inasmuch as they lived just across the border,
								some of them leading and others carrying what they had taken as
								plunder. On the other hand, the Thebans
								and the rest were desirous of departing from the country, partly for
								the very reason that they saw their army growing daily smaller, and
								partly because provisions were scantier, the supply having been in
								part used up or stolen away, in part wasted or burned up; besides,
								it was winter, so that by this time all alike wanted to
								withdraw.

When, accordingly, they proceeded to retire from Lacedaemon, then, of
								course, Iphicrates likewise proceeded to lead back the Athenians
								from Arcadia to Corinth. Now I have no fault to find with any good
								generalship he may have shown on any other occasion; but as regards
								all his actions at that time, I find them to have been either futile
								or inexpedient. For while he undertook to keep guard at Oneum so
								that the Thebans should not be able to get back home, he left
								unguarded the best pass, which led past Cenchreae.

And when he wanted to find out whether the Thebans had passed Oneum,
								he sent as scouts all the horsemen both of the Athenians and of the
								Corinthians. And yet a few men would have been quite as efficient
								for seeing as the many; while if it were necessary to retire, it
								would be much easier for the few than for the many both to find an
								easy route and to retire at their leisure. But to employ a force
								that was numerous and still inferior to the enemy — was this not
								surely the height of folly? For inasmuch as the horsemen extended
								their line over a large space because they were a large force, when
								it was necessary to retire they encountered a large number of
								difficult places, so that no fewer than twenty horsemen lost their
								lives. At that time, then, the Thebans returned home as they
								pleased.

In the following year ambassadors of
								the Lacedaemonians and their allies,
								with full powers, came to Athens to take counsel as to what should
								be the terms of the alliance between the Lacedaemonians and the
								Athenians. And while many foreigners and many Athenians said that
								the alliance ought to be on terms of full equality, Procles the
								Phliasian made the following speech:

Men of Athens, since you have decided
								that it is a good thing to make the Lacedaemonians your friends, it
								seems to me that you ought to consider this point, how the
								friendship is to endure for the longest possible time. Now it is
								only by making the compact on such terms as will be most
								advantageous to each party that we can expect it to be, in all
								probability, most enduring. The other points, then, have been pretty
								well agreed upon, but the question of the leadership is at present
								under discussion. Now it has been proposed by your Senate that the
								leadership by sea shall belong to you, and the leadership by land to
								the Lacedaemonians. And I, too, think that this distinction is
								based, not so much upon human judgment as upon divine arrangement
								and ordering.

In the first place, you have a position most excellently adapted by
								nature for supremacy by sea. For most of the states which are
								dependent upon the sea are situated round about your state, and they
								are all weaker than yours. In
								addition to this, you have harbours, without which it is not
								possible to enjoy naval power. Furthermore, you already possess many
								triremes, and it is a traditional policy of yours to keep adding
								ships.

You likewise possess as peculiarly your own all the arts and crafts
								which have to do with ships. Again, you are far superior to other
								men in experience of nautical affairs, for most of you get your
								livelihood from the sea; hence, while attending to your private
								concerns, you are also at the same time gaining experience for
								encounters by sea. Here is another point also: there is no port from
								which more triremes can sail forth at one time than from your city.
								And this is a matter of no slight importance with reference to
								leadership, for all men love best to join forces with the power
								which is first to show itself strong.

Furthermore, it has also been granted you by the gods to be
								successful in this pursuit. For while you have engaged in very many
								and very great combats by sea, you have met with an exceedingly
								small number of misfortunes and have achieved an exceedingly large
								number of successes. Therefore it is likely that the allies would
								like best to share in such perils if they were under your
								leadership.

And that this devotion to the sea is indeed both necessary and proper
								for you, you must conclude from the following fact: the
								Lacedaemonians once made war upon you for many years, and though
								masters of your land could make no progress toward destroying you.
								But when at length the deity granted them to win the mastery by sea,
								straightway you fell completely under their power. In these circumstances, therefore, it is
								plain to be seen that all your safety depends upon the sea.

Such, then, being the situation ordained by nature, how could you be
								content to allow the Lacedaemonians to be leaders by sea, when, in
								the first place, they themselves admit that they are less
								experienced than you are in this work, and when, in the second
								place, they do not risk as much as you do in contests by sea, but
								merely the people on board the triremes, whereas you risk wives and
								children and the entire state.

This is the situation on your side;
								consider now that of the Lacedaemonians. Firstly, they dwell in the
								interior; hence, so long as they are masters of the land, they can
								lead a comfortable existence even if they are shut off from the sea.
								Therefore, realizing this fact themselves, they carry on their
								training from their very boyhood with a view to war by land.
								Furthermore, in that which is of the greatest importance, obedience
								to their commanders, they are best by land, as you are by sea.

Again, they on their side can set forth by land, as you can with a
								fleet, in greatest numbers and with greatest speed; therefore it is
								to them in turn that the armies of the allies would be likely to
								attach themselves with greatest confidence. Besides, the deity has
								granted, as to you success by sea, so to them success by land; for
								while they on their side have engaged in very many combats on the
								land, they have incurred an exceedingly small number of defeats, and
								have won an exceedingly large number of victories.

And that this devotion to the land is no less necessary for them than
								devotion to the sea for you, one may judge from the results. For you
								made war upon them for many
									years, and though you
								defeated them many times by sea, could make no progress toward
								subduing them. But so soon as they incurred one defeat on the
									land, immediately their wives and children and their
								entire state were at stake.

Hence for them, on their side, it would surely be a dreadful thing to
								allow others to be leaders by land, when they themselves are best at
								the administration of affairs by land. As for myself, therefore, the
								course which has been proposed by your Senate is that which I have
								urged, and which I believe to be most advantageous to both parties;
								and may you, for your part, be fortunate in reaching the conclusion
								that is best for us all.

Thus he spoke, and both the Athenians
								and those Lacedaemonians who were present applauded his speech
								vigorously. But Cephisodotus came forward and said: Men of Athens,
								you do not observe that you are being deceived; but if you will
								listen to me, I will prove it to you very speedily. As the matter
								now stands, you are to be leaders by sea. And if the Lacedaemonians
								are your allies, it is clear that the captains, and perhaps the
								marines whom they send out, will be Lacedaemonians, but it is also
								clear that the sailors will be either Helots or mercenaries. You,
								therefore, will be leaders of these people.

When, however, the Lacedaemonians give you the order for a campaign
								by land, it is clear that you will send your hoplites and your
								horsemen. By this plan, therefore, they become leaders of your own
								selves, while you become leaders merely of their slaves and their
								men of least account. Answer me, he said, Timocrates of Lacedaemon, did you not say a
								moment ago that you had come with intent to make the alliance on
								terms of full equality? I did say that.

Then, said Cephisodotus, is there anything more equal than that
								each party in turn should be leader of the fleet, and each in turn
								leader of the army, and that you, if there is any advantage in the
								leadership by sea, should share therein, and we likewise in the
								matter of leadership by land? Upon hearing this the Athenians were
								led to change their minds, and they voted that each party should
								hold the leadership in turn for periods of five days.

Now when both peoples and their allies
								had proceeded to Corinth, it was determined that they should
								together guard Oneum. Accordingly, while the Thebans and their
								allies were on the march, they formed their lines and proceeded to
								keep guard at one point and another of Oneum, but the Lacedaemonians
								and the Pelleneans at the most assailable point. And the Thebans and
								their allies, when they were distant thirty stadia from the troops
								on guard, encamped in the plain. Then, after calculating the time at
								which they thought they should start in order to finish their
								journey at dawn, they marched upon the garrison of the
								Lacedaemonians.

And in fact they did not prove mistaken in the hour, but fell upon
								the Lacedaemonians and the Pelleneans at the time when the night
								watches were just coming to an end, and the men were rising from
								their camp-beds and going wherever each one had to go. Thereupon the
								Thebans made their attack and laid on their blows — men prepared
								attacking those unprepared, and men in good order against those in
								disorder.

And when such as came out of the affair with their lives had made their escape to the
								nearest hill, although the polemarch of the Lacedaemonians might
								have got as many hoplites and as many peltasts as he pleased from
								the forces of the allies and might have held his position — for
								supplies might have been brought in safety from Cenchreae — he did
								not do this, but while the Thebans were in great perplexity as to
								how they were to descend on the side looking toward Sicyon, failing
								which they would have to go back again, he concluded a truce which,
								as most people thought, was more to the advantage of the Thebans
								than to that of his own side, and under these circumstances departed
								and led away the troops under his command.

The Thebans, then, after descending in
								safety and effecting a junction with their allies, the Arcadians,
								Argives, and Eleans, immediately attacked Sicyon and Pellene; they
								also made an expedition to Epidaurus, and laid waste the whole
								territory of the Epidaurians. Returning from there in a manner which
								showed great disdain for all their adversaries, as soon as they came
								near the city of the Corinthians they rushed at the double toward
								the gates through which one passes in going to Phlius, with the
								intention of bursting in if they chanced to be open.

But some light troops sallied forth from the city against them and
								met the picked men of the Thebans at a distance of not so
								much as four plethra from the city walls; then they climbed up on
								burial monuments and elevated spots, killed a very considerable
								number of the troops in the front ranks by hurling javelins and
								other missiles, and after putting the rest to flight, pursued them
								about three or four stadia. When
								this had taken place the Corinthians dragged the bodies to the wall,
								and after they had given them back under a truce, set up a trophy.
								In this way the allies of the Lacedaemonians were renewed in their
								spirits.

Just after these events had happened,
								the expedition sent by Dionysius to aid the Lacedaemonians sailed
								in, numbering more than twenty triremes. And they brought Celts,
								Iberians, and about fifty horsemen. On the following day the Thebans
								and the rest, their allies, after forming themselves in detached
								bodies and filling the plain as far as the sea and as far as the
								hills adjoining the city, destroyed whatever of value there was in
								the plain. And the horsemen of the Athenians and of the Corinthians
								did not approach very near their army, seeing that the enemy were
								strong and numerous.

But the horsemen sent by Dionysius, few though they were, scattering
								themselves here and there, would ride along the enemy’s line, charge
								upon them and throw javelins at them, and when the enemy began to
								move forth against them, would retreat, and then turn round and
								throw their javelins again. And while pursuing these tactics they
								would dismount from their horses and rest. But if anyone charged
								upon them while they were dismounted, they would leap easily upon
								their horses and retreat. On the other hand, if any pursued them far
								from the Theban army, they would press upon these men when they were
								retiring, and by throwing javelins work havoc with them, and thus
								they compelled the entire army, according to their own will, either
								to advance or to fall back.

After this, however, the Thebans remained but a few days and
									then returned home, and the
								others likewise to their several homes. Then the troops sent by
								Dionysius invaded the territory of Sicyon, and they not only
								defeated the Sicyonians in battle on the plain and killed about
								seventy of them, but captured by storm the stronghold of Deras.
								After these exploits the first supporting force sent out by
								Dionysius sailed back to Syracuse. Up
								to this time the Thebans and all who had revolted from the
								Lacedaemonians had been acting and carrying on their campaigns in
								full accord, under the leadership of the Thebans.

Now, however, there appeared a certain Lycomedes of Mantinea, a man
								inferior to none in birth, foremost in wealth, and ambitious
								besides, and filled the Arcadians with self-confidence, saying that
								it was to them alone that Peloponnesus was a fatherland, since they
								were the only autochthonous stock that dwelt therein, and that the
								Arcadian people was the most numerous of all the Greek peoples and
								had the strongest bodies. He also declared that they were the
								bravest, offering as evidence the fact that whenever men needed
								mercenaries, there were none whom they chose in preference to
								Arcadians. Furthermore, the Lacedaemonians had never, he said,
								invaded the territory of Athens without their help, nor had the
								Thebans at present come to Lacedaemon without the help of the
								Arcadians.

If you are wise, therefore, you will leave off following wherever
								anyone summons you; for in former days, by following the
								Lacedaemonians, you made them great, and now, if you follow the
								Thebans heedlessly and do not make the claim to enjoy the leadership
								by turns with them, it may be that you will soon find in them
									another set of Lacedaemonians. 
								Upon hearing these words the Arcadians were puffed up, and loved
								Lycomedes beyond measure, and thought that he alone was a man; so
								that they appointed as their leaders whomsoever he directed them to
								appoint. But the Arcadians were exalted as a result also of the
								actual achievements which fell to their lot;

for when the Argives had invaded the country of Epidaurus and their
								way out had been barred by the mercenaries under Chabrias, and by
								the Athenians, and the Corinthians, they went to the rescue and
								released the Argives from an absolute blockade, although they had
								not only the enemy’s troops but also the character of the country to
								contend with. They also made an expedition to Asine in Laconia,
								defeated the garrison of the Lacedaemonians, slew Geranor, the
								Spartiate who had become polemarch, and plundered the outer city of
								the Asinaeans. And whenever they wished to take the field, neither
								night nor storm nor length of journey nor difficult mountains would
								prevent them; so that at that time they counted themselves
								altogether the strongest of the Greeks.

For these reasons the Thebans naturally felt somewhat jealous and no
								longer friendly toward the Arcadians. As for the Eleans, when they
								demanded back again from the Arcadians the cities of which they had
								been deprived by the Lacedaemonians and found that the Arcadians
								gave no heed to phylians and the others who had revolted from them,
								because these people said they were Arcadians, as a result of this
								the Eleans in their turn felt unfriendly toward them.

While the several allies were each
								thus filled with proud confidence in
								themselves, Philiscus of Abydus came from Ariobarzanes with a large
								amount of money. And in the first place he brought together at
								Delphi the Thebans, their allies, and the Lacedaemonians to
								negotiate in regard to peace. But when they had arrived there, they
								did not consult the god at all as to how peace should be brought
								about, but deliberated for themselves. Since, however, the Thebans
								would not agree that Messene should be subject to the
									Lacedaemonians, Philiscus set about collecting a large
								mercenary force in order to make war on the side of the
								Lacedaemonians.

While these things were going on the
								second supporting force sent out by Dionysius arrived. And when the
								Athenians said that it ought to go to Thessaly to oppose the
								Thebans, while the Lacedaemonians urged that it should go to
								Laconia, the latter plan carried the day among the allies.
								Accordingly, after these troops from Dionysius had sailed round to
								Lacedaemon, Archidamus took them, along with his citizen soldiers,
								and set out on an expedition. He captured Caryae by storm and put to
								the sword all whom he took prisoners. From there he marched at once
								with his united forces against the people of Parrhasia, in Arcadia,
								and laid waste their land.

But when the Arcadians and Argives came to their assistance, he
								retired and encamped in the hills above Melea. While he was there
								Cissidas, the commander of the supporting force from Dionysius, said
								that the time for which he had been directed to stay had expired.
								And as soon as he had said this he departed by the road leading to
								Sparta. But when, as he was marching away, the Messenians tried to cut him off at
								a narrow place on the road, thereupon he sent to Archidamus and bade
								him come to his aid. And Archidamus did in fact do so. Then as soon
								as they all arrived at the branch road leading to the country of the
								Eutresians, there were the Arcadians and Argives advancing towards
								Laconia, they also having the intention of shutting off Archidamus
								from his homeward way. He accordingly, at just the point where there
								is a level space at the junction of the road leading to the
								Eutresians and the road to Melea, turned out of his path and formed
								his troops in line for battle.

It is said that he also went along in front of the battalions and
								exhorted his men in the following words: Fellow citizens, let us
								now prove ourselves brave men and thus be able to look people in the
								face; let us hand on to those who come after us the fatherland as it
								was when we received it from our fathers; let us cease to feel shame
								before wives and children and elders and strangers, in whose eyes we
								used once to be the most highly honoured of all the Greeks.

When these words had been spoken, it is said that from a clear sky
								there came lightnings and thunderings of favourable omen for him;
								and it chanced also that on the right wing was a sanctuary and a
								statue of Heracles. As a result,
								therefore, of all these things, it is reported that the soldiers
								were inspired with so much strength and courage that it was a task
								for their leaders to restrain them as they pushed forward to the
								front. And when Archidamus led the advance, only a few of the enemy
								waited till his men came within spear-thrust; these were killed, and the rest were cut down
								as they fled, many by the horsemen and many by the Celts.

Then as soon as the battle had ended and he had set up a trophy, he
								immediately sent home Demoteles, the herald, to report the greatness
								of his victory and the fact that not so much as one of the
								Lacedaemonians had been slain, while vast numbers of the enemy had
								fallen. And when the people at Sparta heard this, it is said that
								all of them wept, beginning with Agesilaus, the senators, and the
								ephors; so true it is, indeed, that tears belong to joy and sorrow
								alike. On the other hand, both the Thebans and the Eleans were
								almost as well pleased as the Lacedaemonians at the misfortune of
								the Arcadians — so vexed had they become by this time at their
								presumption.

And now the Thebans, who were
								continually planning how they might
								obtain the leadership of Greece, hit upon the idea that if they
								should send to the King of the Persians, they would gain some
								advantage in him. Thereupon they immediately summoned their allies,
								on the pretext that Euthycles, the Lacedaemonian, was also at the
								King’s court; and there went up thither Pelopidas for the Thebans,
								Antiochus, the pancratiast, for the Arcadians, and Archidamus for the
								Eleans; an Argive also went with them. And the Athenians, upon
								hearing of this, sent up Timagoras and Leon.

When the ambassadors arrived there, Pelopidas enjoyed a great
								advantage with the Persian. For he was able to say that his people
								were the only ones among the Greeks who had fought on the side of
								the King at Plataea, that they had
								never afterwards undertaken a campaign against the King, and that
								the Lacedaemonians had made war upon them for precisely the reason
								that they had declined to go with Agesilaus against him and had
								refused to permit Agesilaus to sacrifice to Artemis at Aulis, the very spot where Agamemnon, at the time when
								he was sailing forth to Asia, had sacrificed before he captured
								Troy.

It also contributed greatly toward the winning of honour for
								Pelopidas that the Thebans had been victorious in battle at Leuctra,
								and that they had admittedly ravaged the country of the
								Lacedaemonians. Pelopidas also said that the Argives and Arcadians
								had been defeated by the Lacedaemonians when the Thebans were not
								present with them. And the Athenian, Timagoras, bore witness in his
								behalf that all these things which he said were true, and so stood
								second in honour to Pelopidas.

Pelopidas was therefore asked by the King what he desired to have
								written for him; he replied, that Messene should be independent of
								the Lacedaemonians and that the Athenians should draw up their ships
								on the land; that if they refused obedience in these points, the
								contracting parties were to make an expedition against them; and
								that if any city refused to join in such expedition, they were to
								proceed first of all against that city.

When these things had been written and read to the ambassadors, Leon
								said in the King’s hearing, By Zeus, Athenians, it is time for you,
								it seems, to be seeking some other friend instead of the King. And
								when the secretary had interpreted to the King what the Athenian had
								said, he again brought out a further writing: And if the
									Athenians are aware of anything
								juster than these provisions, let them come to the King and inform
								him.

Now when the ambassadors had returned to their several homes,
								Timagoras was put to death by the Athenians on the complaint of Leon
								that he had refused to share quarters with him and had taken counsel
								in all matters with Pelopidas. As for the other ambassadors,
								Archidamus, the Elean, praised the doings of the King, because he
								had honoured Elis above the Arcadians; but Antiochus, because the
								Arcadian League was less regarded, did not accept the royal gifts,
								and reported back to the Ten Thousand that the King
								had bakers, and cooks, and wine-pourers, and doorkeepers in vast
								numbers, but as for men who could fight with Greeks, he said that
								though he sought diligently he could not see any. Besides this, he
								said that for his part he thought that the King’s wealth of money
								was also mere pretence, for he said that even the golden plane-tree,
								that was forever harped upon, was not large enough to afford shade
								for a grasshopper.

When the Thebans had called together
								representatives from all the cities to hear the letter from the
								King, and the Persian who bore the document, having shown the King’s
								seal, had read what was written therein, although the Thebans
								directed those who desired to be friends of the King and themselves
								to swear to these provisions, the representatives from the cities
								replied that they had not been sent to give their oaths, but to
								listen; and if the Thebans had any desire for oaths, they bade them
								send to the cities. Indeed the Arcadian, Lycomedes, said this
								besides, that it was not even proper for the congress to be held in Thebes, but rather at the seat of
								war, wherever it might be. Then, since the Thebans were angry with
								him and said that he was destroying the compact of alliance, he
								refused even to occupy a seat at the congress, but took himself off,
								and with him went all the ambassadors from Arcadia.

Accordingly, inasmuch as those who had come together refused to take
								the oath at Thebes, the Thebans sent ambassadors to the cities and
								directed them to swear that they would act in accordance with the
								King’s letter, believing that each one of the cities taken singly
								would hesitate to incur the hatred of themselves and the King at the
								same time. When, however, upon the arrival of the ambassadors at
								Corinth, their first stopping-place, the Corinthians resisted the
								proposal, and replied that they had no desire for oaths shared with
								the King, then other cities also followed suit, giving their answers
								in the same terms. Thus it was that this attempt on the part of
								Pelopidas and the Thebans to gain the leadership came to its
								end.

Epaminondas, on the other hand,
								wishing to bring over the Achaeans to the side of the Thebans, in
								order that the Arcadians and the other allies might be more inclined
								to give heed to them, decided that he must march forth against
								Achaea. He therefore persuaded Peisias, the Argive, who held the
								position of general at Argos, to occupy Oneum 
								in advance. And Peisias, after he had learned that the guard over
								Oneum was being maintained carelessly by Naucles, who commanded the
								mercenary troops of the Lacedaemonians, and by Timomachus, the
								Athenian, did indeed seize the hill above Cenchreae by night
									with two thousand hoplites,
								having provisions for seven days.

Within this number of days the Thebans arrived and crossed over
								Oneum, and all the allies thereupon marched against Achaea, under
								the leadership of Epaminondas. Now upon the urgent entreaty which
								the aristocrats of Achaea addressed to him, Epaminondas effected
								through his personal influence an arrangement that their opponents
								were not to banish the aristocrats or to change the form of
								government, but after receiving pledges from the Achaeans that in
								very truth they would be allies and would follow wherever the
								Thebans led the way, he thereupon returned home.

When, however, the Arcadians and the Achaean opposition brought
								against him the charge that he had aranged matters in Achaea in the
								interest of the Lacedaemonians and had then gone away, the Thebans
								resolved to send governors to the Achaean cities. When they arrived
								they drove out the aristocrats, with the assistance of the commons,
								and established democracies in Achaea. But those who had been thus
								exiled speedily banded themselves together, proceeded against each
								one of the cities singly, and as they were not few in number,
								accomplished their restoration and gained possession of the cities.
								Then, since after their restoration they no longer followed a
								neutral course, but fought zealously in support of the
								Lacedaemonians, the Arcadians were hard pressed by the
								Lacedaemonians on the one side and by the Achaeans on the other.

As for Sicyon, its government up to
								this time had been in conformity with its ancient laws. But now
								Euphron, who had been the most powerful of the citizens in his
								influence with the Lacedaemonians and wished in like manner to stand
								first with their adversaries also, said
								to the Argives and to the Arcadians that if the richest men should
								remain in control of Sicyon, it was manifest that whenever an
								opportunity offered, the city would go over to the Lacedaemonians
								again, while if a democracy is established, be well assured, he
									said, that the city will remain true to you. If, therefore, you
								will be at hand to support me, I will be the one to call the people
								together, and I will not only give you in this act a pledge of my
								good faith, but will make the city steadfast in its alliance with
								you. This I do, you must understand, he said, because, like
								yourselves, I have long found the arrogance of the Lacedaemonians
								hard to endure, and I should be glad to escape from servitude to
								them.

Accordingly the Arcadians and the Argives, upon hearing these words,
								gladly presented themselves to support him. Then he immediately
								called the people together in the market-place in the presence of
								the Argives and the Arcadians, announcing that the government was to
								be on terms of full equality. When they had come together, he bade
								them choose whomsoever they saw fit as generals; and they chose
								Euphron himself, Hippodamus, Cleander, Acrisius, and Lysander. When
								this had been done, he also appointed Adeas, his own son, to the
								command of the mercenary troops, removing Lysimenes, their former
								commander.

And straightway Euphron made some of these mercenaries faithful to
								him by treating them generously, and took others into his pay,
								sparing neither the public nor the sacred funds. He likewise availed
								himself of the property of all those whom he banished for favouring
								the Lacedaemonians. Furthermore, he treacherously put to death
									some of his fellow-officials
								and banished others, so that he brought everything under his control
								and was manifestly a tyrant. And he managed to induce his allies to
								permit these proceedings of his, partly by the use of money, and
								partly by following with them zealously at the head of his mercenary
								force wherever they made an expedition.

When these matters had progressed to
									this point and the Argives
								had fortified Mount Tricaranum, above the Heraeum, as a base of
								attack upon Phlius, while the Sicyonians were fortifying Thyamia on
								its borders, the Phliasians were exceedingly hard pressed and
								suffered from lack of provisions; nevertheless, they remained
								steadfast in their alliance. But I will speak further of them; for
								while all the historians make mention of the large states if they
								have performed any noble achievement, it seems to me that if a state
								which is small has accomplished many noble deeds, it is even more
								fitting to set them forth.

Now the Phliasians had become friends of the Lacedaemonians at a time
								when they were greatest; and when they had been defeated in the
								battle at Leuctra, when many of the Perioeci had revolted from them
								and all the Helots also had revolted, and likewise their allies with
								the exception of a very few, and when all the Greeks, one might say,
								were in the field against them, the Phliasians remained steadfastly
								faithful, and, though they had as enemies the most powerful of the
								peoples in Peloponnesus — the Arcadians and Argives — nevertheless
								went to their assistance.
								Furthermore, when it fell to their lot to cross over to Prasiae last
								of those who joined in the expedition (and these were the
								Corinthians, Epidaurians, Troezenians, Hermionians, Halians, Sicyonians, and Pelleneans —

for at that time the last mentioned had not yet revolted from the
								Lacedaemonians), even when the Lacedaemonian leader went off with
								those who had crossed first and left the Phliasians, even so they
								did not turn back, but hired a guide from Prasiae, and, although the
								enemy were in the neighbourhood of Amyclae, slipped through as best
								they could and reached Sparta. And the Lacedaemonians, besides
								honouring them in other ways, sent them an ox as a gift of
								hospitality.

Again, when the enemy had retired from Lacedaemon, and the Argives, in anger at the devotion
								of the Phliasians toward the Lacedaemonians, had invaded the
								territory of Phlius in full force and were laying waste their land,
								even then they did not yield; but when the Argives were withdrawing,
								after having destroyed as much as they could, the horsemen of the
								Phliasians sallied forth and followed after them, and, although all
								the Argive horsemen and the companies posted behind them were
								employed to guard their rear, the Phliasians nevertheless, who were
								but sixty in number, attacked these troops and turned to flight the
								entire rearguard; to be sure they killed but few of them, yet they
								set up a trophy, with the Argives looking on, precisely as if they
								had killed them all.

Once again, the Lacedaemonians and
								their allies were guarding Oneum, and the Thebans were approaching
								with the intention of crossing over the mountain. At this time, as
								the Arcadians and Eleans were marching through Nemea in order to
								effect a junction with the Thebans, exiles of the Phliasians made
								them an offer that if they would only put in an appearance to help
								their party, they would capture Phlius;
								and when this plan had been agreed upon, during the night the exiles
								and others with them, about six hundred in number, set themselves in
								ambush close under the wall with scaling ladders. Then as soon as
								the watchmen signalled from Tricaranum that enemies were
								approaching, and the city was giving its attention to these last, at
								this moment those who sought to betray the city signalled to the
								people in ambush to climb up.

When they had climbed up and found the posts of the guards weakly
								manned, they pursued the day-guards, who numbered ten (for one out
								of each squad of five was regularly left behind as a day-guard); and
								they killed one while he was still asleep and another after he had
								fled for refuge to the Heraeum. And since the other day-guards in
								their flight leaped down from the wall on the side looking toward
								the city, the men who had climbed up were in undisputed possession
								of the Acropolis.

But when an outcry reached the city and the citizens came to the
								rescue, at first the enemy issued forth from the Acropolis and
								fought in the space in front of the gates which lead to the city;
								afterwards, being beset on all sides by those who came against them,
								they withdrew again to the Acropolis; and the citizens poured in
								with them. Now the space within the Acropolis was cleared at once,
								but the enemy mounted upon the wall and the towers and showered
								blows and missiles upon the people who were within. Meanwhile the
								latter defended themselves from the ground and attacked the enemy by
								the steps which led up to the wall.

When, however, the citizens gained possession of some of the towers
								on this side and on that, they closed in desperate battle with those
								who had mounted upon their
								walls. And the enemy, as they were forced back by them — by their
								courage as well as by their fighting — were being crowded together
								into an ever smaller space. At this critical moment the Arcadians
								and Argives were circling around the city and beginning to dig
								through the wall of the Acropolis from its upper side; and as for the citizens within, some were
								dealing blows upon the people on the wall, others upon those who
								were still climbing up from the outside and were on the ladders, and
								still others were fighting against those among the enemy who had
								mounted upon the towers; they also found fire in the tents and began
								to set the towers ablaze from below, bringing up some sheaves which
								chanced to have been harvested on the Acropolis itself. Then the
								people upon the towers, in fear of the flames, jumped off one after
								another, while those upon the walls, under the blows of their human
								adversaries, kept falling off.

And when they had once begun to give way, speedily the whole
								Acropolis had become bare of the enemy. Thereupon the horsemen
								straightway sallied forth from the city; and the enemy upon seeing
								them retired, leaving behind their ladders, their dead, and likewise
								some of the living who had been badly lamed. And the number of the
								enemy who were killed, both in the fighting within and by leaping
								down without, was not less than eighty. Then one might have beheld
								the men congratulating one another with handclasps on their
								preservation, and the women bringing them drink and at the same time
								crying for joy. Indeed, laughter mingled
								with tears did on that occasion
								really possess all who were present.

In the following year likewise the
								Argives and all the Arcadians invaded
								the territory of Phlius. The reason for their continually besetting
								the Phliasians was partly that they were angry with them, and partly
								that they had the country of the Phliasians between them, and were
								always in hope that through want of provisions they would bring them
								to terms. But on this invasion also the horsemen and the picked
								troops of the Phliasians, along with the horsemen of the Athenians
								who were present, attacked them at the crossing of the river; and
								having won the victory, they made the enemy retire under the heights
								for the rest of the day, just as if they were keeping carefully away
								from the corn in the plain as the property of friends, so as not to
								trample it down.

On another occasion the Theban
								governor at Sicyon marched upon
								Phlius at the head of the garrison which he had under his own
								command, and of the Sicyonians and Pelleneans — for at that time
								they were already following the Thebans; and Euphron also took part
								in the expedition with his mercenaries, about two thousand in
								number. Now the main body of the troops descended along Tricaranum
								toward the Heraeum with the intention of laying waste the plain; but
								the commander left the Sicyonians and Pelleneans behind upon the
								height over against the gates leading to Corinth, so that the
								Phliasians should not go around by that way and get above his men at
								the Heraeum.

When, however, the people in the city perceived that the enemy had
								set out for the plain, the
								horsemen and the picked troops of the Phliasians sallied forth
								against them, gave battle, and did not allow them to make their way
								to the plain. And they spent most of the day there in fighting at
								long range, the troops of Euphron pursuing up to the point where the
								country was suited for cavalry, and the men from the city as far as
								the Heraeum.

When, however, it seemed to be the proper time, the enemy retired by
								a circuitous route over Tricaranum, for the ravine in front of the
								wall prevented them from reaching the Pelleneans by the direct way.
								Then the Phliasians, after following them a little way up the hill,
								turned back and charged along the road which leads past the wall,
								against the Pelleneans and those with them.

And the troops of the Theban general, upon perceiving the haste of
								the Phliasians, began racing with them in order to reach the
								Pelleneans first and give them aid. The horsemen, however, arrived
								first, and attacked the Pelleneans. And when at the outset they
								withstood the attack, the Phliasians fell back, but then attacked
								again in company with such of the foot-soldiers as had come up, and
								fought hand-to-hand. At this the enemy gave way, and some of the
								Sicyonians fell and very many of the Pelleneans, and brave men,
								too.

When these things had taken place the Phliasians set up a trophy,
								sounding their paean loudly, as was natural; and the troops of the
								Theban general and Euphron allowed all this to go on, just as if
								they had made their race to see a spectacle. Then, after these
								proceedings were finished, the one party departed for Sicyon and the
								other returned to the city.

Another noble deed which the
								Phliasians performed was this: when
								they had made a prisoner of Proxenus, the Pellenean, even though
								they were in want of everything, they let him go without a ransom.
								How could one help saying that men who performed such deeds were
								noble and valiant?

Furthermore, that it was only by stout
								endurance that they maintained their fidelity to their friends is
								clearly manifest; for when they were shut off from the products of
								their land, they lived partly by what they could get from the
								enemy’s territory, and partly by buying from Corinth; they went to
								the market through the midst of many dangers, with difficulty
								provided the price of supplies, with difficulty brought through the
								enemy’s lines the people who fetched these supplies, and were hard
								put to it to find men who would guarantee the safety of the beasts
								of burden which were to convey them.

At length, when they were in desperate straits, they arranged that
									Chares should escort their supply train. Upon his
								arrival at Phlius they begged him to help them also to convoy their
								non-combatants to Pellene. Accordingly they left these
								people at Pellene, and after making their purchases and packing as
								many beasts of burden as they could, they set off during the night,
								not unaware that they would be ambushed by the enemy, but thinking
								that to be without provisions was a more grievous thing than
								fighting.

Now the Phliasians, together with Chares, went on ahead, and when
								they came upon the enemy they immediately set to work, and, cheering
								one another on, pressed their attack, while at the same time they
								shouted to Chares to come to their aid. And when victory had been achieved and the enemy
								driven out of the road, in this wise they brought home in safety
								both themselves and the supplies they were conveying. Now inasmuch as the Phliasians had passed
								the night without sleep, they slept until far on in the day.

But when Chares arose, the horsemen and the best of the hoplites came
								to him and said: Chares, it is within your power to-day to
								accomplish a splendid deed. For the Sicyonians are fortifying a
								place upon our borders, and they have many builders but not very many
								hoplites. Now therefore we, the horsemen and the stoutest of the
								hoplites, will lead the way; and if you will follow us with your
								mercenary force, perhaps you will find the business already settled
								for you, and perhaps your appearance will turn the scale, as
								happened at Pellene. But if anything in what we propose is
								unacceptable to you, consult the gods by sacrifices; for we think
								that the gods will bid you do this even more urgently than we do.
								And this, Chares, you should well understand, that if you accomplish
								these things you will have secured a stronghold as a base of attack
								upon the enemy and have preserved a friendly city, and you will win
								the fairest of fame in your fatherland and be most renowned among
								both allies and enemies.

Chares accordingly was persuaded and offered sacrifice, while on the
								Phliasian side the horsemen straightway put on their breastplates
								and bridled their horses, and the hoplites made all the preparations
								necessary for infantry. When they had taken up their arms and were
								proceeding to the place where he was sacrificing, Chares and the
								seer met them and said that the
								sacrifices were favourable. Wait for us, they said, for we, too,
								will set forth at once. And as soon as word had been given by the
								herald, Chares’ mercenaries also speedily rushed out with a kind of
								heaven-sent eagerness.

Now when Chares had begun to march, the cavalry and infantry of the
								Phliasians went on ahead of him; and at first they led the way
								rapidly, and then they began to run; finally, the horsemen were
								riding at the top of their speed and the foot-soldiers were running
								as fast as it is possible for men in line to go, while after them
								came Chares, following in haste. The time was a little before
								sunset, and they found the enemy at the fortress, some bathing, some
								cooking, some kneading, and some making their beds.

Now so soon as the enemy saw the vehemence of the onset they
								straightway fled in terror, leaving all their provisions behind for
								these brave men. The latter accordingly made their dinner off these
								provisions and more which came from home, and after pouring
								libations in honour of their good fortune, singing a paean, and
								posting guards, they went to sleep. And the Corinthians, after news
								had reached them during the night in regard to Thyamia, in a most
								friendly way ordered out by proclamation all their teams and
								pack-animals, loaded them with corn, and convoyed them to Phlius;
								and so long as the fortifications were building, 
								convoys continued to be sent out every day.

The story of the Phliasians, then, how
								they proved themselves faithful to their friends and continued
								valiant in the war, and how, though in want of everything, they
								remained steadfast in their alliance, has been told. At about this time Aeneas the
								Stymphalian, who had become general of the Arcadians, thinking that
								conditions in Sicyon were not to be endured, went up to the
								Acropolis with his own army, called together the aristocrats among
								the Sicyonians who were in the city, and sent after those who had
								been exiled therefrom without a decree of the people.

And Euphron, seized with fear at these proceedings, fled for refuge
								to the port of the Sicyonians, and after summoning Pasimelus to come
								from Corinth, through him handed over the port to the Lacedaemonians
								and appeared once more in their alliance, saying that he had all the
								time remained faithful to the Lacedaemonians. For he said that at
								the same time when a vote was taken in the city as to whether the
								Sicyonians should decide to revolt from them, he, with a few others,
								voted against it;

and that afterwards he had set up a democracy out of his desire to
								avenge himself on those who had betrayed him. And at this moment, 
								he said, all who were traitors to you are in exile by my act. Now
								if I had found myself able, I should have gone over to you with the
								entire city. As it is, I have given over to you the port, over which
								alone I had gained control. Those who heard him say these words
								were many, but how many believed him is by no means clear.

However, since I have begun it, I
								desire to finish the story of Euphron. When the aristocrats and the
								commons at Sicyon had fallen into strife, Euphron obtained a force
								of mercenaries from Athens and came back again. And with the help of
								the commons he was master of the town; a Theban governor, however, held the Acropolis, and since
								Euphron realized that with the Thebans holding the Acropolis he
								could not possibly be master of the state, he got together money and
								set out with the intention of persuading the Thebans, by means of
								this money, to banish the aristocrats and give the state over to him
								again.

When, however, the former exiles learned of his journey and his
								plans, they likewise proceeded to Thebes. And as they saw him in
								familiar association with the Theban officials, they were seized
								with fear that he might accomplish what he wanted, and some of them
								took the risk and slew Euphron upon the Acropolis while
								the officials and the senate were in session there. But the
								officials brought those who had done the deed before the senate and
								spoke as follows:

Fellow citizens, we arraign on the
								capital charge these men who have slain Euphron, seeing, as we do,
								that while right-minded men commit no unjust or unrighteous deed,
								and the wicked, although they commit them, strive to do them in
								secret, these persons have so far surpassed all mankind in hardihood
								and villainy that in the presence of the very magistrates and in the
								presence of you, who alone have authority to decide who shall die
								and who shall not, they took decision into their own hands and slew
								the man. Therefore if these men do not suffer the extreme penalty,
								who will ever have the courage to visit our city? And what will
								become of the city if any one who so desires is to be allowed to
								slay a man before he has made known for what purpose he has come
								here? We, then, arraign these men as utterly unrighteous, unjust,
								and lawless, and as having shown the
								utmost contempt for our city. It is for you, after you have heard,
								to inflict upon them such penalty as they seem to you to
								deserve.

Such were the words of the officials;
								as for those who had slain Euphron, all except one denied that they
								had been the perpetrators of the deed; but one had admitted it, and
								began his defence in some such words as these: Surely, Thebans, to
								feel contempt for you is not possible for a man if he knows that you
								have authority to do with him as you will; in what, then, did I
								trust when I here slew the man? Be well assured that it was first of
								all in the belief that I was doing a just deed, and secondly in the
								thought that you would decide rightly; for I knew that you likewise,
								in dealing with the party of Archias and Hypates, whom you
								found to have performed acts like those of Euphron, did not wait for
								a vote, but punished them as soon as you found yourselves able to do
								so, believing that those who are manifestly unrighteous and those
								who are plainly traitors and attempting to be tyrants are already
								condemned to death by all mankind.

Was not Euphron also, I ask, guilty under all these heads? In the
								first place, he found the shrines full of offerings both of silver
								and of gold, and left them empty of all these treasures. Again, who
								could be more manifestly a traitor than Euphron, who was the closest
								of friends to the Lacedaemonians and then chose you in their stead,
								and after he had given you pledges and received pledges from you,
								betrayed you again and handed over the port to your adversaries?
								Once again, was he not beyond question a tyrant, when he made slaves
								not only free men but even citizens, and
								put to death and banished and robbed of property, not the people who
								were guilty of wrong-doing, but those whom it suited him to treat
								thus? And these were the better classes.

Then after he had returned again to the city in company with your
								bitter adversaries, the Athenians, he set himself in arms against
								your governor; but since he found himself unable to expel him from
								the Acropolis, he got together money and came hither. Now if he had
								been shown to have gathered armed forces with which to attack you,
								you would even feel grateful to me for slaying him; but when he
								provided himself with money instead, and came with the purpose of
								corrupting you by means of this money and persuading you to make him
								lord of the city again, how can I justly be put to death by you for
								inflicting upon the man his due punishment? For whereas those who
								are constrained by arms suffer damage, yet they are not thereby
								shown to be wicked at any rate; but those who are corrupted by money
								in violation of the right not only suffer damage, but at the same
								time incur shame.

To be sure, if he had been an enemy of mine but a friend of
									yours, I admit myself that it would not have been seemly for me
									to slay this man in your city; but wherein was he, who was a
									traitor to you, more of an enemy to me than to you? But, by Zeus, someone might
								say, he came of his
										own free will. So, then, if anyone had slain him while
									he was keeping away from your city, he would have obtained
									praise; but as it is, when he came again to do you more wrong in
									addition to what he had done before, does one say that he has
									not been slain justly? Where can such a one show that a
										truce exists between
									Greeks and traitors, or double-deserters, or tyrants?

Besides all this, remember also that you voted, and properly, that
								exiles should be subject to extradition from all the cities of the
								alliance. But as for an exile who returns without a general
								resolution of the allies, can anyone explain why it is unjust for
								such a one to be put to death? I maintain, gentlemen, that if you
								put me to death, you will have avenged a man who was the worst of
								all your enemies, but if you decide that I have done what was right,
								you will be found to have taken vengeance both for your own selves
								and for all the allies.

The Thebans, after hearing these
								words, decided that Euphron had met his deserts; his own citizens,
								however, esteeming him a good man, brought him home, buried him in
								their market-place, and pay him pious honours as the founder of
								their city. So true it is, as it seems, that most people define as
								good men their own benefactors.

The story of Euphron has been told,
								and I return to the point from which I digressed to this subject. While,
								namely, the Phliasians were still fortifying Thyamia and Chares was
								still with them, Oropus was seized by those who had been exiled
								therefrom. When, however, the Athenians had set out in full force
								against the city and had summoned Chares from Thyamia, the port of
								the Sicyonians in its turn was recaptured by the citizens of Sicyon
								themselves and the Arcadians; as for the Athenians, none of their allies came to their
								assistance, and they retired and left Oropus in the possession of
								the Thebans pending a judicial decision.

And now Lycomedes, upon learning that
								the Athenians were finding fault with their allies because, while
								they were themselves suffering many troubles on their account, none
								gave them any assistance in return, persuaded the Ten Thousand to negotiate for
								an alliance with the Athenians. At first, indeed, some of the
								Athenians took it ill that, when they were friends of the
								Lacedaemonians, they should become allies of their adversaries; but
								when upon consideration they found that it was no less advantageous
								to the Lacedaemonians than to themselves that the Arcadians should
								not require the support of the Thebans, under these circumstances
								they accepted the alliance with the Arcadians.

While Lycomedes was engaged in these negotiations, upon his departure
								from Athens he met his death by what was quite manifestly a divine
								interposition. For there were very many ships available and he
								selected from them the one he wanted and made an agreement with the
								sailors to land him wherever he should himself direct; and he chose
								to land at the very spot where the Arcadian exiles chanced to be.
								He, then, met his death in this way, but the alliance was really
								accomplished.

Meantime Demotion said in the Assembly
								of the Athenians that while it seemed to him a good thing to be
								negotiating this friendship with the Arcadians, they ought, he said,
								to give instructions to their generals to see to it that Corinth
								also should be kept safe for the Athenian people; and on hearing
									of this the Corinthians
								speedily sent adequate garrisons of their own to every place where
								Athenians were on guard and told the latter to depart, saying that
								they no longer had any need of garrisons. The men accordingly
								obeyed. And as soon as the Athenians had come together from their
								guard-stations to the city of Corinth, the Corinthians made
								proclamation that if any of the Athenians had been wronged, they
								were to register their names, in the assurance that they would
								receive their just dues.

While these matters were in this state, Chares arrived at Cenchreae
								with a fleet. And when he learned what had been done, he said that
								he had heard there was plotting against the state and had come to
								give aid. The Corinthians, however, while they thanked him, were
								none the more disposed to admit his ships into their harbour, but
								bade him sail away; and they likewise sent away the hoplites after
								rendering them their just dues. It was in this way, then, that the
								Athenians departed from Corinth.

On the other hand, they were bound by the terms of their alliance to
								send their cavalry to the aid of the Arcadians in case anyone took
								the field against Arcadia; but they did not set foot upon Laconia
								for the purpose of war. And now the
								Corinthians, in the thought that it would be difficult for them to
								come off safe, since even before this time they had been
								overmastered by land and now the Athenians had been added to the
								number of those who were unfriendly to them, resolved to collect
								mercenaries, both infantry and cavalry. Once in command of these
								troops, they not only guarded their city but likewise inflicted much
								harm upon their enemies near home; but to Thebes they sent
								messengers to ask whether they could
								obtain peace if they came for it.

And when the Thebans bade them come, saying that peace would be
								granted, the Corinthians requested that they should allow them to go
								to their allies also, to the end that they might conclude the peace
								in company with those who desired peace, and leave those who
								preferred war to continue war. The Thebans having permitted them to
								do this likewise, the Corinthians went to Lacedaemon and said:

Men of Lacedaemon, we have come to you as your friends, and we ask
								that in case you see any safety for us if we persist in the war, you
								make it known to us; but in case you judge our situation to be
								hopeless, that you join with us in concluding peace if it is to your
								advantage also; for there is no one in the world along with whom we
								should more gladly gain safety than with you; if, however, you
								consider that it is to your advantage to continue the war, we beg
								you to allow us to conclude peace. For if we are saved, we might
								perhaps make ourselves useful to you again at some future time;
								whereas if we are now destroyed, it is plain that we shall never be
								of service in the future.

Upon hearing these words the
								Lacedaemonians not only advised the Corinthians to conclude the
								peace, but gave permission to such of their other allies as
								preferred not to continue the war in company with them, to cease; as
								for themselves, however, they said that they would fight on and
								accept whatever fortune it pleased the deity to send, and that they
								would never submit to be deprived of what they had received from
								their fathers — Messene.

So the Corinthians, upon hearing these words, proceeded to Thebes to
								make the peace. The Thebans, however, wanted them to bind themselves to an alliance
								as well; but they replied that an alliance was not peace but an
								exchange of war, and they said that they had come to conclude a real
								peace, if the Thebans so pleased. And the Thebans, seized with
								admiration for them because, even though they were in peril, they
								refused to be involved in war with their benefactors, granted peace
								to them, to the Phliasians, and to those who had come with them to
								Thebes, with the condition that each party should keep its own
								territory. And on these terms the oaths were taken.

Then the Phliasians, inasmuch as the compact had been concluded on
								this basis, at once withdrew from Thyamia; but the Argives, who had
								sworn to make peace on these same terms, when they found themselves
								unable to bring it about that the Phliasian exiles should remain at
								Tricaranum on the ground that they would be within their own state,
								took over the place and kept it garrisoned, claiming now that this
								territory, which a little while before they had been laying waste as
								though it were an enemy’s, was theirs; and although the Phliasians
								proposed a judicial decision, they refused to grant the requust.

At about this time, the first
								Dionysius being now dead, his son sent to the aid of the
								Lacedaemonians twelve triremes and Timocrates as their commander.
								And upon his arrival he helped them to capture Sellasia; and after
								accomplishing this deed he sailed back home. Not long after this the Eleans seized Lasion, which in ancient times had been theirs,
								but at present belonged to the Arcadian League.

The Arcadians, however, did not let the matter pass, but at once
								called out their troops and went to the rescue. And on the side of the Eleans the Three
								Hundred and likewise the Four Hundred came
								out to meet them. Now after the Eleans had lain encamped on a
								somewhat level spot opposite the enemy throughout the day, the
								Arcadians climbed up by night to the summit of the mountain which
								was above the Eleans; and at daybreak they proceeded to descend upon
								the Eleans. Then the latter, seeing that the Arcadians were not only
								approaching from higher ground but were also many times their
								number, were yet ashamed to retreat while still at a distance, but
								advanced to meet the enemy, and took to flight only after letting
								them come to close quarters; and they lost many men and many arms,
								since they retreated over difficult ground.

When the Arcadians had accomplished
								these things, they proceeded against the cities of the Acrorians.
								And having captured them, with the exception of Thraustus, they
								arrived at Olympia, and after building a stockade around the hill of
								Cronus, kept guard there and were masters of the Olympian mountain;
								they likewise gained possession of Margana, which was betrayed to
								them by some of its citizens. When matters had progressed to this
								point, the Eleans fell back into complete despondency, while the
								Arcadians proceeded against their capital. And they advanced as far
								as the marketplace; there, however, the horsemen and the rest of the
								Eleans made a stand, and they drove the Arcadians out, killed some
								of them, and set up a trophy.

Now there had been dissension in Elis even before this time. For the
								party of Charopus, Thrasonidas, and Argeius were trying to convert
								the state into a democracy, and the party
								of Eualcas, Hippias, and Stratolas into an oligarchy. But when the
								Arcadians with a large force seemed to be allies of those who wished
								to have a democracy, thereupon the party of Charopus were bolder,
								and after making arrangements with the Arcadians to aid them, seized
								the Acropolis.

The horsemen, however, and the Three Hundred made no delay, but at
								once marched up and ejected them, so that about four hundred of the
								citizens, with Argeius and Charopus, were banished. Not long afterwards these exiles enlisted
								the aid of some of the Arcadians and seized Pylus. And many of the
								democrats withdrew from the capital and joined them, inasmuch as
								they were in possession of a good stronghold and had a large force —
								that of the Arcadians — to support them. Afterwards the Arcadians
								invaded the territory of the Eleans again, being persuaded by the
								exiles that the city would come over to them.

But on that occasion the Achaeans, who had become friends of the
								Eleans, defended their city successfully, so that the Arcadians
								retired without accomplishing anything more than the laying waste of
								the land of the Eleans. At the moment, however, when they were
								departing from the Elean territory, they learned that the Pelleneans
								were in Elis, and after making an exceedingly long march by night
								seized their town of Olurus; for by this time the Pelleneans had
								come back again to their alliance with the Lacedaemonians.

Now when the Pelleneans learned the news in regard to Olurus, they in
								their turn made a roundabout march and as
								best they could got into their own city, Pellene. And after this
								they carried on war not only with the Arcadians at Olurus, but also
								with the entire body of the democrats of their own state, although
								they were themselves very few in number; but nevertheless they did
								not cease until they had captured Olurus by siege.

The Arcadians on their side made yet
								another expedition into Elis. And while they were encamped between
								Cyllene and the capital, the Eleans made an attack upon them, but
								the Arcadians stood their ground and defeated them. Then
								Andromachus, the Elean commander of horse, the man who was thought
								to be responsible for having joined battle, killed himself; but the
								rest retired to the city. Among those who perished in this battle
								was also Socleides the Spartiate, who had meanwhile arrived; for by
								this time the Lacedaemonians were allies of the Eleans.

And now the Eleans, being hard pressed in their own land, sent
								ambassadors and asked the Lacedaemonians also to take the field
								against the Arcadians, believing that the Arcadians would be most
								likely to give up the struggle in this event, that is, if they were
								beset by war from both sides. As a result of this request Archidamus
								took the field with the citizen troops and seized Cromnus. And after
								leaving in the town as a garrison three of the twelve
									battalions, he then
								returned homewards.

But the Arcadians, gathered together as they were in consequence of
								their expedition into Elis, came to the rescue and surrounded
								Cromnus with a double stockade, and, being thus in a safe position,
								besieged the people in Cromnus. Then the
								city of Lacedaemon, distressed at the besieging of its citizens,
								sent out an army. And on this occasion also Archidamus was in
								command. When he had come, he laid waste as much as he could both of
								Arcadia and of Sciritis, and did everything in order, if possible,
								to draw off the besiegers. The Arcadians, however, were not any more
								disposed to stir than before, but disregarded all these doings.

Then Archidamus, espying a hill over which the Arcadians had carried
								their outer stockade, came to the conclusion that he could capture
								it, and that if he became master of this hill, the besiegers at its
								foot would not be able to hold their position. Now while he was
								leading the way to this place by a roundabout route, as soon as the
								peltasts who were running on ahead of Archidamus caught sight of the
									Epariti outside the
								stockade, they attacked them, and the cavalry endeavoured to join in
								the attack. The enemy, however, did not give way, but forming
								themselves into a compact body, remained quiet. Then the
								Lacedaemonians attacked again. The enemy did not give way even then,
								but on the contrary proceeded to advance, and by this time there was
								a deal of shouting; Archidamus himself thereupon came to the rescue,
								turning off along the wagon road which runs to Cromnus and leading
								his men in double file, just as he chanced to have them formed.

Now as soon as the two forces had come near to one another, the
								troops of Archidamus in column, since they were marching along a
								road, and the Arcadians massed together in close order, at this
								juncture the Lacedaemonians were no longer able to hold out against the
								superior weight of the Arcadians, but Archidamus speedily received a
								wound straight through his thigh and speedily those who fought in
								front of him kept falling, among them Polyaenidas and Chilon, who
								was married to the sister of Archidamus; and the whole number of
								them who fell at that time was not less than thirty.

But when the Lacedaemonians as they retired along the road came out
								into open ground, they immediately formed themselves in line of
								battle against the enemy. The Arcadians on their side stood in close
								order, just as they were, and while inferior in numbers, they were
								in better spirits by far, since they had attacked a foe who
								retreated and had killed men. The Lacedaemonians, on the other hand,
								were exceedingly despondent, for they saw that Archidamus was
								wounded and they had heard the names of the dead, who were not only
								brave men but well nigh their most distinguished.

But when, the Arcadians being now close at hand, one of the older men
								shouted out and said: Why, sirs, should we fight, and not rather
								make a truce and become reconciled? both sides heard him gladly and
								made a truce. Accordingly the Lacedaemonians took up their dead and
								departed, while the Arcadians returned to the place where they had
								originally begun to advance, and there set up a trophy.

While the Arcadians were occupied
								about Cromnus, the Eleans in the capital proceeded in the first
								place against Pylus, 
								and fell in with the Pylians after the latter had been driven out of
								Thalamae. And when the horsemen of the Eleans, as they rode along,
								caught sight of the Pylians, they did not delay, but attacked at once, and they killed
								some of them, while others fled for refuge to a hill; but as soon as
								the infantry came up they dislodged those upon the hill also, and
								killed some of them on the spot and took captive others, nearly two
								hundred in number. Thereupon they sold all among the prisoners who
								were foreigners and put to the sword all who were Elean exiles.
								After this the Eleans not only captured the Pylians, along with
								their stronghold, inasmuch as no one came to their aid, but also
								recovered Margana.

As for the Lacedaemonians, they afterwards went against Cromnus again
								by night, made themselves masters of the stockade which was opposite
								the Argives, and immediately proceeded to call forth the
								Lacedaemonians who were besieged there. Now all who chanced to be
								nearest at hand and seized the opportunity promptly, came forth; but
								such as were forestalled by a large body of the Arcadians which came
								to the rescue, were shut off inside the stockade, captured, and
								distributed. And the Argives received one portion, the Thebans one,
								the Arcadians one, and the Messenians one. And the whole number who
								were captured of the Spartiatae and the Perioeci came to more than
								one hundred.

When the Arcadians were no longer
								occupied with Cromnus, they occupied
								themselves again with the Eleans, and they not only kept Olympia
								more strongly garrisoned, but also, since an Olympic year was coming
								on, prepared to celebrate the Olympic games in company with the
								Pisatans, who say that they were the first to have charge of the
								sanctuary. But when the month came in which the Olympic games take
								place and the days on which the festal assembly gathers, at this time the Eleans,
								after making their preparations openly and summoning the Achaeans to
								their aid, proceeded to march along the road leading to Olympia.

Now the Arcadians had never imagined that the Eleans would come
								against them, and were themselves directing the festal meeting in
								company with the Pisatans. They had already finished the horse-race,
								and the events of the pentathlon held in
								the race-course. And the competitors who had reached the
									wrestling were no longer in the race-course,
								but were wrestling in the space between the race-course and the
									altar. For the Eleans, under arms, had by
								this time reached the sacred precinct. Then the Arcadians, without
								advancing to meet them, formed in line of battle on the river
								Cladaus, which flows past the Altis and empties into the Alpheus. They had allies also
								to support them, about two thousand hoplites of the Argives and
								about four hundred horsemen of the Athenians.

And the Eleans formed in line on the opposite side of the river, and,
								after offering sacrifice, immediately advanced. And although in
								former time they had been despised in matters of war by the
								Arcadians and Argives, and despised by the Achaeans and Athenians,
								nevertheless on that day they led their allies forward, as men who
								were unexcelled in valour, and they not only routed the Arcadians at
								once — for it was these whom they encountered first — but withstood the attack of the
								Argives when they came to the rescue, and won the victory over them
								also.

When, however, they had pursued the enemy to the space between the
								senate house and the temple of Hestia and the theatre which adjoins
								these buildings, although they fought no less stoutly and kept
								pushing the enemy towards the altar, still, since they were pelted
								from the roofs of the porticoes, the senate house, and the great
									temple, and
								were themselves fighting on the ground-level, some of the Eleans
								were killed, among them Stratolas himself, the leader of the Three
								Hundred. When this happened, they retired to their own camp.

But the Arcadians and those with them were so fearful for the coming
								day that they did not so much as go to rest during the night, being
								engaged in cutting down the carefully constructed booths and building a
								stockade. As for the Eleans, when they returned on the next day and
								saw that the stockade was a strong one and that many men had climbed
								up on the temples, they withdrew to their city, having shown
								themselves such men in point of valour as a god no doubt could
								produce by his inspiration even in a day, but human creatures could
								not make even in a long time out of those who were not valiant.

Now while the leaders of the Arcadians
									were using the sacred
									treasures, and therefrom maintaining the Epariti, the
								Mantineans were the first to pass a vote not to make use of the
								sacred treasures. For themselves, they collected in their city the
								amount which fell to their share towards the payment of the Epariti and sent it off to the
								leaders. The leaders, however, said that they were doing harm to the
								Arcadian League, and summoned their rulers before the Ten Thousand;
								and when they refused to heed the summons, they passed sentence upon
								them and sent the Epariti to bring those who had been thus
								condemned. Then the Mantineans shut their gates and would not admit
								the Epariti within their walls.

As a result of this some others likewise were soon saying in the
								meeting of the Ten Thousand that they ought not to use the sacred
								treasures, or to leave to their children for all time such an
								offence in the eyes of the gods. When, accordingly, a vote had been
								passed in the Arcadian assembly not to make use of the sacred
								treasures any longer, those who could not belong to the Epariti
								without pay speedily began to melt away, while those who could,
								spurred on one another and began to enroll themselves in the
								Epariti, in order that they might not be in the power of that body,
								but rather that it might be in their power. Then such of the
								Arcadian leaders as had handled the sacred treasures, realizing
								that, if they had to render an account, they would be in danger of
								being put to death, sent to Thebes and explained to the Thebans that
								if they did not take the field, the Arcadians would be likely to go
								over to the Lacedaemonians again.

The Thebans accordingly prepared to take the field; but those who
								sought the best interests of Peloponnesus persuaded the general
								assembly of the Arcadians to send ambassadors and tell the Thebans
								not to come under arms to Arcadia unless they sent them a summons.
								And while they said this to the Thebans, at the same time they reasoned that they had no desire for war.
								For they held that they had no desire for the presidency of the
								shrine of Zeus, but that they would be acting more justly as well as
								more righteously if they gave it back, and that in this way, as they
								supposed, they would please the god better. Now since the Eleans
								also were desirous of this course, both parties resolved to make
								peace; and a truce was concluded.

After the oaths had been taken and,
								besides all the rest, the Tegeans had sworn and the Theban governor
								himself, who chanced to be in Tegea with three hundred hoplites of
								the Boeotians, then, while the bulk of the Arcadians, still
								remaining there in Tegea, feasted and made merry, poured libations
								and sang paeans over the conclusion of peace, the Theban and such of
								the Arcadian leaders as were fearful about their accounts, after
								closing the gates in the wall of Tegea with the help of the
								Boeotians and their partisans among the Epariti, sent to the
								feasters and proceeded to seize the aristocrats. But inasmuch as the
								Arcadians of all the cities were present and all of them were
								desirous of having peace, those who were seized were necessarily
								many, so that their prison was speedily full, and the city hall
								likewise.

Since, however, there were many who had been imprisoned, and many who
								had leaped down outside the wall, and some also who had been let out
								through the gates (for no one, unless he expected to be put to
									death, felt
								resentment against anyone else), it was a cause of the greatest
								embarrassment to the Theban governor and those who were acting with
								him in this matter that of the Mantineans, whom they most wanted to
								capture, they had but a very few; for
								because their city was near by, almost all of them had gone
								home.

Now when day came and the Mantineans
								learned what had been done, they straightway sent to the other
								Arcadian cities and gave them word to hold themselves under arms and
								to guard the passes. The Mantineans likewise followed this course
								themselves, and at the same time, sending to Tegea, demanded back
								all the men of Mantinea whom they were holding there; and they said
								that they demanded in the case of the other Arcadians also that no
								one of them should be kept in prison or put to death without a
								trial. And if anyone had any charges to bring against these men,
								they gave assurances that the city of Mantinea pledged itself in
								very truth to produce before the general assembly of the Arcadians
								all whom anyone might summon to trial.

The Theban accordingly, on hearing this, was at a loss to know how he
								should deal with the matter, and released all the men. Then on the
								following day he called together as many of the Arcadians as chose
								to gather and said in his defence that he had been deceived. For he
								had heard, he said, that the Lacedaemonians were on the borders
								under arms and that some of the Arcadians were going to betray Tegea
								to them. Upon hearing this they acquitted him, although they knew
								that he was speaking falsely about them, but they sent ambassadors
								to Thebes and brought charges against him, saying that he ought to
								be put to death.

It was said, however, that Epaminondas (for he chanced to be general
								at that time) urged that he had acted far more rightly when he
								seized the men than when he released them. For, he said to the
									ambassadors, it was on your account
								that we entered upon war, and you concluded peace without our
								approval; should we not, therefore, be justified in charging you
								with treason for this act? But be well assured, said he, that we
								shall make an expedition to Arcadia and shall wage war in company
								with those who hold to our side.

When these things were reported back
								to the general assembly of the
								Arcadians and to the several cities, the Mantineans and such of the
								other Arcadians as were concerned for Peloponnesus inferred
								therefrom, as did likewise the Eleans and the Achaeans, that the
								Thebans manifestly wanted Peloponnesus to be as weak as possible so
								that they might as easily as possible reduce it to slavery.

For why in the world, they said, do they wish us to make war
								unless it is in order that we may do harm to one another and
								consequently may both feel the need of them? Or why, when we say
								that we do not at present need them, are they preparing to march
								forth? Is it not clear that it is for the purpose of working some
								harm upon us that they are preparing to take the field?

And they sent to Athens also, bidding the Athenians come to their
								aid, while ambassadors from the Epariti proceeded to Lacedaemon as
								well, to invite the help of the Lacedaemonians in case they wanted
								to join in checking any who might come to enslave Peloponnesus. As
								for the matter of the leadership, they arranged at once that each
								people should hold it while within its own territory.

While these things were being done,
								Epaminondas was on his outward march at the head of all the
								Boeotians, the Euboeans, and many of the Thessalians, who came both from Alexander and from
								his opponents. The Phocians, however, declined to join the
								expedition, saying that their agreement was to lend aid in case
								anyone went against Thebes, but that to take the field against
								others was not in the agreement.

Epaminondas reflected, however, that his people had supporters in
								Peloponnesus also — the Argives, the Messenians, and such of the
								Arcadians as held to their side. These were the Tegeans, the
								Megalopolitans, the Aseans, the Pallantians, and whatever cities
								were constrained to adopt this course for the reason that they were
								small and surrounded by these others.

Epaminondas accordingly pushed forth with speed; but when he arrived
								at Nemea he delayed there, hoping to catch the Athenians as they
								passed by, and estimating that this would be a great achievement,
								not only in the view of his people’s allies, so as to encourage
								them, but also in that of their opponents, so that they would fall
								into despondency — in a word, that every loss the Athenians suffered
								was a gain for the Thebans.

And during this delay on his part all those who held the same
									views were gathering together at Mantinea. But when
								Epaminondas heard that the Athenians had given up the plan of
								proceeding by land and were preparing to go by sea, with the
								intention of marching through Lacedaemon to the aid of the
								Arcadians, under these circumstances he set forth from Nemea and
								arrived at Tegea.

Now I for my part could not say that his campaign proved fortunate;
								yet of all possible deeds of forethought and daring the man seems to
								me to have left not one undone. For, in
								the first place, I commend his pitching his camp within the wall of
								Tegea, where he was in greater safety than if he had been encamped
								outside, and where whatever was being done was more entirely
								concealed from the enemy. Furthermore, it was easier for him, being
								in the city, to provide himself with whatever he needed. Since the
								enemy, on the other hand, was encamped outside, it was possible to
								see whether they were doing things rightly or were making mistakes.
								Again, while he believed that he was stronger than his adversaries,
								he could never be induced to attack them when he saw that they held
								the advantage in position.

However, when he perceived that no city was coming over to him and
								that time was passing on, he decided that some action must be taken;
								otherwise, in place of his former fame, he must expect deep
								disgrace. When he became aware, therefore, that his adversaries had
								taken up a strong position in the neighbourhood of Mantinea and were
								sending after Agesilaus and all the Lacedaemonians, and learned,
								further, that Agesilaus had marched forth and was already at
								Pellene, he gave orders to his men to get their dinner and led his
								army straight upon Sparta.

And had not a Cretan by a kind of providential chance come and
								reported to Agesilaus that the army was advancing, he would have
								captured the city, like a nest entirely empty of its defenders. But
								when Agesilaus, having received word of this in time, had got back
								to the city ahead of the enemy, the Spartiatae posted themselves at
								various points and kept guard, although they were extremely few. For
								all their horsemen were away in Arcadia and likewise the mercenary
								force and three of the battalions, which numbered
								twelve.

Now when Epaminondas had arrived
								within the city of the
								Spartiatae, he did not attempt to enter at the point where his
								troops would be likely to have to fight on the ground-level and be
								pelted from the house-tops, nor where they would fight with no
								advantage over the few, although they were many; but after gaining
								the precise position from which he believed that he would enjoy an
								advantage, he undertook to descend (instead of ascending) into the
								city.

As for what happened thereupon, one may either hold the deity
								responsible, or one may say that nobody could withstand desperate
								men. For when Archidamus led the advance with not so much as a
								hundred men and, after crossing the very thing which seemed
								to present an obstacle, marched uphill against the adversary, at
								that moment the fire-breathers, the men who had defeated the
								Lacedaemonians, the men who were altogether superior in numbers and
								were occupying higher ground besides, did not withstand the attack
								of the troops under Archidamus, but gave way.

And those in the van of Epaminondas’ army were slain, but when the
								troops from within the city, exulting in their victory, pursued
								farther than was fitting, they in their turn were slain; for, as it
								seems, the line had been drawn by the deity indicating how far
								victory had been granted them. Archidamus accordingly set up a
								trophy at the spot where he had won the victory, and gave back under
								a truce those of the enemy who had fallen there.

Epaminondas, on the other hand, reflecting that the Arcadians would be coming to
								Lacedaemon to bring aid, had no desire to fight against them and
								against all the Lacedaemonians after they had come together, especially since they
								had met with success and his men with disaster; so he marched back
								as rapidly as he could to Tegea, and allowed his hoplites to rest
								there, but sent his horsemen on to Mantinea, begging them to endure
								this additional effort and explaining to them that probably all the
								cattle of the Mantineans were outside the city and likewise all the
								people, particularly as it was harvest time.

They then set forth; but the Athenian
								horsemen, setting out from Eleusis, had taken dinner at the Isthmus
								and, after having passed through Cleonae also, chanced to be
								approaching Mantinea or to be already quartered within the wall in
								the houses. And when the enemy were seen riding toward the city, the
								Mantineans begged the Athenian horsemen to help them, if in any way
								they could; for outside the wall were all their cattle and the
								labourers, and likewise many children and older men of the free
								citizens. When the Athenians heard this they sallied forth to the
								rescue, although they were still without breakfast, they and their
								horses as well.

Here, again, who would not admire the valour of these men also? For
								although they saw that the enemy were far more numerous, and
								although a misfortune had befallen the horsemen at Corinth, they
								took no account of this, nor of the fact that they were about to
								fight with the Thebans and the Thessalians, who were thought to be
								the best of horsemen, but rather, being ashamed to be at hand and
								yet render no service to their allies, just as soon as they saw
									the enemy they crashed upon
								them, eagerly desiring to win back their ancestral repute.

And by engaging in the battle they did indeed prove the means of
								saving for the Mantineans everything that was outside the wall, but
								there fell brave men among them; and those also whom they slew were
								manifestly of a like sort; for neither side had any weapon so short
								that they did not reach one another therewith. And the Athenians did
								not abandon their own dead, and they gave back some of the enemy’s
								under a truce.

As for Epaminondas, on the other hand,
								when he considered that within a few days it would be necessary for
								him to depart, because the time fixed for the campaign had expired,
								and that if he should leave behind him unprotected the people to
								whom he had come as an ally, they would be besieged by their
								adversaries, while he himself would have completely tarnished his
								own reputation, — for with a large force of hoplites he had been
								defeated at Lacedaemon by a few, and defeated likewise in a cavalry
								battle at Mantinea, and through his expedition to Peloponnesus had
								made himself the cause of the union of the Lacedaemonians, the
								Arcadians, the Achaeans, the Eleans, and the Athenians, — he thought
								for these reasons that it was not possible for him to pass by the
								enemy without a battle, since he reasoned that if he were
								victorious, he would make up for all these things, while if he were
								slain, he deemed that such an end would be honourable for one who
								was striving to leave to his fatherland dominion over
								Peloponnesus.

Now the fact that Epaminondas himself entertained such thoughts, seems to me to be in no wise remarkable,
								— for such thoughts are natural to ambitious men; but that he had
								brought his army to such a point that the troops flinched from no
								toil, whether by night or by day, and shrank from no peril, and
								although the provisions they had were scanty, were nevertheless
								willing to be obedient, this seems to me to be more remarkable.

For at the time when he gave them the last order to make ready,
								saying that there would be a battle, the horsemen eagerly whitened
								their helmets at his command, the hoplites of the Arcadians painted
									clubs upon their shields, as though they were Thebans,
								and all alike sharpened their spears and daggers and burnished their
								shields.

But when he had led them forth, thus made ready, it is worth while
								again to note what he did. In the first place, as was natural, he
								formed them in line of battle. And by doing this he seemed to make
								it clear that he was preparing for an engagement; but when his army
								had been drawn up as he wished it to be, he did not advance by the
								shortest route towards the enemy, but led the way towards the
								mountains which lie to the westward and over against Tegea, so that
								he gave the enemy the impression that he would not join battle on
								that day.

For as soon as he had arrived at the mountain, and when his battle
								line had been extended to its full length, he grounded arms at the
								foot of the heights, so that he seemed like one who was encamping.
								And by so doing he caused among most of the enemy a relaxation of
								their mental readiness for fighting, and likewise a relaxation of
								their readiness as regards their array for battle. It was not until
								he had moved along successive
								companies to the wing where he was stationed, and had wheeled them
								into line thus strengthening the mass formation of this wing, that he gave the order to take up arms and led the
								advance; and his troops followed. Now as soon as the enemy saw them
								unexpectedly approaching, no one among them was able to keep quiet,
								but some began running to their posts, others forming into line,
								others bridling horses, and others putting on breast-plates, while
								all were like men who were about to suffer, rather than to inflict,
								harm.

Meanwhile Epaminondas led forward his army prow on, like a trireme,
								believing that if he could strike and cut through anywhere, he would
								destroy the entire army of his adversaries. For he was preparing to
								make the contest with the strongest part of his force, and the
								weakest part he had stationed far back, knowing that if defeated it
								would cause discouragement to the troops who were with him and give
								courage to the enemy. Again, while the enemy had formed their
								horsemen like a phalanx of hoplites, — six deep and without
								intermingled foot soldiers, —

Epaminondas on the other hand had made a strong column of his
								cavalry, also, and had mingled foot soldiers among them, believing
								that when he cut through the enemy’s cavalry, he would have defeated
								the entire opposing army; for it is very hard to find men who will
								stand firm when they see any of their own side in flight. And in
								order to prevent the Athenians on the left wing from coming to
									the aid of those who were
								posted next to them, he stationed both horsemen and hoplites upon
								some hills over against them, desiring to create in them the fear
								that if they proceeded to give aid, these troops would fall upon
								them from behind. Thus, then, he made
								his attack, and he was not disappointed of his hope; for by gaining
								the mastery at the point where he struck, he caused the entire army
								of his adversaries to flee.

When, however, he had himself fallen, those who were left proved
								unable to take full advantage thereafter even of the victory; but
								although the opposing phalanx had fled before them, their hoplites
								did not kill a single man or advance beyond the spot where the
								collision had taken place; and although the cavalry also had fled
								before them, their cavalry in like manner did not pursue and kill
								either horsemen or hoplites, but slipped back timorously, like
								beaten men, through the lines of the flying enemy. Furthermore,
								while the intermingled footmen and the peltasts, who had shared in
								the victory of the cavalry, did make their way like victors to the
								region of the enemy’s left wing, most of them were there slain by
								the Athenians.

When these things had taken place, the
								opposite of what all men believed would happen was brought to pass.
								For since well-nigh all the people of Greece had come together and
								formed themselves in opposing lines, there was no one who did not
								suppose that if a battle were fought, those who proved victorious
								would be the rulers and those who were defeated would be their
								subjects; but the deity so ordered it that both parties set up a
								trophy as though victorious and neither tried to hinder those who
									set them up, that both gave
								back the dead under a truce as though victorious, and both received
								back their dead under a truce as though defeated, and that while
								each party claimed to be victorious,

neither was found to be any better off, as regards either additional
								territory, or city, or sway, than before the battle took place; but
								there was even more confusion and disorder in Greece after the
								battle than before. Thus far be it
								written by me; the events after these will perhaps be the concern of
								another.