ATHENAEUS is the author of this book; and in it he is discoursing with Timocrates:
 and the name of the book is the Deipnosophists. In this work Laurentius is
 introduced, a Roman, a man of distinguished fortune, giving a banquet in his own
 house to men of the highest eminence for every kind of learning and
 accomplishment; and there is no sort of gentlemanly knowledge which he does not
 mention in the conversation which he attributes to them; for he has put down in
 his book, fish, and their uses, and the meaning of their names; and he has
 described divers kinds of vegetables, and animals of all sorts. He has introduced
 also men who have written histories, and poets, and, in short, clever men of all
 sorts; and he discusses musical instruments, and quotes ten thousand jokes: he
 talks of the different kinds of drinking cups, and of the riches of kings, and the
 size of ships, and numbers of other things which I cannot easily enumerate, and
 the day would fail me if I endeavoured to go through them separately. 
 And the arrangement of the conversation is an imitation of a sumptuous banquet;
 and the plan of the book follows the arrangement of the conversation. This, then,
 is the delicious feast of words which this admirable master of the feast, Athenæus, has prepared for us; and gradually sur- passing
 himself, like the orator at Athens, as he warms with his subject, he bounds on
 towards the end of the book in noble strides.

And the Deipnosophists who were present at this banquet were, Masyrius, an expounder of the law, and one who had been no superficial
 student of every sort of learning; Magnus . . . .
 [Myrtilus] a poet, a man who in other branches of learning was inferior to no one,
 and who had devoted himself in no careless manner to the whole circle of arts and
 learning; for in everything which he discussed, he appeared as if that was the
 sole thing which he had studied; so great and so various was his learning from his
 childhood. And he was an iambic poet, inferior to no one who has ever lived since
 the time of Archilochus. There were present also Plutarchus,
 and Leonidas of Elis, and Aemilianus the
 Mauritanian, and Zöilus, all the most admirable of
 grammarians. 
 And of philosophers there were present Pontianus and Democritus, both of Nicomedia; men superior to all their
 contemporaries in the extent and variety of their learning; and Philadelphus of Ptolemais, a man who had not only been bred up from his
 infancy in philosophical speculation, but who was also a man of the highest
 reputation in every part of his life. Of the Cynics, there was one whom he calls
 Cynulcus, who had not only two white dogs following
 him, as they did Telemachus when he went to the assembly, but a more numerous pack
 than even Actæon had. And of rhetoricians there was a whole troop, in no respect
 inferior to the Cynics. And these last, as well, indeed, as every one else who
 ever opened his mouth, were run down by Uppianus the
 Tyrian, who, on account of the everlasting questions which he keeps putting every
 hour in the streets, and walks, and booksellers' shops, and baths, has got a name
 by which he is better known than by his real one, Ceitouceitus. This man had a rule of his own, to eat nothing without
 saying κεῖται ; ἢ οὐ
 κεῖται ; In this way, Can we say of the word ὥρα that it κεῖται, 
 or is applicable to any part of the day? And is the word μέθυσος, or drunk, applicable to a man? Can the word μήτρα, or paunch, be applied to any eatable food? Is
 the name σύαγρος a compound word applicable to
 a boar? —And of physicians there were present Daphnus 
 the Ephesian, a man holy both in his art and by his manners, a
 man of no slight insight into the principles of the Academic school; and Galenus of Pergamos, who has published such numbers of
 philosophical and medical works as to surpass all those who preceded him, and who
 is inferior to none of the guests in the eloquence of his descriptions. And Rufinus of Mylæa.—And of musicians, Alcides of Alexandria, was present. So that the whole party was so
 numerous that the catalogue looks rather like a muster-roll of soldiers, than the
 list of a dinner party.

And Athenæus dramatises his dialogue in imitation of the manner of Plato. And thus
 he begins:— 
 TIMOCRATES. ATHENAEUS. 
 
 Tim. Were you, Athenæus, yourself present at that
 delightful party of the men whom they now call Deipnosophists; which has been so
 much talked of all over the city; or is it only from having heard an account of it
 from others that you spoke of it to your companions? 
 
 Ath. I was there myself, Timocrates. 
 
 Tim. I wish, then, that you would communicate to us also
 some of that agreeable conversation which you had over your cups; 
 Make your hand perfect by a third attempt, 
 as the bard of Cyrene says somewhere or other; or must we ask some one else?

Then after a little while he proceeds to the praises of Laurentius, and says that
 he, being a man of a munificent spirit, and one who collected numbers of learned
 men about him, feasted them not only with other things, but also with
 conversation, at one time proposing questions deserving of investigation, and at
 another asking for information himself; not suggesting subjects without
 examination, or in any random manner, but as far as was possible with a critical
 and Socratic discernment; so that every one marvelled at the systematic character
 of his questions. And he says, too, that he was appointed superintendant of the
 temples and sacrifices by that best of all sovereigns Marcus; and that he was no
 less conversant with the literature of the Greeks than with that of his own countrymen. And he calls him a sort of Asteropæus, equally
 acquainted with both languages. And he says that he was well versed in all the
 religious ceremonies instituted by Romulus, who gave his name to the city, and by
 Numa Pompilius; and that he is learned in all the laws of politics; and that he
 has arrived at all this learning solely from the study of ancient decrees and
 resolutions; and from the collection of the laws which (as Eupolis, the comic
 writer, says of the poems of Pindar) are already reduced to silence by the
 disinclination of the multitude for elegant learning. He had also, says he, such a
 library of ancient Greek books, as to exceed in that respect all those who are
 remarkable for such collections; such as Polycrates of Samos, and Pisistratus who
 was tyrant of Athens, and Euclides who was himself also an Athenian, and
 Nicorrates the Samian, and even the kings of Pergamos, and Euripides the poet, and
 Aristotle the philosopher, and Nelius his librarian; from whom they say that our
 countryman Ptolemæus, surnamed Philadelphus, bought them all, and transported them
 with all those which he had collected at Athens and at Rhodes to his own beautiful
 Alexandria. So that a man may fairly quote the verses of Antiphanes and apply them
 to him:— 
 You court the heav'nly muse with ceaseless zeal, 
 And seek to open all the varied stores 
 Of high philosophy. 
 And as the Theban lyric poet says:— 
 Nor less renown'd his hand essays 
 To wake the muse's choicest lays, 
 Such as the social feast around 
 Full oft our tuneful band inspire. 
 And when inviting people to his feasts, he causes Rome to be looked upon
 as the common country of all of them. For who can regret what he has left in his
 own country, while dwelling with a man who thus opens his house to all his
 friends. For as Apollodorus the comic poet says:— 
 Whene'er you cross the threshhold of a friend, 
 How welcome you may be needs no long time 
 To feel assured of; blithe the porter looks, 
 
 The house-dog wags his tail, and rubs his nose 
 Against your legs; and servants hasten quick, 
 Unbidden all, since their lord's secret wish 
 Is known full well, to place an easy chair 
 To rest your weary limbs.

It would be a good thing if other rich men were like him; since when a man acts in
 a different manner, people are apt to say to him, Why are you so mean You
 tents are full of wine. 
 
 Call the elders to the feast, 
 Such a course befits you best. 
 Such as this was the magnanimity of the great Alexander. And Conon, after
 he had conquered the Lacedæmonians in the sea-fight off Cnidus, and fortified the
 Piræus, sacrificed a real hecatomb, which deserved the name, and feasted all the
 Athenians. And Alcibiades, who conquered in the chariot race at the Olympic games,
 getting the first, and second, and fourth prizes, (for which victories Euripides
 wrote a triumphal ode,) having sacrificed to Olympian Jupiter, feasted the whole
 assembly. And Leophron did the same at the Olympic games, Simonides of Ceos
 writing a triumphal ode for him. And Empedocles of Agrigentum, having gained the
 victory in the horse race at the Olympic games, as he was himself a Pythagorean,
 and as such one who abstained from meat, made an image of an ox of myrrh, and
 frankincense, and the most expensive spices, and distributed it among all who came
 to that festival. And Ion of Chios, having gained the tragic crown at Athens, gave
 a pot of Chian wine to every Athenian citizen. For Antiphanes says:— 
 For why should any man wealth desire,' 
 And seek to pile his treasures higher, 
 If it were not to aid his friends in their need, 
 And to gain for himself love's and gratitude's meed? 
 For all can drink and all can eat, 
 And it is not only the richest meat, 
 Or the oldest wine in the well-chased bowl 
 Which can banish hunger and thirst from the soul. 
 And Xenophanes of Chalcedon, and Speusippus the Academic philosopher, and
 Aristotle, have all written drinking sons. 
 And in the same manner Gellias of Agrigentum, being a very hospitable man, and
 very attentive to all his guests, gave a tunic and cloak to every one of five
 hundred horsemen who once came to him from Gela in the winter season.

The sophist uses the word Dinnerchaser, on which Clearchus says that Charmus the
 Syracusan adopted some little versicles and proverbs very neatly to whatever was
 put on the table. As on seeing a fish, he says:— 
 I come from the salt depths of Aegeus' sea. 
 And when he saw some ceryces he said— 
 Hail holy heralds ( κήρυκες ), messengers of
 Jove. 
 And on seeing tripe, 
 Crooked ways, and nothing sound. 
 When a well-stuffed cuttlefish is served up, 
 Good morrow, fool. 
 When he saw some pickled char, 
 O charming sight; hence with the vulgar crowd. 
 And on beholding a skinned eel, 
 
 Beauty when unadorn'd, adorn'd the most. 
 
 Many such men then as these, he says, were present at Laurentius's supper;
 bringing books out of their bags, as their contribution to the picnic. And he says
 also that Charmus, having something ready for everything that was served up, as
 has been already said, appeared to the Massenians to be a most accomplished man;
 as also did Calliphanes, who was called the son of Parabrycon, who having copied
 out the beginnings of many poems and other writings, recollected three or four
 stanzas of each, aiming at a reputation for extensive learning, And many other men
 had in their mouths turbots caught in the Sicilian sea, and swimming eels, and the
 trail of the tunny-fish of Pachynum, and kids from Melos, and mullets from
 Symæthus. And, of dishes of less repute, there were cockles from Pelorum,
 anchovies from Lipara, turnips from Mantinea, rape from Thebes, and beetroot from
 the Ascræans. And Cleanthes the Tarentine, as Clearchus says, said everything
 while the drinking lasted, in metres. And so did Pamphilus the Sicilian, in this
 way:— 
 Give me a cup of sack, that partridge leg, 
 Likewise a pot, or else at least a cheesecake. 
 Being, says he, men with fair means, and not forced to earn their dinner
 with their hands,— 
 Bringing baskets full of votes.

Archestratus the Syracusan or Geloan, in his work to which Chrysippus gives the
 title of Gastronomy, but Lynceus and Callimachus of Hedypathy, that is Pleasure,
 and which Clearchus calls Deipnology, and others Cookery, (but it is an epic poem,
 beginning, 
 Here to all Greece I open wisdom's store;) 
 says, 
 A numerous party may sit round a table, 
 But not more than three, four, or five on one sofa; 
 For else it would be a disorderly Babel, 
 Like the hireling piratical band of a rover. 
 But he does not know that at the feast recorded by Plato there were eight
 and twenty guests present. 
 How keenly they watch for a feast in the town, 
 And, asked or not, they are sure to go down; 
 says Antiphanes; and he adds— 
 Such are the men the state at public cost 
 Should gladly feed; 
 and always 
 Treat them like flies at the Olympic games 
 And hang them up an ox to feast upon.

Winter produces this, that summer bears; 
 says the bard of Syracuse. So that it is not easy to put all sorts of things on the
 table at one time; but it is easy to talk of all kinds of subjects at any time.
 Other men have written descriptions of feasts; and Tinachidas of Rhodes has done
 so in an epic poem of eleven books or more; and Numenius the Heraclean, the pupil
 of Dieuchas the physician; and Metreas of Pitane, the man who wrote parodies; and
 Hegemon of Thasos, surnamed Phacè, whom some men reckon among the writers of the
 Old Comedy. And Artemidorus, the false Aristophanes, collected a number of sayings
 relating to cookery. And Plato, the comic writer, mentions in his Phaon the
 banquet of Philoxenus the Leucadian. 
 
 
 A. But I have sought this tranquil solitude, 
 To ponder deeply on this wondrous book. 
 
 B. I pray you, what's the nature of its treasures 
 
 A. 
 Sauce for the million, by Philoxenus. 
 
 B. Oh, let me taste this wisdom. A. Listen then; 
 
 I start with onions, and with tunnies end." 
 
 
 B. With tunnies? Surely, then, he keeps the best 
 And choicest of his dishes for the last. 
 
 A. Listen. In ashes first your onions roast 
 Till they are brown as toast, 
 Then with sauce and gravy cover; 
 Eat them, you'll be strong all over. 
 So much for earth; now list to me, 
 While I speak of the sons of the sea. 
 
 And presently he says:— 
 
 A good large flat dish is not bad, 
 But a pan is better when 'tis to be had. 
 
 And presently again:— 
 
 Never cut up a sardine 
 Or mackarel of silv'ry sheen, 
 Lest the gods should scorn a sinner— 
 Such as you, and spoil your dinner; 
 But dress them whole and serve them up, 
 And so you shall most richly sup. 
 Good sized polypus in season 
 Should be boil'd,—to roast them's treason; 
 But if early and not big, 
 Roast them; boil'd ain't worth a fig. 
 Mullets, though the taste is good, 
 Are by far too weakening food; 
 And the ills it brings to master 
 You will need a scorpion plaster.

And it is from this Philoxenus that the Philoxenean cheesecakes are named; and
 Chrysippus says of him, "I know an epicure, who carried his disregard of his
 neighbours to such an extent, that he would at the bath openly put in his hand to
 accustom it to the warm water, and who would rinse out his mouth with warm water,
 in order to be less affected by heat. And they said that he used to gain over the
 cooks to set very hot dishes before him, so that he might have them all to
 himself, as no one else could keep up with him. And they tell the same story about
 Philoxenus of Cythera, and about Archytas, and many more, one of whom is
 represented by Cromylus, the comic writer, as saying: 
 I've fingers Idæan to take
 up hot meat, 
 And a throat to devour it too; 
 Curries and devils are my sweetest treat, 
 Not more like a man than a flue. 
 
 But Clearchus says that Philoxenus would, after he had bathed,
 both when in his own country and in other cities, go round to men's houses, with
 his slaves following him, carrying oil, and wine, and pickle juice, and vinegar,
 and other condiments; and that so, going into other persons' houses he would
 season what was dressed for them, putting in whatever was requisite; and then,
 when he had finished his labours, he would join the banquet. He, having sailed to
 Ephesus, finding the market empty, asked the reason; and learning that everything
 had been bought up for a wedding feast, bathed, and without any invitation went to
 the bridegroom's house, and then after the banquet he sang a wedding song, which
 began— 
 O Marriage, greatest of the gods, 
 in such a manner as to delight every one, for he was a dithyrambic poet.
 And the bridegroom said, Philoxenus, are you going to dine here
 to-morrow? 
 Certainly, said he, if no one sells any meat in the
 market.

But Theophilus says:—"We should not act like Philoxenus, the son of Eryxis; for
 he, blaming, as it seems, the niggardliness of nature, wished to have the neck of
 a crane for the purposes of enjoyment. But it would be better still to wish to be
 altogether a horse, or an ox, or a camel, or an elephant; for in the case of those
 animals the desires and pleasures are greater and more vehement; for they limit
 their enjoyments only by their power. And Clearchus says that Melanthius did pray
 in this way, saying, Melanthius seems to have been wiser than Tithonus; for
 this last, having desired immortality, is hung up in a basket; being deprived
 of every sort of pleasure by old age. But Melanthius, being devoted to
 pleasure, prayed to have the neck of an ostrich, in order to dwell as long as
 possible on sweet things. 
 
 The same Clearchus says that Pithyllus, who was called Tenthes, not only had a
 covering to his tongue made o skin, but that he also wrapped up his tongue for the
 sake of luxury, and then that he rubbed it clean again with the skin of a fish.
 And he is the first of the epicures who is said to have eaten his meat with
 fingerstalls on, in order to convey it to his mouth as warm as possible. And
 others call Philoxenus Philicthus; but Aristotle
 simply calls him Philodeipnus, 
 writing in this way:— Those who make harangues to the
 multitude, spend the whole day in looking at jugglers and mountebanks, and men
 who arrive from the Phasis or the Borysthenes; having never read a book in
 their lives except The Banquet of Philoxenus, and not all of that.

But Phanias says that Philoxenus of Cythera, a poet, being exceedingly fond of
 eating, once when he was supping with Dionysius, and saw a large mullet put before
 him and a small one before himself, took his up in his hands and put it to his
 ear; and, when Dionysius asked him why he did so, Philoxenus said that he was
 writing Galatea, and so he wished to ask the fish some of the news in the kingdom
 of Nereus; and that the fish which he was asking said that he knew nothing about
 it, as he had been caught young; but that the one which was set before Dionysius
 was older, and was well acquainted with everything which he wished to know. On
 which Dionysius laughed, and sent him the mullet which had been set before
 himself. And Dionysius was very fond of drinking with Philoxenus, but when he
 detected him in trying to seduce Galatea, whom he himself was in love with, he
 threw him into the stone quarries; and while there he wrote the Cyclops,
 constructing the fable with reference to what had happened to himself;
 representing Dionysius as the Cyclops, and the flute-player as Galatea, and
 himself as Ulysses.

About the time of Tiberius there lived a man named Apicius; very rich and
 luxurious; from whom several kinds of cheesecakes are called Apician. He spent
 myriads of drachms on his belly, living chiefly at Minturnæ, a city of Campania,
 eating very expensive crawfish, which are found in that place superior in size to
 those of Smyrna, or even to the crabs of Alexandria. Hearing too that they were
 very large in Africa, he sailed thither, without waiting a single day, and
 suffered exceedingly on his voyage. But when he came near the place, before he
 disembarked from the ship, (for his arrival made a great noise among the
 Africans,) the fishermen came alongside in their boats and brought him some very
 fine crawfish; and he, when he saw them, asked if they had any finer; and when
 they said that there were none finer than those which they brought, he,
 recollecting those at Minturnæ, ordered the master of the ship to sail back the
 same way into Italy, without going near the land. But Aristoxenus, the philosopher of Cyrene, a real devotee of the philosophy of
 his country, (from whom, hams cured in particular way are called Aristoxeni,) out
 of his prodigious luxury used to syringe the lettuces which grew in his garden
 with mead in the evening, and then, when he picked them in the morning, he would
 say that he was eating green cheesecakes, which were sent up to him by the
 Earth.

When the emperor Trajan was in Parthia, at a distance of many days' journey from
 the sea, Apicius sent him fresh oysters, which he had kept so by a clever
 contrivance of his own; real oysters, not like the sham anchovies which the cook
 of Nicomedes, king of the Bithynians, made in imitation of the real fish, and set
 before the king, when he expressed a wish for anchovies, (and he too at the time
 was a long way from the sea.) And in Euphron, the comic writer a cook says:—
 
 
 A. I am a pupil of Soterides, 
 Who, when his king was distant from the sea 
 Full twelve days' journey, and in winter's depth, 
 Fed him with rich anchovies to his wish, 
 And made the guests to marvel. 
 
 B. How was that? 
 
 A. He took a female turnip, shred it fine 
 Into the figure of the delicate fish; 
 Then did he pour on oil and savoury salt 
 With careful hand in due proportion. 
 On that he strew'd twelve grains of poppy seed, 
 Food which the Scythians love; then boil'd it all. 
 And when the turnip touch'd the royal lips, 
 Thus spake the king to the admiring guests: 
 "A cook is quite as useful as a poet, 
 And quite as wise, and these anchovies show it."

Archilochus, the Parian poet, says of Pericles, that he would often come to a
 banquet without being invited, after the fashion of the Myconians. But it seems to
 me that the Myconians are calumniated as sordid and covetous because of their
 poverty, and because they live in a barren island. At all events Cratinus calls
 Ischomachus of Myconos sordid. 
 
 A. But how can you be generous, if the son 
 Of old Ischomachus of Myconos? 
 
 B. I, a good man, may banquet with the good, 
 For friends should have all their delights in common. 
 Archilochus says:— 
 You come and drink full cups of Chian wine, 
 And yet give no return for them, nor wait 
 
 To be invited, as a friend would do. 
 Your belly is your god, and thus misleads 
 Your better sense to acts of shamelessness. 
 And Eũbulus, the comic writer, says somewhere:— 
 We have invited two unequaled men, 
 Philocrates and eke Philocrates. 
 For that one man I always count as two, 
 I don't know that I might not e'en say three. 
 They say that once when he was ask'd to dinner, 
 To come when first the dial gave a shade 
 Of twenty feet, he with the lark uprose, 
 Measuring the shadow of the morning sun, 
 Which gave a shade of twenty feet and two. 
 Off to his host he went, and pardon begg'd 
 For having been detain'd by business; 
 A man who came at daybreak to his dinner! 
 Amphis, the comic writer, says:— 
 A man who comes late to a feast, 
 At which he has nothing to pay, 
 Will be sure if in battle he's press'd, 
 To run like a coward away. 
 And Chrysippus says:— 
 Never shun a banquet gay, 
 Where the cost on others falls; 
 Let them, if they like it, pay 
 For your breakfasts, dinners, balls. 
 And Antiphanes says:— 
 More blest than all the gods is he, 
 Whom every one is glad to see, 
 Who from all care and cost is free. 
 And again:— 
 Happy am I, who never have cause 
 To be anxious for meat to put in my jaws. 
 I prepared all these quotations beforehand, and so came to the dinner,
 having studied beforehand in order to be able to pay my host a rent, as it were,
 for my entertainment. 
 
 For bards make offerings which give no smoke. 
 
 The ancients had a word, μονοφαγεῖν, applied to
 those who eat alone. And so Antiphanes says:— 
 
 But if you sulk, μονοφαγῶν, 
 
 Why must I, too, eat alone? 
 
 And Ameipsias says:— 
 
 And if she's a μονοφάγος, plague take her, 
 I'd guard against her as a base housebreaker.

Dioscorides, with respect to the laws praised in Homer, says, "The poet, seeing
 that temperance was the most desirable virtue for young men, and also the first of
 all virtues, and one which was becoming to every one; and that which, as it were,
 was the guide to all other virtues, wishing to implant it from the very beginning
 in every one, in order that men might devote their leisure to and expend their
 energies on honourable pursuits, and might become inclined to do good to, and to
 share their good things with others; appointed a simple and independent mode of
 life to every one; considering that those desires and pleasures which had
 reference to eating and drinking were those of the greater power, and of the
 highest estimation, and moreover innate in all men; and that those men who
 continued orderly and temperate in respect of them, would also be temperate and
 well regulated in other matters. Accordingly, he laid down a simple mode of life
 for every one, and enjoined the same system indifferently to kings and private
 individuals, and young men and old, saying— 
 The tables in fair order spread, 
 They heap the glittering canisters with bread, 
 Viands of simple kinds allure the taste, 
 Of wholesome sort, a plentiful repast. 
 
 Their meat being all roasted, and chiefly beef; and he never sets before
 his heroes anything except such dishes as these, either at a sacred festival, or
 at a marriage feast, or at any other sort of convivial meeting. And this, too,
 though he often represents Agamemnon as feasting the chiefs. And Menelaus makes a
 feast on the occasion of the marriage of his daughter Hermione; and again on the
 occasion of the marriage of his son; and also when Telemachus comes to him— 
 The table groan'd beneath a chine of beef, 
 With which the hungry heroes quell'd their grief. 
 
 For Homer never puts rissoles, or forcemeat, or cheeseakes, or omelettes
 before his princes, but meat such as was calculated to make them vigorous in body
 and mind. And so too Agamemnon feasted Ajax after his single combat with Hector,
 on a rumpsteak; and in the same way he gives Nestor, who was now of advanced age,
 and Phœnix too, a roast sirloin of beef. And Homer describes
 Alcinous, who was a man of a very luxurious way of life, as having the same
 dinner; wishing by these descriptions to turn us away from intemperate indulgence
 of our appetites. And when Nestor, who was also a king and had many subjects,
 sacrificed to Neptune on the sea-shore, on behalf of his own dearest and most
 valued friends, it was beef that he offered him. For that is the holiest and most
 acceptable sacrifice to the gods, which is offered to them by religious and
 well-disposed men. And Alcinous, when feasting the luxurious Phæacians, and when
 entertaining Ulysses, and displaying to him all the arrangements of his house and
 garden, and showing him the general tenor of his life, gives him just the same
 dinner. And in the same way the poet represents the suitors, though the most
 insolent of men and wholly devoted to luxury, neither eating fish, nor game, nor
 cheesecakes; but embracing as far as he could all culinary artifices, and all the
 most stimulating food, as Menander calls it, and especially such as are called
 amatory dishes, (as Chrysippus says in his Treatise on Honour and Pleasure,) the
 preparation of which is something laborious.

Priam also, as the poet represents him, reproaches his sons for looking for
 unusual delicacies; and calls them 
 The wholesale murderers of lambs and kids. 
 
 Philochorus, too, relates that a prohibition was issued at Athens against
 any one tasting lamb which had not been shorn, on an occasion when the breed of
 sheep appeared to be failing. And Homer, though he speaks of the Hellespont as
 abounding in fish, and though he represents the Phæacians as especially addicted
 to navigation, and though he knew of many harbours in Ithaca, and many islands
 close to it, in which there were large flocks of fishes and of wild birds; and
 though he enumerates among the riches of the deep the fact of its producing fish,
 still never once represents either fish or game as being put on the table to eat.
 And in the same way he never represents fruit as set before any one, although
 there was abundance of it; and although he is fond of speaking of it, and although
 he speaks of it as being supplied without end. For he says, Pears upon
 pears, and so on. Moreover, he does not represent his heroes as
 crowned, or anointed, or using perfumes; but he portrays even
 his kings as scorning all such things, and devoting themselves to the maintenance
 of freedom and independence. 
 In the same way he allots to the gods a very simple way of life, and plain food,
 namely, nectar and ambrsia; and he represents men as paying them honour with the
 materials of their feasts; making no mention of frankincens, or myrrh, or
 garlands, or luxury of this sort. And he does not describe them as indulging in
 even this plain food to an immoderate extent; but like the most skilful physicians
 he abhors satiety. 
 But when their thirst and hunger were appeased; 
 
 then, having satisfied their desires, they went forth to athletic
 exercises; amusing themselves with quoits and throwing of javelins, practising in
 their sport such arts as were capable of useful application. And they listened to
 harp players who celebrated the exploits of bygone heroes with poetry and
 song.

So that it is not at all wonderful that men who lived in such a way as they did
 were healthy and vigorous both in mind and body. And he, pointing out how
 wholesome and useful a thing moderation is, and how it contributes to the general
 good, has represented Nestor, the wisest of the Greeks, as bringing wine to
 Machaon the physician when wounded in the right shoulder, though wine is not at
 all good for inflammations; and that, too, was Pramnian wine, which we know to be
 very strong and nutritious. And he brings it to him too, not as a relief from
 thirst, but to drink of abundantly; (at all events, when he has drank a good
 draught of it, he recommends him to repeat it.) 
 Sit now, and drink your fill, 
 says he; and then he cuts a slice of goat-milk cheese, and then an onion,
 
 A shoeing-horn for further draughts of wine; 
 
 though in other places he does say that wine relaxes and enervates the
 strength. And in the case of Hector, Hecuba, thinking that then he will remain in
 the city all the rest of the day, invites him to drink and to pour libations,
 encouraging him to abandon himself to pleasure. But he, as he is going out to
 action, puts off the drinking. And she indeed, praises wine without ceasing; but
 he, when he comes in out of breath, will not have any. And she
 urges him to pour a libation and then to drink, but he, as he is all covered with
 blood, thinks it impiety. 
 Homer knew also the use and advantages of wine, when he said that if a man drank
 it in too large draughts it did harm. And he was acquainted, too, with many
 different ways of mixing it. For else Achilles would not have bade his attendants
 to mix it for him with more wine than usual, if there had not been some settled
 proportion in which it was usually mixed. But perhaps he was not aware that wine
 was very digestible without any admixture of solid food, which is a thing known to
 the physicians by their art; and, therefore, in the case of people with heartburn
 they mix something to eat with the wine, in order to retain its power. But Homer
 gives Machaon meal and cheese with his wine; and represents Ulysses as connecting
 the advantages to be derived from food and wine with one another when he says—
 
 Strengthen'd with wine and meat, a man goes forth: 
 
 and to the reveller gives sweet drink, saying— 
 
 There, too, were casks of old and luscious wine.

Homer, too, represents the virgins and women washing the strangers, knowing that
 men who have been brought up in right principles will not give way to undue warmth
 or violence; and accordingly the women are treated with proper respect. And this
 was a custom of the ancients; and so too the daughters of Cocalus wash Minos on
 his arrival in Sicily, as if it was a usual thing to do. On the other hand, the
 poet, wishing to disparage drunkenness, represents the Cyclops, great as he was,
 destroyed through inebriety by a man of small stature, and also Eurytian the
 Centaur. And he relates how the men at Circe's court were transformed into lions
 and wolves, from a too eager pursuit of pleasure. But Ulysses was saved from
 following the advice of Mercury, by means of which he comes off unhurt. But he
 makes Elpenor, a man given to drinking and luxury, fall down a precipice. And
 Antinous, though he says to Ulysses— 
 Luscious wine will be your bane, 
 
 could not himself abstain from drinking, owing to which he was wounded
 and slain while still having hold of the goblet. He represents
 the Greeks also as drinking hard when sailing away from Troy, and on that account
 quarrelling with one another, and in consequence perishing. And he relates that
 Aeneas, the most eminent of the Trojans for wisdom , was led away by the manner in
 which he had talked, and bragged, and made promises to the Trojans, while engaged
 in drinking, so as to encounter the mighty Achilles, and was nearly killed. And
 Agamemnon says somewhere about drunkennes— 
 Disastrous folly led me thus astray, 
 Or wine's excess, or madness sent from Jove: 
 placing madness and drunkenness in the same boat. And Dioscorides, too,
 the pupil of Isocrates, quoted these verses with the same object, saying, "And
 Achilles, when reproaching Agamemnon, addresses him— 
 
 Tyrant, with sense and courage quell'd by wine." 
 
 This was the way in which the sophist of Thessalia argued, from whence came the
 term, a Sicilian proverb, and Athenæus is, perhaps, playing on the proverb.

As to the meals the heroes took in Homer, there was first of all breakfast, which
 he calls ἄριστον, which he mentions once in the
 Odyssey, 
 Ulysses and the swineherd, noble man, 
 First lit the fire, and breakfast then began. 
 
 And once in the Iliad, 
 Then quickly they prepared to break their fast. 
 
 But this was the morning meal, which we call ἀκρατισμὸς, because we soak crusts of bread in pure wine ( ἄκρατος ), and eat them, as Antiphanes says— 
 While the cook the ἄριστον prepares. 
 And afterwards he says— 
 Then when you have done your business, 
 Come and share my ἀκρατισμός. 
 
 And Cantharus says— 
 
 A. Shall we, then, take our ἀκρατισμὸς there? 
 
 B. No; at the Isthmus all the slaves prepare 
 The sweet ἄριστον, — 
 using the two words as synonymous. Aristomenes says— 
 I'll stop awhile to breakfast, then I'll come, 
 When I a slice or two of bread have eaten, 
 But Philemon says that the ancients took the following meals— ἀκράτισμα, ἄριστον, ἑσπέρισμα, or the
 afternoon meal, and δεῖπνον, , supper; calling the
 ἀκρατισμὸς breakfast, and ἄριστον 
 luncheon, and
 δεῖπνον the meal which came after luncheon. And
 the same order of names occur in Aeschylus, where Palamedes is introduced, saying—
 
 The different officers I then appointed, 
 And bade them recollect the soldiers' meals, 
 In number three, first breakfast, and then dinner, 
 Supper the third. 
 And of the fourth meal Homer speaks thus— 
 
 And come thou δειελιήσας. 
 
 
 
 That which some call δειλινὸν is between what we
 call ἄριστον and δεῖπνον ; and ἄριστον in Homer, that
 which is taken in the morning, δεῖπνον is what is
 taken at noon, which we call ἄριστον, and δόρπον is the name for the evening meal. Sometimes,
 then, ἄριστον is synonymous with δε͂ιπνον ; for somewhere or other Homer says— 
 
 δε͂ιπνον they took, then arm'd them for the
 fray. 
 For making their δεῖπνον immediately
 after sunrise, they then advance to battle.

In Homer they eat sitting down; but some think that a separate table was set
 before each of the feasters. At all events, they say a polished table was set
 before Mentes when he came to Telemachus, arriving after tables were already laid
 for the feast. However, this is not very clearly proved, for Minerva may have
 taken her food at Telemachus's table. But all along the banqueting-room full
 tables were laid out, as is even now the custom among many nations of the
 barbarians, 
 Laden with all dainty dishes, 
 as Anacreon says. And then when the guests have departed, the
 handmaidens 
 
 Bore off the feast, and clear'd the lofty hall, 
 Removed the goblets and the tables all. 
 
 
 The feast which he mentions as taking place in the palace of Menelaus is of a
 peculiar character; for there he represents the guests as conversing during the
 banquet and then they wash their hands and return to the board, ad proceed to
 supper after having indulged their grief. But the line in the last book of the
 Iliad, which is usually read, 
 He eat and drank, while still the table stood, 
 should be read, 
 He eat and drank still, while the table stood, 
 or else there would be blame implied for what Achilles was doing at the
 moment; for how could it be decent that a table should be laid before Achilles, as
 before a party of revellers, down the whole length of a banqueting-room? Bread,
 then, was placed on the table in baskets, and the rest of the meal consisted
 wholly of roast meat. But Homer never speaks of broth, Antiphanes says, 
 He never boil'd the legs or haunches, 
 But roasted brains and roasted paunches, 
 As did his sires of old.

And portions of the meat were then distributed among the guests; from which
 circumstances he speaks of equal feasts, because of their equal
 division. And he calls suppers δαῖτας, from the
 word δατέομαι, to divide, since not only was the
 meat distributed in that way, but the wine also. 
 Their hunger was appeased, 
 And strength recruited by the equal feast. 
 
 And again, 
 Come, then, Achilles, share this equal feast. 
 
 From these passages Zenodotus got the idea that δαῖτα 
 ἐΐσην meant a good feast; for as food is a
 necessary good to men, he says that he, by extension of the meaning of the word,
 called it ἐΐσην. But men in the early times, as
 they had not food in sufficient abundance, the moment any appeared, rushed on it
 all at once, and tore it to pieces with violence, and even took it away from
 others who had it; and this disorderly behaviour gave rise to bloodshed. A d it is
 from this that very probably the word ἀτασθαλία 
 originated, because it was in θάλιαι, another name
 for banquets, tat men first offended against one another. But when, by the bounty
 of Ceres, food became abundant, then they distributed an
 equal portion to each individual, and so banquets became orderly entertainments.
 Then came the invention of wine and of sweetmeats, which were also distributed
 equally: and cups, too, were given to men to drink out of, and these cups all held
 the same quantity. And as food was called δαὶς, 
 from δαίεσθαι, that is, from being divided, so he
 who roasted the meat was called δαιτρὸς, because
 it was he who gave each guest an equal portion. We must remark that the poet uses
 the word δαὶς only of what is eaten by men, and
 never applies it to beasts; so that it was out of ignorance of the force of this
 word that Zenodotus, in his edition writes:— 
 
 αὐτοὺς δὲ ἑλώρια τεῦχε κύνεσσιν 
 
 
 οἰωνοῖσί τε δαῖτα, 
 
 
 calling the food of the vultures and other birds by this name, though it
 is man alone who has come to an equal division after his previous violence, on
 which account it is his food alone that is called δαὶς, and the portion given to him is called μοῖρα. But the feasters mentioned in Homer did not carry home the
 fragments, but when they were satisfied they left them with the givers of the
 feast; and the housekeeper took them in order, if any stranger arrived, to have
 something to give him.

Now Homer represents the men of his time as eating fish and birds: at all events,
 in Sicily the companions of Ulysses catch 
 All fish and birds, and all that come to hand 
 With barbed hooks. 
 
 But as the hooks were not forged in Sicily, but were brought by them in
 their vessel; it is plain that they were fond of and skilful in catching fish. And
 again, the poet compares the companions of Ulysses, who were seized by Sylla, to
 fish caught with a long rod and thrown out of doors; and he speaks more accurately
 concerning this act than those who have written poems or treatises professedly on
 the subject. I refer to Cæcilius of Argos, and Numenius of Heraclea, and Pancrates
 the Arcadian, and Posidonius the Corinthian, and Oppianus the Cilician, who lived
 a short time ago; for we know of all those men as writers of
 heroic poems about fishing. And of prose essayists on the subject we have Seleucus
 of Tarsus, and Leonidas of Byzantium, and Agathocles of Atracia. But he never
 expressly mentions such food at his banquets, just as he also forbears to speak f
 the meat of young animals, as such food was hardly considered suitable to the
 dignity of heroes of reputation. However, they did eat not only fish, but oysters;
 though this sort of food is neither very wholesome nor very nice, but the oysters
 lie at the bottom of the sea, and one cannot get at them by any other means,
 except by diving to the bottom. 
 An active man is he, and dives with ease; 
 
 as he says of a man who could have collected enough to satisfy many men,
 while hunting for oysters.

Before each one of the guests in Homer is placed a separate cup. Demodocus has a
 basket and a table and a cup placed before him, 
 To drink whene'er his soul desired. 
 
 Again the goblets are crowned with drink; that is
 to say, they are filled so that the liquor stands above the brim, and the cups
 have a sort of crown of wine on them. Now the cupbearers filled them so for the
 sake of the omen; and then they pour out 
 
 πᾶσιν, ἐπαρξάμενοι δεπάεσσιν, 
 
 
 the word πᾶσιν referring not to the cups
 but to the men. Accordingly Alcinous says to Pontonous, 
 Let all around the due libation pay 
 To Jove, who guides the wanderer on his way; 
 
 and then he goes on, 
 All drink the juice that glads the heart of man. 
 And due honour is paid at those banquets to all the most eminent men.
 Accordingly, Tydides is honoured with great quantities of meat and wine; and Ajax
 receives the compliment of a whole chine of beef. And the kings are treated in the
 same way:— 
 A rump of beef they set before the king: 
 
 
 that is, before Menelaus. And in like manner he honours
 Idomeneus and Agamemnon 
 With ever brimming cups of rosy wine. 
 
 And Sarpedon, among the Lycians, receives the same respect, and has the
 highest seat, and the most meat. 
 They had also a way of saluting in drinking one another's health; and so even the
 gods, 
 In golden goblets pledged each other's health; 
 that is, they took one another by the right hand while drinking. And so
 some one δείδεκτʼ ʼαχιλλέα, which is the same as
 if he had said ἐδεξιοῦτο, that is, took him by the
 right hand. He drank to him, proffering him the goblet in his right hand. They
 also gave some of their own portion to those to whom they wished to show
 attention; as, Ulysses having cut off a piece of chine of beef which was set
 before himself, sent it to Demodocus.

They also availed themselves at their banquets of the services of minstrels and
 dancers; as the suitors did, and in the palace of Menelaus 
 A band amid the joyous circle sings 
 High airs at tempered to the vocal strings; 
 While, warbling to the varied strain, advance 
 Two sprightly youths to form the bounding dance. 
 
 And though Homer uses μολπὴ, 
 warbling, here, he is really speaking only of the exercise
 of the dance. But the race of bards in those days was modest and orderly,
 cultivating a disposition like that of philosophers. And accordingly Agamemnon
 leaves his bard as a guardian and counsellor to Clytæmnestra: who, first of all,
 going through all the virtues of women, endeavoured to inspire her with an
 ambition of excelling in virtuous and ladylike habits; and, after that, by
 supplying her with agreeable occupation, sought to prevent her inclinations from
 going astray after evil thoughts: so that Aegisthus could not seduce the woman
 till he had murdered the bard on a desert island. And the same is the character of
 that bard who sings under compulsion before the suitors; who bitterly reproached
 them for laying plots against Penelope. We find too that using one general term, Homer calls all bards objects of veneration among men.
 
 Therefore the holy Muse their honour guards 
 In every land, and loves the race of bards. 
 
 And Demodocus the bard of the Phœacians sins of the intrigue between Mars
 and Venus; not because he approves of such behaviour, but for the purpose of
 dissuading his hearers from the indulgence of such passions, knowing that they
 have been brought up in a luxurious way, and therefore relating to them tales not
 inconsistent with their own manners, for the purpose of pointing out to them the
 evil of then, and persuading them to avoid such conduct. And Phemius sings to the
 suitors, in compliance with their desire, the tale of the return of the Greeks
 from Troy; and the sirens sing to Ulysses what they think will be most agreeable
 to him, saying what they think most akin to his own ambition and extensive
 learning. We know, say they, 
 Whate'er beneath the sun's bright journey lies, 
 Oh stay and learn new wisdom from the wise.

The dances spoken of in Homer are partly those of tumblers and partly those of
 ball-players; the invention of which last kind Agallis, the Corcyrean authoress,
 who wrote on grammar, attributes to Nausicaa, paying a compliment to her own
 countrywoman; but Dicæarchus attributes it to the Sicyonians. But Hippasus gives
 the credit of both this and gymnastic exercises to the Lacedæmonians. However,
 Nausicaa is the only one of his heroines whom Homer introduces playing at ball.
 Demoteles, the brother of Theognis the Chiansophist, was eminent for his skill in
 this game; and a man of the name of Chærephanes, who once kept following a
 debauched young man, and did not speak to him, but prevented him from misbehaving.
 And when he said, Chærephanes, you may make your own terms with me, if you
 will only desist from following me; 
 Do you think, said he, that I want to speak to you? 
 If you do not, said he, why do you follow me 
 I like to look at you, he replied, but I do not approve of
 your conduct. 
 
 The thing called φούλλικλον, , which appears to
 have been a kind of small ball, was invented by Atticus the Neapolitan, the tutor
 in gymnastics of the great Pompey. And n the game of ball the
 variation called ἁρπαστὸν used to be called
 φαινίνδα, and I think that the best of all the
 games of ball.

There is a great deal of exertion and labour in a game of ball, and it causes
 great straining of the neck and shoulders. Antiphanes says, 
 Wretch that I am, my neck's so stiff; 
 and again Antiphanes describes the φαινίνδα thus:— 
 The player takes the ball elate, 
 And gives it safely to his mate, 
 Avoids the blows of th' other side, 
 And shouts to see them hitting wide; 
 List to the cries, Hit here, 
 hit there, ' 
 
 Too far, 
 too high, 
 that is not fair, — 
 See every man with ardour burns 
 To make good strokes and quick returns. 
 And it was called φαινίνδα from the rapid
 motion of those who played, or else because its inventor, as Juba the Mauritanian
 says, was Phænestius, a master of gymnastics. And Antiphanes, 
 To play Phæninda at Ph$anestius' school. 
 And those who played paid great attention to elegance of motion and
 attitude; and accordingly Demoxenus says:— 
 A youth I saw was playing ball, 
 Seventeen years of age and tall; 
 From Cos he came, and well I wot 
 The Gods look kindly on that spot. 
 For when he took the ball or threw it, 
 So pleased were all of us to view it, 
 We all cried out; so great his grace, 
 Such frank good humour in his face, 
 That every time he spoke or moved, 
 All felt as if that youth they loved. 
 Sure ne'er before had these eyes seen, 
 Nor ever since, so fair a mien; 
 Had I staid long most sad my plight 
 Had been to lose my wits outright, 
 And even now the recollection 
 Disturbs my senses' calm reflection. 
 
 
 Ctesibius also of Chalcis, a philosopher, was no bad player. And there were many
 of the friends of Antigonus the king who used to take their coats off and play
 ball with him. Timocrates, too, the Lacedæmonian, wrote a book on playing
 ball.

But the Phæacians in Homer had a dance also uncon- nected with
 ball playing; and they danced very cleverly, alternating in figures with one
 another. That is what is meant by the expression, 
 In frequent interchanges, 
 while others stood by and made a clapping noise with their fore-fingers,
 which is called ληκεῖν. The poet was acquainted
 also with the art of dancing so as to keep time with singing. And while Demodocus
 was singing, youths just entering on manhood were dancing; and in the book which
 is called the Manufacture of the Arms, a boy played the harp, 
 Danced round and sung in soft well measured tune. 
 And in these passages the allusion is to that which is called the
 hyporchematic style, which flourished in the time of Xenodemus and Pindar. And this kind
 of dance is an imitation of actions which are explained by words, and is what the
 elegant Xenophon represents as having taken place, in his Anabasis, at the banquet
 given by Seuthes the Thracian. He says: 
 "After libations were made, and the guests had sung a pæan, there rose up first
 the Thracians, and danced in arms to the music of a flute, and jumped up very
 high, with light jumps, and used their swords. And at last one of them strikes
 another, so that it seemed to every one that the man was wounded. And he fell down
 in a very clever manner, and all the bystanders raised an outcry. And he who
 struck him having stripped him of his arms, went out singing Sitalces. And others
 of the Thracians carried out his antagonist as if he were dead; but in reality, he
 was not hurt. After this some Aenianians and Magnesians rose up, who danced the
 dance called Carpæa, they too being in armour. And the fashion of that dance was
 like this: One man, having laid aside his arms, is sowing, and driving a yoke of
 oxen, constantly looking round as if he were afraid. Then three comes up a robber;
 but the sower, as soon as he sees him snatches up his arms and fights in defence
 of his team in regular time to the music of the flute. And at last the robber,
 having bound the man, carries off the team; but sometimes the
 sower conquers the robber, and then binding him alongside his oxen, he ties his
 hands behind him, and drives him forward. And one man," says he, danced the
 Persian dance, and rattling one shield against another, fell down, and rose up
 again: and he did all this in time to the music of a flute. And the Arcadians
 rising up, all moved in time, being clothed in armour, the flute-players
 playing the tune suited to an armed march; and they sung the pæan, and
 danced.

The heroes used also flutes and pipes. At all events Agamemnon hears the
 voice of flutes and pipes, which however he never introduced into
 banquets, except that in the Manufacture of Arms, he mentions the flute on
 the occasion of a marriage-feast. But flutes he attributes to the barbarians.
 Accordingly, the Trojans had the voice of flutes and pipes, and
 they made libations, when they got up from the feast, making them to Mercury, and
 not, as they did afterwards, to Jupiter the Finisher. For Mercury appears to be
 the patron of sleep: they drop libations to him also on their tongues when they
 depart from a banquet, and the tongues are especially allotted to him, as being
 the instruments of eloquence. 
 Homer was acquainted also with a variety of meats. At all events he uses the
 expression various meats, and 
 Meats such as godlike kings rejoice to taste. 
 He was acquainted, too, with everything that is thought luxurious even in
 our age. And accordingly the palace of Menelaus is the most splendid of houses.
 And Polybius describes the palace of one of the Spanish kings as being something
 similar in its appointments and splendour, saying that he was ambitious of
 imitating the luxury of the Phæacians, except as far as there stood in the middle
 of the palace huge silver and golden goblets full of wine made of barley. But
 Homer, when describing the situation and condition of Calypso's house, represents
 Mercury as astonished; and in his descriptions the life of the Phæacians is wholly
 devoted to pleasure: 
 We ever love the banquet rich, 
 The music of the lyre, 
 
 and so on. And 
 How goodly seems it, etc. etc. 
 lines which Eratosthenes says ought to stand thus:— 
 How goodly seems it ever to employ 
 Far from all ills man's social days in joy, 
 The plenteous board high heap'd with cates divine 
 While tuneful songs bid flow the generous wine. 
 
 When he says far from all ills, he means where folly is
 not allowed to exhibit itself; for it would be impossible for the Phæacians to be
 anything but wise, inasmuch as they are very dear to the gods, as Nausicaa
 says.

In Homer, too, the suitors amused themselves in front of the doors of the palace
 with dice; not having learnt how to play at dice from Diodorus of Megalopolis, or
 from Theodorus, or from Leon of Mitylene, who was descended from Athenian
 ancestors: and was absolutely invincible at dice, as Phanias says. But Apion of
 Alexandria says that he had heard from Cteson of Ithaca what sort of game the game
 of dice, as played by the suitors, was. For the suitors being a hundred and eight
 in number, arranged their pieces opposite to one another in equal numbers, they
 themselves also being divided into two equal parties, so that there were on each
 side fifty-four; and between the men there was a small space left empty. And in
 this middle space they placed one man, which they called Penelope. And they made
 this the mark, to see if any one of them could hit it with his man; and then, when
 they had cast lots, he who drew the lot aimed at it. Then if any one hit it and
 drove Penelope forward out of her place, then he put down his own man in the place
 of that which had been hit and moved from its place. After which, standing up
 again, he shot his other man at Penelope in the place in which she was the second
 time. And if he hit her again without touching any one of the other men, he won
 the game, and had great hopes that he should be the man to marry her. He says too
 that Eurymachus gained the greatest number of victories in this game, and was very
 sanguine about his marriage. And in consequence of their luxury the suitors had
 such tender hands that they were not able to bend the bow; and even their servants
 were a very luxurious set. 
 
 Homer, too, speaks of the smell of perfumes as something very admirable:— 
 Spirit divine! whose exhalation greets 
 The sense of gods with more than mortal sweets. 
 
 He speaks, too, of splendid beds; and such is the bed which Arete orders
 her handmaids to prepare for Ulysses. And Nestor makes it a boast to Telemachus
 that he is well provided with such things.

But some of the other poets have spoken of the habits of expense and indolence of
 their own time as existing also at the time of the Trojan war; and so Aeschylus
 very improperly introduces the Greeks as so drunk as to break their vessels about
 one another's heads; and he says— 
 This is the man who threw so well 
 The vessel with an evil smell, 
 And miss'd me not, but dash'd to shivers 
 The pot too full of steaming rivers 
 Against my head, which now, alas! sir, 
 Gives other smells besides macassar. 
 And Sophocles says in his banquet of the Greeks, 
 He in his anger threw too well 
 The vessel with an evil smell 
 Against my head, and fill'd the room 
 With something not much like perfume; 
 So that I swear I nearly fainted 
 With the foul steam the vessel vented. 
 But Eupolis attacks the man who first mentioned such a thing, saying—
 
 I hate the ways of Sparta's line, 
 And would rather fry my dinner; 
 He who first invented wine 
 Made poor man a greater sinner, 
 And through him the greater need is 
 Of the arts of Palamedes. 
 
 
 
 But in Homer the chiefs banquet in Agamemnon's tent in a very orderly manner; and
 if in the Odyssey Achilles and Ulysses dispute and Agamemnon exults, still their
 rivalry with one another is advantageous, since what they are discussing is
 whether Troy is to be taken by stratagem, or by open-hand fighting. And he does
 not represent even the suitors as drunk, nor has he ever made
 his heroes guilty of such disorderly conduct as Aeschylus and Sophocles have,
 though he does speak of the foot of an ox being thrown at Ulysses.

And his heroes sit at their banquets, and do not lie down. And this was sometimes
 the case at the feasts of Alexander the king, as Dures says. For he once, when
 giving a feast to his captains to the number of six thousand, made them sit upon
 silver chairs and couches, having covered them with purple covers. And Hegesander
 says that it was not the custom in Macedonia for any one to lie down at a banquet,
 unless he had slain a boar which had escaped beyond the line of nets; but with
 that exception, every one sat at supper. And so Cassander, when he was thirty-five
 years of age, supped with his father in a sitting posture, not being able to
 perform the above-mentioned exploit, though he was of man's estate, and a gallant
 hunter. 
 But Homer, who has always an eye to propriety, has not introduced his heroes
 feasting on anything except meat, and that too they dressed for themselves. For it
 caused neither ridicule nor shame to see them preparing and cooking their own
 food: for they studied to be able to wait upon themselves; and they prided
 themselves, says Chrysippus, on their dexterity in such matters. And accordingly
 Ulysses boasts of being a better hand than any one else at making a fire and
 cutting up meat. And in the book of the Iliad called The Prayers, Patroclus acts as
 cupbearer, and Achilles prepares the supper. And when Menelaus celebrates a
 marriage feast, Megapenthes the bridegroom acts as cupbearer. But now we have come
 to such a pitch of effeminacy as to lie down while at our meals.

And lately baths too have been introduced; things which formerly men would not
 have permitted to exist inside a city. And Antiphanes points out their injurious
 character: 
 Plague take the bath! just see the plight 
 In which the thing has left me; 
 It seems t' have boil'd me up, and quite 
 Of strength and nerve bereft me. 
 Don't touch me, curst was he who taught a 
 Man to soak in boiling water. 
 
 And Hermippus says, 
 As to mischievous habits, if you ask my vote, 
 I say there are two common kinds of self-slaughter, 
 One, constantly pouring strong wine down your throat, 
 T'other plunging in up to your throat in hot water. 
 But now the refinements of cooks and perfumers have increased so much,
 that Alexis says that even if a man could bathe in a bath of perfume he would not
 be content. And all the manufactories of sweetmeats are in great vigour, and such
 plans are devised for intercourse between people, that some have proposed even to
 stuff the sofas and chairs with sponge, as on the idea that that will make the
 occupiers more amorous. And Theophrastus says that some contrivances are of
 wondrous efficacy in such matters; and Phylarchus confirms him, by reference to
 some of the presents which Sandrocottus, the king of the Indians, sent to
 Seleucus; which were to act like charms in producing a wonderful degree of
 affection, while some, on the contrary, were to banish love. Music, too, has been
 cultivated now, in a way which is a great perversion of its legitimate use: and
 extravagance has descended even to our clothes and shoes.

But Homer, though he was well acquainted with the nature of perfume, has never
 introduced any of his heroes as perfumed except Paris; when he says,
 glittering with beauty, as in another place he says that Venus—
 
 With every beauty every feature arms, 
 Bids her cheeks glow, and lights up all her charms. 
 
 Nor does he ever represent them as wearing crowns, although by some of
 his similes and metaphors he shows that he knew of garlands. At all events he
 speaks of 
 That lovely isle crown'd by the foaming waves, 
 
 And again he says— 
 For all around the crown of battle swells. 
 
 We must remark, too, that in the Odyssey he represents his characters as
 washing their hands before they partake of food. But in the Iliad there is no
 trace of such a custom. For the life described in the Odyssey is that of men
 living easily and luxuriously owing to the peace; on which account the men of that time indulged their bodies with baths and washings. And
 that is the reason why in that state of things they play at dice, and dance, and
 play ball. But Herodotus is mistaken when he says that those sports were invented
 in he time of Atys to amuse the people during the famine. For the heroic times are
 older than Atys. And the men living in the time of the Iliad are almost constantly
 crying out— 
 Raise the battle cry so clear, 
 Prelude to the warlike spear.

Now to go back to what we were saying before. The Athenians made Aristonicus the
 Carystian, who used to play at ball with Alexander the king, a freeman of their
 city on account of his skill, and they erected a statue to him. And even in later
 times the Greeks considered all handicraft trades of much less importance than
 inventions which had any reference to amusement. And the people of Histiæa, and of
 Oreum, erected in their theatre a brazen statue holding a die in its hand to
 Theodorus the juggler. And on the same principle the Milesians erected one to
 Archelaus the harp- player. But at Thebes there is no statue to Pindar, though
 there is one to Cleon the singer, on which there is the inscription— 
 Stranger, thou seest Pytheas' tuneful son, 
 While living oft with victory's garlands crown'd, 
 Sweet singer, though on earth his race is run, 
 E'en the high heavens with his name resound. 
 Polemo relates that when Alexander razed Thebes to the ground, one man
 who escaped hid some gold in the garments of this statue, as they were hollow; and
 then when the city was restored he returned and recovered his money after a lapse
 of thirty years. But Herodotus, the logomime as he was called, and Archelaus the
 dancer, according! to Hegesander, were more honoured by Antiochus the king than
 any others of his friends. And Antiochus his father made the sons of Sostratus the
 flute-player his body guards.

And Matreas, the strolling player of Alexandria, was admired by both Greeks and
 Romans; and he said that he was cherishing a beast which was eating itself. So
 that even now it is disputed what that beast of Matreas's was. He used to propose
 ridiculous questions in parody of the doubt raised by Aristotle, and then he read
 them in public; as Why is the sun said to set, and not
 to dive? 
 why are sponges said to suck up, and not to drink? and why
 do we say of a tetra-drachm that it καταλλάττεται, 
 when we never
 speak of its getting in a passion? And the Athenians gave Pothimos the
 puppet-master the use of the very stage on which Euripides had exhibited his noble
 dramas. And they also erected a statue of Euripides in the theatre next to the
 statue of Aeschylus. Xenophon the conjuror, too, was very popular among them, who
 left behind him a pupil of the name of Cratisthenes, a citizen of Phlias; a man
 who used to make fire spout up of its own accord, and who contrived many other
 extraordinary sights, so as almost to make men discredit the evidence of their own
 senses. And Nymphodorus the conjuror was another such; a man who having quarrelled
 with the people of Rhegium, as Duris relates, was the first man who turned them
 into ridicule as cowards. And Eudicus the buffoon gained great credit by imitating
 wrestlers and boxers, as Aristoxenus relates. Straton of Tarentum, also, had many
 admirers; he was a mimic of the dithyrambic poets; and so had Aenonas the Italian,
 who mimicked the harp-players; and who gave representations of the Cyclops trying
 to sing, and of Ulysses when shipwrecked, speaking in a clownish fashion. And
 Diopeithes the Locrian, according to the account of Phanodemus, when he came to
 Thebes, fastened round his waist bladders full of wine and milk, and then,
 squeezing them, pretended that he was drawing up those liquids out of his mouth.
 And Noëmon gained a great reputation for the same sort of tricks. 
 There were also in Alexander's court the following jugglers, who had all a great
 name. Scymnus of Tarentum, and Philistides of Syracuse, and Heraclitus of
 Mitylene. And there were too some strolling players of high repute, such as
 Cephisodorus and Pantaleon. And Xenophon makes mention also of Philip the
 buffoon.

Rome may fairly be called the nation of the world. And he will not be far out who
 pronounces the city of the Romans an epitome of the whole earth; for in it you may
 see every other city arranged collectively, and many also separately; for
 instance, there you may see the golden city of the Alex- 
 andrians, the beautiful metropolis of Antioch, the surpassing beauty of Nicomedia;
 and besides all these that most glorious of all the cities which Jupiter has ever
 display d, I mean Athens. And not only one day, but all the days in an entire
 year, would be too short for a man who should attempt to enumerate all the cities
 which might be enumerated as discernible in that uranopolis of the Romans, the
 city of Rome; so numerous are they.—For indeed some entire nations are settled
 there, as the Cappadocians, the Scythians, the people of Pontus, and many others.
 And all these nations, being so to say the entire population of the world, called
 the dancer who was so famous in our time Memphis, comparing him, on account of the
 elegance of his movements, to the most royal and honourable of cities; a city of
 which Bacchylides sings— 
 Memphis, which winter dares not to assail, 
 And lotus-crowned Nile. 
 
 
 As for the Pythagorean philosophy, Athenæus explains that to us, and shows us
 everything in silence more intelligibly than others who undertake to teach the
 arts which require talking.

Now of tragic dancing, as it was called, such as it existed in his time, Bathyllus
 of Alexandria was the first introducer; whom Seleucus describes as having been a
 legitimate dancer. This Bathyllus, according to the account of Aristonicus, and
 Pylades too, who has written a treatise on dancing, composed the Italian dance
 from the comic one which was called κόρδαξ, and
 from the tragic dance which was called ἐμμέλεια, 
 and from the Satyric dance which was called σίκιννις, (from which also the Satyrs were called σικιννισταί, ) the inventor of which was a barbarian
 named Sicinnus, though some say that Sicinnus was a Cretan. Now, the dance
 invented by Pylades was stately, pathetic, and laborious; but that of Bathyllus
 was in a merrier style; for he added to his a kind of ode to Apollo. But
 Sophocles, in addition to being eminent for personal beauty, was very accomplished
 in music and dancing, having been instructed in those arts while a boy by Lamprus,
 and after the naval victory of Salamis, he having no clothes on, but only being
 anointed with oil, danced round the trophy erected on that occasion to the music
 of the lyre, but some say that he had his tunic on; and when he exhibited his
 Thamyris he himself played the harp; and he also played at 
 ball with great skill when he exhibited his Nausicaa. And Socrates the Wise was
 very fond of the dance Memphis; and as he was often caught dancing, as Xenophon
 relates, he said to his friends that dancing was a gymnastic exercise for every
 limb; for the ancients used the word ὀρχέομαι for
 every sort of motion and agitation. Anacreon says— 
 The fair-hair'd maids of mighty Jove 
 Danced lightly in the mystic grove; 
 and Ion has the expression— 
 This strange occurrence makes my heart to dance.

And Hermippus says, that Theophrastus used to come to the walks at a regular hour,
 carefully and beautifully dressed; and that then he would sit down and enter upon
 an argument, indulging in every sort of motion and gesture imaginable; so that
 once while imitating an epicure he even put out his tongue and licked his
 lips. 
 Those men were very careful to put on their clothes neatly; and they ridiculed
 those who did not do so. Plato, in the Theætetus, speaks of a man who has
 capacity to manage everything cleverly and perfectly, but who has no idea how
 to put on even proper clothes like a gentleman, and who has no notion of the
 propriety of language, so as to be able to celebrate the life of gods and men
 in a becoming manner. And Sappho jests upon Andromeda:— 
 Sure by some milkmaid you've been taught 
 To dress, whose gown is all too short 
 To reach her sturdy ancles. 
 And Philetærus says— 
 Don't let your gown fall down too low, 
 Nor pull it up too high to show 
 Your legs in clownish fashion. 
 And Hermippus says, that Theocritus of Chios used to blame the way in
 which Anaximenes used to wrap his cloak round him as a boorish style of dressing.
 And Callistratus the pupil of Aristophanes, in one of his writings, attacked
 Aristarchus severely for not being neatly dressed, on the ground, that attention
 to those minute is no trifling indication of a man's abilities and good sense. On
 which account Alexis says— 
 'Tis a sure sign of a degraded nature, 
 To walk along the street in sloven's guise; 
 Having the means of neatness: which costs nothing; 
 
 Is subject to no tax; requires no change; 
 And creditable is to him who uses it, 
 And pleasant to all those who witness it. 
 Who then would ever disregard this rule, 
 That wishes to be thought a man of sense?

But Aeschylus was not only the inventor of becoming and dignified dress, which the
 hierophants and torch-bearers of the sacred festivals imitated; but he also
 invented many figures in dancing, and taught them to the dancers of the chorus.
 And Chamæleon states that he first arranged the choruses; not using the ordinary
 dancing-masters, but himself arranging the figures of the dancers for the chorus;
 and altogether that he took the whole arrangement of his tragedies on himself. And
 he himself acted in his own plays very fairly. And accord- ingly, Aristophanes
 (and we may well trust the comic writers in what they say of the tragedians)
 represents Aeschylus himself as saying— 
 I myself taught those dances to the chorus, 
 Which pleased so much when erst they danced before us. 
 And again, he says, I recollect that when I saw ' The Phrygians,'
 when the men came on who were uniting with Priam in his petition for the ransom
 of his son, some danced in this way, some in that, all at random. 
 Telesis, or Telestes, (whichever was his right name,) the dancing-master, invented
 many figures, and taught men to use the action of their hands, so as to give
 expression to what they said. Phillis the Delian, a musician, says, that the
 ancient harp-players moved their countenances but little, but their feet very
 much, imitating the march of troops or the dancing of a chorus. Accordingly
 Aristotle says, that Telestes the director of Aeschylus's choruses was so great a
 master of his art, that in managing the choruses of the Seven Generals against
 Thebes, he made all the transactions plain by dancing. They say, too, that the old
 poets, Thespis, Pratinas, Carcinus, and Phrynichus, were called dancing poets,
 because they not only made their dramas depend upon the dancing of the chorus, but
 because, besides directing the exhibition of their own plays, they also taught
 dancing to all who wished to learn. But Aeschylus was often drunk when he wrote
 his tragedies, if we may trust Chamæleon: and accordingly Sophocles reproached
 him, saying, that even when he did what was right he did not know that he was ding
 so.

Now the national dances are the following:—the Lace- dæmonian, the Trœzenian, the
 Epizephyrian, the Cretan, the Ionian, the Mantinean, which Aristoxenus considers
 as the best of all, on account of its movement of the hands. And dancing was
 considered so creditable an employment, and one requiring so much talent, that
 Pindar calls Apollo a dancer:— 
 Prince of dancers, prince of grace, 
 Hail, Phœbus of the silver quiver. 
 And Homer too, or one of the Homeridæ, in one of the hymns to Apollo,
 says— 
 How deftly Phœbus strikes the golden lyre, 
 While strength and grace each moving limb inspire! 
 and Eumelus, or Arctinus, the Corinthian, somewhere or other introduces
 Jupiter himself as dancing, saying— 
 And gracefully amid the dancing throng, 
 The sire of gods and mortals moved along. 
 But Theophrastus says that Andron of Catana, a flute-player, was the
 first person who invented motions of the body keeping time to music, while he
 played on the flute to the dancers; from whom dancing among the ancients was
 called Sicelizing. And that he was followed by Cleophantus of Thebes. Among the
 dancers of reputation there was Bulbus, mentioned by Cratinus and Callias; and
 Zeno the Cretan, who was in high favour with Artaxerxes, mentioned by Ctesias.
 Alexander also, in his letter to Philoxenus, mentions Theodorus and
 Chrysippus.

The Temple of the Muses is called by Timon the Phliasian, the satiric writer, the
 basket, by which term he means to ridicule the philosophers who frequent it, as if
 they were fattened up in a hen-coop, like valuable birds:— 
 Aegypt has its mad recluses, 
 Book-bewilder'd anchorites, 
 In the hen-coop of the Muses 
 Keeping up their endless fights. 
 . . . . till these table orators got cured of their diarrhea of words; a
 pack of men, who from their itch for talking appear to me to have forgotten the
 Pythian oracle, which Chameleon quotes— 
 Three weeks ere Sirius burns up the wheat, 
 And three weeks after, seek the cool retreat 
 Of shady house, and better your condition 
 By taking Bacchus for your sole physician. 
 
 And so Mnesitheus the Athenian says that the Pythia enjoined
 the Athenians to honour Bacchus the physician. But Alcæus, the Mitylenæan poet,
 says— 
 Steep your heart in rosy wine, for see, the dog star is in view; 
 Lest by heat and thirst oppress'd you should the season's fury rue. 
 And in another place he says— 
 Fill me, boy, a sparkling cup; 
 See, the dogstar's coming up. 
 And Eupolis says that Callias was compelled to drink by Protagoras, in
 order that his lungs might not be melted away before the dogdays. But at such a
 time I not only feel my lungs dried up, but I may almost say my heart too. And
 Antiphanes says— 
 
 A. Tell me, I pray you, how you life define. 
 
 B. To drink full goblets of rich Chian wine. 
 You see how tall and fine the forest grows 
 Through which a sacred river ceaseless flows; 
 While on dry soils the stately beech and oak 
 Die without waiting for the woodman's stroke. 
 And so, says he, they, disputing about the dogstar, had plenty to drink.
 Thus the word βρέχω, to moisten or soak, is often
 applied to drinking. And so Antiphanes says— 
 Eating much may bring on choking, 
 Unless you take a turn at soaking. 
 And Eubulus has— 
 
 A. I Sicon come with duly moisten'd clay. 
 
 B. What have you drunk then? A. That you well may say.

Now the verb ἀναπίπτω, meaning to fall back, has properly reference to the mind, meaning to despair, to
 be out of heart. Thucydides says in his first book, When they are defeated
 they are least of all people inclined to ἀναπίπτειν. 
 And Cratinus uses the same expression of rowers— 
 Ply your oars and bend your backs. 
 And Xenophon in his Œconomics says, Why is it that rowers are not
 troublesome to one another, except because they sit in regular order, and bend
 forward in r gular order, and ( ἀναπίπτουσιν )
 lean back in regular order? —The word ἀνακεῖσθαι is properly applied to a statue, on which account they
 used to laugh at those who used the word of the guests at a feast, for whom the
 proper expression was κατακεῖμαι. 
 Accordingly Diphilus puts into the mouth of a man at a feast—
 
 I for a while sat down ( ἀνεκείμην ): 
 and his friend, not approving of such an expression, says, ʼἀνάκεισο. And Philippides has— 
 I supped too ἀνακειμένος in his house. 
 And then the other speaker rejoins— 
 What, was he giving a dinner to a statue? 
 But the word κατακεῖσθαι is used, and
 also κατακεκλῖσθαι, of reclining at meals: as
 Xenophon and Plato prove in their essays called the Banquet. Alexis too says—
 
 'Tis hard before one's supper to lie down, 
 For if one does one cannot go to sleep; 
 Nor give much heed to aught that may be said; 
 One's thoughts being fix'd on what there 'll be to eat. 
 Not but what the word ἀνακεῖσθαι is used
 in this sense, though rarely. The satyr in Sophocles says— 
 If I catch fire I'll leap with a mighty 
 Spring upon Hercules, as ἀνακεῖται. 
 
 And Aristotle says, when speaking of the laws of the Tyrrhenians,
 But the Tyrrhenians sup, ἀνακειμένοι 
 with the women under the same covering. Theopompus also says— 
 Then we the goblets fill'd with mighty wine, 
 On delicate couches κατακειμένος, 
 
 Singing in turn old songs of Telamon. 
 And Philonides says— 
 I have been here κατακειμένος a long
 time. 
 And Euripides says in the Cyclops— 
 
 ʼἀνέπεσε (which is the same as ἀνέκειτο 
 
 Breathing forth long and deep and heavy breath. 
 p And Alexis says— 
 After that I bade her ἀναπεσεῖν by my
 side.

The ancients, too, used the word πάσασθαι for to
 taste. And so Phœnix says to Achilles, "You would not πάσασθαι anything in any one else's house. And in another place we
 find— 
 When they ἐπάσαντο the entrails: 
 for they only taste the entrails, so that a great multitude might have a taste of what exists in but a small quantity. And
 Priam says to Achilles—- 
 Now I have tasted food, ( πασάμην. ) 
 For it was natural for a man suffering under such calamities as his, only
 just to taste food, for his grief would not permit him to go so far as to satisfy
 his hunger. And therefore, he who did not touch food at all is called
 fasting, 
 ἄπαστος. But the poet never uses the word πάσασθαι of those who eat their fill; but in their case
 he uses words which express satiety:— 
 But when their minds were pleased ( τάρφθεν )
 with wholesome food; 
 and, 
 When they had ceased to wish for meat and drink. 
 But more modern writers use the word πάσασθαι for being satisfied. Callimachus says— 
 I should like to satiate 
 ( πάσασθαι ) myself with thyme; 
 and Eratosthenes— 
 They roasted their game in the ashes and ate it, 
 ( ἐπάσαντο ) at least they all did who could
 get it.

We find in the Theban bard the expression, glueing them together as one
 would glue one piece of wood to another. 
 
 Seleucus says that the expression so common in Homer, δαῖτα
 θάλειαν, is the same as δίαιτα by a
 slight alteration of the arrangement of the letters; for he thinks that is too
 violent a change to consider it as derived from δαίσασθαι. 
 
 Carystius of Pergamos relates that the Corcyrean women sing to this day when
 playing at ball. And in Homer, it is not only men who play, but women also. And
 they used to play at quoits also, and at throwing the javelin, with some grace:—
 
 They threw the quoit, and hurl'd the playful spear. 
 For any amusement takes away the feeling of ennui. And young men
 prosecute hunting as a sort of practice against the dangers of war; and there is
 no sort of chase which they avoid; and the consequence is that they are more
 vigorous and healthy than they otherwise would be. 
 As when they stand firm as unshaken towers, 
 And face the foe, and pour forth darts in showers. 
 
 The men of those times were acquainted with baths also of all
 sorts. as a relief from fatigue. Refreshing themselves after toil by bathing in
 the sea; which of all baths is the best for the sinews; and having relaxed the
 excessive strains of their muscles in the bath, they then anointed themselves with
 ointment, in order to prevent their bodies from becoming too rigid as the water
 evaporated. And so the men who returned from a reconnoissance, 
 Wash'd off their heat in Neptune's briny tides, 
 And bathed their heads, and legs, and brawny sides. 
 
 And then— 
 They to the polish'd marble baths repair, 
 Anoint with fresh perfumes their flowing hair, 
 And seek the banquet hall. 
 There was another way, too, of refreshing themselves and getting rid of
 their fatigue, by pouring water over the head:— 
 Then o'er their heads and necks the cooling stream 
 The handmaids pour'd: 
 
 for baths, in which the whole body is immersed, as the water surrounds
 all the pores on every side, prevents the escape of the perspiration, just as if a
 sieve were thrown into the water. For then nothing goes through the sieve, unless
 you lift it up out of the water, and so allow its pores, if one may call them so,
 to open, and make a passage through; as Aristotle says in his problems of natural
 philosophy, when he asks, Why do men in a perspiration, when they come into
 warm or cold water no longer perspire, until they leave the bath again?

Vegetables also were set before the ancient heroes when they supped. And that they
 were acquainted with the use of vegetables is plain from the expression, 
 He went down to the furthest bed 
 In the well-order'd garden. 
 And they used onions too, though they have a very disagreeable smell:—
 
 There was the onion, too, to season wine. 
 
 
 Homer represents his heroes also as fond of the fruit of trees:— 
 Figs after figs grow old, pears after pears. 
 
 On which account also he calls those trees which bear fruit
 beauteous:— 
 There many a beauteous tree appears— 
 Pomegranates, apples, figs, and pears. 
 And those which are adapted for being cut down for timber he calls tall,
 distinguishing the epithets which h applies to each by their respective uses:—
 
 There tall trees adorn the grove, 
 The ash, and pine that towers above. 
 And the use of these trees was older than the Trojan war. And Tantalus,
 even after he is dead, is not cured of his fancy for these fruits; as the god, to
 punish him, waves such before his eyes (just as men lead on irrational animals by
 holding branches in front of them), and then prevents him from enjoying them, the
 moment he begins to entertain a hope of doing so. And Ulysses reminds Laertes of
 what he gave him when he was a child: You gave me thirteen pears 
 —and so on.

And that they used to eat fish, Sarpedon proves plainly, when he compares the
 being taken prisoner to fish caught in a large net. Yet Eubulus, jesting in the
 way that the comic writers allow themselves, says— 
 I pray you, where in Homer is the chief 
 Who e'er eat fish, or anything but beef? 
 And, though so much of liberty they boasted, 
 Their meat was never anything but roasted. 
 Nor did those heroes allow the birds the free enjoyment of the air;
 setting traps and nets for thrushes and doves. And they practised the art of
 taking birds, and, suspending a dove by a small string to the mast of a ship, then
 shot arrows at it from a distance, as is shown in the book describing the funeral
 games. But Homer passed over the use of vegetables, and fish, and birds, lest to
 mention them should seem like praising gluttony, thinking besides there would be a
 want of decorum in dwelling on the preparation of such things, which he considered
 beneath the dignity of gods and heroes. But that they did in reality eat their
 meat boiled as well as roasted, he shows when he says— 
 But as a caldron boils with melting fat 
 Of well-fed pig; 
 
 and the foot of the ox which was thrown at Ulysses proves it
 too, for no one ever roasts oxen's feet. And the line too- 
 Then many a well-fill'd dish was duly set 
 On the full board, with every kind of meat; 
 as this not only speaks of the variety of meats, such as birds, pigs,
 kids, and beef; but it also speaks of the way in which they were dressed as having
 varied, and not having been all of one kind, but carefully arranged. So that you
 may see here the origin of the Sicilian and Sybaritic and Italian ways of giving
 feasts, and the Chian fashion also. For the Chians are reported not to have been
 less studious than the other nations just mentioned in the art of dressing their
 meat. Timocles says— 
 The Chians 
 Are splendid hands at dressing viands. 
 And in Homer, not only the young men, but the old men too, such as Phœnix
 and Nestor, sleep with the women; and Menelaus is the only man who has no woman
 allotted to him, inasmuch as he had collected the whole expedition for the sake of
 his wife, who had been carried away from him.

Pindar praises 
 Ancient wine and modern songs. 
 And Eubulus says— 
 Inconsistent it seems for a fair one to praise 
 Old wine, and to say that such never can cloy; 
 But bring her a man who has seen his best days, 
 And she'd rather put up with a whiskerless boy. 
 And Alexis says very nearly the same thing word for word; only using the
 word little instead of never. 
 Though in reality old wine is not only more pleasant, but also better for health;
 for it aids digestion more; and being thinner it is itself more digestible; it
 also invigorates the body; and makes the blood red and fluid, and produces
 untroubled sleep. But Homer praises that wine most which will admit of a copious
 admixture of water; as the Maronean. And old wine will allow of more water being
 added to it, because its very age has added heat to it. And some men say, that the
 flight of Bacchus to the sea is emblematic of the making of wine, as it was
 practised long ago; because wine is very sweet when sea-water
 is poured into it. And Homer praising dark-coloured wine, often calls it αἴθοψ. For the dark-coloured wine is the strongest, and
 it remains in the system of the drinkers of it longer than any other. But
 Theopompus says, that black wine was first made among the Chians; and, that the
 Chians were the first people who imparted the knowledge of planting and tending
 vines to the rest of mankind, having learnt it from Œnopion the son of Bacchus,
 who was the original colonizer of their island. But white wine is weak and thin;
 but yellow wine is very digestible, being of a more drying nature.

Respecting the Italian wines, Galen is represented by this sophist as saying, that
 the Falernian wine is fit to drink from the time that it is ten or fifteen years
 old, till it is twenty; but after that time it falls off, and is apt to give
 headaches, and affects the nervous system. There are two kinds of Falernian wine,
 the dry and the sweet. The sweet wine is made when the south wind blows through
 the vineyard; which also makes it darker in colour. But that which is not made at
 this time is dry and yellow. Of the Alban wine there are also two kinds, one sweet
 and one sour; and both are in their prime after they are fifteen years old. The
 wine of Surrentum begins to be drinkable when five-and-twenty years old; for as it
 has no oil of any sort in it, and is very thin, it is a long time ripening: and
 when it is old it is nearly the only wine that is wholesome to be drunk for a
 continuance. But the Rhegian wine, being richer than the Surrentine, may be used
 as soon as it is fifteen years old. The wine of Privernum too is very good, being
 thinner than the Rhegian wine, and one which does not take much effect on the
 head. And the Formian wine is like it; and is a wine which soon comes to its
 prime; it is, however, a richer wine than the other, But the Trifoline wine is
 slower ripening, and has a more earthy taste than the Surrentine. The Setine is a
 wine of the first class, like the Falernian wine, but lighter, and not so apt to
 make "a man drunk. The wine of Tibur is thin, and evaporates easily, being at its
 best as soon as it is ten years old. Still it is better as it gets older. The
 Labican wine is sweet and oily to the taste, being something between the Falerrian
 and the Alban: and you may drink that when it is ten years old. There is the
 Gauran wine too, a scarce and very fine wine, and likewise
 very powerful and oily; more so indeed than the wine of Præneste or of Tibur. The
 Marsic is a very dry wine; and very good for the stomach. Around Cumæ in Campania
 there is a wine made which is called Ulban, a light wine, fit to be drunk when
 five years old. The wine of Ancona is a fine wine, and rather oily. The Buxentine
 is like the Alban, as far as being rather sour; but it is a strong wine, and good
 for the stomach. The Veliternian wine is very sweet to drink and good for the
 stomach; but it has this peculiarity, that it does not taste like a pure wine, but
 always has an appearance as if some other was mixed with it. The Calenian wine is
 light, and better for the stomach than the Falernian. The Cæcuban is a noble wine,
 full of strength and easily affecting the head; but it does not come to its prime
 till after many years. The Fundan wine is strong, and nutritious, and affects the
 head and stomach, on which account it is not much used at banquets. But the Sabine
 wine is lighter than any of these, and is fit to be drunk from the time that it is
 seven years old till it is fifteen; and the Signine wine is available at six years
 old, but as it gets older it is far more valuable. The wine of Nomentum gets in
 season very early, and can be drunk as soon as it is five years old; it is not
 very sweet, and not very thin; but that of Spoletum is very sweet to the taste,
 and has a golden colour. The wine of Capua is in many respects like the Surrentine
 wine. The Barbine is very dry and continually improving. The Caucine too is a
 noble wine, and resembles the Falernian. The wine of Venafrum is good for the
 stomach, and light. The Trebellian wine, which is made round Naples, is of
 moderate strength, good for the stomach, and pleasant to the taste. The Erbulian
 wine is at first dark coloured, but in a few years it becomes white; and it is a
 very light and delicate wine. That of Marseilles is a fine wine, but it is scarce,
 and thick, with a good deal of body. The Tarentine, and all the other wines of
 that district, are delicate wines, without very much strength or body, sweet, and
 good for the stomach. The Mamertine is a foreign wine, made out of Italy. There is
 also another wine made in Sicily, and called Iotaline; it is a sweet wine and
 light, but there is some strength in it. 
 Among the Indians a deity is worshipped, according to the 
 account of Chares of Mitylene, who is called Soroadeus; which name, as interpreted
 in Greek, means Winemaker.

Antiphanes, that witty man, catalogues all the things which are peculiar to each
 city thus:— 
 Cooks come from Elis, pots from Argos, 
 Corinth blankets sends in barges, 
 Phlius wine, and Sicyon fish, 
 While cheese is a Sicilian dish. 
 Aegium sends flute-playing maids; 
 Perfumers ply their dainty trades 
 At Athens, under Pallas' eye; 
 Bœotia sends us eels to fry. 
 And Hermippus says, 
 Tell me, ye Muses, who th' Olympic height 
 Cheer with your holy songs and presence bright; 
 Tell me what blessings Bacchus gave to man, 
 Since first his vessel o'er the waters ran. 
 Ox-hides from Libya's coasts, and juicy kail: 
 The narrow sea, still vocal with the wail 
 Of lost Leander's bride, the tunny sends, 
 And our first meal with kipper'd salmon mends. 
 Groats come from Italy, and ribs of beef; 
 While Thrace sends many a lie and many a thief. 
 Still do the Spartans scratch their sides in vain, 
 Mad with the itching of th' Odrysian pain. 
 Then Syracuse gives cheese and well-fed pigs; 
 Fair Athens olives sends, and luscious figs. 
 Cursed of all islands let Corcyra be, 
 Where no especial excellence we see. 
 Sails come from Egypt, and this paper too; 
 Incense from Syria; Crete upholds to view 
 The cypress tall; and, dear to mighty Jove, 
 In Paphlagonia grows the almond grove. 
 The elephant sends its teeth from Afric's sands; 
 Pears and fat sheep grow on Eubœa's lands; 
 Rhodes sends us raisins, and beguiles the night 
 With figs that make our dreams and slumbers light 
 From Phrygia slaves, allies from Area's land; 
 The Pagas$ean ports their hirelings brand; 
 Phœnicia sends us dates across the billows, 
 ???nd Carthage, carpets rich, and well-stuft'd pillows.

Pindar too, in the Pythian ode addressed to Hiero, says, 
 Give me the noble Spartan hound 
 With whose deep voice Eurotas' banks resound; 
 While the dark rocks 
 Of Scyrus give the choicest flocks 
 
 Of milky goats; and, prompt at war's alarms, 
 Brave Argos burnishes the well-proved arms, 
 The Sicels build the rapid car, 
 And the fierce Thebans urge the chariot to the war. 
 
 Critias tells us— 
 Know ye the land of the fair Proserpine, 
 Where the cottabus splashes the ominous wine; 
 Where the lightest and handsomest cars . . . 
 
 
 And what can for tired limbs compare 
 With the soft and yielding Thessalian chair? 
 But no town with Miletus vies 
 In the bridal bed's rich canopies. 
 But none the golden bowl can chase, 
 Or give to brass such varied grace, 
 As that renowned hardy race 
 That dwells by Arno's tide; 
 Phœnicia, mother of the arts, 
 Letters to learned men imparts; 
 Thebes scaled the mountain's side, 
 Bade the tough ash its trunk to yield, 
 And fill'd with cars the battle-field; 
 While Carians, masters of the seas, 
 First launch'd the boat to woo the breeze. 
 Offspring of clay and furnace bright, 
 The choicest porcelain clear and light 
 Boasts, as its birth-place, of the towers 
 Which Neptune's and Minerva's powers 
 From ills and dangers shield; 
 Which beat back war's barbaric wave 
 When Mede and Persian found a grave 
 In Marathon's undying field. 
 And indeed the pottery of Attica is deservedly praised. But Eubulus says,
 Cnidian pots, Sicilian platters, and Megarian jars. And
 Antiphanes enumerates mustard, and also scammony juice from Cyprus;
 cardamums from Miletus; onions from Samothrace; cabbages, kail, and assafœtida
 from Carthage; thyme from Hymettus, and marjoram from Tenedos.

The Persian king used to drink no other wine but that called the Chalybonian,
 which Posidonius says is made in Damascus of Syria, from vines which were planted
 there by the Persians; and at Issa, which is an island in the Adriatic,
 Agatharchides says that wine is made which is superior to every other wine
 whatever. The Chian and Thasian wines are mentioned by
 Epilycus; who says that the Chian and the Thasian wine must be
 strained. And also,— 
 For all the ills that men endure, 
 Thasian is a certain cure; 
 For any head or stomach ache, 
 Thasian wine I always take, 
 And think it, as I home am reeling, 
 A present from the God of healing. 
 Clearchus speaks of Lesbian wine, which Maro himself appears to me
 to have been the maker of. And Alexis says— 
 All wise men think 
 The Lesbian is the nicest wine to drink. 
 And again he says— 
 His whole thoughts every day incline 
 To drink what rich and rosy wine 
 From Thasos and from Lesbos comes, 
 And dainty cakes and sugarplums. 
 And again— 
 Hail, O Bacchus, ever dear, 
 You who from Lesbos drove dull care 
 With sparkling rosy wine; 
 He who would give one glass away, 
 Too vile on cheerful earth to stay, 
 Shall be no friend of mine. 
 And Ephippus sings— 
 Oh how luscious, oh how fine 
 Is the Pramnian Lesbian wine! 
 All who 're brave, and all who're wise, 
 Much the wine of Lesbos prize. 
 And Antiphanes— 
 There is good meat, and plenteous dainty cheer; 
 And Thasian wine, perfumes, and garlands here; 
 Venus loves comfort; but where folks are poor, 
 The merry goddess ever shuns their door. 
 And Eubulus— 
 In Thasian wine or Chian soak your throttle, 
 Or take of Lesbian an old cobwebb'd bottle. 
 He speaks too of Psithian wine— 
 Give me some Psithian nectar, rich and neat, 
 To cool my thirst, and quench the burning heat. 
 And Anaxandrides mentions a jar full of Psithian wine.

Thesmophorius of Trœzene entitles the second θεσμοφοριάζουσαι of Aristophanes θεσμοφοριάσασαι. . In that play the poet speaks of Peparethian wine:—
 
 Shun, my boy, the Pramnian cup, 
 Nor Thasian drink, nor Chian sup; 
 Nor let your glass with Peparethian brighten— 
 For bachelors that liquor's too exciting. 
 Elbulus says— 
 As sweet as 
 Wine from Leucas or Miletus. 
 Archestratus, the author of The Art of giving a Banquet, 
 says,— 
 
 When a libation to the gods you make, 
 Let your wine worthy be, and ripe and old; 
 Whose hoary locks droop o'er his purple lake, 
 Such as in Lesbos' sea-girt isle is sold. 
 Phœnicia doth a generous liquor bear, 
 But still the Lesbian I would rather quaff; 
 For though through age the former rich appear, 
 You'll find its fragrance will with use go off. 
 
 
 But Lesbian is the true ambrosial juice, 
 And so the gods, whose home's Olympus, think it; 
 And if some rather the Phoenician choose, 
 Let them, as long as they don't make you drink it. 
 
 
 The Thasian isle, too, noble wine doth grow, 
 When passing years have made its flavour mellow, 
 And other places too; still all I know 
 Is that the Lesbian liquor has no fellow. 
 
 
 I need not stop to tell you all the names 
 Of towns which in the generous contest vie, 
 Each for itself the vict'ry hotly claims; 
 But still the Lesbian wine beats all, say I.

Ephippus, too, mentions the Phoenician wine, saying, Nuts, pomegranates,
 dates, and other sweetmeats, and small casks of Phœnician wine. And
 again,— 
 A cask of good Phœnician wine was tapp'd. 
 Xenophon, too, mentions it in his Anabasis. The Mendæan wine is mentioned
 by Cratinus:— 
 When a man tastes Mendæan wine, 
 How rich, says he, how sweet, how fine! 
 I wonder where it can be bought, or 
 What's the right quantity of water. 
 And Hermippus somewhere introduces Bacchus as mentioning several
 different kinds of wine:— 
 
 Mendæan wine such as the gods distil, 
 And sweet Magnesian, cures for every ill, 
 And Thasian, redolent of mild perfume; 
 But of them all the most inviting bloom 
 Mantles above old Homer's Chian glass; 
 That wine doth all its rivals far surpass. 
 There is a wine, which Saprian they call, 
 Soon as the seals from whose rich hogshead fall, 
 Violets and roses mix their lovely scent, 
 And hyacinths, in one rich fragrance blent; 
 You might believe Jove's nectar sparkled there, 
 With such ambrosial odour reeks the air. 
 This is the wine I'll to my friends disclose; 
 The Peparethian trash may suit my foes. 
 And Phanias the Eresian poet says that the Mendæans are in the habit of
 syringing the grapes with opening medicine, even while still on the vine; and that
 this makes the wine soft.

Themistocles received from the king of Persia Lampsacus, to supply him with wine;
 Magnesia, for bread; Myus, for meat; and Percope and Palæscepsis were to provide
 him with bedclothes and garments. The king moreover enjoined him to wear a cloak
 such as is worn by the barbarians, as he had previously bade Demaratus do; and he
 gave him the same presents as he had formerly given to Demaratus, and added also a
 robe such as is worn by the sons-in-law of the king, on condition of his never
 reassuming the Greek attire. And Cyrus the Great gave Pytharchus of Cyzicus, being
 a friend of his, seven cities, as is related by Agathocles of Babylon; namely,
 Pedasus, and Olympius, and Cama, and Tium, and Sceptra, and Artypsus, and Tortyra.
 But he, being made insolent and having his head turned by this liberality,
 attempted to make himself tyrant of his country, and collected an army for that
 purpose. On which the people of Cyzicus went out to battle against him, and
 attacked him eagerly, and so preserved their liberties. 
 Among the people of Lampsacus Priapus is held in high honour, being the same as
 Bacchus, and having this name Priapus only as an epithet, just as Thriambus and
 Dithyrambus are. 
 The Mitylenæans have a sweet wine which they call πρόδρομος, and others call it πρότροπος.

The Icarian wine, too, is held in high estimation, as Amphis says:— 
 
 Thurium gives the olive juice, 
 Lentils Gela's fields produce; 
 Icarian wine well merits praise, 
 And figs which the Cimolians raise. 
 The Pramnian wine, too, according to Eparchides, is produced in Icarus.
 It is a peculiar kind of wine; and it is neither sweet nor thick, but dry and
 hard, and of extraordinary strength; and Aristophanes says that the Athenians did
 not like it, for that the Athenian people did not like hard and sour poets,
 nor hard Pramnian wines, which contract the eyebrows and the stomach; but they
 prefer a fragrant wine, ripe, and flavoured like nectar. For Semus says
 that there is in Icarus a rock called the Pramnian rock; and near it is a great
 mountain, from which the Pramnian wine has its name, and some call it a medicinal
 wine. Now Icarus used formerly to be called the Fishy Icarus, from the number of
 fish around it; just as the Echinades had their name from the sea-urchins, and the
 promontory Sepias from the number of cuttle-fish which are taken near it. And in
 like manner the Lagussæ islands are so called from λαγὼς, a hare, as being full of hares. And other islands are called
 Phycussæ, and Lopadussæ, for similar reasons. And according to Eparchides, the
 vine which produces the Icarian Pramnian wine, is called by the strangers the Holy
 vine, and by the people of Œnoe the Dionysiac vine. And Œnoe is a city in the
 island. 
 But Didymus says that the Pramnian wine comes from a vine called Pramnian; and
 some say that the name means merely dark-coloured. But others affirm that it is a
 generic name for wine suitable for long keeping, as being παραμένιος, that is to say, such as can be
 kept. And some say that it is so called from πραΰνειν τὸ μένος, 
 mollifying anger, because those who drink it become
 good-humoured.

Amphis praises also the wine which comes from the city of Acanthus, saying,—
 
 
 A. Whence do you come, friend? speak. 
 
 B. From Acanthus I. 
 
 A. Acanthus? then I trow, 
 Since you're a countryman of wine so strong, 
 You must be fierce yourself; 
 Your country's name is thorny, but
 I hope 
 Your manners are not quite so rough and prickly. 
 
 And Alexis mentions Corinthian wine as a harsh wine— 
 And foreign wine was there; for that from Corinth 
 Is painful drinking. 
 He speaks, too, of wine from Eubœa— 
 Drinking deep draughts of harsh Eubœan wine. 
 The Naxian wine is compared by Archilochus to nectar. And he says in some
 one of his poems— 
 My spear finds corn, my spear finds wine, 
 From Ismarus; on my spear I dine, 
 And on it, when fatigued, recline. 
 But Strattis praises the wine of Sciathus— 
 The black Sciathian wine mix'd half and half, 
 Invites the traveller to halt and quaff. 
 And Achæus praises the Bibline wine— 
 He pledged him in a cup of Bibline wine. 
 While it has its name from some district which is called by a similar
 appellation. And Philyllius says,— 
 I'll give you Lesbian, Chian wine, 
 Thasian, Mendæan, and Bibline; 
 Sweet wines, but none so strong and heady 
 As that you shall next day feel seedy. 
 
 
 But Epicharmus says that it is named from some mountains of a similar name. And
 Armenidas says that there is a district of Thrace called the Biblian, the same
 which was afterwards called Tisara, and Œsyma. And it was very natural for Thrace
 to be admired as a country producing fine wines; and indeed all the adjacent
 country deserves the same character. 
 Full of rich wine the ships from Lemnos came. 
 But Hippias the Rhegian says that the wine called the 
 creeper was also called Biblian; and that Pollis the
 Argive, who was king of Syracuse, was the first person who brought it to Syracuse
 from Italy. And if that be true, probably the sweet wine which among the Sicilians
 is called Pollian, is the same as the Bibline wine. There is an ancient oracle:—
 
 Drink wine where lees abound, since Fate has not 
 Placed you amid Anthedon's flowery plains, 
 Or in the streets of sacred Hypera, 
 Where purer wine abounds. 
 
 And there was a vine among the people of Trœzene, (as Aris-
 totle says, in his book on their polity,) called Anthedonian, and another called
 Hyperian; from men of the name of Anthus and Hyperus, just as the Althephian vine
 is named after a man of the name of Althephias, one of the descendants of
 Alpheus.

Aleman somewhere speaks of a wine as free from fire, and smelling of flowers,
 which is produced from the Five Hills, a place about seven furlongs from Sparta.
 And he mentions another wine which comes from Denthiades, a small fortress, and
 another from Œnus, and another from Onogle and Stathmi. And these places are all
 near Pitane. Accordingly, he says, And wine from Œnus, or from Denthis, or
 from Carystus, or from Onoglæ, or from Stathmi. The Carystian wine is
 that which comes from Carystus in Laconia, on the borders of Arcadia. And he calls
 it free from fire as not having been boiled; for they often used
 boiled wines. Polybius says that there was an admirable wine made at Capua; which
 was called ἀναδενδρίτης, to which no other wine
 was at all comparable. But Alciphron of the Mæander says, that there was a
 mountain village near the Ephesian territories, which was formerly called
 Latona's, but is now called Latorea, from Latorea the Amazon; and that there also
 Pramnian wine is made. Timachidas the Rhodian calls a wine made at Rhodes ὑπόχυτος, or the adulterated 
 wine, being near akin to sweet wine. But that wine is
 called γλύξις which goes through no process of
 decoction. 
 There is also a Rhodian wine, which Polyzelus calls αὐτίτης· 
 and another which Plato the comic writer calls
 καπνίας ; and this wine is made in the
 greatest perfection at Beneventum, a city in Italy. But the wine Amphis is spoken
 of as a very poor wine by Sosicrates. The ancients used also a certain wine made
 of spices, which they called τρίμμα. But
 Theophrastus, in his History of Plants, says, that a wine is made in Heræa in
 Arcadia which, when it is drunk, drives men out of their senses, and makes women
 inclined to preg- nancy: and that around Cerunia in Achaia there is a kind of
 vine, from which a wine is made which has a tendency to cause abortion in pregnant
 women; and if they eat the grapes too, says he, they miscarry;—and the Trœzenian
 wine, he says, makes those who drink it barren: and at Thasos, 
 says he, they make a wine which produces sleep, and another which causes those who
 drink it to keep awake.

But concerning the manufacture of scented wine, Phanias of Eresus says,
 There is infused into the wine one portion of sea-water to fifty of
 wine, and that becomes scented wine. And again he says, Scented
 wine is made stronger of young than of old vines; and he subjoins,
 Having trodden on the unripe grapes they put the wine away, and it
 becomes scented. But Theophrastus says, that the wine at Thasos,
 which is given in the prytaneum, is wonderfully delicious; for it is well
 seasoned; for they knead up dough with honey, and put that into the earthen
 jars; so that the wine receives fragrance from itself, and sweetness from the
 honey. And he proceeds to say, If any one mixes harsh wine which
 has no smell with soft and fragrant wine, such, for instance, as the Heraclean
 wine with that of Erythræ, softness is derived from the one, and wholesomeness
 from the other. And the Myrtite or Myrrhine wine is spoken of by
 Posidippus:— 
 A tasteless, dry, and foolish wine 
 I consider the myrrhine. 
 Hermes, too, is mentioned by Strattis as the name of a drink. And Chæreas
 says, that a wine is made in Babylon which is called nectar. 
 The bard of Ceos says— 
 'Tis not enough to mix your wine with taste, 
 Unless sweet converse seasons the repast; 
 And Bacchus' gifts well such regard deserve, 
 That we should e'en the stones of grapes preserve.

Now of wines some are white, some yellow, and some red. The white is the thinnest
 in its nature, diuretic, and warm; and being a promoter of digestion it causes a
 heat in the head; for it is a wine which has a tendency to move upwards. But of
 red wine that which is not sweet is very nutritious, and is astringent; but that
 which is sweet (as is the case with even white and yellow wine also) is the most
 nutrition of all: for it softens all the ducts and passages, and thickens the
 fluid parts of the body, and does not at all confuse the head. For in reality the
 nature of sweet wine lingers about the ribs, and engenders spittle, as Diodes and
 Praxagoras asset. But Mnesitheus the Athenian says, Red wine is the mot
 nutritious; but white is the most diuretic and the thinnest; and the yellow is a dry wine, and that which most assists in the
 digestion of the food. 
 
 Now the wines which have been very carefully prepared with sea-water never cause
 headaches; and they open the bowels, and sometimes gripe the stomach, and produce
 flatulency, and assist in the digestion of food. Of this character is the Myndian
 wine, and that of Halicarnassus. And so Menippus the Cynic calls Myndus
 brine-drinking. The Coan wine too has a good deal of sea-water
 in it. The Rhodian has not so much sea-water; but a great deal of that wine is
 good for nothing. Wine made in the islands is very good to drink, and not at all
 ill-calculated for daily use. But Cnidian wine makes blood, is nutritious, and
 keeps the bowels in a healthy state; though if it is drunk in great quantities it
 relaxes the stomach. The Lesbian wine is less astringent, and more diuretic. But
 the Chian is a nicer wine; and of all the Chian wine, that called the Aryusian is
 the best. And of this there are three varieties: for there is a dry kind, and a
 sweet kind; and that the flavour of which is between the two is called autocratic, that is, self-mixed. Now the dry kind is
 pleasant to the taste, nutritious, and more diuretic than the others; but the
 sweet kind is nutritious, filling, and apt to soften the bowels. The autocratic
 wine in its effects also is something between the two. But, generally speaking,
 the Chian wine is digestible, nutritious, a producer of good blood, mild, and
 filling, inasmuch as it has a great deal of body. But the nicest of all wines are
 the Alban and Falernian wines of Italy; but these, if they have been kept a length
 of time and are old, acquire a medicinal effect, and rapidly produce a sensation
 of heaviness. But the wine called Adrian relieves any oppression of the breath, is
 very digestible, and wholly free from all unpleasant consequences; but these wines
 require to be made with rapidity, and then to be set in an open place, so as to
 allow the thicker portions of their body to evaporate. But the best wine to keep a
 length of time is the Corcyrean. The Zacynthian and Leucadian wines also are apt
 to be bad for the head, because they contain chalk. There is a wine from Cilicia,
 called Abates, which has no effect except that of relaxing the bowels. But hard
 water, such as that from springs, or from rain if it is filtered, and has stood
 some time, agrees very well with Coan and Myndian and Halicarnassian wine, and indeed with every wine which has plenty of salt-water in
 it. And accordingly these wines are of the greatest use at Athens and Sicyon,
 because the waters in these cities are harsh. But for those wines which have no
 sea-water, and which are of a more astringent nature, especially for the Chian and
 Lesbian wine, the purest water is the most suitable. 
 Oh thou my tongue, whom silence long hath bound, 
 How wilt thou bear this tale of thine t' unfold? 
 Hard is their fate to whom compulsion stern 
 Leaves no alternative; which now compels thee 
 To open what thy lord would fain conceal. 
 These are the words of Sophocles.

The Mareotic wine, which comes from Alexandria, had its name from a fountain in
 the district of Alexandria called Marea; and from a town of the same name which
 was close to it; which was formerly a place of great importance, but is now
 reduced to a petty village. And the fountain and town derived their name from
 Maro, who was one of the companions of Bacchus in his expedition. And there are
 many vines in that country, which produce grapes very good to eat when raw, and
 the wine which is made from them is excellent. For it is white, and sweet, and
 good for the breath, and digestible, and then, it never produces any ill effect on
 the head, and is diuretic. And still better than this is the wine called Tæniqtic.
 The word ταινία means a riband; and there is in
 that district a long narrow riband of land, the wines produced from which are of a
 slightly green colour, with something oily in them, which is quickly dissolved
 when it is mixed with water; just as the Attic honey is dissolved by the same
 process. This Tæniotic wine, in addition to being sweet, has something aromatic in
 it, of a slightly astringent character. But there are vines near the Nile in great
 quantities as far as the river extends; and there are many peculiarities in those
 vines, both a to their colour and as to their use. However, the best of all the
 wines made in that district is that made near the city of Antylla (which is not
 far from Alexandria), the revenues fro which the kings of those ages, both the
 Egyptian and Persian kings, used to give to their wives for pin-money. But the
 wine which is made in the Thebais, especially that near the city Coptos, is light,
 and easy of digestion, and also so great an assistant in the
 digestion of the rest of one's food, that it is given to people in fevers without
 injury. 
 You praise yourself, as does Astydamas, woman! 
 (Astydamas was a tragic poet.)

Theopompus the Chian says, that the vine is found at Olympia, near the Alpheus;
 and that there is a place about eight furlongs from Elis where the natives at the
 time of the Dionysian games close up three empty brazen vessels, and seal them in
 the presence of all the people round about; and at a subsequent time they open
 them and find them full of wine. But Hellanicus says, that the vine was first
 discovered in Plinthina, a city of Egypt; on which account Dion, the academic
 philosopher, calls the Egyptians fond of wine and fond of drinking: and also, that
 as subsidiary to wine, in the case of those who, on account of their poverty,
 could not get wine, there was introduced a custom of drinking beer made of barley;
 and moreover, that those who drank this beer were so pleased with it that they
 sung and danced, and did everything like men drunk with wine. Now Aristotle says,
 that men who are drunk with wine show it in their faces; but that those who have
 drunk too much beer fall back and go to sleep; for wine is stimulating, but beer
 has a tendency to stupefy.

Now that the Egyptians really are fond of wine this is a proof, that they are the
 only people among whom it is a custom at their feasts to eat boiled cabbages
 before all the rest of their food; and even to this very time they do so. And many
 people add cabbage seed to potions which they prepare as preventives against
 drunkenness. And wherever a vineyard has cabbages growing in it, there the wine is
 weaker. On which account the citizens of Sybaris also, as Timmeus says, used to
 eat cabbages before drinking. And so Alexis says— 
 Last evening you were drinking deep, 
 So now your head aches. Go to sleep; 
 Take some boil'd cabbage when you wake; 
 And there's an end of your headache. 
 And Eubulus says, somewhere or other— 
 Wife, quick! some cabbage boil, of virtues healing, 
 That I may rid me of this seedy feeling. 
 
 For the ancients used to call cabbage ῥάφανος. And so Apollodorus of Carystus expressly says— 
 We call it ῥάφανος, and strangers κράμβη ; 
 But sure to women they must both the same be. 
 And Anaxandrides says— 
 If you butter and cabbage eat, 
 All distempers you will beat, 
 Driving off all headaches horrid, 
 And clouds which hover round your forehead. 
 And Nicochares says— 
 Instead of cabbage, acorns boil to-morrow, 
 Which equally rid you of all your sorrow. 
 And Amphis tells us— 
 When one's been drunk, the best relief I know 
 Is stern misfortune's unexpected blow; 
 For that at once all languor will dispel, 
 As sure as cabbage. 
 And Theophrastus also speaks of the effect which the cabbage produces,
 saying that the vine as long as it lives always turns away from the smell of
 cabbage.

THE conversation which you reported to me did not allow me to give up a
 considerable portion of the day to sleep, as it was of a very varied nature. 
 Nicander of Colophon says that wine, οἶνος, has
 its name from Œneus:— 
 Œneus pour'd the juice divine 
 In hollow cups, and called it wine. 
 And Melanippides of Melos says— 
 'Twas Œneus, master, gave his name to wine. 
 But Hecatæus of Miletus says, that the vine was discovered In Aetolia;
 and adds, Orestheus, the son of Deucalion, came to Aetolia to endeavour to
 obtain the kingdom; and while he was there, a bitch which he had brought forth
 a stalk: and he ordered it to be buried in the ground, and from it there sprang up a vine loaded with grapes. On which account
 he called his son Phytius. And he had a son named Œneus, who was so called from
 the vines: for the ancient Greeks, says he, called vines
 οἶναι. Now Œneus was the father of
 Aetolus. But Plato in his Cratylus, inquiring into the etymology of the
 word οἶνος, says, that it is equivalent to
 οἰόνους, as filling the mind, νοῦς, , with οἴησις, or
 self-conceit. Perhaps, however, the word may be derived from ὄνησις, succour. For Homer, giving as it were the derivation of the
 word, speaks nearly after this fashion— 
 And then you will be succour'd ( ὀνήσεαι ) if
 you drink. 
 And he too constantly calls food ὀνείατα, 
 because it supports us.

Now the author of the Cyprian poems, whoever he was, says— 
 No better remedies than wine there are, 
 O king, to drive away soul-eating care. 
 And Diphilus the comic poet says— 
 O Bacchus, to all wise men dear, 
 How very kind you do appear; 
 You make the lowly-hearted proud, 
 And bid the gloomy laugh aloud; 
 You fill the feeble man with daring, 
 And cowards strut and bray past bearing. 
 And Philoxenus of Cythera says— 
 Good store of wine which makes men talk. 
 But Chæremon the tragedian says, that wine inspires those who use it with
 
 Laughter and wisdom and prudence and learning. 
 And Ion of Chios calls wine 
 Youth of indomitable might, 
 With head of bull; the loveliest wight 
 Who ever rank'd as Love's esquire, 
 Filling men with strength and fire. 
 And Mensitheus says— 
 Great was the blessing, when the gods did show 
 Sweet wine to those who how to use it know; 
 But where bad men its righteous use pervert, 
 To such, I trow, it will be rather hurt. 
 For to the first it nourishment supplies, 
 Strengthens their bodies, and their minds makes wise; 
 A wholesome physic 'tis when mix'd with potions, 
 Heals wounds as well as plasters or cold lotions. 
 
 Wine to our daily feasts brings cheerful laughter, 
 When mix'd with proper quantities of water; 
 Men saucy get if one-third wine they quaff; 
 While downright madness flows from half-and-half; 
 And neat wine mind and body too destroys; 
 While moderation wise secures our joys. 
 And well the oracle takes this position, 
 That Bacchus is all people's best physician.

And Eubulus introduces Bacchus as saying— 
 Let them three parts of wine all duly season 
 With nine of water, who'd preserve their reason; 
 The first gives health, the second sweet desires, 
 The third tranquillity and sleep inspires. 
 These are the wholesome draughts which wise men please, 
 Who from the banquet home return in peace. 
 From a fourth measure insolence proceeds; 
 Uproar a fifth, a sixth wild licence breeds; 
 A seventh brings black eyes and livid bruises, 
 The eighth the constable next introduces; 
 Black gall and hatred lurk the ninth beneath, 
 The tenth is madness, arms, and fearful death; 
 For too much wine pour'd in one little vessel, 
 Trips up all those who seek with it to wrestle. 
 And Epicharmus says— 
 
 A. Sacrifices feasts produce, 
 Drinking then from feasts proceeds. 
 
 B. Such rotation has its use. 
 
 A. Then the drinking riot breeds; 
 Then on riot and confusion 
 Follow law and prosecution; 
 Law brings sentence; sentence chains; 
 Chains bring wounds and ulcerous pains. 
 And Panyasis the epic poet allots the first cup of wine to the Graces,
 the Hours, and Bacchus; the second to Venus, and again to Bacchus; the third to
 Insolence and Destruction. And so he says— 
 O'er the first glass the Graces three preside, 
 And with the smiling Hours the palm divide; 
 Next Bacchus, parent of the sacred vine, 
 And Venus, loveliest daughter of the brine, 
 Smile on the second cup, which cheers the heart, 
 And bids the drinker home in peace depart. 
 But the third cup is waste and sad excess, 
 Parent of wrongs, denier of redress; 
 Oh, who can tell what evils may befall 
 When Strife and Insult rage throughout the hall? 
 
 Content thee, then, my friend, with glasses twain; 
 Then to your home and tender wife again; 
 While your companions, with unaching heads, 
 By your example taught, will seek their beds. 
 But riot will be bred by too much wine, 
 A mournful ending for a feast divine; 
 While, then, you live, your thirst in bounds confine. 
 And a few lines afterwards he says of immoderate drinking— 
 For Insolence and Ruin follow it. 
 According to Euripides, 
 Drinking is sire of blows and violence. 
 From which some have said that the pedigree of Bacchus and of Insolence
 were the same.

And Alexis says somewhere— 
 Man's nature doth in much resemble wine: 
 For young men and new wine do both need age 
 To ripen their too warm unseason'd strength, 
 And let their violence evaporate. 
 But when the grosser portions are worked off, 
 And all the froth is skilsm'd, then both are good'; 
 The wine is drinkable, the man is wise, 
 And both in future pleasant while they last. 
 And according to the bard of Cyrene— 
 Wine is like fire when 'tis to man applied, 
 Or like the storm that sweeps the Libyan tide; 
 The furious wind the lowest depths can reach, 
 And wine robs man of knowledge, sense, and speech. 
 But in some other place Alexis says the contrary to what I have just
 cited:— 
 
 A. Man in no one respect resembles wine: 
 For man by age is made intolerable; 
 But age improves all wine. 
 
 B. Yes; for old wines cheer us, 
 But old men only snarl, abuse, and jeer us. 
 And Panyasis says— 
 Wine is like fire, an aid and sweet relief, 
 Wards off all ills, and comforts every grief; 
 Wine can of every feast the joys enhance, 
 It kindles soft desire, it leads the dance. 
 Think not then, childlike, much of solid food, 
 But stick to wine, the only real good. 
 
 And again— 
 Good wine's the gift which God has given 
 To man alone beneath the heaven; 
 Of dance and song the genial sire, 
 Of friendship gay and soft desire; 
 Yet rule it with a tighten'd rein, 
 Nor moderate wisdom's rules disdain; 
 For when uncheck'd there's nought runs faster,— 
 A useful slave, but cruel master.

Timæus of Tauromenium relates that there was a certain house at Agrigentum called
 the Trireme, on this account:— Some young men got drunk in it, and got so mad when
 excited by the wine, as to think that they were sailing in a trireme, and that
 they were being tossed about on the sea m a violent storm; and so completely did
 they lose their senses, that they threw all the furniture, and all the sofas and
 chairs and beds, out of window, as if they were throwing them into the sea,
 fancying that the captain had ordered them to lighten the ship because of the
 storm. And though a crowd collected round the house and began to plunder what was
 thrown out, even that did not cure the young men of their frenzy. And the next
 day, when the prætors came to the house, there were the young men still lying,
 sea-sick as they said; and, when the magistrates questioned them, they replied
 that they had been in great danger from a storm, and had consequently been
 compelled to lighten the ship by throwing all their superfluous cargo into the
 sea. Arid while the magistrates marvelled at the bewilderment of the men, one of
 them, who seemed to be older than the rest, said, I, O Tritons, was so
 frightened that I threw myself down under the benches, and lay there as low
 down and as much out of sight as I could. And the magistrates forgave
 their folly, and dismissed them with a reproof, and a warning not to indulge in
 too much wine in future. And they, professing to be much obliged to them, said,
 If we arrive in port after having escaped this terrible storm, we will
 erect in our own country statues of you as our saviours in a conspicuous place,
 along with those of the other gods of the sea, as having appeared to us at a
 seasonable time. And from this circumstance that house was called the
 Trireme.

But Philochorus says that men who drink hard do not only show what sort of
 disposition they themselves are of, but do also reveal in
 their chattering the characters of every one else whom they know. Whence comes the
 proverb, 
 Wine and truth; 
 
 and the sentence, 
 Wine lays bare the heart of man. 
 And so in the contests of Bacchus the prize of victory is a tripod: and
 we have a proverb of those who speak truth, that they are speaking from the
 tripod; in which the tripod meant is the cup of Bacchus. For there were
 among the ancients two kinds of tripods, each of which, as it happened, bore the
 name of λέβης, or bowl; 
 one, which was used to be put on the fire, being a sort of kettle for bathing, as
 Aeschylus says— 
 They pour'd the water in a three-legg'd bowl, 
 Which always has its place upon the fire: 
 and the other is what is also called κρατὴρ, 
 goblet. Homer says— 
 And seven fireless tripods. 
 And in these last they mixed wine; and it is this last tripod that is the
 tripod of truth; and it is considered appropriate to Apollo, because of the truth
 of his prophetic art; and to Bacchus, because of the truth which people speak when
 drunk. And Semus the Delian says— A brazen tripod, not the Pythian one, but
 that which they now call a bowl. And of these bowls some were never put on the
 fire, and men mixed their wine in them; and the others held water for baths,
 and in them they warmed the water, putting them on the fire; and of these some
 had ears, and having their bottom supported by three feet they were called
 tripods. 
 
 Ephippus says somewhere or other— 
 
 A. That load of wine makes you a chatterer. 
 
 B. That's why they say that drunken men speak
 truth. 
 And Antiphanes writes— 
 There are only two secrets a man cannot keep, 
 One when he's in love, t' other when he's drunk deep: 
 For these facts are so proved by his tongue or his eyes, 
 That we see it more plainly the more he denies.

And Philochorus relates that Amphictyon, the king of the Athenians, having learnt
 of Bacchus the art of mixing wine, was the first man who ever
 did mix it: and that it is owing to him that men who have been drinking on his
 system can walk straight afterwards, when before they used to blunder about after
 drinking sheer wine: and on this account he erected an altar to the Straight
 Bacchus in the temple of the Seasons; for they are the Nymphs who cherish the
 fruit or the vine. And near it he built also an altar to the Nymphs, as a memorial
 to all who use mixed drink; for the Nymphs are said to have been the nurses of
 Bacchus. And he made a law to bring an unmixed wine after meals only just enough
 to taste, as a token of the power of the Good Deity. But the rest of the wined was
 put on the table ready mixed, in whatever quantity any one chose. And then he
 enjoined the guests to invoke in addition the name of Jupiter the Saviour, for the
 sake of instructing and reminding the drinkers that by drinking in that fashion
 they would be preserved from injury. But Plato, in his second book of the Laws,
 says that the use of wine is to be encouraged for the sake of health. But on
 account of the look which habitual drunkards get, they liken Bacchus to a bull;
 and to a leopard, because he excites drunkards to acts of violence. And Alcæus
 says— 
 Wine sometimes than honey sweeter, 
 Sometimes more than nettles bitter. 
 Some men, too, are apt to get in a rage when drunk; and they are like a
 bull. Euripides says— 
 Fierce bulls, their passion with their horns displaying. 
 And some men, from their quarrelsome disposition when drunk, are like
 wild beasts, on which account it is that Bacchus is likened to a leopard.

Well was it then that Ariston the Chian said that that was the most agreeable
 drink which partook at the same time of both sweetness and fragrance; for which
 reason some people prepare what is called nectar about the Olympus which is in
 Lydia, mixing wine and honeycombs and the most fragrant flowers together. Though I
 am aware indeed that Anaxandrides says that nectar is not the drink, but the meat
 of the gods:— 
 Nectar I eat, and well do gnaw it; 
 Ambrosia drink, (you never saw it); 
 I act as cupbearer to Jove, 
 And chat to Juno—not of love; 
 
 And oftentimes I sit by Venus, 
 With marplot none to come between us. 
 And Alcman says— 
 Nectar they eat at will. 
 And Sappho says— 
 The goblets rich were with ambrosia crown'd, 
 Which Hermes bore to all the gods around. 
 But Homer was acquainted with nectar as the drink of the gods. And Ibycus
 says that ambrosia is nine times as sweet as honey; stating expressly that honey
 has just one-ninth part of the power of ambrosia as far as sweetness goes.

One fond of wine must be an honest man; 
 For Bacchus, for his double mother famed, 
 Loves not bad men, nor uninstructed clowns, 
 says Alexis. He adds, moreover, that wine makes all men who drink much of
 it fond of talking. And the author of the Epigram on Cratinus says— 
 
 If with water you fill up your glasses, 
 You'll never write anything wise 
 But wine is the horse of Parnassus, 
 That carries a bard to the skies. 
 
 
 And this was Cratinus's thought, 
 Who was ne'er with one bottle content, 
 But stuck to his cups as he ought, 
 And to Bacchus his heart and voice lent. 
 
 
 His house all with garlands did shine, 
 And with ivy he circled his brow, 
 To show he nought worshipp'd but wine, 
 As, if he still lived, he'd do now. 
 
 
 
 Polemo says that in Munychia a hero is honoured of the name of Acratopotes: 
 and that among the Spartans statues of the heroes Matton and Ceraon were erected
 by some cooks in the hall of the Phiditia. And in Achaia a hero is honoured called Deipneus, having his name from
 δεῖπνον, a supper. But from a dry meal there
 arise no jokes, nor extempore poems, though, on the other hand, such an one does
 not cause any boasting or insolence of mind; so that it is well said— 
 Where are the empty boasts which Lemnos heard 
 When season'd dishes press'd the ample board, 
 When the rich goblets overflow'd with wine? 
 
 though Aristarchus the grammarian put a mark against the line
 which represents the Greeks as getting insolent through much eating. For he said
 that it was not every sort of cheerfulness and satiety which engendered boasting
 and jesting and ridiculous actions; but that these things proceeded only from such
 revelling as made men beside themselves, and inclined them to falsehood,—from
 drunkenness, in fact.

On which account Bacchylides says:— 
 Sweet force, from wine proceeding, 
 Now warms my soul with love, 
 And on my spirit leading, 
 With hopes my heart does move. 
 It drives dull care away, 
 And laughs at walls and towers; 
 And bids us think and say, 
 That all the world is ours. 
 The man who drinks plenty of wine, 
 Will never for wealth be wishing; 
 For his cellar's a ceaseless mine, 
 And an undisturb'd heart he is rich in. 
 And Sophocles says— 
 Drinking is a cure for woe. 
 And other poets call wine— 
 Fruit of the field, which makes the heart to leap. 
 And the king of all poets introduces Ulysses saying— 
 Let generous food supplies of strength produce, 
 Let rising spirits flow from sprightly juice, 
 Let their warm heads with scenes of battle glow, 
 
 and so on.

It is in consequence of wine that both comedy and tragedy were discovered in
 Icarium, a village of Attica; and it was at the time of the grape harvest that
 these inventions were first introduced, from which comedy was at first called
 τρυγῳδία. 
 
 Euripides, in the Bacchæ, says that Bacchus 
 Gave men the wine which every grief dispels; 
 Where wine is not, there Venus never dwells, 
 Nor any other thing which men hold dear. 
 And Astydamas says that Bacchus 
 Gave men the vine which cures all mortal grief, 
 Parent of genial wine. 
 
 For, says Antiphanes, a man who continually fills himself with wine becomes indifferent and careless; but he
 who drinks but little is very meditative. And Alexis says— 
 I'm not beside myself with drink; nor have I so much taken 
 As not to be quite understood by those to whom I'm speaking. 
 But Seleucus says that it was not an ancient custom to indulge in wine or
 any other luxury to excess, except, indeed, on the occasion of some sacred
 festival; which is the origin of the names θοῖναι, 
 and θάλιαι, and μέθαι. — θοῖναι meaning that men
 thought it right διὰ θεοὺς οἰνοῦσθαι, to drink
 wine ###on account of the gods; θάλιαι meaning
 that χάριν θεῶν ἡλίζοντο, they assembled and met
 together in honour of the gods. And this comes to the same as the Homeric
 expression δαῖτα θάλειαν. And Aristotle says that
 the word μεθύειν is derived from the fact that men
 used wine μετὰ τὸ θύειν, after sacrificing.

Euripides says that it is possible that 
 Those who with humble gifts approach the gods, 
 May often holier be, than those who load 
 The groaning altars with whole hecatombs; 
 and the word τέλος, which he employs in
 the first line, means sacrifice. And Homer uses the same word when
 he says— 
 God holds no sacrifice in more esteem, 
 Than hearts where pious joy and pleasure beam. 
 
 And we call those festivals which are of greater magnitude and which are
 celebrated with certain mysterious traditions, τελεταὶ , on account of the expense which is lavished on them. For
 the word τελέω means to
 spend. And men who spend a great deal are called πολυτελεῖς, and those who spend but little are called εὐτελεῖς. Alexis says— 
 Those who with fair prosperity are bless'd, 
 Should always keep themselves before the world; 
 Glad to display the bounty of the gods. 
 For they, the givers of all good, deserve 
 A holy gratitude; and they will have it. 
 But if, when they their gifts have shower'd, they see 
 The objects of their bounty live like churls, 
 Useless to all around them; who can wonder 
 If they recall what seems so ill bestow'd?

A man is not fond of wine who has been used from his earliest years to drink
 water. But— 
 'Tis sweet, at a banquet or festival meeting, 
 To chat o'er one's wine, when the guests have done eating, 
 says Hesiod in his Melampodia. 
 
 It has not occurred to any one of you to say a word about water, though wine is
 made of it, and though Pindar, the most grandiloquent of poets, has said that
 water is the best of all things. And Homer, too, the most divine
 of all poets, recognised it as a most nutritious thing, when he spoke of a grove
 of poplars nourished by the water. He also praises its transparent nature— 
 Four fountains flow'd with clearest water white; 
 
 and the water which is of a lighter nature, and of greater value, he
 calls lovely: at all events he calls the Titaresius lovely which
 falls into the Peneus. And he mentions also some water as especially good for
 washing; and Praxagoras of Cos, following his example, speaks of a water as
 beauteous— 
 Beauteous it flows, to wash all dirt away. 
 And he distinguishes also between sweet water and brackish ( πλατὺς ) water; though when he calls the Hellespont
 πλατὺς, he uses the word in the sense of broad.
 But with respect to sweet water, he says— 
 Near the sweet waters then our ships we stay'd.

He was acquainted too with the effect which warm water has on wounds: at all
 events he describes Eurypylus's wounds as being washed with it; and yet, if the
 object was to stop the hemorrhage, cold water would have been useful, since that
 contracts and closes up wounds; but with the view of relieving the pain, he bathes
 these with warm water, which has a soothing effect. And in Homer the word λιαρὸς is used for what we call θερμὸς, 
 warm. And he shows that plainly enough in what he says
 about the fountains of the Scamander, saying— 
 Next by Scamander's double source they bound, 
 Where two famed fountains burst the parted ground; 
 This warm, through scorching clefts is seen to rise, 
 With exhalations steaming to the skies. 
 
 Can we call that only warm from which a steam of
 fire, and a fiery smoke arises? But of the other source he says— 
 That, the green banks in summer's heat o'erflows, 
 Like crystal clear, and cold as winter's snows. 
 And he often speaks of men newly wounded being bathed in warm water. In
 the case of Agamemnon he says— 
 With his warm blood still welling from the wound. 
 
 
 And in the case of a stag fleeing after it had been wounded,
 he says, in a sort of paraphrase— 
 While his warm blood and mighty limbs were strong. 
 
 The Athenians call χλιαρὸν, which is
 properly lukewarm, 
 μετάκερας, as Eratosthenes uses the word, saying,
 Watery by nature, and lukewarm, μετάκερας.

And of other waters, those which come from rocks he calls dark, as
 being quite useless; and he prefers to all others the waters of springs, and those
 which rise to the surface from a great depth, and through rich soil. As also
 Hesiod says— 
 A ceaseless spring of clear untroubled flow. 
 And Pindar says— 
 Ambrosial water, like fresh honey sweet, 
 Which from Tilphossa's lovely fountains flows; 
 (Tilphossa is a fountain in Bœotia;) and Aristophanes says that Tiresias
 died from drinking of it, as at his advanced age he was unable to bear its extreme
 cold. And Theophrastus, in his book on Waters, says that the water of the Nile is
 the most productive and the sweetest of all waters, and that it is also very
 relaxing to the bowels of those who drink it, as it has in it a mixture of nitre.
 And again, in his book on Plants, he says that there is in some places water which
 has a procreative tendency; as for instance at Thespiæ: and at Pyrrha there is a
 water which causes barrenness. But it happened once when there was a drought in
 the district around the Nile, that the water of that river became unwholesome, and
 many of the Egyptians died. Theophrastus states, moreover, that not only do bitter
 waters sometimes change their nature, but that salt water does so too, and
 sometimes whole rivers do so; as in the case of the fountain in Cithæron, near
 which there is a temple of Jupiter; and of that in Cairo, near which there is a
 temple of Neptune: and the reason is, that many thunderbolts fall in those
 countries.

But there are some waters which have a good deal of body in them, and are of
 considerable weight; as that in Trœzen,—for that gives the mouths of those who
 taste it a feeling of fulness. And the waters near the mines in Pangæum, in
 winter, weigh ninety-six drachms to half a pint, but in summer they only weigh
 forty-six. For the cold contracts and condenses it; on which account that which is
 used in hour- glasses does not make the hours in winter the
 same as those in summer, but longer; for the flow is slower on account of the
 increased density of the water. And he sys that the same is the case in Egypt,
 though the air there is softer. Brackish water is more earthy, and requires more
 working; as also does sea-water, the nature of which is warmer, and which is not
 exposed to the same changes as river-water And there is one salt spring which is
 of invincible hardness,—I mean that of Arethusa. But as a general rule heavy
 waters are worse, and so are hard and cold waters, for the same reason; for they
 are not so easily prepared for use, some because they are very earthy, and some
 from the excess of cold. But those waters which are quickly warmed are light and
 wholesome. And in Crannon there is a spring of a gentle warmth, which keeps wine
 which is mixed with it of the same temperature for two or three days. But flowing
 waters, and waters from aqueducts, are, as a general rule, better than stagnant
 ones, being softer because of the collisions to which they are subjected; and on
 this account water derived from snow appears to be good, because its more
 drinkable qualities are brought to the surface, and are exposed to the influence
 of the air; and for the same reason they think it better than rain-water: and on
 the same ground, too, they prefer water from ice, because it is lighter; and the
 proof is, that ice is itself lighter than the rest of the water. But very cold
 water is hard, as being earthy; but that with much body in it, when it is warmed,
 is susceptible of greater heat, and when it is cold, descends to a more intense
 cold. And for the same reason water on the mountains is better to drink than water
 in the plains; for there is in such less admixture of earthy matter. And it is
 from the earthy particles present that waters vary in colour: at all events, the
 water of the lake at Babylon is red for some days after it is drawn; and that of
 the Borysthenes is for some time of a violet or dark colour, although it is
 unusually thin in quality; and a proof of this is, that at the point where it
 meets the Hypanis its waters flow above those of the latter while the north winds
 prevail.

And in many places there are fountains, some of which are good for drinking, and
 have a vinous flavour; as for instance, one in Paphlagonia, which they say the
 natives come to for the express purpose of drinking. Some, again, are salt, with
 a rather bitter flavour; as some among the Sicani in
 Sicily. And in the Carthaginian dominions there is a fountain on which there is
 something which floats resembling oil, but darker in colour, which they skim off
 and make into balls, and use for their sheep and cattle; and in other districts,
 too, there are fountains of a greasy nature,—like the one in Asia concerning which
 Alexander wrote a letter, saying that he had found a fountain of oil. And of
 waters which are warm by nature some are sweet, as that at Aegee in Cilicia, and
 that at Pagasæ, and that at Larissa in the Troas, and that near Magnesia, and that
 in Melos, and that in Lipara, and that in Prusa,—the Prusa, I mean, near Mount
 Olympus in Mysia,—which is called the Royal fountain. But that in Asia near
 Tralles, and those near the river Characometes, and near the city of Mysia, are so
 oily that those who bathe in them have no need of oil. And there is a similar
 fountain in the village of Dascylum. There is also one at Carura of an exceeding
 dryness and heat: and there is another near Menoscome, which is a village in
 Phrygia, of a rougher and a more nitrous quality; as there is too in a village in
 Phrygia, called The Lion's Village. And there is a spring near Dorylæum, which is
 very delicious to drink; but those which are at Baiæ or Baium, a harbour in Italy,
 are utterly undrinkable.

I myself weighed the water which comes from the fountain called Pirene in Corinth,
 and found it lighter than any other water in Greece. For I did not believe
 Antiphanes the comic writer, who says that in many respects Attica is superior to
 all other districts, and also that it has the best water of any; for he says:—
 
 
 
 A. Have you remark'd, my friend, 
 That none can with this favour'd land contend 
 In honey, loaves, and figs? 
 
 
 
 B. Aye, figs indeed! 
 
 A. In myrtles, perfumes, wools, in choicest
 breed 
 Of cattle, and in cheese; and on what ground 
 Can fountains like the Attic springs be found? 
 
 Eubulus, the writer of comedies, somewhere or other says that Chæremon
 the tragedian called water the body of the river:— 
 But when we pass'd the folds, and cross'd the water, 
 The river's lucid body, all our troops 
 In the pure crystal bathed their weary limbs, 
 
 There is a fountain in Tenos the water of which cannot be
 mixed with wine. And Herodotus, in his fourth book, says that the Hypanis, at a
 distance of five days' journey from its head, is thin and sweet to the taste; but
 that four days' journey further on it becomes bitter, because some bitter spring
 falls into it. And Theopompus says that near the river Erigone all the water is
 sour; and that those who drink of it become intoxicated, just like men who have
 drunk wine.

But Aristobulus of Cassandra says that there is a fountain in Miletus called the
 Achillean, the stream of which is very sweet, while the sediment is brackish: this
 is the water in which the Milesians say that their hero bathed when he had slain
 Trambelus the king of the Leleges. And they say, too, that the water in Cappadocia
 never becomes putrid, but there is a great deal in that district, of an admirable
 quality, though it has no outlet unless it flows underground. And Ptolemy the
 king, in the Seventh Book of his Commentaries, says that as you go to Corinth
 through the district called Contoporia, when you have got to the top of the
 mountain there is a fountain whose waters are colder than snow, so that many
 people are afraid to drink of it lest they should be frozen; but he says that he
 drank of it himself. And Phylarchus states that at Cleitor there is a spring which
 gives those who drink of it a distaste for the smell of wine. And Clearchus tells
 us that water is called white, like milk; and that wine is called red, like
 nectar; and that honey and oil are called yellow, and that the juice which is
 extracted from the myrtle-berry is black. Eubulus says that "water makes those who
 drink nothing else very ingenious, 
 But wine obscures and clouds the mind;" 
 and Philetas borrows not only the thought, but the lines.

Athenæus then, having delivered this lecture on water, like a rhetorician, stopped
 awhile, and then began again. 
 Amphis, the comic writer, says somewhere or other— 
 There is, I take it, often sense in wine, 
 And those are stupid who on water dine. 
 And Antiphanes says— 
 Take the hair, it well is written, 
 Of the dog by whom you're bitten. 
 Work off one wine by his brother, 
 And one labour with another; 
 
 Horns with horns, and noise with noise, 
 One crier with his fellow's voice 
 Insult with insult, war with war, 
 Faction with faction, care with care; 
 Cook with cook, and strife with strife, 
 Business with business, wife with wife. 
 
 
 The ancients applied the word ἄκρατον even to
 unmixed water. Sophron says— 
 
 Pour unmix'd water ὕδωρ ἄκρατον in the cup.

Phylarchus says that Theodorus the Larisssean was a water-drinker; the man, I
 mean, who was always so hostile to king Antigonus. He asserts also that all the
 Spaniards drink water, though they are the richest of all men, for they have the
 greatest abundance of gold and silver in their country. And he says, too, that
 they eat only once a day, out of stinginess, though they wear most expensive
 clothes. And Aristotle or Theophrastus speaks of a man named Philinus as never
 having taken any drink or solid food whatever, except milk alone, during the whole
 of his life. And Pythermus, in his account of the tyrants of Piræus, mentions
 Glaucon as having been a water-drinker. And Hegesander the Delphian says that
 Anchimolus and Moschus, sophists who lived in Elis, were water-drinkers all their
 lives; and that they ate nothing but figs, and for all that, were quite as healthy
 and vigorous as any one else; but that their perspiration had such an offensive
 smell, that every one avoided them at the baths. And Matris the Athenian, as long
 as he lived, ate nothing except a few myrtle-berries each day, and abstained from
 wine and every other kind of drink except water. Lamprus, too, the musician, was a
 water-drinker, concerning whom Phrynichus says, that the gulls lamented,
 when Lamprus died among them, being a man who was a water-drinker, a subtle
 hypersophist, a dry skeleton of the Muses, an ague to nightingales, a hymn to
 hell. And Machon the comic poet mentions Moschion as a
 water-drinker.

But Aristotle, in his book on Drunkenness, says, that some men who have been fond
 of salt meat have yet not had their thirst stimulated by it; of whom Archonides
 the Argive was one. And Mago the Carthaginian passed three times through the
 African desert eating dry meal and never drinking And Polemo the Academic
 philosopher, from the time that he was thirty years of age to
 the day of his death, never drank anything but water, as is related by Antigonus
 the Carystian. And Demetrius the Scepsian says that Diocles of Peparethus drank
 cold water to the day of his death. And Demosthenes the orator, who may well be
 admitted as a witness in his own case, says that he drank nothing but water for a
 considerable length of time. And Pyheas says, But you see the demagogues of
 the present day, Demosthenes and Demades, how very differently they live. For
 the one is a water-drinker, and devotes his nights to contempla- tion, as they
 say; and the other is a debauchee, and is drunk every day, and comes like a
 great potbellied fellow, as he is, into our assemblies. And Euphorion
 the Chalcidean writes in this way:—"Lasyrtas the Lasionian never required drink as
 other men do, and still it did not make him different from other men. And many
 men, out of curiosity, were careful to watch him, but they desisted before they
 ascertained what was the truth. For they continued watching him for thirty days
 together in the summer season, and they saw that he never abstained from salt
 meat, and yet that, though drinking nothing, he seemed to have no complaint in his
 bladder. And so they believed that he spoke the truth. And he did, indeed,
 sometimes take drink, but still he did not require it. 
 
 A change of meat is often good, 
 And men, when tired of common food, 
 Redoubled pleasure often feel, 
 When sitting at a novel meal.

The king of Persia, as Herodotus relates in his first book, drank no water, except
 what came from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa. And when he was on a
 journey, he had numbers of four-wheeled waggons drawn by mules following him,
 laden with silver vessels containing this water, which was boiled to make it keep.
 And Ctesias the Cnidian explains also in what manner this water was boiled, and
 how it was put into the vessels and bought to the king, saying that it was the
 lightest and sweetest of all waters. And the second king of Egypt, he who was
 surnamed Philadelphus, having given his daughter Berenice in marriage to Antiochus
 the king of Syria, took the trouble to send her water from the river Nile, in
 order that his child might drink of no other river, as Polybius relates. And Heliodorus tells us, that Antiochus Epiphanes, whom Polybius
 calls Epimanes, on account of his actions, mixed the
 fountain at Antioch with wine; a thing which Theopompus relates to have been also
 done by the Phrygian Midas, when he wished to make Silenus drunk in order to catch
 him. And that fountain is, as Bion relates, between the Mædi and the Pæonians, and
 is called Inna. But Staphylus says, that Melampus was the first who invented the
 idea of mixing wine with water. And Plistonicus says that water is more digestible
 than wine.

Now men who drink hard before eating, are usually not very comfortable in their
 digestion, which are apt to get out of order by such a system, and what they eat
 often turns sour on the stomach. So that a man who has a regard for his health,
 ought to take regular exercise, for the sake of promoting frequent perspiration;
 and he ought also to use the bath regularly for the sake of moistening and
 relaxing his body. And besides this, and before he bathes, he should drink water,
 as being an excellent thing,—drinking warm water usually in winter and spring, and
 cold water in summer, in order not to weaken the stomach. But he should only drink
 in moderation before the bath or the gymnasium, for the sake of diffusing what he
 drinks throughout his system beforehand, and in order to prevent the unmixed
 strength of wine from having too much effect on his extremities. And if any one
 thinks it too much trouble to live on this system, let him take sweet wine, either
 mixed with water or warmed, especially that which is called πρότροπος, the sweet Lesbian wine, as being very good for the
 stomach. 
 Now sweet wines do not make the head heavy, as Hippocrates says in his book on
 Diet, which some entitle, The Book on Sharp Pains; others,
 The Book on Barley-water; and others, The Book against
 the Cnidian Theories. His words are: Sweet wine is less
 calculated to make the head heavy, and it takes less hold of the mind, and
 passes through the bowels easier than other wine. But Posidonius says,
 that it is not a good thing to pledge one's friends as the Carmani do; for they,
 when at their banquets they wish to testify their friendship for each other, cut
 the veins on their faces, and mingle the blood which flows down with the liquor,
 and then drink it; thinking it the very extremes proof of
 friendship to taste one another's blood. And after pledging one another in this
 manner, they anoint their heads with ointment, especially with that distilled from
 roses, and if they cannot get that, with that distilled from apples, in order to
 ward off the effects of the drink, and in order also to avoid being injured by the
 evaporation of the wine; ad if they cannot get ointment of apples, they then use
 that extracted from the iris or from spikenard, so that Alexis very neatly
 says— 
 
 His nose he anoints, and thinks it plain 
 'Tis good for health with scents to feed the brain

But one ought to avoid thick perfumes, and to drink water which is thin and
 transparent, and which in respect of weight is light, and which has no earthy
 particles in it. And that water is best which is of a moderate heat or coldness,
 and which, when poured into a brazen or silver vessel, does not produce a blackish
 sediment. Hippocrates says, Water which is easily warmed or easily chilled
 is always lighter. But that water is bad which takes a long time to
 boil vegetables; and so too is water full of nitre, or brackish. And in his book
 upon Waters, Hippocrates calls good water drinkable; but stagnant water he calls
 bad, such as that from ponds or marshes. And most spring-water is rather hard. But
 Erasistratus says that some people test water by weight, and that is a most stupid
 proceeding. For just look, says he, if men compare the water
 from the fountain Amphiaraus with that from the Eretrian spring, though one of
 them is good and the other bad, there is absolutely no difference in their
 respective weights. And Hippocrates, in his book on Places, says that
 those waters are the best which flow from high ground, and from dry hills,
 for they are white, and sweet, and are able to bear very little wine,
 and are warm in winter and cold in summer. And he praises those most,
 the springs of which break towards the east, and especially towards the
 north-east, for they must inevitably be clear, and fragrant, and light. Diodes
 says that water is good for the digestion, and not apt to cause flatulency, that
 it is moderately cooling, and good for the eyes, and that it has no tendency to
 make the head feel heavy, and that it adds vigour to the mind and body. And
 Praxagoras says the same; and he also praises rain-water. But
 Euenor praises water from cisterns, and says that the best is that from the
 cistern of Amphiaraus, when compared with that from the fountain in Eretria.

But that water is undeniably nutritious is plain from the fact that some animals
 are nourished by it alone, as for instance, grasshoppers. And there are many other
 liquids which are nutritious, such as milk, barley-water, and wine. At all events,
 animals at the breast are nourished by milk; and there are many nations who drink
 nothing but milk. And it is said that Democritus, the philosopher of Abdera, after
 he had determined to rid himself of life on account of his extreme old age, and
 when he had begun to diminish his food day by day, when the day of the
 Thesmophorian festival came round, and the women of his household besought him not
 to die during the festival, in order that they might not be debarred from their
 share in the festivities, was persuaded, and ordered a vessel full of honey to be
 set near him: and in this way he lived many days with no other support than honey;
 and then some days after, when the honey had been taken away, he died. But
 Democritus had always been fond of honey; and he once answered a man, who asked
 him how he could live in the enjoyment of the best health, that he might do so if
 he constantly moistened his inward parts with honey, and his outward man with oil.
 And bread and honey was the chief food of the Pythagoreans, according to the
 statement of Aristoxenus, who says that those who eat this for breakfast were free
 from disease all their lives. And Lycus says that the Cyrneans (and they are a
 people who live near Sardinia) are very long-lived, because they are continually
 eating honey; and it is produced in great quantities among them.

When he says, men have adjourned the investigation into all such matters, he uses
 the word ἀνατιθέμενος instead of ἀναβαλλόμενος. 
 
 The word ἄνηστις is used in the same sense as
 νῆστις, 
 i.e. 
 fasting (just as we find στάχυς and ἄσταχυς ) by Cratinus,
 when he says— 
 For you are not the first who's come to supper 
 After a lengthened fast, 
 And the word ὀξύπεινος is used by
 Diphilus for hungry — 
 
 I'm glad when those who set them up as wise, 
 Are naked seen and hungry. 
 And Antiphanes says— 
 
 A. At all events he's one complaint, 
 For he is hungry ever. 
 
 B. The keen Thessalian race you paint, 
 Who can be sated never. 
 And Eubulus says— 
 Then Zethus was advised to seek the plain, 
 The holy plain of Thebes; for there men sell 
 The cheapest loaves and cakes. 
 Again advice came to the great Amphion, 
 The sweet musician, pointing out to him 
 The famous Athens for his resting-place, 
 Whose sons at hunger ne'er repine, but feed 
 On air and sweetest hopes.

The word μονοσιτῶν, 
 eating once a day, occurs too in Alexis— 
 When you meet with a man who takes only one meal, 
 Or a poet who music pretends not to feel; 
 The man half his life, the bard half his art, loses; 
 And sound reason to call either living refuses. 
 And Plato says, he not only was not content with one meal a-day,
 but sometimes he even dined twice the same day. 
 
 We know that men used to call sweetmeats νωγαλεύματα. Araros says in the Campylion— 
 These νωγαλεύματα are very nice. 
 And Alexis says— 
 In Thasian feasts his friends he meets, 
 And νωγαλίζει, sweetmeats eats. 
 And Antiphanes, in the Busiris, says— 
 Grapes, and pomegranates, and palms, 
 And other νώγαλα. 
 
 
 
 Philonides used the word ἀπόσιτος for fasting; and Crobylus has the word αὐτόσιτος, writing παράσιτον,
 αὐτόσιτον. 
 
 Eupolis, too, used ἀναρίστητος for without breakfast Crates has the word ἀναγκόσιτος, 
 eating by force, and Nicostratus uses ἀναγκοσιτέω. 
 
 There is a youth most delicately curl'd, 
 Whom I do feed by force beneath the earth. 
 And Alexis has the word ἀριστόδειπνον, 
 breakfast - dinner — 
 By whom the breakfast-dinner is prepared.

After this we rose up and sat down again as each of us pleased, not waiting for a
 nomenclator to arrange us in order. 
 Now that rooms were fitted up with couches for three, and with couches for four,
 and for seven, and for nine, and for other successive numbers, in the time of the
 ancients, we may prove from Antiphanes, who says— 
 I bring you, since you are but three, 
 To a room with equal couches. 
 And Phrynichus says— 
 One room had seven couches fine, 
 While another boasted nine. 
 And Eubulus says— 
 
 A. Place now a couch for seven. 
 B. Here it is. 
 
 A. And five Sicilian couches. 
 
 B. Well, what next 
 
 A. And five Sicilian pillows. 
 And Amphis says— 
 Will you not place a couch for three? 
 Anaxandrides— 
 A couch was spread, 
 And songs to please the aged man. 
 Open the supper rooms, and sweep the house, 
 And spread the couches fair, and light the fire; 
 Bring forth the cups, and fill with generous wine.

. . . . . . And Plato the philosopher, Men now distinguish the couches and
 coverings with reference to what is put round the couch and what is put under
 it. And his namesake, the comic poet, says— 
 There the well-dress'd guests recline 
 On couches rich with ivory feet; 
 And on their purple cushions dine, 
 Which rich Sardinian carpets meet. 
 For the art of weaving embroidered cloths was in great perfection in his
 time, Acesas and Helicon, natives of Cyprus, being exceedingly eminent for their
 skill in it; and they were weavers of very high reputation. And Helicon was the
 son of Acesas, as Hieronymus reports: and so at Pytho there is an inscription on
 some work— 
 
 Fair Venus's isle did bring forth Helicon, 
 Whose wondrous work you now do gaze upon; 
 And fair Minerva's teaching bade his name 
 And wondrous skill survive in deathless fame. 
 And Pathymias the Egyptian was a man of similar renown. Ephippus says—
 
 Place me where rose-strewn couches fill the room, 
 That I may steep myself in rich perfume. 
 Aristophanes says— 
 Oh you who press your mistress to your arms, 
 All night upon sweet-scented couches lying. 
 Sophron too speaks of coverlets embroidered with figures of birds as of
 great value. And Homer, the most admirable of all poets, calls those cloths which
 are spread below λῖτα, that is to say, white,
 neither dyed nor embroidered. But the coverlets which are laid above he calls
 beautiful purple cloths.

The Persians, according to the account of Heraclides, are the people who first
 introduced the system of having particular servants to prepare the couches, in
 order that they might always be elegantly arranged and well made. And on this
 account Artaxerxes, having a high esteem for Timagoras the Cretan, or, as Phanias
 the Peripatetic says, for Entimus the Gortinian, who went up to the king in
 rivalry of Themistocles, gave him a tent of extraordinary size and beauty, and a
 couch with silver feet; and he sent him also expensive coverlets, and a man to
 arrange them, saying that the Greeks did not know how to arrange a couch. And so
 completely had this Cretan gained the favour of the king, that he was invited to a
 banquet of the royal family, an honour which had never been paid to any Greek
 before, and never has been since; for it was reserved as an especial compliment
 for the king's relations. Nor was this compliment paid to Timagoras the Athenian,
 who submitted to offer adoration t the king, and who was held in the highest
 honour by him, though some of the things which were set before the kin were sent
 to him from the royal table. The king of Persi, too, once took achaplet from off
 his head and dipped it in perfume, and sent it to Antalcidas the Lacedæmonian. But
 he did this too, and many similar things, to Entimus; also, and in addition to
 everything else, he invited him to a banquet of the royal family. And the Persians
 were very indignant this, thinking that it was making such an
 honour too common, and also because they thought they were on the eve of another
 expedition against Greece. He sent him also a couch with silver feet, and cushions
 for it, and a flowered tent surmounted with a canopy, and a silver chair, and a
 gilt parasol, and some golden vessels inlaid with precious stones, and a hundred
 large vessels of silver, and silver bowls, and a hundred girls, and a hundred
 boys, and six thousand pieces of gold, besides what was allowed him for his daily
 expenses.

There were tables with ivory feet, the top slabs of which were made of maple wood.
 Cratinus says— 
 Fair girls await you, and a table 
 Of highly polish'd dappled maple. 
 And when one of the Cynics used the word τρίπους, meaning a table, Ulpian got indignant and said, "To-day I
 seem to have trouble coming on me arising out of my actual want of business; for
 what does this fellow mean by his tripod, unless indeed he counts Diogenes' stick
 and his two feet, and so makes him out to be a tripod'? At all events every one
 else calls the thing which is set before us τράπεζα. 
 
 Hesiod, in his poem on the marriage of Ceyx, (although indeed the sons of the
 Grammarians deny that that poem is his work, but I myself think that it is an
 ancient piece,) does call tables τρίποδες. And
 Xenophon, a most accomplished writer, in the second book of the Anabasis, writes— 
 τρίποδες were brought in for every one, to the
 number of about twenty, loaded with ready carved meats. And he goes on,
 And these τράπεζαι were placed for the
 most part where the strangers sat. Antiphanes says— 
 The τρίπους was removed, we wash'd our
 hands. 
 Eubulus says— 
 
 A. Here are five τρίποδες for you; here five more. 
 
 B. Why I shall be quinquagenarian. 
 Epicharmus says— 
 
 A. And what is this? 
 
 B. A τρίπους. 
 
 
 A. How is that? 
 Has it not four feet? 'tis a τετράπους. 
 
 
 B. It may be strictly; but its name is τριπους. 
 
 
 A. Still I can see four feet. 
 
 B. At all events 
 You are no Œdipus, to be so puzzled. 
 
 And Aristophanes says— 
 
 A. Bring me one τράπεζα more, 
 With three feet, not one with four. 
 
 B. Where can I a τρίπους
 τράπεζα find?

It was a custom at feasts, that a guest when he had lain down should have a paper
 given to him, conning a bill of fare of what there was for dinner, so that he
 night know what the cook was going to serve up. 
 We find a fruit called Damascenes. Now many of the ancient writers mention
 Damascus, a city of great reputation and importance; and as there is a great
 quantity of plum-trees in the territory of the Damascenes, and as they are
 cultivated there with exceeding care, the tree itself has got to be called a
 Damascene, as being a kind of plum different from what is found in other
 countries. The fruit is more like prunes. And many writers speak of them, and
 Hipponax says— 
 I have a garland of damascenes and mint. 
 And Alexis says— 
 
 A. And in my sleep I thought I saw a prize. 
 
 B. What was it? 
 
 A. Listen.—There came up to me, 
 While still within th' arena's spacious bounds, 
 One of my rivals, bringing me a crown- 
 A ripe revolving crown of damascenes. 
 
 B. Oh Hercules! and were the damascenes ripe? 
 And again he says— 
 Did you e'er see a sausage toasted, 
 Or dish of tripe well stuff'd and roasted? 
 Or damascenes stew'd in rich confection— 
 Such was that gentleman's complexion. 
 Nicander says— 
 The fruit they call a plum, the cuckoo's prize. 
 But Clearchus the Peripatetic says that the Rhodians and Sicilians call
 plums βράβυλα, and so Theocritus the Syracusan
 uses the word— 
 Heavy with plums, the branches swept the ground. 
 And again he says— 
 Far as the apple doth the plum surpass. 
 But the damascene is smaller in circumference than other plums, though in
 flavour it is very like them, except that it is a little sharper. Seleucus, in his
 Dictionary, says that 
 βράβυλα, ἦλα, κοκκύμηλα, and μάδρυα are all different names for the same thing; and that plums
 are called βράβυλα, as being good for the stomach,
 and βορὰν ἐκ βάλλοντα, , that is, assisting to
 remove the food; and ἦλα, which is the same word
 as μῆλα , meaning simply fruit, as Demetrius Ixion says in his Etymology. And Theophrastus says,
 κοκκύμηλα καὶ σποδιάς : σποδιὰς being a kind of wild plum. And Araros calls the tree which
 bears the fruit κοκκυμηλέα, and the fruit itself
 κοκκύμηλον. And Diphilus of Siphnos pronounces
 plums to be juicy, digestible, and easily evacuated, but not very nutritious.

There is another fruit, called Cherries.—Theophrastus says, in his book on Plants,
 that the Cherry-tree is a tree of a peculiar character, and of large size, for it
 grows to a height of four-and-twenty cubits, and its leaf is like
 that of the medlar, but somewhat harder and thicker, and its bark like the linden;
 its flower is white, like that of the pear or the medlar, consisting of a number
 of small petals of a waxy nature; its fruit is red, like that of the lotus in
 appearance, and of the size of a bean; but the kernel of the lotus is hard, while
 that of the cherry is soft. And again he says, The κράταιγος, which some call κραταίγων, has a spreading leaf like a medlar, only that is
 larger, and wider, and longer; and it has no deep grain in it as the medlar
 has. The tree is neither very tall nor very large; the wood is variegated,
 yellow, and strong: it has a smooth bark, like that of the medlar; and a single
 root, which goes down very deep into the earth; the fruit is round, of the size
 of an olive; when fully ripe it is of a yellow colour, becoming gradually
 darker; and from its flavour and juice it might almost be taken for a wild
 medlar. By which description of the cratægus it appears to me that he
 means the tree which is now called the cherry.

Asclepiades of Myrlea speaks of a tree which he calls the Ground-cherry, and says,
 In the land of the Bithynians there is found the ground-cherry, the root
 of which is not large; nor is the tree, but like a rose-bush; in all other
 respects the fruit is like the common cherry; but it makes those who eat much
 of it feel heavy, as wine does, and it gives them head-aches. These are
 the words of Asclepiades. And it appears to me that he is speaking of the arbutus.
 For the tree which bears the arbutus-berry answers his
 descrip- tion, and if a man eats more than six or seven of the berries he gets a
 headache. Aristophanes says— 
 And planted by no hand, the arbutus 
 Makes red the sunny hills. 
 Theopompus says— 
 The myrtle berries and red arbutus. 
 Crates says— 
 Beauteous the breast of tender maid, 
 As arbutus or apples red. 
 And Amphis— 
 Mulberries you see, my friend, are found 
 On the tree which we know as the mulberry; 
 So the oak bears the acorn round, 
 And the arbutus shines with its full berry. 
 And Theophrastus tells us, The κόμαρος (as he calls it) is the tree which bears the arbutus
 berry. 
 
 There is question about the Agen, a satyric drama, whether it was
 composed by Python, (and if by him whether he was a native of Catana or of
 Byzantium,) or by the king Alexander himself. 
 Then Laurentius says— You, O Greeks, lay claim to a good many things, as
 either having given the names to them, or having been the original discoverers
 of them. But you do not know that Lucullus, the Roman general, who subdued
 Mithridates and Tigranes, was the first man who Introduced this plant into
 Italy from Cerasus, a city of Pontus; and he it was who gave the fruit the
 Latin name of Cerasus, cherry, after the name of the
 city, as our historians relate. 
 
 Then Daphnis answers— But there was a very celebrated man, Diphilus of
 Siphnos, many years more ancient than Lucullus, for he was born in the time of
 king Lysimachus, (who was one of the successors of Alexander,) and he speaks of
 cherries, saying, 'Cherries are good for the stomach, and juicy, but not very
 nutritious; if taken after drinking cold water they are especially wholesome;
 but the red and the Milesian are the best kinds, and are diuretic.'

There is a fruit usually called the συκάμινον, 
 which the people of Alexandria call the μόρον, in
 which they differ from every one else; but it has no connexion with the Egyptian
 fig, which some call συκόμορον, and which the natives scrape slightly with a knife, and
 then leave on the tree; and then when it has been tossed about by the wind, within
 three days it becomes ripe and fragrant, (especially if the wind is west,) and
 very good to eat, as there is something in it which is moderately cooling for
 people in a fever, when made up with oil of roses into a plaster, so as to be put
 upon the stomach, and it is no slight relief to the patient. Now the Egyptian
 sycaminus bears its fruit on the main stem, and not on the branches. But the
 sycaminus is a mulberry, a fruit mentioned by Aeschylus in his Phrygians, where he
 says of Hector, 
 His heart was softer than a mulberry. 
 And in his Cretan Women he says of the brier— 
 As the full branch to earth is Weigh'd 
 With mulberries, white and black and red. 
 And Sophocles has the lines— 
 First you shall see the full white ear of corn, 
 And then the large round rosy mulberry. 
 And Nicander in his Georgics says that it is the first of all fruits to
 appear; and he calls the tree which bears it μορέα, as also do the Alexandrians— 
 The mulberry-tree, in which the young delight, 
 Brown autumn's harbinger.

Phanias of Eresus, the pupil of Aristotle, calls the fruit of the wild sycamine
 μόρον, or mulberry, being a fruit of the
 greatest sweetness and delicacy when it is ripe. And he writes thus: The
 mulberry is a briery sort of tree, and when the round fruit is dried it has
 small pips of seed, woven in like net-work, and the fruit is nutritious and
 juicy. And Parthanius has the following words:— ῞ἅβρυνα, that is to say, συκάμινα, 
 which some call mulberries." And Salmonius calls the same tree βάτιον, or brier. And Demetrius Ixion says the συκάμινον and μόρον are
 the same, being a very juicy fruit, superior to the fig. And Diphilus of Siphnos,
 who was a physician, writes thus: The συκάμινα, which are also called μόρα, are moderately full of good juice, but have not much
 nourishment; they are good for the stomach and easily digested; and those which
 are not quite ripe have a peculiar quality of expelling
 worms. But Pythemus states, according to Hegesander, that in his time
 the mulberry-trees produced no fruit for twenty years, and that during that time
 gout became so epidemic, that not only men, but even boys and girls, and eunuchs,
 and women, were afflicted with it; and even herds of goats were attacked with it,
 so that two-thirds of the cattle were afflicted with the same disorder.

With respect to the word κάρυα, the Attic writers
 and all other prose writers call nearly all berries by the generic name of
 κάρυα, 
 nuts. And Epicharmus calls the almond the
 nut, by way of distinction, as we do, saying— 
 We eat roast nuts, that is, almonds. 
 Philyllius says— 
 Eggs, nuts, almonds. 
 And Heracleon the Ephesian writes— They called almonds κάρυα, and chestnuts, which we now call καστάνεια . The tree itself is called καρύα by Sophocles, who says— 
 ( κάρυαι, ) nut-trees 
 and ash-trees. 
 And Eubulus speaks of 
 Beeches, nut-trees, Carystian nuts. 
 There are some kinds of nuts, too, which are called μόστηνα.

With respect to Almonds.—The Naxian almonds are mentioned by the ancient writers;
 and those in the island of Naxos are superior to all others, as I am well
 persuaded. Phrynichus says— 
 He knock'd out all my grinders, so that now 
 A Naxian almond I can hardly crack. 
 The almonds in the island of Cyprus also are very excellent, and in
 comparison of those which come from other quarters, they are very long, and
 slightly bent at the end. And Seleucus in his Dictionary says, that the
 Lacedæmonians call soft nuts μύκηροι. And the
 Servians give that name to sweet nuts. But Arnexias says that it is the almond
 which is called μύκηρος. We may add, there is
 nothing which is a greater provocative of drinking than almonds when eaten before
 meals. Eupolis says in his Taxiarchs— 
 Give me some Naxian almonds to regale me, 
 And from the Naxian vines some wine to drink. 
 For there was a vine called the Naxian vine. 
 
 And Plutarch of Chæronea says, that there was in the retinue of Drusus the son of
 Tiberius Cæsar, a certain physician who surpassed all men in drinking, and who was
 detected in always eating five or six bitter almonds before he drank. But when he
 was prevented from eating them he was not able to stand even a very limited
 quantity of wine; and the cause of this was the great power of the bitterness of
 the almond, which is of a very drying nature, and which has the quality of
 expelling moisture. 
 Herodian of Alexandria says, that almonds derive the name of ἀμύγδαλαι, because beneath their green bark they have many ἀμυχαὶ, or lacerations. 
 Philemon says somewhere or other— 
 You, like an ass, come to the husks of the dessert; 
 and Nicander, in the second book of his Georgics, says— 
 
 Beech-trees, the ornament of Pan. 
 
 We also find the word ἀμύγδαλον in the neuter
 gender. Diphilus says— 
 
 Sweetmeats, myrtle-berries, cheese-cakes, almonds, 
 
 using the neuter ἀμύγδαλα.

Now with respect to the pronunciation and accent of the word ἀμυγδάλη , Pamphilus thinks that there ought to be a grave accent
 when it means the fruit, as it is in the case of ἀμύγδαλον. But he wants to circumflex the word when it means the
 tree, thus, ἀμυγδαλῆ like ῥοδῆ. And Archilochus says— 
 The lovely flower of the rose-tree ( ῥοδῆς ). 
 But Aristarchus marks the word, whether it means the fruit or the tree,
 with an acute accent indifferently; while Philoxenus would circumflex the word in
 either sense. Eupolis says— 
 You'll ruin me, I swear it by the almond. 
 Aristophanes says— 
 
 A. Come, now, take these almonds, 
 And break them 
 ( B. I would rather break your head,) with a
 stone. 
 And Phrynichus says— 
 The almond is a good cure for a cough. 
 And others speak of almonds as beautiful. But Tryphon in his book on
 Attic Prosody accents ἀμυγδάλη, when meaning the fruit, with a grave accent, which we use in the neuter as
 ἀμύγδαλον. But he writes ἀμυγδαλῆ, with a circumflex for the tree; it being as it were a
 possessive form derived from the fruit, and as such contracted and
 circumflexed. 
 Pamphilus in his Dictionary says that the μυκηρόβατον is called the nut-cracker by the Lacedæmonians, when
 they mean the almond-cracker; for the Lacedæmonians call almonds μούκηροι.

Nicander mentions also nuts of Pontus, which some writers call λόπιμα ; while Hermonax and Timachidas, in the
 Dictionary, say that the acorn of Jupiter, or walnut, is what is called the nut of
 Pontus. 
 But Heraclides of Tarentum asks, Whether sweetmeats ought to be put on the
 table before supper, as is done in some parts of Asia and Greece; or whether
 they ought to be brought on after supper is over. If it is decided that
 they are to be brought on at the end of supper, then it follows, that when a great
 deal of food has already been put into the stomach and bowels, the nuts which are
 eaten afterwards as provocatives of drinking, get entangled with the rest of the
 food, and produce flatulence, and also cause what has been eaten to turn on the
 stomach, because it is followed by what is by nature unmanageable and
 indigestible; and it is from such food that indigestions and attacks of diarrhœa
 arise.

Diodes asserts that almonds are nutritious and good for the stomach, and that they
 have a heating effect because they contain something like millet; but green
 almonds are less likely to have an injurious effect than dry ones; and almonds
 soaked in water have such an effect less than those which are not soaked; and when
 toasted less than when raw. But walnuts, which are also called nuts of Heraclea,
 and acorns of Jupiter, are not indeed so nutritious as almonds, but still they
 have something like millet in them, and something apt to rise to the surface; so,
 if they are eaten in ay quantity they make the head feel heavy; they, however, are
 less likely to produce injurious effects when green than when dry. 
 Persian nuts too are as apt to produce headches as the acorns of Jupiter; but they
 are more nutritious, though they make the throat and mouth feel rough; but when
 they are roasted they are less injurious, and when eaten with honey, they are the
 most digestible of all nuts The broad Persian nuts have the
 greatest tendency to produce flatulence; but when boiled they are less injurious
 than when raw, or even when roasted. But Philotimus in his treatises on
 Nourishment says, The broad nut, and that which is called the Sardinian
 nut, are both exceedingly indigestible when raw, and are very slow in
 dissolving in the stomach, as they are kept down by the phlegm in the stomach,
 and as they themselves are of an astringent nature. The Pontic nut too is oily
 and indigestible; but the almond is not so indigestible as that, and
 accordingly if we eat a number of them we do not feel any inconvenience; and
 they appear more oily, and give out a sweet and oily juice. 
 
 Diphilus of Siphnos says— There is a nut called the Royal nut, which causes
 severe headaches, and keeps rising in the stomach; and there are two sorts of
 them, one of which, that which is tender and white, is the more juicy and the
 better; but that which is roasted in ovens is not nutritious. Almonds have a
 tendency to make people thin, and are diuretic and cathartic, and far from
 nutritious; and the dry ones are far more apt to produce flatulence and are far
 more indigestible than the green ones, which do not give much juice, and which
 are not very nutritious; but those which are tender, and full, and white, being
 like milk, are more full of wholesome juice. And the Thasian and Cyprian nuts,
 being tender, are far more easily digested than dry ones. The nuts of Pontus
 are apt to produce headaches, but still they are not so indigestible as the
 Royal nuts.

Moreover, Mnesitheus the Athenian, in his book on Comestibles, says, The
 digestion of Eubœan nuts or chestnuts (for they are called by both names) is
 very difficult for the stomach, and is attended with a great deal of
 flatulence. And they are apt to thicken the juice, and to make people fat,
 unless their constitution is strong enough to neutralise them. But almonds, and
 likewise the nuts of Heraclea, and the Persian nuts, and all others of the same
 sort, are still worse than these: and it is desirable to touch absolutely none
 whatever of these things unless they are first cooked by fire; with the
 exception of, perhaps, the green almonds. But one should boil some of them, and
 roast others; for some of them are of an oily nature, as the dry almonds and
 the acorns of Jupiter; but some are hard and harsh, as the nuts of the beech and all that kind. And from the oily sorts the action
 of the fire extracts the oil, which is the worst part of them: but those which
 are hard and harsh are softened, and, so to say, ripened, if any one cooks them
 over a small and gentle fire. 
 
 But Diphilus calls chestnuts also Sardinian acorn, saying that they are very
 nutritious, and full of excellent juice; but not very easy of digestion, because
 they remain a long time in the stomach; that, however, when they are roasted they
 are less nutritious, but more digestible; and that when boiled they are less apt
 to produce flatulence than the others, and more nutritious. 
 It is easily peel'd, and the Eubœans 
 Call it a nut, but some people have call'd it an acorn, 
 says Nicander the Colophonian, in his Georgics. But Agelochus calls
 chestnuts ἄμωτα, and says, Where the
 Sinopean nuts are produced the natives call the trees which produce them
 ἄμωτα.

With respect to Vetches.—Crobylus says— 
 They took a green vetch, 
 And toss'd it empty, as if playing cottabus. 
 These are the sweetmeats of the wretched monkey. 
 And Homer says— 
 Black beans spring up, or vetches. 
 Xenophanes the Colophonian says, in his Parodies— 
 These are what one should talk of near the fire, 
 In winter season, on soft couch reclined, 
 After a plenteous meal, drinking rich wine, 
 And eating vetches. Then a man may ask, 
 "Who are you? How old are you, my friend? 
 How many years old were you when the Mede came" 
 And Sappho says— 
 Golden vetches on the sea-shore grew. 
 But Theophrastus, in his book on Plants, calls some kinds of vetches
 κρεῖοι. And Sophilus says— 
 This maiden's sire is far the greatest man, 
 A regular κρεῖος vetch. 
 And Phenias says, in his book about Plants,— While they are green
 and tender, the bean and vetch take the place of 
 sweetmeats; but when they are dry they are usually eaten boiled or
 roasted. Alexis says— 
 My husband is a poor old man, and I 
 Am an old woman, and I have a daughter 
 And a young son, 
 And this good girl besides—we're five in all— 
 And three of them are now at supper, 
 And we two who here remain share with them 
 A little maize; and when we have nothing 
 To eat, we utter a wail unsuited to the lyre. 
 And as we never have any meat for dinner, 
 Our countenance is become pale. These are the parts, 
 And this is the arrangement of our life: 
 Beans, lupins, cabbages, rape, 
 Pulse, morepulse, mastnuts, onions. 
 Grasshoppers, vetches, wild pears, 
 And that which was given by my mother 
 As an object of devout care, the fig, 
 The great invention of the Phrygian fig. 
 Pherecrates says— 
 You must at once take care and make the vetches tender. 
 And in another place he says— 
 He was choked eating roasted vetches. 
 And Diphilus says— Vetches are very indigestible, create moisture,
 they are also diuretic, and apt to cause flatulence. And according to
 Diocles, they produce a sort of fermentation in the body. The white vetches are
 better than the black; and so also are the yellow or box-coloured. And the
 Milesian are better than those called κρεῖοι ; and
 the green are better than the dry, and those which have been soaked are better
 than those which have not been. The discoverer of the vetch is said to have been
 Neptune.

With respect to Lupins. Alexis says— 
 A curse upon the man; 
 Let him not come near me, who eats lupins in season, 
 And then leaves the husks and shells in the vestibules 
 Why was he not choked while eating them I know, 
 I know most certainly, that Cleænetus the tragedian 
 Did not eat them. For Cleænetus 
 Never threw away the husk of a single vegetable, 
 So exceedingly economical is that man. 
 And Lycophron of Chalcis, in a satiric drama which he wrote against
 Menedemus the philosopher, for the purpose of turn- ing him
 into ridicule, (it was from Menedemus that the sect of the Eretrians derived its
 name,) laughs at the suppers of the philosophers, and says— 
 The lupin, common to all the people, in great plenty 
 Danced upon the board, the companion of poor couches. 
 And Diphilus says— 
 There is no business more mischievous or degrading 
 Than that of the pander. 
 I would rather walk along the streets selling 
 Roses, and radishes, and lupin-beans, and press'd olives, 
 And anything else in the world, rather than give encouragement 
 To such a miserable trade. 
 And you may observe, that he then uses the expression θερμοκύαμοι, lupin-beans, as they are called even now.
 Polemo says, that the Lacedæmonians call lupins λυσιλαΐδες. And Theophrastus, in his book about The Causes of
 Plants, tells us that the lupin, and the bitter vetch, and the common vetch, are
 the only kinds of green vegetable which do not produce animal life, because of
 their harshness and bitterness. But the vetch, says he, turns black as it decays.
 He says, also, that caterpillars come in vetches, and it is in the fourth book of
 the same treatise that he states this. Diphilus the Siphnian writer says that
 lupins are very apt to create moisture, and are very nutritious, especially those
 kinds Which are rendered sweet by being soaked. On which account Zeno the Citiæan,
 a man of harsh disposition and very apt to get in a passion with his friends, when
 he had taken a good deal of wine, became sweet-tempered and gentle; and when
 people asked him what produced this difference in his disposition, he said, that
 he was subject to the same influences as lupins: for that they before they were
 cooked were very bitter; but that when they had been steeped in liquor they were
 sweet and wholesome.

With respect to Kidney Beans.—The Lacedæmonians in those suppers of theirs, which
 they call κοπίδες, give as sweetmeats, dry figs
 and beans, and green kidney beans. At least this is the statement of Polemo; and
 Epicharmus says— 
 Roast some kidney beans quickly, for Bacchus is fond of them. 
 And Demetrius says— 
 A fig, or kidney bean, or some such thing.

With respect to Olives. Eupolis says— 
 Cuttle-fish, and olives fallen from the tree. 
 And these the Romans call dryptæ. But Diphilus the Siphnian writer says
 that olives contain very little nourishment, and are apt to give headaches; and
 that the black ones are still worse for the stomach, and make the head feel heavy;
 but that those which we call κολυμβάδες, that is
 to say, preserved in pickle, are better for the stomach, and give strength to the
 bowels. But that the black when crushed are better for the stomach. Aristophanes
 too makes mention of crushed olives in The Islands, saying— 
 Bring some crushed olives; 
 and in another place he says— 
 Crush'd olives and pickled olives are not the same thing; 
 and a few lines after— 
 For it is better that they should be crush'd than pickled. 
 And Archestratus says, in his Gastronomy— 
 Let wrinkled olives, fallen from the tree, 
 Be placed before you. 
 And Hermippus says— 
 Be sure that for the future you remember 
 The ever-glorious Marathon for good, 
 When you do all from time to time add μάραθον (that is to say, fennel) to your pickled olives. 
 And Philemon says— The inferior olives are called πιτυρίδες, and the dark-coloured are called στεμφυλίδες. 
 And Callimachus, in his Hecale, gives a regular catalogue
 of the different kinds of olive— 
 
 γεργέριμος and πίτυρις, and the white olive, which does not 
 Become ripe till autumn, which is to float in wine. 
 And according to Didymus, they called both olives and figs which had
 fallen to the ground of their own accord, γεργέριμοι. Besides, without mentioning the name
 olive, the fruit itself was called by that name δρυπετὴς, without any explanatory addition. Teleclides
 says— 
 He urged me to remain, and eat with him 
 Some δρυπετεῖς, and some maize, and have a
 chat with him. 
 But the Athenians called bruised olives στέμφυλα ; and what we call στέμφυλα 
 they called βρύτεα, that is to say, the dregs of the grapes after they have been pressed. And the word
 βρῦτος is derived from βότρυς, a bunch of grapes.

With respect to Radishes.—The Greek name ῥαφανὶς 
 is derived from ῥᾳδίως φαίνεσθαι, because they
 quickly appear above ground; and in the plural the Attic writers either shorten or
 lengthen the penultima at pleasure. Cratinus writes— 
 
 ταῖς ῥαφανῖσι δοκεῖ, it is like radishes,
 but not like other vegetables; 
 and Eupolis, on the other hand, says— 
 
 ʽῥαφανίδες ἄπλυτοι, unwashed radishes and
 cuttle-fish. 
 For the word ἄπλυτοι, unwashed, must
 clearly refer to the radishes, and not to the cuttle-fish; as is shown by
 Antiphanes, in whom we find these lines:— 
 To eat ducks, and honeycombs of wild bees, and eggs, 
 And cheese-cakes, and unwash'd radishes, 
 And rape, and oatmeal-groats, and honey. 
 So that radishes appear to have been particularly called un- washed
 radishes; being probably the same as those called Thasian. Pherecrates says—
 
 There one may have the unwash'd radish, and the warm 
 Bath, and closely stewed pickles, and nuts. 
 And Plato, in his Hyperbolus, says, using the diminutive termination,
 φύλλιον ἤ ῥαφανίδιον, 
 a leaflet, or a little radish. But Theophrastes, in his book on
 Plants, says that there are five kinds of radishes: the Corinthian, the
 Leiothasian, the Cleonæan, the Amorean, and the Bœotian; and that the Bœotian,
 which is of a round form, is the sweetest. And he says that, as a general rule,
 those the leaves of which are smooth, are the sweetest. But Callias used the form
 ῥάφανος for ῥάφανις ; at all events, when discussing the antiquity of comedy, he
 says, Broth, and sausages, and radishes ( ῥάφανοι ), and fallen olives, and cheese-cakes. And indeed
 that he meant the same as what we call ῥαφανίδες, 
 is plainly sown by Aristophanes, who in the Danaïdes alludes to such old forms,
 and says— 
 And then the chorus used to dance, 
 Clad in worsted-work and fine clothes; 
 And bearing under their arms ribs of beef, 
 And sausages, and radishes. 
 And the radish is a very economical kind of food. Amphis says— 
 
 Whoever, when purchasing food, 
 When it is in his power, O Apollo, to buy genuine fish, 
 Prefers buying radishes, is downright mad!

With respect to Pine-cones.—Mnesitheus, the Athenian physician, in his book on
 Comestibles, calls the husks of the pine-cones ὀστρακίδες, and in another place he calls them κῶνοι. But Diocles of Carystus calls them πιτϋίνα κάρυα, 
 nuts of 
 the pine-tree. And Alexander the Myndian calls them
 πιτυΐνὸυς κώνους. And Theophrastus calls the
 tree πεύκη, and the fruit κῶνος. But Hippocrates, in his book on Barley-water,— (one half of
 which is considered spurious by everybody, and some people reckon the whole
 so,)—calls the fruit κόκκαλοι ; but most people
 call it πυρῆνες : as Herodotus does, in speaking of
 the Pontic nut. For he says, And this has πυρῆνα ( a kernel), when it becomes
 ripe. But Diphilus the Siphnian says, Pine-cones (which
 he calls στρόβιλοι 
 are very nutritious, and have a tendency to soften the arteries, and to
 relieve the chest, because they have some resinous qualities contained in
 them. While Mnesitheus says that they fill the body with fat, and are
 very free from all hindrances to the digestion; and, moreover, that they are
 diuretic, and that they are free from all astringent tendencies.

Now with respect to Eggs.—Anaxagoras, in his book on Natural Philosophy, says that
 what is called the milk of the bird is the white which is in the eggs. And
 Aristophanes says— In the first instance, night brings forth a wind egg. Sappho
 dissolves the word ὦον into a trisyllable, making
 it ὤϊον, when she says— 
 They say that formerly Leda found an egg. 
 And again she says— 
 Far whiter than an egg: 
 in each case writing ὤϊον. But Epicharmus
 spelt the word ὤεα ; for so we find the line
 written— 
 The eggs of geese and other poultry. 
 And Simonides, in the second book of his Iambics, says— 
 Like the egg of a Mæandrian goose; 
 which he, too, writes ὤεον . But
 Alexandrides lengthens the word into a quadrisyllable, and calls it ὠάριον. And so does Ephippus, when he says— 
 
 And little casks of good wine made of palms, 
 And eggs, and all other trifles of that kind. 
 And Alexis, somewhere or other, uses the expressidn, hemispheres
 of eggs. And wind eggs they called ἀνεμιαῖα, and also ὑπηνέμια . They
 called also the upper chambers of houses which we now call ὑπερῶον, ὦον ; and accordingly Clearchus says, in his
 Erotics, that Helen, from having been born and brought up in a
 chamber of this sort, got the character, with a great many people, of having been
 born of an egg ( ὠοῦ ). And it was an ignorant
 statement of Neocles of Crotona, that the egg fell from the moon, from which Helen
 was born: for that women under the influence of the moon bring forth eggs, and
 that those who are born from such eggs are fifteen times as large as we are: as
 Herodotus of Heraclea also asserts. And Ibycus, in the fifth book of his Melodies,
 says of the Molionidœ— 
 And they slew the two young Molions, youths alike in face, 
 Borne on white horses; of the same age; and 
 Alike, too, in all their limbs, for both were born 
 On one day, from one single silver egg. 
 And Ephippus says— 
 Cakes made of sesame and honey, sweetmeats, 
 Cheese-cakes, and cream-cakes, and a hecatomb 
 Of new-laid eggs, were all devour'd by us. 
 And Nicomachus makes mention of such eggs— 
 For when my father had left me a very little property, 
 I scraped it so, and got the kernel out of it 
 In a few months, as if I had been a boy sucking an egg. 
 And Eriphus makes mention of goose's eggs— 
 Just see how white and how large these eggs are; 
 These must be goose eggs, as far as I can see. 
 And he says, that it was eggs like this which were laid by Leda. But
 Epænetus and Heraclides the Syracusan, in their book on Cookery, say that the best
 of all eggs are peacock's eggs; and that the next best are those of the foxgoose;
 and the third best are those of common poultry.

Now let us speak of provocatives to appetite, called πρόπομα .—When they were brought round by the butler, Ulpian said,
 Does the word πρόπομα occur in any
 ancient author in the sense in which we use it now? and when every one
 joined in the question, I will tell you, said Athenæus;
 Phylarchus the Athenian, (though some called him a
 native of Naucratis,) in the book where he speaks of Zelas the king of the
 Bithynians, who invited to supper all the leaders of the Galatians, and then
 plotted against them, and was killed himself also, says, if I recollect his
 words rightly, 'A certain πρόπομα was brought
 round before supper, as was the custom of antiquity.' And when Ulpian
 had said this, he asked for something to drink from the wine-cooler, saying, that
 he was in good humour with himself for having been able to remember this so very
 à propos. But there were things of all sorts, says
 Athenæus, used in these προπόματα.

With respect to Mallows, Hesiod says— 
 Nor do men know how great may be the good 
 Derived from asphodel and mallow food. 
 
 μαλάχη is the Attic name for mallow. But I, says
 Atheneus, have found in many of the copies of the Minos of Antiphanes the word
 spelt with an o; for instance, he speaks of men— 
 Eating the root of mallow ( μολόχης ). 
 And Epicharmus has— 
 I am milder than the mallow ( μολόχης ). 
 And Phanias says, in his book on Plants— The seminal portions of
 the cultivated mallow are called 'the cheese-cake,' as being like a
 cheese-cake. For those pistils which are like the teeth of a comb have some
 resemblance to the edge of a cheese-cake; and there is a boss like centre, like
 that in the middle of a cheese-cake. And the whole circumference of the rim is
 like the sea-fish denominated the sea-urchin. But Diphilus the Siphnian
 makes a statement, that the mallow is full of pleasant and wholesome juice; having
 a tendency to smooth the arteries, separating from them the harshnesses of the
 blood by bringing them to the surface. And he adds that the mallow is of great
 service in irritations of the kidneys and the bladder, and that it is very
 tolerably digestible and nutritious. And moreover, that the wild mallow is
 superior to that which grows in a garden. But Hermippus, the follower of
 Callimachus, in his treatise on the Seven Wise Men, says that mallows are put in
 what he calls the ἄλιμον, that is to say, the
 preventive against hunger, and into the ἄδιψον, 
 that is, the preventive against thirst; and that it is a very useful ingredient in
 both.

The next thing to be mentioned are Gourds.—Euthy- demus, the
 Athenian, in his book on Vegetables, calls the long gourd, known as κολοκύντη, the Indian gourd; and it is called Indian
 because the seed was originally introduced from India. But the people of
 Megalopolis call the same the Sicyonian gourd. Theophrastus however says, that of
 the kind called κολοκύντη, there is not one
 species or genus only, but several, some better, some worse. While Meodorus, the
 follower of Erasistratus, the friend of Icesius, says, Of the long gourds
 there is the Indian, which is the same which we call σικύα, and which is vulgarly called the κολοκύντη. Now the Indian gourd is usually boiled, but that
 called κολοκύντη is usually roasted. 
 And even to the present day the κολόκυνται are
 called by the Cnidians Indian gourds; while the people of the Hellespont call the
 long gourds σίκυαι, and the round gourds κολόκυνται. But Diocles states that the best round
 gourds are those grown near Magnesia; and, moreover, that the rape grown in that
 district runs to an exceedingly large size, and is sweet, and good for the
 stomach. He says, at the same time, that the best cucumbers are grown at Antioch,
 the best lettuce at Smyrna and Galatea, and the best rue at Myra. Diphilus says,
 "The gourd is far from nutritious, easily digested, apt to produce moisture in the
 skin, promotes the secretions of the body, and is full of agreeable and wholesome
 juice; but it is still more juicy when cooked. Its alterative qualities are
 increased when it is eaten with mustard, but it is more digestible, and it
 promotes the secretions more, when boiled. 
 Mnesitheus too says, "All the vegetables and fruits which are easily affected by
 the action of fire, such as the cucumber, and the gourd, and the quince, and the
 small quince, and everything else of the same sort, when they are eaten after
 having been roasted, afford nutriment to the body, in no great quantity indeed,
 but still such as is pleasant and promotes moisture. However all these vegetables
 and fruits have a tendency to produce constipation, and they ought to be eaten
 boiled rather than raw. But the Attic writers call the gourd by no other name but
 κολοκύντη. Hermippus says— 
 What a huge head he has; it is as big as a gourd! 
 And Phrynichus, using the diminutive, says— 
 Will you have a little maize ( μάζιον ) or
 gourd ( κολοκύντιον )? 
 
 And Epicharmus says— 
 That is much more wholesome than a gourd ( κολοκύντη ).

And Epicrates the comic poet writes— 
 
 
 A. What now is Plato doing'? 
 The grave Speusippus too and Menedemus? 
 In what are they now spending all their time? 
 What care is theirs, and what their conversation? 
 What is their subject of deliberation? 
 Tell me, I beg of you, by the mighty Terra, 
 In learned language, if at least you know. 
 
 B. Indeed, I can inform you most exactly. 
 For at the great Panathenaic feast, 
 I saw a company of youths assembled 
 Within the schools of the old Academy, 
 And heard some strange and marvellous assertions. 
 For they were nature's mysteries discussing, 
 Drawing distinctions subtle 'tween the life 
 Of animated things, both men and beasts, 
 And that of trees and all the race of herbs. 
 And then, while occupied in these discussions 
 They turned to gourds their deep investigations, 
 Asking their species and their character. 
 
 A. And to what sage conclusion did they come? 
 What was their definition, of what genus 
 Did they decide this plant to be, my friend? 
 I pray you tell 'em, if you know at least. 
 
 B. At first they all stood silent for a while, 
 And gazed upon the ground and knit their brows 
 In profound solemn meditation: 
 Then on a sudden, while the assembled youths 
 Were stooping still considering the matter, 
 One said a gourd was a round vegetable; 
 But others said it was a kind of grass; 
 While others class'd it as a sort of tree. 
 On hearing this, a certain old physician 
 Coming from Sicily interrupted them 
 As but a pack of triflers. They were furious, 
 Greatly enraged, and all most loudly cried 
 With one accord, that he insulted them; 
 For that such sudden interruptions 
 To philosophical discussion 
 Were ill-bred and extremely unbecoming. 
 And then the youths thought no more of the gourd. 
 But Plato, who was present, mildly said, 
 Not being at all excited by what pass'd, 
 That the best thing that they could do would be 
 The question to resume of the gourd's nature. 
 They would not hear him, and adjourn'd the meeting.

Alexis, that most witty poet, sets an entire course of πρόπομα before those who can understand him— 
 
 I came without perceiving it on a place 
 Which was exceedingly convenient. 
 Water was given me; and then a servant 
 Entered, and bore a table for my use; 
 On which was laid, not cheese, or tawny olives, 
 Or any dainty side-dishes and nonsense, 
 Which fill the room with scent, but have no substance; 
 But there was set before me a huge dish 
 Redolent of the Seasons and the joyful Hours— 
 A sort of hemisphere of the whole globe. 
 Everything there was beautiful and good: 
 Fish, goats' flesh, and a scorpion between them; 
 Then there were eggs in half, looking like stars. 
 On them we quickly laid our hands, and then 
 Speaking to me, and giving me a nod, 
 The host began to follow our example; 
 So we'd a race, and never did I stop 
 Till the whole dish was empty as a sieve.

With respect to Mushrooms.—Aristias says— 
 The stony soil produced no mushrooms. 
 And Poliochus has the following passage— 
 Each of us twice a day received to eat 
 Some small dark maize well winnow'd from the chaff, 
 And carefully ground; and also some small figs. 
 Meantime some of the party would begin 
 And roast some mushrooms; and perhaps would catch 
 Some delicate snails if 'twas a dewy morning, 
 And vegetables which spontaneous grew. 
 Then, too, we'd pounded olives; also wine 
 Of no great strength, and no very famous vintage. 
 And Antiphanes says— 
 Our supper is but maize well fenced round 
 With chaff, so as not to o'erstep the bounds 
 Of well-devised economy. An onion, 
 A few side-dishes, and a sow-thistle, 
 A mushroom, or what wild and tasteless roots 
 The place affords us in our poverty. 
 Such is our life, not much exposed to fevers 
 For no one, when there's meat, will eat of thyme, 
 Not even the pupils of Pythagoras. 
 And a few lines afterwards he goes on— 
 For which of us can know the future, or 
 The fate that shall our various friends befall 
 Take now these mushrooms and for dinner roast them, 
 Which I've just picked beneath the maple shade. 
 
 Cephisodorus, the pupil of Isocrates, in the treatise which
 he wrote against Aristotle (and there are four books of it), reproaches the
 philosopher for not having thought it worth his while to collect proverbs, though
 Antiphanes had made an entire play which was called Proverbs: from which play he
 produces these lines— 
 For I, if I eat any of your dishes, 
 Seem as if I was on raw mushrooms feeding, 
 Or unripe apples, fit to choke a man.

Mushrooms are produced by the earth itself. But there are not many sorts of them
 which are good to eat; for the greater part of them produce a sensation of
 choking: on which account Epicharmus, when jesting, said— 
 You will be choked, like those who waste away 
 By eating mushrooms, very heating food. 
 And Nicander, in his Georgics, gives a list of which species are
 poisonous; and says— 
 Terrible evils oftentimes arise 
 From eating olives, or pomegranates, or from the trees 
 Of maple, or of oak; but worst of all 
 Are the swelling sticky lumps of mushrooms. 
 And he says in another place— 
 Bury a fig-tree trunk deep in the ground, 
 Then cover it with dung, and moisten it 
 With water from an ever flowing brook, 
 Then there will grow at bottom harmless mushrooms; 
 Select of them what's good for food, and not 
 Deserving of contempt, and cut the root off. 
 But all the rest of that passage is in a mutilated state. The same
 Nicander in the same play writes— 
 And there, too, you may roast the mushrooms, 
 Of the kind which we call ἀμάνιται. 
 
 And Ephippus says— 
 
 That I may choke you as a mushroom would. 
 
 Eparchides says that Euripides the poet was once staying on a visit at Icarus, and
 that, when it had happened that a certain woman being with her children in the
 fields, two of them being full-grown sons and the other being an unmarried
 daughter, eat some poisonous mushrooms, and died with her children in consequence,
 he made this epigram upon them:— 
 
 O Sun, whose path is through th' undying heaven, 
 Have you e'er before seen a misery such as this? 
 A mother, a maiden daughter, and two sons, 
 All dying on one day by pitiless fate? 
 Diodes the Carystian, in the first book of his treatise on the
 Wholesomes, says, "The following things which grow wild should be
 boiled,—beetroot, mallow, sorrel, nettes, spinach, onions, leeks, orach, and
 mushrooms.

Then there is a plant called sium. And Speusippus, in the second book of his
 treatise on Things Similar, says that its leaf resembles the marsh parsley; on
 which account Ptolemy the Second, surnamed Euergetes, who was king of Egypt,
 insists upon it that the line in Homer ought to be written thus— 
 And around were soft meadows of sium or parsley; 
 for that it is σία which are usually
 found in company with parsley, and not ἴα ( violets ).

Diphilus says that mushrooms are good for the stomach, and pass easily through the
 bowels, and are very nutritious, but still that they are not very digestible, and
 that they are apt to produce flatulence. And that especially those from the island
 of Ceos have this character. "Many are even poisonous to a fatal degree. But those
 which seem to be wholesome are those with the smoothest rinds, which are tender
 and easily crushed: such as grow close to elms and pine-trees. But those which are
 unwholesome are of a dark colour, or livid, or covered with hard coats; and those
 too which get hard after being boiled and placed on the table; for such are deadly
 to eat. But the best remedy for them when eaten unawares is drinking honey-water,
 and fresh mead, and vinegar. And after such a drink the patient should vomit. On
 which account, too, it is especially desirable to dress mushrooms with vinegar, or
 honey and vinegar, or honey, or salt: for by these means their choking properties
 are taken away. But Theophrastus, in his treatise about Plants, writes thus—
 But plants of this kind grow both under the ground and on the ground,
 like those things which some people call fungi, which grow in company with
 mushrooms; for they too grow without having any roots; but the real mushrooms
 have, as the beginning by which they adhere to the ground, a stalk of some
 length, and they put forth fibres from that stalk. He says also that in the sea which is around the Pillars of Her-
 cules, when there is a high tide, mushrooms grow on the shore close to high-water
 mark, which they say are left there by the sun. And Phænias says, in his first
 book about Plants — But these things neither put forth any bloom, nor any
 trace of seminal germination; as, for instance, the mushroom, the truffle,
 groundivy, and fern. And in another place he says, 
 πτερὶς ( fern ), which
 some people call βλάχνον . But
 Theophrastus, in his book on Plants, says— Plants with smooth rinds, as the
 truffle, the mushroom, the fungus, the geranium.

Now with respect to Truffles.—They too spring of their own accord out of the
 ground; especially in sandy places. And Theophrastus says of them— The
 truffle, which some people call the geranium, and all other such plants which
 grow beneath the earth. And in another place he says- "The generation
 and production of these things which seed beneath the earth; as, for instance, of
 the truffle, and of a plant which grows around Cyrene, which they call misy. And it appears to be exceedingly sweet, and to have a
 smell like that of meat; and so, too, has a plant called itum, which grows in Thrace. And a peculiarity is mentioned as incidental
 to these things; for men say that they appear when there is heavy rain in autumn
 and violent thunder; especially when there is thunder, as that is a more
 stimulating cause of them: however, they do not last more than a year, as they are
 only annuals; they are in the greatest perfection in the spring, when they are
 most plentiful. Not but what there are people who believe that they are or can be
 raised from seed. At all events, they say that they never appeared on the shore of
 the Mitylenæans, until after a heavy shower some seed was brought from Tiaræ; and
 that is the place where they are in the greatest numbers. But they are principally
 found on the sea-shore, and wherever the ground is sandy; and that is the
 character of the place called Tiaræ. They are also found near Lampsacus, and also
 in Acarnania, and Alopeconnesus, and in the district of the Eleans. Lynceus the
 Samian says— The sea produces nettles, and the land produces
 truffles; and Matron, the man who wrote parodies, says in his
 Supper — 
 And he brought oysters, the truffles of Thetis the Nereid. 
 
 Diphilus says that truffles are by nature indigestible, but
 that they are full of wholesome juice, and have lenitive qualities, and are very
 easily evacuated; though, like mushrooms, some of them are apt to produce
 suffocation. And Hegesander the Delphian says that no truffles are found in the
 Hellespont, and no fish of the kind called γλαυκίσκος, and no thyme. On which account Nausiclides said of the
 country, that it had no spring and no friends. But Pamphils says, in his
 Languages, that there is a plant called ὑδνόφυλλον, being a species of grass which grows on the top of the
 truffles, by which the truffle is discovered.

With respect to Nettles— ʼἀκαλήφη is the name given
 by the Attic writers to a plant which is herbaceous and which produces itching.
 Aristophanes says, in his Phœnissæ, that pot-herbs were the first things
 which grew out of the earth; and after them the rough stinging-nettles.

The next thing to be considered is Asparagus—which is divided into mountain
 asparagus and marsh asparagus; the best kinds of which are not raised from seed;
 but they are remedies for every kind of internal disorder. But those which are
 raised from seed grow to an immense size. And they say that in Libya, among the
 Gætuli, they grow of the thickness of a Cyprian reed, and twelve feet long; but
 that on the mountain land and on land near the sea they grow to the thickness of
 large canes, and twenty cubits long. But Cratinus writes the word, not ἀσπάραγος, but ἀσφάραγος, with a φ . And Theopompus
 says— 
 And then seeing the aspharagus in a thicket. 
 And Ameipsias says— 
 No squills, no aspharagus, no branches of bay-tree. 
 But Diphilus says, that of all greens, that sort of which is especially
 called the bursting asparagus, is better for the stomach, and is more easily
 digested; but that it is not very good for the eyes: and it is harsh-flavoured and
 diuretic, and injurious to the kidneys and bladder. But it is the Athenians who
 give it the name of bursting; and they also give the flowering cabbage, or
 cauliflower, the same name. Sophocles says, in The Huntsmen— 
 Then it puts forth a stalk, and never ceases 
 The germnination; 
 
 because it is continually bursting out and putting forth
 shoots. However, Antiphanes always spells the word ἀσπάραγος, with a π ; and he writes
 thus— 
 The asparagus was shining; the pale vetches had faded. 
 And Aristophon says— Capers, pennyroyal, thyme, asparagus, garlic,
 radishes, sage, and rue.

With respect to Snails.—Philyllius says— 
 I am not a grasshopper, nor a snail, O woman. 
 And in a subsequent passage he says— 
 Sprats, tunny fish, and snails, and periwinkles. 
 And Hesiod calls the snail, 
 The hero that carries his house on his back. 
 And Anaxilas says— 
 You are e'en more distrustful than a snail; 
 Who fears to leave even his house behind him. 
 And Achæus speaks of them, and says— 
 Can such a vapour strange produce 
 The snails, those horned monsters? 
 And an enigma, like a fishing-net, having reference to the snail, is
 often proposed at banquets, in these terms— 
 What is that spineless bloodless beast of the woods, 
 Who makes his path amid the humid waters. 
 And Aristotle, in the fifth book of his treatise on the Parts of Animals,
 says— Snails appear to become pregnant in the autumn and in spring, and
 they are the only animals with coverings of shells that have ever been detected
 in union. But Theophrastus says, in his treatise about Animals which
 live in Holes— Snails live in holes during the winter, and still more in the
 summer, on which account they are seen in the greatest numbers during the
 autumn rains. But their holes in the summer are made upon the ground, and in
 the trees. There are some snails which are called σέσιλοι. Epicharmus says— 
 Instead of all these animals, they have locusts; 
 But I hate above all things the shell of the sesilus. 
 And Apellas relates that the Lacedæmonians call the snail σέμελος. But Apollodorus, in the second book of his
 Etymologies, says that there are some snails which are called κωλυσιδειπνοι, 
 interrupters of banquets.

The next vegetable to be mentioned is Onions.—In the Amalthea
 of Eubulus, Hercules is represented as refusing to eat them; saying— 
 Whether it's hot, or whether it is dry, 
 Or whether it is something 'tween the two, 
 Are points of more importance than old Troy. 
 But I have not come here to fill myself 
 With cabbages, or benjamin, or other 
 Impious and bitter danties, or with onions. 
 But that which tends the most to vigorous strength 
 And health is food which I delight in chiefly. 
 Meat of beef, boil'd and fresh, and plenty of it, 
 And a large well-filled dish of oxen's feet, 
 Three roasting pigs besides, sprinkled with salt. 
 Alexis, while explaining the efficacy of onions in aphrodisiac matters,
 says— 
 Pinnas, beetles, snails, muscles, eggs, calves'-feet, 
 And many other philters, may be found 
 More useful still to one who loves his mistress. 
 Xenarchus, in the Butalion, says— 
 A house is ruined which has a master 
 Whose fortune's gone, and whom the evil genius 
 Has struck. And so the once great house of the Pelops 
 Is weak and nerveless. Nor can earth-born onion, 
 Fair Ceres' handmaid, who contracts the neck, 
 Even when boiled, assist to check this evil. 
 Nor e'en the polypus, who swells the veins, 
 Born in dark eddies of the deepest sea, 
 When taken in the net of stern necessity 
 By hungry mortals, fill the broad deep bosom 
 Of the large dish turn'd by the potter's wheel. 
 And Archestratus says— 
 
 I love not onions, nor yet cabbages, 
 Nor the sweet barberry-tree, nor all the other 
 Dainties and sweetmeats of the second course.

Heraclides the Tarentine, in his Banquet, says— The onion, and the snail,
 and the egg, and similar things, appear to be productive of seed; not because
 they are very nutritious, but because their original natures are similar, and
 because their powers resemble that. And Diphilus says—"Onions are
 difficult to digest, but very nutritious, and good for the stomach. And, moreover,
 they are productive of moisture, and cleansing, but they dim the eyes, and excite
 the amatory propensities. But the proverb says— 
 The onion will do you no good if you have no strength yourself. 
 
 But those onions which are called the royal onions, really do stimulate the amatory propensities, for they are
 superior to the other kinds; and next to them are the red ones. But the white
 ones, and the Libyan onions, are something like squills. But the worst of all are
 the Egyptian.

But the white onions, called βόλβιναι, are fuller
 of good juice than the common onions; but they are not so good for the stomach,
 because the white portion of them has a certain thickness in it. Yet they are very
 tolerably wholesome, because they have a good deal of harshness in them, and
 because they promote the secretions. And Matron, in his Parodies, mentions the
 βολβίνη — 
 But sowthistles I will not even name, 
 Plants full of'marrow, crown'd on th' heads with thorns; 
 Nor the white onions, minstrels of great Jove, 
 Which his dear Child, incessant rain, has nourish'd 
 Whiter than snow storms, and like meal to view, 
 Which, when they first appeared, my stomach loved.

Nicander extols the onions of Megara. But Theophrastus, in the seventh book of his
 treatise on Plants, says— In some places the onions are so sweet, that they
 are eaten raw, as they are in the Tauric Chersonesus. And Phænias makes
 the same statement:— There is, says he, a kind of onion which
 bears wool, according to Theophrastus; and it is produced on the sea-shore. And
 it has the wool underneath its first coat, so as to be between the outer
 eatable parts and the inner ones. And from this wool socks and stockings and
 other articles of clothing are woven. And Phœnias himself adopts the
 statement. But the onion, he continues, of the Indians is
 hairy. But concerning the dressing of onions, Philemon says— 
 Now if you want an onion, just consider 
 What great expense it takes to make it good: 
 You must have cheese, and honey, and sesame, 
 Oil, leeks, and vinegar, and assafœtida, 
 To dress it up with; for by itself the onion 
 Is bitter and unpleasant to the taste. 
 But Heraclides the Tarentine, limiting the use of onions at banquets,
 says— One must set bounds to much eating, especially of such things as
 have anything glutinous or sticky about them; as, for instance, eggs, onions,
 calves' feet, snails, and such things as those: for they remain in the stomach
 a long time, and form a lump there, and check their
 natural moisture.

Thrushes, too, and crowds of other birds, formed part of the dishes in the
 propomata. Teleclides says— But roasted thrushes with sweet cheese-cakes served,
 Flew of their own accord down the guests' throats. 
 But the Syracusans call thrushes, not κίχλαι, but κίχηλαι. 
 
 Epicharmus says— 
 The thrushes ( κίχηλαι ) fond of eating the
 olive. 
 And Aristophanes also, in his Clouds, mentions the same
 birds. But Aristotle asserts that there are three kinds of thrushes; the first and
 largest kind of which is nearly equal to a jay; and they call it also the ixophagus, since it eats the mistletoe. The next kind is
 like a blackbird in size, and they call them trichades. 
 The third kind is less than either of the before-mentioned sorts, and is called
 illas, but some call it tylas, 
 as Alexander the Myndian does. And this is a very gregarious species, and builds
 its nest as the swallow does. 
 There is a short poem, which is attributed to Homer, and which is entitled
 ἐπικιχλίδες, which has received this title from
 the circumstance of Homer singing it to his children, and receiving thrushes as
 his reward,—at least, this is the account given by Menœchmus, in his treatise on
 Artists.

There is a bird called the συκαλὶς, or figpecker.
 And Alexander the Myndian asserts— One of the tits is called by some people
 elœus, and by others pirias; 
 but when the figs become ripe, it gets the name of sycalis. 
 And there are two species of this bird, the sycalis and the μελαγκόρυφος, or blackcap. Epicharmus spells the word
 with two λλ, and writes συκαλλίδες. He speaks of beautiful συκαλλίδες : and in a subsequent passage he says— 
 And herons were there with their long bending necks, 
 And grouse who pick up seed, and beautiful sycallilles. 
 And these birds are caught at the season when figs are ripe. And it is
 more correct to spell the name with on y one λ ;
 but Epicharmus put in the second λ because of the
 metre.

There is a kind of finch, too, which was sometimes eaten, of which Eubulus says,
 And Ephippus says, in his Geryones — 
 When 'twas the Amphidromian festival, 
 When 'tis the custom to toast bits of cheese 
 O' the Chersonesus; and to boil a cabbage, 
 Bedewed with shining oil; and eke to bake 
 The breasts of fat and well-fed lambs; to pluck 
 The feathers from the thrushes, doves and finches; 
 And also to eat cuttle-fish with anchovies, 
 And baskets of rich polypus to collect, 
 And to drink many cups of unmixed wine.

Then, too, there are blackbirds.-Nicostratus or Philetærus says— 
 
 A. What then shall I buy? Tell me, I pray you. 
 
 B. Go not to more expense than a neat table; 
 Buy a rough-footed hare; some ducklings too, 
 As many as you like; thrushes, and blackbirds, 
 And other small birds; there are many wild sorts. 
 
 A. Yes, and they're very nice. 
 Antiphanes also reckons starlings among the eatable birds, numerating
 them in the following list— Honey, partridges, pigeons, ducks, geese,
 starlings, jays, rooks, blackbirds, quails, and pullets. 
 
 You are asking of us for a history of everything, and you do not allow us to say a
 single thing without calling us to account for it. The word στρουθάριον (a little bird) is found in many other authors, and also
 in Eubulus. He says, Take three or four partridges, and three hares, and as
 many small birds as you can eat, and goldfinches, and parrots, and finches, and
 nightjars, and whatever other birds of this kind you can come across.

Swine's brains, too, was a not uncommon dish. Philosophers used to forbid our
 eating these, saying that a person who partook of them might as well eat a bear,
 and would not stick at eating his father's head, or anything else imaginable. And
 they said, that at all events none of the ancients had ever eaten them, because
 they were the seat of nearly all sensation. But Apollodorus the Athenian says,
 that none of the ancients ever even named the brain. And at all events Sophocles,
 in his Trachiniæ, where he represents Hercules as throwing Lichas into the sea,
 does not use the word ἐγκέφαλον, 
 brains, but says λευκὸν
 μυελὸς, white marrow; avoiding a word which it was thought ill-omened
 to use:— 
 
 And from his hair he forces the white marrow, 
 His head being burst asunder in the middle, 
 And the blood flows: 
 though he had named all the rest of his limbs plainly enough. And
 Euripides, introducing Hecuba lamenting for Astyanax, who had been thrown down by
 the Greeks, says— 
 Unhappy child, how miserably have 
 Your native city's walls produced your death, 
 And dash'd your head in pieces! Fatal towers, 
 Which Phæbus builded! How did your mother oft 
 Cherish those curly locks, and press upon them 
 With never-wearied kisses! now the blood 
 Wells from that wound, where the bones broken gape; 
 But some things are too horrid to be spoken. 
 The lines too which follow these are worth stopping to consider. But
 Philocles does employ the word ἐγκέφαλον — 
 He never ceased devouring even the brains ( ἐγκέφαλον ). 
 And Aristophanes says— 
 I would be content 
 To lose two membranes of the ἐγκέφαλον. 
 
 And others, too, use the word. So that it must have been for the sake of
 the poetical expression that Sophocles said white marrow. But
 Euripides not choosing openly to display to sight an unseemly and disgusting
 object, revealed as much as he chose. And they thought the head sacred, as is
 plain by their swearing by it; and by their even venerating sneezes, which proceed
 from the head, as holy. And we, to this day, confirm our arrangements and promises
 by nodding the head. As the Jupiter of Homer says— 
 
 Come now, and I will nod my head to you.

Now all these things were put into the dishes which were served up as propomata:
 pepper, green leaved myrrh, galingal, Egyptian ointment. Antiphanes says— 
 If any one buys pepper and brings it home, 
 They torture him by law like any spy. 
 And in a subsequent passage he says— 
 Now is the time for a man to go and find pepper, 
 And seed of orach, and fruit, and buy it, and bring it here. 
 And Eubulus says— 
 Just take some Cnidian grains, or else some pepper, 
 And pound them up with myrrh, and strew around. 
 And Ophelion says— 
 Pepper from Libya take, and frankincense, 
 And Plato's heaven-inspired book of wisdom. 
 
 And Nicander says, in his Theriaca— 
 Take the conyza's woolly leaves and stalks, 
 And often cut new pepper up, and add 
 Cardamums fresh from Media. 
 And Theophrastus, in his History of Plants, says— Pepper indeed is
 a fruit: and there are two kinds of it; the one is round, like a vetch, having
 a husk, and is rather red in colour; but the other is oblong, black, and full
 of seeds like poppy-seeds. But this kind is much stronger than the other. Both
 kinds are heating, on which account they are used as remedies for, and
 antidotes against, hemlock. And in his treatise on Suffocation, he
 writes— And people who are suffocated are recovered by an infusion of
 vinegar and pepper, or else by the fruit of the nettle when crushed. 
 But we must recollect that, properly speaking, there is no noun of the neuter
 gender among the Greeks ending in ι, except
 μέλι alone; for the words πέπερι, and κόμμι, and κοῖφι are foreign.

Let us now speak of oil—Antiphanes or Alexis makes mention of the Samian Oil,
 saying— 
 This man you see will be a measurer 
 Of that most white of oils, the Samian oil. 
 Ophelion makes mention also of Carian oil, and says— 
 The man anointed was with Carian oil. 
 Amyntas, in his treatise on Persian Weights and Measures, Says—"The
 mountains there bear turpentine and mastic trees, and Persian nuts, from which
 they make a great deal of oil for the king. And Ctesias says, that in Carmania
 there is made an oil which is extracted from thorns, which the king uses. And he,
 in his third book of his treatise on the Revenues derived from Asia, making a list
 of all the things which are prepared for the king for his supper, makes no mention
 of pepper, or of vinegar, which of itself is the very best of all seasonings. Nor
 does Deinon, in his Persian History; though he does say that ammoniac salt is sent
 up to the king from Egypt, and water from the Nile. Theophrastus also mentions an
 oil which he calls ὠμοτριβὲς, that is to say, extracted raw, in his treatise on Scents, saying that it is
 produced from the large coarse olives called phaulian, and
 from almonds. Amphis also speaks of the oil which is produced amongst the
 Thurians, as exceedingly fine— 
 Oil from the Thurians comes; from Gela lentils.

Pickle is a thing often mentioned. Cratinus Says— 
 Your basket will be full of briny pickle. 
 And Pherecrates says— 
 His beard was all besmear'd with pickle juice. 
 And Sophocles, in his Triptolemus, says— 
 Eating this briny season'd pickle. 
 And Plato the comic writer says— 
 These men will choke me, steeping me in putrid pickle. 
 But the word γάρος, 
 pickle, is a masculine noun. As Aeschylus proves, when he
 says καὶ τὸν ἰχθύων γάρον.

Vinegar too was much used by the ancients, and this is the only seasoning to which
 the Attics give the name of ἧδος, as if it were
 akin to ἡδὺς, 
 sweet. And Chrysippus the philosopher says, that the best
 vinegar is the Egyptian and the Cnidian. But Aristophanes, in his Plutus, says—
 
 Sprinkling it o'er with Sphettian vinegar. 
 Didymus explaining this verse says, Perhaps he says Sphettian
 because the Sphettians are sour-tempered people. And somewhere or other
 he mentions vinegar from Cleonæ, as being most excellent, saying, And at
 Cleonæ there are manufactories of vinegar. We find also in Diphilus—
 
 
 A. He first takes off his coat, and then he
 sups, 
 After what fashion think you? 
 
 B. Why, like a Spartan. 
 
 A. A measure then of vinegar . . . . 
 
 B. Bah! 
 
 A. Why bah 
 
 B. A measure holds but such and such a quantity 
 Of the best Cleonæan vinegar. 
 And Philonides says— 
 Their seasonings have not vinegar sufficient. 
 But Heraclides the Tarentine, in his Symposium, says, Vinegar has
 a tendency to make the exterior parts coagulate, and it affects the strings
 within the stomach in a very similar manner; but any parts which are tumid it
 dissolves, because forsooth different humours are mixed up in us. And
 Alexis used to admire above all others the Decelean vinegar, and says— 
 You have compell'd me to bring forth from thence 
 Four half-pint measures full of vinegar 
 From Decelea, and now drag me through 
 The middle of the forum. 
 
 The word ὀξύγαρον must be
 spelt so, with a v, and the vessel which receives it is
 called ὀξύβαφον. And so Lysias, in the speech
 against Theopompus when on his trial for an assault, says, But I myself
 drink ὀξύμελι. 
 And so too we must call oil of roses mixed with vinegar ὀξυρόδινον, spelling all the words thus compounded in
 this manner with a v.

Seasonings are mentioned even by Sophocles. In his Phæacians we find the
 expression, 
 And seasoning for food. 
 And in Aeschylus too we read— 
 You are steeping the seasonings. 
 And Theopompus says— Many bushels of seasonings, and many sacks and
 bags of books, and of all other things which may be useful for life. In
 Sophocles too the expression is found— 
 I like a cook will cleverly season . . . . 
 And Cratinus says in the Glaucus— 
 It is not every one who can season skilfully. 
 And Eupolis speaks of 
 Very bad vinegar seasoned in an expensive way. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Leucas, gives the following catalogue of
 seasonings:— 
 Dried grapes, and salt, and eke new wine 
 Newly boiled down, and assafætida, 
 And cheese, and thyme, and sesame, 
 And nitre too, and cummin seed, 
 And sumach, honey, and marjoram, 
 And herbs, and vinegar and oil 
 And sauce of onions, mustard and capers mix d, 
 And parsley, capers too, and eggs, 
 And lime, and cardamums, and th' acid juice 
 Which comes from the green fig-tree, besides lard 
 And eggs and honey and flour wrapp'd in fig-leaves, 
 And all compounded in one savoury forcemeat. 
 The ancients were well acquainted with the Ethiopian cardamum. We must
 take notice that they used the words θύμος and
 ὀρίγανος as masculine nouns. And so
 Anaxandrides says— 
 Cutting asparagus and squills and marjoram, ( ὃς ) 
 Which gives the pickle an aristocratic taste, 
 When duly mixed ( μιχθεὶς ) with coriander
 seed. 
 
 And Ion says— 
 But in a hurried manner in his hand 
 He hides the marjoram ( τὸν ὀρίγανον ). 
 Plato however, or Cantharus, used it as feminine, saying— 
 She from Arcadia brought 
 The harshly-tasted ( τὴν δριμυτάτην )
 marjoram. 
 Epicharmus and Ameipsias both use it as a neuter noun; but Nicander, in
 his Melissurgica, uses θύμος as masculine.

Cratinus used the word πέπονες, which properly
 means merely full ripe, in speaking of the cucumbers which give seed, in his
 Ulysseses— 
 Tell me, O wisest son of old Laertes, 
 Have you e'er seen a friend of yours in Paros 
 Buy a large cucumber that's run to seed? 
 And Plato says in his Laius— 
 Do you not see 
 That Meleager, son of mighty Glaucon, 
 . . . . Goes about every where like a stupid cuckoo, 
 With legs like the seedless πέπων 
 cucumber? 
 And Anaxilas says— 
 His ankles swell'd 
 Larger than e'en a πέπων cucumber. 
 And Theopompus says of a woman— 
 She was to me 
 More tender than a πέπων cucumber. 
 Phænias says, "Both the σίκυος and the
 πέπων are tender to eat, with the stem on which
 they grow; however the seed is not to be eaten, but the outside only, when they
 are fully ripe; but the gourd called κολοκύντη, 
 when raw is not eatable, but is very good either boiled or roasted. And Diodes the
 Carystian, in the first book of his treatise on Wholesome Things, says that
 of wild vegetables the following should be boiled before eating: the
 lettuce (the best kind of which is the black); the cardamum; mustard from the
 Adriatic; onions (the best kinds are the Asalonian, and that called getian);
 garlic, that other kind of garlic called physinga, the πέπων cucumber, and the poppy. And a little afterwards he
 says, "The πέπων cucumber is better for the
 stomach and more digestible; though every cucumber when boiled is tender, never
 gives any pain, and is diuretic; but that kind called πέπων when boiled in mead has very aperient 
 qualities. And Speusippus, in his treatise on Similarities, calls the πέπων by the name of σικύα. But Diocles having named the πέπων, does not any longer call it σικύα : and Speusippus after having named the σικύα never names the πέπων. 
 Diphilus says, the πέπων is more full of wholesome
 juice, and moderates the humours of the body, but it is not very nutritious; it is
 easily digested, and promotes the secretions.

The lettuce was in great request as an article of food. Its name is θρῖδαξ, but the Attics call it θριδακίνη. Epicharmus says— 
 A lettuce ( θρῖδαξ ) with its stalk peel'd all
 the way up. 
 But Strattis calls lettuces θριδακινίδες, 
 and says— 
 The leek-destroying grubs, which go 
 Throughout the leafy gardens 
 On fifty feet, and leave their trace, 
 Gnawing all herbs and vegetables; 
 Leading the dances of the long-tailed satyrs 
 Amid the petals of the verdant herbs, 
 And of the juicy lettuces ( θριδακινίδες ), 
 And of the fragrant parsley. 
 And Theophrastus says, Of lettuce ( θριδακίνη ) the white is the sweeter and the more tender: there
 are three kinds; there is the lettuce with the broad stalk, and the lettuce
 with the round stalk, and in the third place there is the Lacedæmonian
 lettuce-its leaf is like that of a thistle, but it grows up straight and tall,
 and it never sends up any side shoots from the main stalk. But some plants of
 the broad kind are so very broad in the stalk that some people even use them
 for doors to their gardens. But when the stalks are cut, then those which shoot
 again are the sweetest of any.

But Nicander the Colophonian, in the second part of his Dictionary, says that the
 lettuce is called βρένθις by the Cyprians. And it
 was towards a plant of this kind that Adonis was flying when he was slain by the
 boar. Amphis in his Ialemus says— 
 Curse upon all these lettuces ( θριδάκιναι )! 
 For if a man not threescore years should eat them, 
 And then betake himself to see his mistress, 
 He'll toss the whole night through, and won't be equal 
 To her expectations or his own. 
 And Callimachus says that Venus hid Adonis under a lettuce, which is an
 allegorical statement of the poet's, intended to show that
 those who are much addicted to the use of lettuces are very little adapted for
 pleasures of love. And Eubulus says in his Astuti— 
 Do not put lettuces before me, wife, 
 Upon the table; or the blame is yours. 
 For once upon a time, as goes the tale, 
 Venus conceal'd the sadly slain Adonis; 
 Beneath the shade of this same vegetable; 
 So that it is the food of dead men, or of those 
 Who scarcely are superior to the dead. 
 Cratinus also says that Venus when in love with Phaon hid him also in the
 leaves of the lettuce: but the younger Marsyas says that she hid him amid the
 grass of barley. 
 Pamphilus in his book on Languages says, that Hipponax called the lettuce τετρακίνη : but Clitarchus says that it is the Phrygians
 who give it this name. Ibycus the Pythagorean says that the lettuce is at its
 first beginning a plant with a broad leaf, smooth, without any stalk, and is
 called by the Pythagoreans the eunuch, and by the women
 ἄστυτις ; for that it makes the men diuretic and
 powerless for the calls of love: but it is exceedingly pleasant to the taste.

Diphilus says that the stalk of the lettuce is exceedingly nutritious, and
 more difficult of digestion than the leaves; but that the leaves are more apt
 to produce flatulence, and are still more nutritious, and have a greater
 tendency to promote the secretions. And as a general rule the lettuce is good
 for the stomach, cooling and wholesome for the bowels, soporific, full of
 pleasant and wholesome juice, and certainly has a great tendency to make men
 indifferent to love. But the softer lettuce is still better for the stomach,
 and still more soporific; while that which is harder and drier is both less
 good for the stomach and less wholesome for the bowels; that, however, is also
 soporific. But the black lettuce is more cooling, and is good for the bowels;
 and summer lettuce is full of wholesome juice, and more nutritious; but that
 which is in season at the end of autumn is not nutritious, and has no juice.
 And the stalk of the lettuce appears to be a remedy against thirst. And
 the lettuce when boiled like asparagus in a dish, if we adopt the statement of
 Glaucias, is superior to all other boiled vegetables. 
 Among some of the other nations Theophrastus says that 
 beetroot, and lettuce, and spinach, and mustard, and sorrel, and coriander, and
 anise, and cardamums, are all called ἐπίσπορα, 
 things fit to be sown for the second crop. And Diphilus says that, as a general
 rule, all vegetables have but little nutriment in them, and have all of them a
 tendency to make people thin, and are devoid of wholesome juices, and moreover
 stay a long while in the stomach, and are not very digestible. But Epicharmus
 speaks of some as summer vegetables.

Artichokes were often eaten. And Sophocles, in his Colchian Women, calls an
 artichoke κινάρα, but in his Phœnix he writes the
 word κύναρος, saying— 
 The artichoke fills every field with its thorn. 
 But Hecatæus the Milesian, in his Description of Asia, at least if the
 book under this title is a genuine work of that author, (for Callimachus
 attributes it to Nesiotas;) however, whoever it was who wrote the book speaks in
 these terms— Around the sea which is called the Hyrcanian sea there are
 mountains lofty and rough with woods, and on the mountains there is the prickly
 artichoke. And immediately afterwards he subjoins— Of the
 Parthian tribes the Chorasmians dwell towards the rising sun, having a
 territory partly champaign and partly mountainous. And in the mountains there
 are wild trees; the prickly artichoke, the willow, the tamarisk. He
 says moreover that the artichoke grows near the river Indus. And Scylax, or
 Polemo, writes, that that land is well watered with fountains and with
 canals, and on the mountains there grow artichokes and many other
 plants. And immediately afterwards he adds, From that point a
 mountain stretches on both sides of the river Indus, very lofty, and very
 thickly overgrown with wild wood and the prickly artichoke. 
 
 But Didymus the grammarian, explaining what is meant by Sophocles when he speaks
 of the prickly artichoke (which he calls κύναρος ),
 says, "Perhaps he means the dog-brier, because that plant is prickly and rough;
 for the Pythian priestess did call that plant a wooden bitch. And the Locrian,
 after he had been ordered by an oracle to build a city in that place in which he
 was bitten by a wooden bitch, having had his leg scratched by a dog-brier, built
 the city in the place where the brier had stood. And there is
 a plant called the dog-brier, something between a brier and a tree, according to
 the statement of Theophrastus, and it has a red fruit, like a pomegranate, and it
 has a leaf like that of the willow.

Phænias, in the fifth book of his treatise on Plants, speaks of one which he calls
 the Sicilian cactus a very prickly plant. As also does Theophrastus, in his sixth
 book about Plants, who says, But the plant which is called the cactus
 exists only in Sicily, and is not found in Greece: and it sends forth stalks
 close to the ground, just above the root. And the stalks are the things which
 are called cacti: and they are eatable as soon as they are peeled, and rather
 bitter; and they preserve them in brine. But there is a second kind, which
 sends up a straight stalk, which they call πτέρνιξ ; and that also is eatable. The shell of the fruit, as
 soon as the outer soft parts have been taken away, is like the inside of a
 date: that also is eatable; and the name of that is ἀσκάληρον. 
 But who is there who would not place such belief in these assertions as
 to say confidently that this cactus is the same as that plant which is called by
 the Romans carduus, or thistle; as the Romans are at no
 great distance from Sicily, and as it is evidently the same plant which the Greeks
 call κινάρα, or the artichoke? For if you merely
 change two letters, κάρδος and κάκτος will be the same word. 
 And Epicharmus also shows us plainly this, when he puts down the cactus in his
 catalogue of eatable vegetables; in this way— The poppy, fennel, and the
 rough cactus; now one can eat of the other vegetables when dressed with milk,
 if he bruises them and serves them up with rich sauce, but by themselves they
 are not worth much. And in a subsequent passage he
 says— Lettuces, pines, squills, radishes, cacti. And again he
 says— A man came from the country, bringing fennel, and cacti, and
 lavender, and sorrel, and chicory, and thisles, and ferns, and the cactus, and
 dractylus, and otostyllus, and scolium, and seni, and onopordus. And
 Philetas the Coan poet says— 
 
 A fawn about to die would make a noise, 
 Fearing the venom of the thorny cactus.

And, indeed, Sopater the Paphian, who was born in the time of Alexander the son of
 Philip, and who lied even till the time of the second Ptolemy king of Egypt,
 called the artichoke κίναρα just as we do, as he
 himself declares in one of the books of his history. But
 Ptolemy Euergetes the king of Egypt, being one of the pupils of Aristarchus the
 grammarian, in the second book of his Commentaries writes thus— "Near Berenice, in
 Libya, is the river Lethon, in which there; is the fish called the pike, and the
 chrysophrys, and a great multitude of eels, and also of lampreys which are half as
 big again as those which come from Macedonia and from the Copaic lake. And the
 whole stream is full of fishes of all sorts. And in that district there are a
 great quantity of anchovies, and the soldiers who composed our army picked them,
 and ate them, and brought them to us, the generals having stripped them of their
 thorns. I know, too, that there is an island called Cinarus, which is mentioned by
 Semus.

Now with respect to what is called the Brain of the Palm.—Theophrastus, speaking
 of the plant of the palm-tree, states, The manner of cultivating it, and of
 its propagation from the fruit, is as follows: when one has taken off the upper
 rind, one comes to a portion in which is what is called the brain. And
 Xenophon, in the second book of the Anabasis, writes as follows: There,
 too, the soldiers first ate the brain of the palm or date-tree. And many of
 them marvelled at its appearance, and at the peculiarity of its delicious
 flavour. But it was found to have a great tendency to produce headache; but the
 date, when the brain was taken out of it, entirely dried up. Nicander
 says in his Georgics— 
 And at the same time cutting off the branches 
 Loaded with dates they bring away the brain, 
 A dainty greatly fancied by the young. 
 And Diphilus the Siphnian states— The brains of the dates are
 filling and nutritious; still they are heavy and not very digestible: they
 cause thirst, too, and constipation of the stomach. 
 
 But we, says Athenæus, O my friend Timocrates, shall appear to keep our brains to
 the end, if we stop this conversation and the book at this point.

Some Fragments omitted in the Second Book, of the Deipnosophists of
 Athenaeus. 
 Menander says— 
 
 It is a troublesome thing to fall in with 
 An entire party of none but relations; 
 Where as soon as he has taken his cup in his hand 
 The father first begins the discourse, 
 And stammers out his recommendations: 
 Then after him the mother, in the second place; 
 And then some old aunt gossips and chatters; 
 And then some harsh-voiced old man, 
 The father of the aunt aforesaid; then too 
 Another old woman calls him her darling: 
 And he nods assent to all that is said.

And a little afterwards he says— 
 Before the shade they wear a purple cloth, 
 And then this comes after the purple; 
 Being itself neither white nor purple, 
 But a ray of the brilliancy of the woof as it were 
 Of divers colours curiously blended. 
 Antiphanes says: What do you say? Will you not bring something
 hither to the door which we may eat? and then I will sit on the ground and eat
 it as the beggars do: and any one may see me. 
 
 The same man says in another place— 
 
 Prepare then 
 A fanner to cool me, a dish, a tripod, a cup, 
 An ewer, a mortar, a pot, and a spoon.

About the Ascent of the Nile. 
 
 Thales the Milesian, one of the seven wise that the overflowing of the Nile arises
 from the Etestian for that they blow up the river, and that the mouths of the
 river lie exactly opposite to the point from which they blow; and accordingly that
 the wind blowing in the opposite direc- tion hinders the flow of the waters; and
 the waves of the sea, dashing against the mouth of the river, and coming on with a
 fair wind in the same direction, beat back the river, and in this manner the Nile
 becomes full to overflowing. But Anaxagoras the natural philosopher says that the
 fullness of the Nile arises from the snow melting; and so, too, says Euripides, and some others of the tragic poets. And Anaxagoras
 says that this is the sole origin of all that fulness; but Euripides goes further,
 and describes the exact place where this melting of the snow takes place; for in
 his play called Archelaus he speaks thus:— 
 Danaus, the noble sire of fifty daughters, 
 Leaving the Nile, the fairest stream on earth, 
 Fill'd by the summer of the Aethiop land, 
 The negro's home, when the deep snow does melt, 
 And o'er the land the Sun his chariot drives. 
 And in the Helen he says something similar:— 
 These are the beauticous virgin streams of Nile, 
 Which in the place of rain bedew the plain 
 Of Egypt when the white snow melts on th' hills. 
 And Aeschylus says— 
 
 I know its history, and love to praise 
 The race of the Aethiop land, where mighty Nile 
 Rolls down his seven streams the country through, 
 When the spring winds bring down the heavy waters; 
 What time the sun shining along that land 
 Dissolves the mountain snow; and the whole land 
 Of flourishing Egypt, fill'd with th' holy stream, 
 Sends forth the vital ears of corn of Ceres.

And Callisthenes the historian argues against what I quoted just now as stated by
 Anaxagoras and Euripides: and he, too, declares his own opinion,—that as there is
 much very heavy and continued rain in Aethiopia about the time of the rising of
 the Dogstar, and from that period till the rising of Arcturus, and as the Etesian
 winds blow at about the same time, (for these are the winds which he says have the
 greatest tendency to bring the clouds over Aethiopia,) when the clouds fall upon
 the mountains in that region, a vast quantity of water bursts forth, in
 consequence of which the Nile rises. But Democritus says that about the winter
 solstice there are heavy falls of snow in the countries around the north; but that
 when the sun changes its course, at the summer solstice, the snow being melted and
 evaporated by the warmth, clouds are formed, and then the Etesian gales catch hold
 of them, and drive them towards the south; and when these clouds are all driven
 together towards Aethiopia and Libya, a mighty rain ensues, and the water from
 that flows down the mountains and fills the Nile. This, then, is the cause which
 Democritus alleges for this fulness of the Nile.

But Euthymenes the Massiliote says, speaking of his own
 knowledge, acquired in a voyage which he had made, that the sea outside the
 Pillars of Hercules flows towards Libya and turns up and proceeds towards the
 north; and that then, being driven back by the Etesian gales, it is raised to a
 height by the winds, and flows high at that time; but, when the Etesian gales
 cease, it recedes. He says moreover, that that sea is sweet to the taste, and that
 it contains monsters like the crocodiles and the hippopotami in the Nile. 
 But Œnopides the Chian says, that in winter the sources of the river are dried up,
 but in the summer they are thawed and flow; and so that for the sake of filling up
 the previous dryness, the rains from heaven cooperate with * * * * * * * * And on
 this account the river is smaller in winter and is full in summer. 
 But Herodotus gives an explanation quite contrary to that of the rest of those who
 have discussed this subject, but agreeing with the explanation of Œnopides; for he
 says that the stream of the Nile is of such magnitude as always to fill the river;
 but that the sun, as it makes its journey through Libya in the winter, dries up
 the river at that time; but that as it has gone off towards the north at the time
 of the sum- mer solstice, then the river becomes full again, and overflows the
 plains. 
 Now these are the mouths of the Nile:—towards Arabia, the Pelusiac mouth; towards
 Libya, the Canopic: and the rest are,—the Bolbitic, the Sebennytic, the Mendesian,
 the Saitic, and the Opuntic.

CALLIMACHUS the grammarian said that a great book was equivalent to a great
 evil. 
 With respect to Ciboria, or Egyptian beans, Nicander says in his Georgics— 
 You may sow the Egyptian bean, in order in summer 
 To make its flowers into garlands; and when the ciboria 
 Have fallen, then give the ripe fruit to the youths 
 Who are feasting with you, into their hands, as they have been a long
 time 
 Wishing for them; but roots I boil, and then place on the table at
 feasts. 
 
 But when Nicander speaks of roots, he means
 the things which are called by the Alexandrians colocasia; 
 as he says elsewhere— 
 Have peel'd the beans, and cut up the colocasia. 
 Now there is at Sicyon a temple to the Colocasian Minerva. There is also
 a kind of cup called κιβώριον.

Theophrastus, in his book on Plants, writes thus: "The bean in Egypt grows in
 marshes and swamps; and its stalk is in length, when it is at the largest, about
 four cubits; but in thickness, it is as thick as one's finger: and it is like a
 long reed, only without joints. But it has divisions within, running through the
 whole of it, like honeycombs. And on this stalk is the head and the flower, being
 about twice the size of a poppy; and its colour is like that of a rose, very full
 coloured; and it puts forth large leaves. But the root is thicker than the
 thickest reed, and it has divisions like the stalk. And people eat it boiled, and
 roasted, and raw. And the men who live near the marshes eat it very much. It
 grows, too, in Syria and in Cilicia, but those countries do not ripen it
 thoroughly. It grows, too, around Torone in Chalcidice, in a marsh of moderate
 size, and that place ripens it, and it brings its fruit to perfection there. But
 Diphilus the Siphnian says, "The root of the Egyptian bean, which is called
 colocasium, is very good for the stomach, and very nutritious, but it is not very
 digestible, being very astringent; and that is the best which is the least woolly.
 But the beans which are produced by the plant called ciborium, when they are green are indigestible, not very nutritious,
 easily pass through one, and are apt to cause flatulence; but when they are dry
 they are, not so flatulent. And from the genuine ciborium there is a flower which
 grows which is made into garlands. And the Egyptians call the flower the lotus;
 but the Naucratitans tell me, says Athenæus, that its name is the melilotus: and
 it is of that flower that the melilotus garlands are made, which are very
 fragrant, and which have a cooling effect in the summer season.

But Phylarchus says, "that though Egyptian beans had never been sown before in any
 place, and had never produced fruit if any one had by chance
 sown a few, except in Egypt, still, in the time of Alexander the king, the son of
 Pyrrhus, it happened that some sprung up near the river Thyamis in Thesprotia in
 Epirus, in a certain marsh in that district; and for two years continuously they
 bore fruit and grew; and that on this Alexander put a guard over them, and not
 only forbade any one to pick them, but would not allow any one to approach the
 place: and on this the marsh dried up; and for the future it not only never
 produced the abovementioned fruit, but it does not appear even to have furnished
 any water. And something very like this happened at Aedepsus. For at a distance
 from all other waters there was a spring sending forth cold water at no great
 distance from the sea; and invalids who drank this water were greatly benefited:
 on which account many repaired thither from great distances, to avail themselves
 of the water. Accordingly the generals of king Antigonus, wishing to be economical
 with respect to it, imposed a tax to be paid by those who drank it: and on this
 the spring dried up. And in the Troas in former times all who wished it were at
 liberty to draw water from the Tragasæan lake; but when Lysimachus became ruler
 there, and put a tax on it, that lake, too, disappeared: and as he marvelled at
 this, as soon as he remitted the tribute and left the place free, the water came
 again.

With respect to Cucumbers.—There is a proverb— 
 Eat the cucumber, O woman, and weave your cloak. 
 And Matron says, in his Parodies— 
 And I saw a cucumber, the son of the all-glorious Earth, 
 Lying among the herbs; and it was served up on nine tables. 
 
 And Laches says— 
 But, as when cucumber grows up in a dewy place, 
 Now the Attic writers always use the word σίκυον as a word of three syllables. But Alcæus uses it as a
 dissyllble, σίκυς ; for he says, δάκῃ τῶν σικύων from the nominative σίκυς, a word like στάχυς, στάχυος. And Phrynichus uses the word σικύδιον as a diminutive, where he says— 
 
 εντραγεῖν σικύδιον, to eat a little
 cucumber. 
 
 [ From this point are the genuine
 words of Athenœus. ] 
 
 
 I will send radishes and four cucumbers. 
 And Phrynichus too used the word σικύδιον 
 as a diminutive, in his Monotropus; where he says, κἀντραγεῖν σικύδιον.

But Theophrastus says that there are three kinds of cucumbers, the Lacedæmonian,
 the Scytalian, and the Bœotian; and that of these the Lacedæmonian, which is a
 watery one, is the best; and that the others do not contain water.
 Cucumbers too, says he, contain a more agreeable and
 wholesome juice if the seed be steeped in milk or in mead before it is
 sown; and he asserts in his book on the Causes of Plants, that they
 come up quicker if they are steeped either in water or milk before they are put in
 the ground. And Euthydemus says, in his treatise on Vegetables, that there is one
 kind of cucumber which is called δρακοντίας. But
 Demetrius Ixios states, in the first book of his treatise on Etymologies, that the
 name σίκυον is derived ἀπὸ
 τοῦ σεύεσθαι καὶ κιεῖν, from bursting forth and
 proceeding; for that it is a thing which spreads fast and wide. But
 Heraclides of Tarentum calls the cucumber ἡδύγαιον, which means growing in 
 sweet earth, or making the earth
 sweet, in his Symposium. And Diocles of Carystos says that cucumber, if it
 is eaten with the sium in the first course, makes the eater uncomfortable; for
 that it gets into the head as the radish does; but that if it is eaten at the end
 of supper it causes no uncomfortable feelings, and is more
 digestible; and that when it is boiled it is moderately diuretic. But Diphilus
 says— The cucumber being a cooling food is not very manageable, and is not
 easily digested or evacuated; besides that, it creates shuddering feelings and
 engenders bile, and is a great preventive against amatory feelings. But
 cucumber grow in gardens at the time of full moon, and at that time they grow very
 visibly, as do the sea-urchins.

With respect to Figs.-The fig-tree, says Magnus, (for I will not allow any one to
 take what I have to say about figs out of my mouth, not if I were to be hanged for
 it, for I am most devilishly fond of figs, and I will say what occurs to me;) "the
 fig-tree, my friends, was the guide to men to lead them to a more civilized life.
 And this is plain from the fact that the Athenians call the place where it was
 first discovered The Sacred Fig; and the fruit from it they call hegeteria, that is to say, the guide, 
 because that was the first to be discovered of all the fruits now in cultivation.
 Now there are many species of figs;—there is the Attic sort, which Antiphanes
 speaks of in his Synonymes; and when he is praising the land of Attica, he says—
 
 
 A. What fruits this land produces! 
 Superior, O Hipponicus, to the world. 
 What honey, what bread, what figs! 
 
 Hipp. It does, by Jove! 
 Bear wondrous figs. 
 And Isistrus, in his Attics, says that it was forbidden to
 export out of Attica the figs which grew in that country, in order that the
 inhabitants might have the exclusive enjoyment of them. And as many people were
 detected in sending them away surreptitiously, those who laid informations against
 them before the judges were then first called sycophants. And Alexis says, in his
 The Poet — 
 The name of sycophant is one which does 
 Of right apply to every wicked person; 
 For figs when added to a name might show 
 Whether the man was good and just and pleasant 
 But now when a sweet name is given a rogue, 
 It makes us doubt why this should be the case. 
 And Philomnestus, in his treatise on the Festival of Apollo at Rhodes,
 which is called the Sminthian festival, says—"Since the sycophant got his name
 from these circumstance, because at that time there were
 fines and taxes imposed upon figs and oil and wine, by the produce of which
 imposts they found money for the public expenses; they called those who exacted
 these fines and laid these informations sycophants, which was very natural,
 selecting those who were accounted the most considerable of the citizens.

And Aristophanes mentions the fig, in his Farmers; speaking as
 follows:— 
 I am planting figs of all sorts except the Lacedæmonian, 
 For this kind is the fig of an enemy and a tyrant: 
 And it would not have been so small a fruit if it had not been a great hater
 of the people. 
 But he called it small because it was not a large plant. But Alexis, in
 his Olynthian, mentioning the Phrygian figs, says— 
 And the beautiful fig, 
 The wonderful invention of the Phrygian fig, 
 The diine object of my mother's care. 
 And of those figs which are called φιβάλεοι, mention is made by many of the comic writers; and
 Pherecrates, in his Crapatalli, says— 
 O my good friend, make haste and catch a fever, 
 And then alarm yourself with no anxiety, 
 But eat Phibalean figs all the summer; 
 And then, when you have eaten your fill, sleep the whole of the midday; 
 And then feel violent pains, get in a fever, and holloa. 
 And Teleclides, in his Amphictyons, says— 
 How beautiful those Phibalean figs are! 
 They also call myrtle-berries Phibalean. As Antiphanes does in his
 Cretans — 
 . . . . . But first of all 
 I want some myrtle-berries on the table, 
 Which I may eat when e'er I counsel take; 
 And they must be Phibalean, very fine, 
 Fit for a garland. 
 Epigenes too mentions Chelidonian figs, that is, figs fit for swallows,
 in his Bacchea— 
 Then, in a little while, a well-fill'd basket 
 Of dry Chelidonian figs is brought in. 
 And Androtion, or Philippus, or Hegemon, in the Book of the Farm, gives a
 list of these kinds of figs, saying—"In the plain it is
 desirable to plant specimens of the Chelidonian fig, of the fig called Erinean, of
 the Leukerinean, and of the Phibalean; but plant the Oporobasilis, the queen of
 autumn, everywhere; for each kind has some useful qualities; and, above all, the
 pollarded trees, and the phormynian, and the double bearers, and the Megarian, and
 the Lacedæmonian kinds are desirable, if there is plenty of water.

Lynceus, too, mentions the fig-trees which grow in Rhodes, in his Epistles;
 instituting a comparison between the best of the Athenian kinds and the Rhodian
 species. And he writes in these terms:— But these fig-trees appear to vie
 with Lacedæmonian trees of the same kind, as mulberries do with figs; and they
 are put on the table before supper, not after supper as they are here, when the
 taste is already vitiated by satiety, but while the appetite is still
 uninfluenced and unappeased. And if Lynceus had tasted the figs which
 in the beautiful Rome are called καλλιστρούθια, as
 I have, he would have been by far more long-sighted than ever his namesake was. So
 very far superior are those figs to all the other figs in the whole world. 
 Other kinds of figs grown near Rome are held in high esteem; and those called the
 Chian figs, and the Libianian; those two named the Chalcidic, and the African
 figs; as Herodotus the Lycian bears witness, in his treatise on Figs.

But Parmeno the Byzantine, in his Iambics, speaks of the figs which come from
 Canæ, an Aeolian city, as the best of all: saying— 
 I am arrived after a long voyage, not having brought 
 A valuable freight of Canæan figs. 
 And that the figs from Caunus, a city of Caria, are much praised, is
 known to all the world. There is another sort of fig, called the Oxalian, which
 Heracleon the Ephesian makes mention of, and Nicander of Thyatira, quoting what is
 mentioned by Apollodorus of Carystus, in his play, called the Dress-seller with a
 Dowry;" where he says— 
 Moreover, all the wine 
 Was very sour and thin, so that I felt 
 Ashamed to see it; for all other farms 
 In the adjacent region bear the figs 
 Ycleped Oxalian; and mine bears vines. 
 Figs also grow in the island of Paros, (for those which are called by the Parians αἱμώνια 
 are a different fig from the common one, and are not what I am alluding to here;
 for the αἱμώνια are the same with those which are
 called Lydian figs; and they have obtained this name on account of their red
 colour, since αἷμα means blood, and they are
 mentioned by Archilochus, who speaks in this manner:— 
 Never mind Paros, and the figs which grow 
 Within that marble island, and the life 
 Of its seafaring islanders. 
 But these figs are as far superior to the ordinary run of figs which are
 grown in other places as the meat of the wild boar is superior to that of all
 other animals of the swine tribe which are not wild.

The λευκερινεὸς is a kind of fig-tree; and perhaps
 it is that kind which produces the white figs; Hermippus mentions it in his
 Iambics, in these terms— 
 There are besides the Leucerinean figs. 
 And the figs called ἐρινεοὶ, or ἐρινοῖ, are mentioned by Euripides in his
 Sciron — 
 Or else to fasten him on the erinean boughs. 
 And Epicharmus says, in his Sphinx,— 
 But these are not like the erinean figs. 
 And Sophocles, in his play entitled The Wedding of Helen, 
 by a sort of metaphor, calls the fruit itself by the name of the tree; saying—
 
 A ripe ἐρινὸς is a useless thing 
 For food, and yet you ripen others by 
 Your conversation. 
 And he uses the masculine gender here, saying πέπων
 ἔρινος, instead of πέπον ἔρινον. 
 Alexis also says in his Caldron — 
 And why now need we speak of people who 
 Sell every day their figs in close pack'd baskets, 
 And constantly do place those figs below 
 Which are hard and bad; but on top they range 
 The ripe and beautiful fruit. And then a comrade, 
 As if he'd bought the basket, gives the price; 
 The seller, putting in his mouth the coin, 
 Sells wild figs ( ἔρινα ) while he swears he's
 selling good ones. 
 Now the tree, the wild fig, from which the fruit meant by the term
 ἔρινα comes, is called ἐρινὸς, being a masculine noun. Strattis says, in his Troilus—
 
 Have you not perceived a wild fig-tree near her? 
 
 And Homer says— 
 There stands a large wild fig-tree flourishing with leaves. 
 And Amerias says, that the figs on the wild fig-trees are called ἐρίνακαι.

Hermonax, in his book on the Cretan Languages, gives a catalogue of the different
 kinds of figs, and speaks of some as ἁμάδεα and as
 νικύλεα ; and Philemon, in his book on Attic
 Dialects, says, that some figs are called royals, from which also the dried figs
 are called βασιλίδες, or royal; stating besides,
 that the ripe figs are called κόλυτρα. Seleucus,
 too, in his Book on Dialects, says that there is a fruit called γλυκυσίδη, being exceedingly like a fig in shape: and
 that women guard against eating them, because of their evil effects; as also Plato
 the comic writer says, in his Cleophon. And Pamphilus says, that the winter figs
 are called Cydonæa by the Achæans, saying, that Aristophanes said the very same
 thing in his Lacedæmonian Dialects. Hermippus, in his Soldiers, says that there is
 a kind of fig called Coracean, using these words— 
 Either Phibalean figs, or Coracean. 
 Theophrastus, in the second book of his treatise on Plants, says that
 there is a sort of fig called Charitian Aratean. And in his third book he says,
 that in the district around the Trojan Ida, there is a sort of fig growing in a
 low bush, having a leaf like that of the linden-tree; and that it bears red figs,
 about the size of an olive, but rounder, and in its taste like a medlar. And
 concerning the fig which is called in Crete the Cyprian fig, the same
 Theophrastus, in his fourth book of his History of Plants, writes as follows:—
 "The fig called in Crete the Cyprian fig, bears fruit from its stalk, and from its
 stoutest branches; and it sends forth a small leafless shoot, like a little root,
 attached to which is the fruit. The trunk is large, and very like that of the
 white poplar, and its leaf is like that of the elm. And it produces four fruits,
 according to the number of the shoots which it puts forth. Its sweetness resembles
 that of the common fig; and within it resembles the wild fig: but in size it is
 about equal to the cuckoo-apple.

Again, of the figs called prodromi, or precocious the same
 Theophrastus makes mention in the third book of his Causes of Plants, in this
 way— When a warm and damp and soft air comes to the
 fig-tree, then it excites the germination, from which the figs are called
 prodromi. And proceeding further, he says— And again, some trees
 bear the prodromi, namely, the Lacedæmonian fig-tree, and the leucomphaliac,
 and several others; but some do not bear them. But Seleucus, in his
 book on Languages, says that there is a kind of fig called προτερικὴ, which bears very early fruit. And Aristophanes, in his
 Ecclesiazusæ, speaks of a double-bearing fig-tree— 
 Take for a while the fig-tree's leaves 
 Which bears its crop twice in the year. 
 And Antiphanes says, in his Scleriæ— 
 'Tis by the double-bearing fig-tree there below. 
 But Theopompus, in the fifty-fourth book of his Histories, says— At
 the time when Philip reigned about the territory of the Bisaltæ, and Amphipolis
 and Græstonia of Macedon, when it was the middle of spring, the fig-trees were
 loaded with figs, and the vines with bunches of grapes, and the olive-trees,
 though it was only the season for them to be just pushing, were full of olives.
 And Philip was successful in all his undertakings. But in the second
 book of his treatise on Plants, Theophrastus says that the wild fig also is
 double-bearing; and some say that it bears even three crops in the year, as for
 instance, at Ceos.

Theophrastus also says, that the fig-tree if planted among squills grows up
 faster, and is not so liable to be destroyed by worms: and, in fact, that
 everything which is planted among squills both grows faster and is more sure to be
 vigorous. And in a subsequent passage Theophrastus says, in the second book of his
 Causes— The fig called the Indian fig, though it is a tree of a wonderful
 size, bears a very small fruit; and not much of it; as if it had expended all
 its strength in making wood. And in the second book of his History of
 Plants, the philosopher says— There is also another kind of fig in Greece,
 and in Cilicia and Cyprus, which bears green figs; and that tree bears a real
 fig, σῦκον, in front of the leaf, and a green
 fig, ὄλυνθος, behind the leaf. And these green
 figs grow wholly on the wood which is a year old, and not on the new
 wood. And this kind of fig-tree produces the green fig ripe and sweet,
 very different from the green fig which we have; and it grows to a much greater
 size than the genuine fig. And the time when it is in season is not long after the tree has made its wood. And I know, too, that there
 are many other names of fig-trees; there are the Royal, and the Fig Royal, and the
 Cirrocæladian, and the Hyladian, and the Deerflesh, and the Lapyrian, and the
 Subbitter, and the Dragon-headed, and the White-faced, and the lack-faced, and the
 Fountain fig, and the Mylaic, and the Asclonian.

Tryphon also speaks of the names of figs in the second book of his History of
 Plants, and says that Dorion states, in his book of the Farm, that Sukeas, one of
 the Titans, being pursued by Jupiter, was received in her bosom as in an asylum by
 his mother Earth; and that the earth sent forth that plant as a place of refuge
 for her son; from whom also the city Sukea in Cilicia has its name. But Pherenicus
 the epic poet, a Heraclean by birth, says that the fig-tree ( συκῆ ) is so called from Suke the daughter of Oxylus: for that Oxylus
 the son of Orius, having intrigued with his sister Hamadryas, had several
 children, and among them Carya (the nut-tree), Balanus (the acorn-bearing oak),
 Craneus (the cornel-tree), Orea (the ash), Aegeirus (the poplar), Ptelea (the
 elm), Am- pelus (the vine), Suke (the fig-tree): and that these daughters were all
 called the Hamadryad Nymphs; and that from them many of the trees were named. On
 which account Hipponax says— 
 The fig-tree black, the sister of the vine. 
 And Sosibius the Lacedæmonian, after stating that the fig-tree was the
 discovery of Bacchus, says that on this account the Lacedæmonians worship Bacchus
 Sukites. But the people of Naxus, as Andriscus and Aglaosthenes related, state
 that Bacchus is called Meilichius, because of his gift of the fruit of the
 fig-tree: and that on this account the face of the god whom they call Bacchus
 Dionysus is like a vine, and that of the god called Bacchus Meilichius is like a
 fig. For figs are called μείλιχα by the
 Naxians.

Now that the fig is the most useful to man of all the fruits which grow upon trees
 is sufficiently shown by Herodotus the Lycian, who urges this point at great
 length, in his treatise on Figs. For he says that young children grow to a great
 size if they are fed on the juice of figs. And Pherecrates, who wrote the Persæ,
 says— 
 If any one of us, after absence, sees a fig, 
 He will apply it like a plaster to his children's eyes: 
 
 as if there were no ordinary medicinal power in the fig. And
 Herodotus, the most wonderful and sweet of all writers, says in the first book of
 his Histories, that figs are of the greatest good, speaking thus:— O king,
 you are preparing to make war upon men of this character, who wear breeches of
 leather, and all the rest of their garments are made of leather; and they eat
 not whatever they fancy, but what they have, since they have but a rough
 country; moreover they do not, by Jove, use wine, but they drink water; they
 have no figs to eat, nor any other good thing. 
 
 And Polybius of Megalopolis, in the twelfth book of his Histories,
 says— Philip, the father of Perseus, when he overran Asia, being in want
 of provisions, took figs for his soldiers from the Magnesians, as they had no
 corn. On which account, too, when he became master of Myus, he gave that place
 to the Magnesians in return for their figs. And Ananius, the writer of
 Iambics, says— 
 
 He who should shut up gold within his house, 
 And a few figs, and two or three men, 
 Would see how far the figs surpass the gold.

And when Magnus had said all this about figs, Daphnus the physician said:
 Philotimus, in the third book of his treatise on Figs, says, "There is a great
 deal of difference between the various kinds of figs when fresh; both in their
 sorts, and in the times when each is in season, and in their effects; not but what
 one may lay down some general rules, and say that the juicy ones and those which
 are full ripe are quickly dissolved and are digested more easily than any other
 fruit whatever, nor do they interfere with the digestion of other sorts of food;
 and they have the ordinary properties of all juicy food, being glutinous and
 sweet, and slightly nitrous in taste. And they make the evacuations more copious
 and fluid, and rapid and wholly free from discomfort; and they also diffuse a
 saltish juice, having a good deal of harshness, when they are combined with
 anything at all salt. They are very quickly dissolved by the digestion, because,
 though many heavy things may be taken into the stomach, we still after a short
 time feel as if we had become excessively empty: but this could not have happened
 if the figs had remained in the stomach, and were not immediately dissolved. And
 figs are dissolved more easily than any other fruit; as is
 proved not only by the fact that though we eat a great many times as great a
 quantity of figs as of all other fruits put together, we still never feel
 inconvenienced by them; and even if we eat a quantity of figs before dinner, and
 then eat as much of other things as if we had never touched them, we still feel no
 discomfort. It is plain, therefore, that if we can manage both them and the rest
 of our food, they must be easily digested; and that is why they do not interfere
 with the digestion of the rest of our food. 
 
 Figs, then, have the qualities which I have mentioned. That they are
 glutinous and rather salt is proved by their being sticky and cleansing the
 hands; and we see ourselves that they are sweet in the mouth. And it certainly
 needs no arguments to prove that our evacuations after eating them take place
 without any convulsions or trouble, and that they are more numerous and more
 rapid and more easy in consequence. And they do not go through any great
 decomposition in the stomach, which arises not from their being indigestible,
 but because we drink while eating them, without waiting for the action of the
 stomach to soften them, and also because they pass through the stomach so
 quickly. And they generate a salt juice in the stomach, because it has been
 already shown that they contain something of nitre in them: and they will make
 that food taste rather salt and harsh which is combined with them. For salt
 increases the briny taste of anything, but vinegar and thyme increase the harsh
 qualities of food.

Now Heraclides the Tarentine asks this question; Whether it is best to
 drink warm water or cold after the eating of figs? And he says, that
 those who recommend the drinking of cold water do so because they have an eye to
 such a fact as this,—that warm water cleanses one's hands more quickly than cold;
 on which account it is reasonable to believe that food in the stomach will be
 quickly washed away by warm water. And with respect to figs which are not eaten,
 warm water dissolves their consistency and connexion, and separates them into
 small pieces; but cold coagultes and consolidates them. But those who recommend
 the drinking of cold water say, the taking of cold water bears down by its own
 weight the things which are heavy on the stomach; (for figs do not do any
 extraordinary good to the stomach, since they heat it and
 destroy its tone; on which account some people always drink neat wine after them;)
 and then too it quickly expels what is already in the stomach. But after eating
 figs, it is desirable to take an abundant and immediate draught of something or
 other; in order to prevent those things from remaining in the stomach, and to move
 them into the lower parts of the bowels.

Others however say, that it is not a good thing to eat figs at midday; for that at
 that time they are apt to engender diseases, as Pherecrates has said in his
 Crapatalli. And Aristophanes, in his Proagon, says— 
 But once seeing him when he was sick in the summer, 
 In order to be sick too himself, eat figs at midday. 
 And Eubulus says, in his Sphingocarion— 
 No doubt it was; for I was sick, my friend, 
 From eating lately figs one day at noon. 
 And Nicophon says, in the Sirens— 
 But if a man should eat green figs at noon, 
 And then go off to sleep; immediately 
 A galloping fever comes on him, accursed, 
 And falling on him brings up much black bile.

Diphilus of Siphnos says, that of figs some are tender, and not very nutritious,
 but full of bad juice, nevertheless easily secreted, and rising easily to the
 surface; and that these are more easily managed than the dry figs; but that those
 which are in season in the winter, being ripened by artificial means, are very
 inferior: but that the best are those which are ripe at the height of the summer,
 as being ripened naturally; and these have a great deal of juice; and those which
 are not so juicy are still good for the stomach, though somewhat heavy. And the
 figs of Tralles are like the Rhodian: and the Chian, and all the rest, appear to
 be inferior to these, both in the quality and quantity of their juice. But
 Mnesitheus the Athenian, in his treatise on Eatables, says— But with
 respect to whatever of these fruits are eaten raw, such as pears, and figs, and
 Delphic apples, and such fruits, one ought to watch the opportunity when they
 will have the juice which they contain, neither unripe on the one hand, nor
 tainted on the other; nor too much dried up by the season. But
 Demetrius the Scepsian, in the fifteenth book of the Trojan Preparation, says,
 that those who never eat figs have the best voices. At all
 events, he says, that Hegesianax the Alexandrian, who wrote the Histories, was
 originally a man with a very weak voice, and that he became a tragedian and a fine
 actor, and a man with a fine voice, by abstaining from figs for eighteen years
 together. And I know too that there are some proverbs going about concerning figs,
 of which the following are samples:— 
 Figs after fish, vegetables after meat. 
 Figs are agreeable to birds, but they do not choose to plant them.

Apples are an universal fruit. Mnesitheus the Athe- nian, in his treatise on
 Eatables, calls them Delphian apples; but Diphilus says, that those apples
 which are green and which are not yet ripe, are full of bad juice, and are bad
 for the stomach; but are apt to rise to the surface, and also to engender bile;
 and they give rise to diseases, and produce sensations of shuddering. But of
 ripe apples, he says, that the sweet ones are those with most juice, and that
 they are the most easily secreted, because they have no great inflammatory
 qualities. But that sharp apples have a more disagreeable and mischievous
 juice, and are more astringent. And that those which have less sweetness are
 still pleasant to the palate when eaten; and, on account of their having some
 strengthening qualities, are better for the stomach. And moreover, that of this
 fruit those which are in season in the summer have a juice inferior to the
 others; but those which are ripe in the autumn have the better juice. And that
 those which are called ὀρβίκλατα, have a good
 deal of sweetness combined with their invigorating properties, and are very
 good for the stomach. But those which are called σητάνια, and also those which are called πλατώνια, are full of good juice, and are easily secreted, but
 are not good for the stomach. But those which are called Mordianian are very
 excellent, being produced in Apollonia, which is called Mordius; and they are
 like those which are called ὀρβίκλατα, But the
 Cydonian apples, or quinces, some of which are called στρούθια, are, as a general rule, better for the stomach than any
 other kind of apple, most especially when they are full ripe. 
 
 But Glaucides asserts that the best of all fruits which grow upon trees are the
 Cydonian apples, and those which are called phaulia, and strouthia. And
 Philotimus, in his third book, and also in his tenth book of
 his treatise on Food, says— "Of apples, those which come in season in spring are
 by far more indigestible than pears, whether they are both unripe, or whether they
 are both ripe. But they have the properties of juicy fruits; the sharp apples, and
 those which are not yet ripe, resembling those pears which have a harsher taste
 and which are in a certain degree sour; and they diffuse over the body a juice
 which is said to be corrosive. And, as a general rule, apples are not so
 digestible as pears; on which account those who are less addicted to eating them
 are less troubled with indigestions, and those who are most fond of them are the
 most liable to such inconvenience. But, as I said before, a corrosive juice is
 engendered by them, as is stated by Praxagoras, and as is shown by the fact that
 those things which are not digested will have the juice thicker. (And I have
 already said that, as a general rule, apples are less digestible than pears.) And
 the harsh and sour apples are in the habit of engendering thicker juices. 
 But of those apples which are in season in the winter, the Cydonian give out the
 more bitter juices, and those called strouthian give out juice more sparingly;
 though what they do give out is not so harsh tasted, and is more digestible." But
 Nicander of Thyatira says, that the Cydonian apples themselves are called στρούθεια ; but he says this out of ignorance. For
 Glaucides asserts plainly enough that the best of all fruits which grow on trees
 are the Cydonian apples and those called phaulian and strouthian.

Stesichorus also mentions the Cydonian apples, in his Helena, speaking thus:
 
 Before the king's most honour'd throne, 
 I threw Cydonian apples down; 
 And leaves of myrrh, and crowns of roses, 
 And violets in purple posies. 
 Alcman mentions them too. And Cantharus does so like- wise, in the
 Tereus; where he says— 
 Likening her bosom to Cydonian apples. 
 And Philemon, in his Clown, calls Cydonian apples strouthia. And
 Phylarchus, in the sixth book of his Histories, says that apples by their sweet
 fragrance can blunt the efficacy of even deadly poisons. At all events, he says,
 that some Phariacan poison having been cast into a chest still smelling from having had some of these apples stored away in it, lost all
 its effect, and preserved none of its former power, but was mixed and given to
 some people who were plotted against, but that they escaped all harm. And that
 afterwards it was ascertained, by an investigation and examination of the man who
 had sold the poison; and that he felt sure that it arose from the fact of the
 apples having been put away in the chest.

Hermon, in his Cretan Dialects, says that Cydonian apples are called κοδύμαλα. But Polemo, in the fifth book of the treatise
 against Timæus, says that some people affirm that the κοδύμαλον is a kind of flower. But Alcman asserts that it is the
 same as the στρούθιον apple, when he says,
 less than a κοδύμαλον. 
 And Apollodorus and Sosibius understand the Cydonian apple by κοδύμαλον. But that the Cydonian apple differs from the
 στρούθιον, Theophrastus has asserted clearly
 enough in the second book of his History. Moreover, there are excellent apples
 grown at Sidus, (that is, a village in the Corinthian territory,) as Euphorion or
 Archytas says, in the poem called The Crane: — 
 Like a beautiful apple which is grown on the clayey banks 
 Of the little Sidus, refulgent with purple colour. 
 And Nicander mentions them in his Transformed, in this manner:— 
 And immediately, from the gardens of Sidoeis or Pleistus 
 He cut green apples, and imitated the appearance of Cadmus. 
 And that Sidus is a village of the Corinthian territory, Rhianus assures
 us, in the first book of the Heraclea; and Apollodorus the Athenian confirms it,
 in the fifth book On the Catalogue of the Ships. But Antigonus the Carystian says,
 in his Antipater— 
 
 More dear to me was he than downy apples 
 Of purple hue, in lofty Corinth growing.

And Teleclides mentions the Phaulian apples, in his Amphictyons, in these terms:—
 
 O men, in some things neat, but yet in others 
 More fallen than phaulian apples! 
 And Theopompus also speaks of them, in the Theseus. But Androtion, in his
 Book of the Farm, says, that some apple-trees are called φαύλιαι, and others στρούθιαι ;
 for, says he, the apple does not fall from the footstalk
 of the strouthian apple-tree. And that others are called spring-trees,
 or Lace- dæmonian, or Siduntian, or woolly. But I, my
 friends, admire above all others the apples which are sold at Rome, which are
 called the Mattianian; and which are said to be brought from a certain village
 situated on the Alps near Aquileia. And the apples which grow at Gangra, a city of
 Paphlagonia, are not much inferior to them. But that Bacchus was the discoverer of
 the apple we have the testimony of Theocritus the Syracusan, who writes thus:—
 
 Guarding the apples in the bosom of Bacchus; 
 And having on his head a poplar garland, 
 The silv'ry tree, sacred to Theban Hercules. 
 But Neoptolemus the Parian testifies himself, in his Dionysias, that the
 apple was discovered by Bacchus, as were all other fruits which grow on trees. 
 There is a fruit called epimelis; which is, says
 Pamphilus, a description of pear. But Timachides asserts, in the fourth book of
 The Banquet, that it is an apple, the same as that called the apple of the
 Hesperides. And Pamphilus asserts that at Lacedæmon they are set before the gods;
 and that they have a sweet smell, but are not very good to eat; and are called the
 apples of the Hesperides. At all events, Aristocrates, in the fourth book of his
 Affairs of Lacedæmon, says, And besides that apples, and those which are
 called Hesperides.

Walnuts are next to be mentioned.—Theophrastus, in the second book of his History
 of Plants, speaking of those whose fruit is not visible, says this among other
 things:— Since the beginning of all the greater fruits is visible, as of
 the almond, the nut, the date, and other fruits of the same kind; except the
 walnut, in which that is not at all the case; and with the exception also of
 the pomegranate and of the female pear. But Diphilus of Siphnos, in his
 book about What should be eaten by People when Sick and by People in Health,"
 says— The fruit called the Persian apple or peach, and by some the
 Persian cuckoo-apple, is moderately juicy, but is more nutritious than
 apples. But Philotimus, in the second and third books of his treatise
 on Food, says that the Persian nut or walnut is more oily and like millet, and
 that being a looser fruit, when it is pressed it yields a great quantity of oil.
 But Aristophanes the grammarian, in his Lacedæmonian Dialects, says that the
 Lacedæmonians call the cuckoo-apples Persian bitter apples; and that some people
 call them ἄδρυα.

The Citron was next mentioned.—And with respect to this fruit there was a great
 discussion among the Deipnosophists, as to whether there is any mention made of it
 by the ancients. For Myrtilus said, proposing, as it were, to send us who made the
 inquiry to feed among the wild goats, that Hegesander the Delphian, in his
 Memorials, does make mention of this fruit; but that he did not recollect the
 exact words: and Plutarch, contradicting him, said,—But I indeed contend, that
 Hegesander never mentions the citron at all, for I read through the whole of his
 Memorials for the express purpose of seeing whether he did or no; since some other
 of our companions also asserted positively that he did, trusting to some
 scholastic commentaries of a man whom he considered respectable enough. So that it
 is time for you, my good friend Myrtilus, to seek for some other witness. But
 Aemilianus said, that Jobas the king of the Mauritanians, a man of the most
 extensive learning, in his History of Libya, does mention the citron, saying that
 it is called among the Libyans the Hesperian apple, and that they were citrons
 which Hercules carried into Greece, and which obtained the name of golden apples on account of their colour and appearance.
 But the fruit which is called the apples of the Hesperides, is said to have been
 produced by Terra, on the occasion of the marriage of Jupiter and Juno, according
 to the statement of Asclepiades, in the sixtieth book of his History of the
 Affairs of Egypt. On this, Democritus, looking towards the speakers, said,—If,
 indeed, Jobas asserts any of these things, let him take pleasure in his Libyan
 books, and in the nonsense of Hanno. But I repeat the assertion, that the name citron does not occur in the old authors. But the fruit
 which is described by Theophrastus the Eresian, in his Histories of Plants, is
 described in such a manner as to compel me to believe that he intended the citron
 by what he said.

For that philosopher says, in the fourth book of his History of Plants— The
 Median territory, and like wise the Persian, has many other productions, and
 also the Perian or Median apple. Now, that tree has a leaf very like and almost
 exactly the same as that of the bay-tree, the arbutus, or the nut: and it has
 thorns like the prickly-pear, or blackthorn, smooth but very sharp and strong.
 And the fruit is not good to eat, but is very fragrant, and so too are the leaves of the tree. And if any one puts one of the
 fruits among his clothes, it keeps them from the moth. And it is useful when
 any one has taken poison injurious to life; for when given in wine it produces
 a strong effect on the bowels, and draws out the poison. It is serviceable also
 in the way of making the breath sweet; for if any one boils the inner part of
 the fruit in broth or in anything else, and then presses it in his mouth and
 swallows it, it makes his breath smell sweet. And the seed is taken out and is
 sown in spring in square beds, being very carefully cultivated; and then it is
 watered every fourth or fifth day; and when it has grown up it is again
 transplanted the next spring into a place where the ground is soft, and
 well-watered, and not very thin. And it bears fruit every year; some of which
 are fit to be gathered, and some are in flower, and some are becoming ripe at
 the same time. And those of the flowers which have a stem like a distaff
 projecting out of the centre are sure to produce good seed; but those which
 have no such stem are unproductive. And in the first book of the same
 treatise he says the same thing about the distaff, and about the flowers which are
 productive. And I am induced by these things, my mates, and by what Theophrastus
 says of the colour and smell and leaves of the fruit, to believe that the fruit
 meant by him is the citron; and let no one of you marvel if he says that it is not
 good to eat; since until the time of our grandfathers no one was used to eat it,
 but they put it away as a treasure in their chests along with their clothes.

But that this plant really did come from that upper country into Greece, one may
 find asserted in the works of the Comic poets, who, speaking of its size, appear
 to point out the citron plainly enough. Antiphanes says, in his Bœotian— 
 
 A. 'Tis silly to say a word about roast meat 
 To men who're ne'er content. But now, my girl, 
 Just take these apples. 
 
 B. They are fine to look at. 
 
 A. Indeed they are, and good too, O ye gods! 
 For this seed has arrived not long ago 
 In Athens, coming from the mighty king. 
 
 B. I thought it came from the Hesperides; 
 For there they say the golden apples grow. 
 
 A. They have but three. 
 
 B. That which is very beautiful 
 Is rare in every place, and so is dear. 
 
 And Eriphus, in his Melibœa, quotes these selfsame Iambics of
 Antiphanes, and then proceeds in his own words:— 
 
 B. I thought, I swear by Dian, that they came 
 From out the garden of the Hesperides, 
 For they, they say, do keep the golden apples. 
 
 A. They have but three. 
 
 B. That which is very beautiful 
 Is rare in every place, and so is dear. 
 
 A. I'll sell you these now for a single penny, 
 And even that I'll put down in the bill. 
 
 B. Are they not pomegranates? how fine they are! 
 
 A. Fine! yes—they say that Venus did herself 
 Plant this the parent tree in Cyprus, where it stands. 
 Take it, my dear Berbeias. 
 
 B. Thank you kindly. 
 
 A. Take also these three; they are all I had. 
 And if any one is able to contradict this, and to show that these
 descriptions are not meant to apply to the fruit which we now call the citron, let
 him bring forward some clearer testimonies.

However, Phænias the Eresian compels us to entertain the idea that, perhaps, the
 name may be meant for cedron, as from the cedar-tree. For,
 in the fifth book of his treatise on Plants, he says that the cedar has thorns
 around its leaves; and that the same is the case with the citron is visible to
 everybody. But that the citron when eaten before any kind of food, whether dry or
 moist, is an antidote to all injurious effects, I am quite certain, having had
 that fact fully proved to me by my fellow-citizen, who was entrusted with the
 government of Egypt. He had condemned some men to be given to wild beasts, as
 having been convicted of being malefactors, and such men he said were only fit to
 be given to beasts. And as they were going into the theatre appropriated to the
 punishment of robbers, a woman who was selling fruit by the wayside gave them out
 of pity some of the citron which she herself was eating, and they took it and ate
 it, and after a little while, being exposed to some enormous and savage beasts,
 and bitten by asps, they suffered no injury. At which the governor was mightily
 astonished. And at last, examining the soldier who had charge of them, whether
 they had eaten or drunk anything, when he learnt of him that some citron had been
 given to them without any evil design; on the next day he ordered some citron to
 be given o some of them again, and others to have none given to them And those who eat the citron, though they were bitten, received no
 injury, but the others died immediately on being bitten. And this result being
 proved by repeated experiments, it was found that citron was an antidote to all
 sorts of pernicious poison. But if any one boils a whole citron with its seed in
 Attic honey, it is dissolved in the honey, and he who takes two or three mouthfuls
 of it early in the morning will never experience any evil effects from poison.

Now if any one disbelieves this, let him learn from Theopompus the Chian, a man of
 the strictest truth and who expended a great deal of money on the most accurate
 investigation of matters to be spoken of in his History. For he says, in the
 thirty-eighth book of his History, while giving an account of Clearchus, the
 tyrant of the Heracleans who were in Pontus, that he seized violently upon a
 number of people and gave a great many of them hemlock to drink.— And
 as, says he, they all knew that he was in the habit of
 compelling them to pledge him in this liquor, they never left their homes
 without first eating rue: for people who have eaten this beforehand take no
 harm from drinking aconite,— a poison which, they say, has its name from
 growing in a place called Aconæ, which is not far from Heraclea. When
 Democritus had said this they all marvelled at the efficacy of citron, and most of
 them ate it, as if they had had nothing to eat or drink before. But Pamphilus, in
 his Dialects, says that the Romans call it not κίτριον, but κίτρον.

And after the viands which have been mentioned there were then brought unto us
 separately some large dishes of oysters, and other shell-fish, nearly all of which
 have been thought by Epicharmus worthy of being celebrated in his play of the
 Marriage of Hebe, in these words:— 
 Come, now, bring all kinds of shell-fish; 
 Lepades, aspedi, crabyzi, strabeli, cecibali, 
 Tethunachia, balani, porphyryæ, and oysters with closed shells, 
 Which are very difficult to open, but very easy to eat; 
 And mussels, and anaritæ, and ceryces, and sciphydria, 
 Which are very sweet to eat, but very prickly to touch; 
 And also the oblong solens. And bring too the black 
 Cockle, which keeps the cockle-hunter on the stretch. 
 Then too there are other cockles, and sand-eels, 
 And periwinkles, unproductive fish, 
 Which men entitle banishers of men, 
 But which we gods call white and beautiful.

And in the Muses it is written— 
 There is the cockle, which we call the tells; 
 Believe me, that is most delicious meat. 
 Perhaps he means that fish which is called the tellina, and which the Romans call the mitlus, —a
 fish which Aristophanes the grammarian names in his treatise on the Broken
 Scytale, and says that the lepas is a fish like that which is called the tellina.
 But Callias of Mitylene, in his discussion of the Limpet in Alcæus, says that
 there is an ode in Alcæus of which the beginning is— 
 O child of the rock, and of the hoary sea; 
 and at the end of it there is the line— 
 Of all limpets the sea-limpet most relaxes the mind. 
 But Aristophanes writes the line with the word tortoise instead of limpet. And he says that
 Dicearchus made a great blunder when he interpreted the line of limpets; and that
 the children when they get them in their mouths sing and play with them, just as
 idle boys among us do with the fish which we call tellina. And so, too, Sopater,
 the compiler of Comicalities, says in his drama which is entitled the
 Eubulotheombrotus:— 
 But stop, for suddenly a certain sound 
 Of the melodious tellina strikes my ears. 
 And in another place Epicharmus, in his Pyrrha and Prometheus, says—
 
 Just look now at this tellina, and behold 
 This periwinkle and this splendid limpet. 
 And in Sophron cockles are called melœnides. 
 
 For now melænides will come to us, 
 Sent from a narrow harbour. 
 And in the play which is called The Clown and the
 Fisherman, they are called the cherambe. And
 Archilochus also mentions the cherambe: and Ibycus mentions the periwinkle. And
 the periwinkle is called both ἀναρίτης and
 ἀνάρτας. And the shell being something like
 that of a cockle, it sticks to the rocks, just as limpets do. But Herodas, in his
 Coadjutrixes, says— 
 Sticking to the rocks as a periwinkle. 
 And Aeschylus, in his Persæ, says— 
 Who has plunder'd the islands producing the periwinkle? 
 And Homer makes mention of the oyster.

Diodes the Carystian, in his treatise on the Whole- somes, says that the best of
 all shell-fish, as aperient and diuretic food, are mussels, oysters, scallops, and
 cockles. And Archippus says, in his poem called Fishes, — 
 With limpets and sea-urchins and escharæ, 
 And with periwinkles and cockles. 
 And Diocles says that the strongest of all shell-fish are cockles,
 purple-fish, and ceryces. But concerning ceryces Archippus says this— 
 The ceryx, ocean's nursling, child of purple. 
 But Speusippus, in the second book of his Similarities, says that
 ceryces, purple-fish, strabeli, and cockles, are all very nearly alike. And
 Sophocles makes mention of the shellfish called strabeli in his Camici, in these
 words:— 
 Come now, my son, and look if we may find 
 Some of the nice strabelus, ocean's child. 
 And again Speusippus enumerates separately in regular order the cockle,
 the periwinkle, the mussel, the pinna, the solens; and in another place he speaks
 of oysters and limpets. And Araros says, in his Campylion— 
 These now are most undoubted delicacies, 
 Cockles and solens; and the crooked locusts 
 Spring forth in haste like dolphins. 
 And Sophron says, in his Mimi— 
 
 A. What are these long cockles, O my friend, 
 Which you do think so much of? 
 
 B. Solens, to be sure. 
 This too is the sweet-flesh'd cockle, dainty food, 
 The dish much loved by widows. 
 And Cratinus also speaks of the pinna in his Archilochi— 
 She indeed like pinnas and sea oysters. 
 And Philyllius, or Eunicus, or Aristophanes, in the Cities, says— 
 A little polypus, or a small cuttle-fish, 
 A crab, a crawfish, oysters, cockles, 
 Limpets and solens, mussels and pinnas; 
 Periwinkles too, from Mitylene take; 
 Let us have two sprats, and mullet, ling, 
 And conger-eel, and perch, and black fish. 
 But Agiastos, and Dercylus, in his Argolici, call the strabeli ἀστράβηλοι ; speaking of them as suitable to play upon
 like a trumpet.

But you may find cockles spoken of both in the masculine and feminine gender.
 Aristophanes says, in his Babylonians— 
 They all gaped on each other, and were like 
 To cockles ( κόγχαι ) roasted on the
 coals. 
 And Teleclides, in his Hesiodi, says, Open a cocle ( κόγχη ); and Sophron, in his Actresses, says—
 
 And then the cockles ( κόγχαι ) as at one
 comma d 
 All yawned on us, and each display'd its flesh. 
 But Aeschylus uses the word κόγχος in the
 masculine gender, in his Glaucus Pontius, and says— 
 Cockles ( κόγχοι ) muscles, oysters. 
 And Aristonymus, in his Theseus, says— 
 There was a cockle ( κόγχος ) and other fish
 too drawn from the sea 
 At the same time, and by the same net. 
 And Phrynichus uses the word in the same way in his Satyrs. But Icesius,
 the Erasistratean, says that some cockles are rough, and some royal; and that the
 rough have a disagreeable juice, and afford but little nourishment, and are easily
 digested; and that people who are hunting for the purple-fish use them as bait:
 but of the smooth ones those are best which are the largest, in exact proportion
 to their size. And Hegesander, in his Memorials, says that the rough cockles are
 called by the Macedonians coryci, but by the Athenians crii.

Now Icesius says that limpets are more digestible than those shell-fish which have
 been already mentioned; but that oysters are not so nutritious as limpets, and are
 filling, but nevertheless are more digestible. 
 But of mussels, the Ephesian ones, and those which resemble them, are, as to their
 juicy qualities, superior to the periwinkles, but inferior to the cockles; but
 they have more effect as diuretics than as aperients. But some of them are like
 squills, with a very disagreeable juice, and with put any flavour; but there is a
 kind which is smaller than they are, and which are rough outside, which are more
 diuretic, and full of a more pleasant juice than the kind which resembles squills:
 but they are less nutritious, by reason of their sizes, and also because their
 nature is inferior. But the necks of the ceryces are
 exceedingly good for the stomach, and are not so nutritious as mussels and cockles
 and periwinkles; but for people who have a weak stomach, and who do not easily
 expel the food into the cavity of the bowels, they are useful, inasmuch as they do
 not easily turn on the stomach. For those things which are confessedly digestible
 are, on the contrary, very unwholesome for people of such a constitution, being
 very easily inclined to turn on the stomach, because they are tender and easily
 dissolved. On which account the bags containing their entrails are not suited to
 vigorous stomachs, but they are very good for those whose bowels are in a weak
 state. But what are more nutritious than the others, and far nicer in taste, are
 the entrails of the purple-fish; though they certainly are somewhat like the
 squill. For indeed all shellfish are of the same character; but the purple-fish
 and the solen have this peculiar characteristic, that if they are boiled they
 yield a thick juice. But the necks of the purple-fish, when boiled by themselves,
 are exceedingly good for bringing the stomach into a good condition. And
 Posidippus speaks of them in his Locrians in these terms:— 
 
 It is time now to eat eels and crabs, 
 Cockles, and fresh sea-urchins, and fish sounds, 
 And pinnas, and the necks of fish, and mussels.

Balani, if they are of the larger sort, are easily digested, and are good for the
 stomach. But otaria (and they are produced in the island called Pharos, which is
 close to Alexandria) are more nutritious than any of the before-mentioned fish,
 but they are not easily secreted. But Antigonus the Carystian, in his book upon
 Language, says that this kind of oyster is called by the Aeolians the Ear of
 Venus. Pholades are very nutritious, but they have a disagreeable smell; but
 common oysters are very like all these sorts of shell-fish, and are more
 nutritious. There are also some kinds which are called wild oysters; and they are
 very nutritious, but they have not a good smell, and moreover they have a very
 indifferent flavour. But Aristotle, in his treatise about Animals, says, "Oysters
 are of all the following kinds: there are the pinna, the mussel, the oyster, the
 cteis, the solen, the cockle, the limpet, the small oyster, the balanus. And of
 migratory fish there are the purple-fish, the sweet purple-fish, the sea-urchin,
 the strobelus. Now the cteis has a rough shell, marked in streaks; but the oyster has no streaks, and a smooth shell. The pinna
 has a smooth mouth; but the large oyster has a vide mouth, and is bivalve, and has
 a smooth shell. But the limpet is univalve, and has a smooth shell; and the mussel
 has a united shell. The solen and balanus are univalve, and have a smooth shell;
 and the cockle is a mixture of both kinds. Epænetus also says, in his Cookery
 Book, that the interior part of the pinna is called mecon. But in the fifth book
 of his treatise on the Parts of Animals, Aristotle says, The purple-fish
 are born about spring, and the ceryces at the end of the winter. And
 altogether, says he, all shell-fish appear in the spring to have
 what are called eggs; and in the autumn, too, except those kinds of sea-urchins
 which are good to eat. And these fish indeed have eggs in the greatest number
 at those seasons, but they are never without them; and they have them in the
 greatest numbers at the time of full moon, and in the warm weather, with the
 exception of those fish which are found in the Euripus of the Pyrrhæans; for
 they are best in the winter, and they are small, but full of eggs. And nearly
 all the cockle tribe appear to breed in like manner at about the same
 season.

And continuing the subject, the philosopher says again, The purple-fish
 therefore being all collected together in the spring at the same place, make
 what is called melicera. And that is something like honeycomb, but not indeed
 so elegant, but it is as if a great number of the husks of white vetches were
 fastened together; and there is no open passage in any of them: nor are the
 purple-fish born of this melicera, but they, and nearly all other shell-fish,
 are produced Of mud and putrefaction; and this is, as it were, a kind of
 purification both for them and for the purple-fish, for they too make this
 melicera. And when they begin to make it, they emit a sort of sticky mass, from
 which those things grow which resemble husks. All these are eventually
 separated, and they drop blood on the ground. And in the place where hey do so,
 there are myriads of little purple-fish born, adhering to one another in the
 ground, and the old purple-fish are caught while carrying them. And if they are
 caught before they have produced their young, they sometimes produce them in
 the very pots in which they are caught when collected together in them, and the
 young look like a bunch of grapes. And there are many
 different kinds of purple-fish; and some of them are of large size, like those
 which are found near Segeum and near Lesteum; and some are small, like those
 which are found in the Euripus, and around Caria. And those in the gulfs are
 large and rough, and most of them are of a black colour, but some of them are
 rather red; and some of the large ones even weigh a mina. But those which are
 found on the shore and around the coasts are of no great size, but are of a red
 colour: and again, those in the waters exposed to the north wind are black, and
 those in the waters exposed to the south wind are generally red.

But Apollodorus the Athenian, in his Commentaries on Sophron, having first quoted
 the saying, More greedy than a purple-fish, says that it is a
 proverb, and that some say that it applies to the dye of purple; for that whatever
 that dye touches it attracts to itself, and that it imbues everything which is
 placed near it with the brilliancy of its colour: but others say that it applies
 to the animal. And they are caught, says Aristotle, "in the spring;
 but they are not caught during the dog-days, for then they do not feed, but
 conceal themselves and bury themselves in holes; and they have a mark like a
 flower on them between the belly and the throat. The fish called the ceryx has a
 covering of nearly the same sort as all the other animals of the snail kind from
 its earliest birth; and they feed by putting out what we call their shell from
 under this covering. And the purple-fish has a tongue of the size of a finger or
 larger, by which it feeds; and it pierces even shell-fish, and can pierce its own
 shell. But the purple-fish is very long-lived; and so is the ceryx: they live
 about six years, and their growth is known by the rings in their shell. But
 cockles, and cheme-cockles, and solens, and periwinkles, are born in sandy
 places.

But the pinnæ spring from the bottom of the sea. And they have with them a fish
 called the pinnophylax, or guard of the pinna, which some call καρίδιος, and others καρκίνιος ; and if they lose him, they are soon destroyed. But
 Pamphilus the Alexandrian, in his treatise on Names, says that he is born at the
 same time with the pinna. But Chrysippus the Solensian, in the fifth book of his
 treatise on the Beautiful and Pleasure, says, The pinna and the guard of
 the pinna assist one another, not being able to remain apart. Now the pinna is a kind of oyster, but the guard of the
 pinna is a small crab: and the pinna having opened its shell, remains quiet,
 watching the fish who are coming towards it; but the guard of the pinna,
 standing by when anything comes near, bites the pinna, so as to give it a sort
 of sign; and the pinna being bitten, closes its shell, and in this manner the
 two share together what is caught inside the pinna's shell. But some say that
 the guard is born at the same time as the pinna, and that they originate in one
 seed. And again, Aristotle says, All the fish of the oyster kind
 are generated in the mud,—oysters in slimy mud, cockles in sandy mud, and so
 on; but the small oyster and the balanus, and other fish which come near the
 surface, such as limpets and periwinkles, are born in the fissures of the
 rocks. And some fish which have not shells are born in the same way as those
 which have shells,—as the sea-nettle, the sponge, and others, —in the crevices
 of the rocks.

Now, of the sea-nettle there are two kinds, For some live in hollows, and are
 never separated from the rocks; but some live on smooth and level ground, and do
 separate themselves from what they are attached to, and move their quarters. But
 Eupolis, in the Autolycus, calls the κνίδη, or
 sea-nettle, ἀκαλήφη. And Aristophanes, in his
 Phœnissæ, says— 
 Know that pot-herbs first were given, 
 And then the rough sea-nettles ( ἀκάληφαι ); 
 and in his Wasps he uses the same word. And Pherecrates, in his
 Deserters, says— 
 I'd rather wear a crown of sea-nettles ( ἀκάληφαι ). 
 And Diphilus the Siphnian, a physician, says, But the sea-nettle
 ( ἀκαλήφη ) is good for the bowels, diuretic,
 and a strengthener of the stomach, but it makes those who collect them itch
 violently, unless they anoint their hands beforehand. And it is really
 injurious to those who hunt for it; by whom it has been called ακαλήφη, by a slight alteration of its original name.
 And perhaps that is the reason why the plant the nettle has had the same name
 given to it. For it was named by euphemism on the principle of antiphrasis,—
 for it is not gentle and ἁπαλὴ τῇ ἀφῇ, tender
 to the touch, but very rough and disagreeable. Philippides also
 mentions the sea-nettle (calling it ἀκαλήφη ) in his Amphiaraus, speaking as follows:— 
 He put before me oysters and sea-nettles and limpets. 
 And it is jested upon in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes—- 
 But, you most valiant of the oyster race, 
 Offspring of that rough dam, the sea-nettle; 
 for the τῆθος and the ὄστρεον are the same. And the word τῆθος is here confused in a comic manner with τήθη, a grandmother, and with μητὴρ, 
 a mother.

And concerning the rest of the oyster tribe, Diphilus says this: Of the
 thick chemæ, those of smaller size, which have tender flesh, are called
 oysters, and they are good for the stomach, and easily digested. But the thick
 ones, which are called royal chemæ by some people, and which are also called
 the huge chemæ are nutritious, slow to be digested, very juicy, good for the
 stomach; and especially do these qualities belong to the larger ones. Of
 tellinæ there are numbers in Canopus, and they are very common at the place
 where the Nile begins to rise up to the higher ground. And the thinnest of
 these are the royal ones, and they are digest- ible and light, and moreover
 nutritious. But those which are taken in the rivers are the sweetest. Mussels,
 again, are moderately nutritious, and are digestible and diuretic. But the best
 are the Ephesian kind; and of them those which are taken about the end of
 autumn. But the female mussel is smaller than the male, and is sweet and juicy,
 and moreover nutritious. But the solens, as they are called by some, though
 some call them αὖλοι and δόνακες, or pipes, and some, too, call
 them ὄνυχες, or claws, 
 are very juicy, but the juice is bad, and they are very glutinous. And the male
 fish are striped, and not all of one colour; but they are very wholesome for
 people affected with the stone, or with any complaint of the bladder. But the
 female fish is all of one colour, and much sweeter than the male: and they are
 eaten boiled and fried; but they are best of all when roasted on the coals till
 their shells open. And the people who collect this sort of oyster are
 called Solenistæ, as Phænias the Eresian relates in his book which is entitled,
 The Killing of Tyrants by way of Punishment; where he speaks as
 follows:— Philoxenus, who was called the Solenist, became a tyrant from
 having been a de- magogue. In the beginning he got his livelihood by being a fisherman and a hunter after solens; and so having made a
 little money; he advanced, and got a good property. — Of the
 periwinkle the white are the most tender, and they have no disagreeable smell,
 and have a good effect on the bowels; but of the black and red kinds the larger
 are exceedingly nice to the taste, especially those that are caught in the
 spring. And as a general rule all of them are good for the stomach, and
 digestible, and good for the bowels, when eaten with cinnamon and
 pepper. Archippus also makes mention of them in his Fishes— 
 With limpets and with sea-urchins, and escharæ, 
 With needle-fishes, and with periwinkles. 
 But the fish called balani, or acorns, because of their resemblance to
 the acorn of an oak, differ according to the places where they are found. For the
 Egyptian balani are sweet, tender, delicious to the taste, nutritious, very juicy
 indeed, diuretic, and good for the bowels; but other kinds have a salter taste.
 The fish called ὤτια, or ears, are most nutritious
 when fried; but the pholades are exceedingly pleasant to the taste, but have a bad
 smell, and an injurious juice.

Sea-urchins are tender, full of pleasant juice, with a strong smell,
 filling, and apt to turn on the stomach; but if eaten with sharp mead, and
 parsley, and mint, they are good for the stomach, and sweet, and full of
 pleasant juice. But the sweet-tasted are the red ones, and the apple-coloured,
 and the thickest, and those which if you scrape their flesh emit a milky
 liquid. But those which are found near Cephalenia and around Icaria, and in the
 Adriatic are—at least many of them are—rather bitter; but those which are taken
 on the rock of Sicily are very aperient to the bowels. But Aristotle
 says that there are many kinds of sea-urchins: one of which is eaten, that,
 namely, in which is found what are called eggs. But the other two kinds are those
 which are called Spatangi, and those which are called Brysæ: and Sopron mentions
 the spatangi, and so does Aristophanes in his Olcades, using the following
 language:— 
 Tearing up, and separating, and licking 
 My spatange from the bottom. 
 And Epicharmus, in his Marriage of Hebe, speaks o the sea-urchins, and
 says— 
 
 Then came the crabs, sea-urchins, and all fish 
 Which know not how to swim in the briny sea, 
 But only walk on foot along the bottom. 
 And Demetrius the Scepsian, in the twenty-sixth book of his Trojan
 Preparation, says that a Lacedæmonian once being invited to a banquet, when some
 sea-urchins were put before him on the table, took one, not knowing the proper
 manner in which it should be eaten, and not attending to those who were in the
 company to see how they ate it. And so he put it in his mouth with the skin or
 shell and all, and began to crush the sea-urchin with, his teeth; and being
 exceedingly disgusted with what he was eating, and not perceiving how to get rid
 of the roughness of the taste, he said, O what nasty food! I will not now
 be so effeminate as to eject it, but I will never take you again. But
 the sea-urchins, and indeed the whole echinus tribe, whether living on land or
 sea, can take care of and protect themselves against those who try to catch them,
 putting out their thorns, like a sort of palisade. And to this Ion the Chian bears
 testimony in his Phœnix or in his C$aneus, saying— 
 
 But while on land I more approve the conduct 
 Of the great lion, than the dirty tricks 
 Of the sea-urchin; he, when he perceives 
 The impending onset of superior foes, 
 Rolls himself up, wrapped in his cloak of thorns, 
 Impregnable in bristly panoply.

Of limpets, says Diphilus, "some are very small, and some are like
 oysters. But they are hard, and give but little juice, and are not very sharp in
 taste. But they have a pleasant flavour, and are easily digested; and when boiled
 they are particularly nice. But the pinnæ are diuretic, nutritious, not very
 digestible, or manageable. And the ceryces are like them; the necks of which fish
 are good for the stomach, but not very digestible; on which account they are good
 for people with weak stomachs, as being strengthening; but they are difficult to
 be secreted, and they are moderately nutritious. Now the parts of them which are
 called the mecon, which are in the lower part of their bellies, are tender and
 easily digested; on which account they also are good for people who are weak in
 the stomach. But the purple-fish are something between the pinna and the ceryx;
 the necks of which are very juicy, and very pleasant to
 the palate; but the other parts of them are briny, and yet sweet, and easily
 digestible, and mix very well with other food. But oysters are generated in
 rivers, and in lakes, and in the sea. But the best are those which belong to the
 sea, when there is a lake or a river close at hand: for they are full of pleasant
 juice, and are larger and sweeter than others: but those which are near the shore,
 or near rocks, without any mixture of mud or water, are small, harsh, and of
 pungent taste. But the oysters which 'are taken in the spring, and those which are
 taken about the beginning of the summer, are better, and full, and have a sort of
 sea taste, not unmixed with sweetness, and are good for the stomach and easily
 secreted; and when boiled up with mallow, or sorrel, or with fish, or by
 themselves, they are nutritious, and good for the bowels.

But Mnesitheus the Athenian, in his treatise on Comestibles, says—"Oysters, and
 cockles, and mussels, and similar things, are not very digestible in their meat,
 because of a sort of saline moisture which there is in them, on which account,
 when eaten raw, they produce an effect on the bowels by reason of their saltness.
 But when boiled they get rid of all, or at all events of most, of their saltness,
 which they infuse into the water which boils them. On which account, the water in
 which any of the oyster tribe are boiled is very apt to have a strong effect in
 disordering the bowels. But the meat of the oysters when boiled, makes a great
 noise when it has been deprived of its moisture. But roasted oysters, when any one
 roasts them cleverly, are very free from any sort of inconvenience; for all the
 evil properties are removed by fire; on which account they are not as indigestible
 as raw ones, and they have all the moisture which is originally contained in them
 dried up; and the is the moisture which has too great an effect in relaxing the
 bowels. But every oyster supplies a moist and somewhat in digestible kind of
 nourishment, and they are not at all good as diuretics. But the sea-nettle, and
 the eggs of sea-urchins, and such things as that, give a moist nourishment, though
 not in any great quantity; but they have a tendency to relax the bowels, and they
 are diuretic.

Nicander the Colophonian, in his book on the Farm, enumerates all the following
 kinds of oysters— 
 
 And all the oysters which the foaming brine 
 Beneath its vasty bosom cherishes, 
 The periwinkle, whilk, pelorias, 
 The mussel, and the slimy tellina, 
 And the deep shell which makes the pinna's hole. 
 And Archestratus says, in his Gastronomy— 
 Aenus has mussels fine, Abydus too 
 Is famous for its oysters; Parium produces 
 Crabs, the bears of the sea, and Mitylene periwinkles; 
 Ambracia in all kinds of fish abounds, 
 And the boar-fish sends forth: and in its narrow strait 
 Messene cherishes the largest cockles. 
 In Ephesus you shall catch chemæ, which are not bad, 
 And Chalcedon will give you oysters. But may Jupiter 
 Destroy the race of criers, both the fish born in the sea, 
 And those wretches which infest the city forum; 
 All except one man, for he is a friend of mine, 
 Dwelling in Lesbos, abounding in grapes; and his name is Agatho. 
 And Philyllius, or whoever is the author of the book called The Cities,
 says, Chemæ, limpets, solens, mussels, pinnas and periwinkles from
 Methymna: but ὄστρειον was the only
 form of the name for all these fish among the ancients. Cratinus says in his
 Archilochi— 
 Like the pinna or the oyster ( ὄστρειον ). 
 And Epicharmus says, in his Marriage of Hebe— 
 Oysters which have grown together. 
 Where he uses the same form ὄστρειον. But
 afterwards the form ὄστρεον like ὄρνεον began to be used. Plato, in his Phædrus, says,
 bound together like oysters ( ὄστρεον ). And in the tenth book of his Politia, he says,
 oysters ( ὄστρεα ) stuck together; 
 oysters ( ὄστρεα ) and seaweed. But
 the peloris, or giant mussel, were so named from the word πελώριος, 
 vast. For it is much larger than the cheme, and very
 different from it. But Aristotle says that they are generated in the sand. And Ion
 the Chian mentions the chema, in his Epidemiæ, and perhaps the shell-fish got the
 name of χήμη παρὰ τὸ κεχῃνέναι, from opening their
 mouths."

But concerning the oysters which are grown in the Indian Ocean; (for it is not
 unreasonable to speak of them, on account of the use of pearls;) Theophrastus
 speaks in his treatise on Precious Stones, and says, But among the stones
 which are much admired is that which is called the pearl, being transparent in
 its character; and they make very expensive necklaces of
 them. They are found in an oyster which is something like the pinna, only less.
 And in size the pearl resembles a large fish's eye. Androsthenes, too,
 in his Voyage along the Coast of India, writes in thee terms— "But of strombi, and
 chærini, and other shell-fish, there are many different varieties, and they are
 very different from the shell-fish which we have. And they have the purple-fish,
 and a great multitude of other kinds of oysters. There is also one kind which is
 peculiar to those seas, which the natives call the berberi, from which the
 precious stone called the pearl comes. And this pearl is very expensive in Asia,
 being sold in Persia and the inland countries for its weight in gold. And the
 appearance of the oyster which contains it is much the same as that of the cteis
 oyster, only its shell is not indented, but smooth and shaggy. And it has not two
 ears as the cteis oyster has, but only one. The stone is engendered in the flesh
 of the oyster, just as the measles are in pork. And it is of a very golden colour,
 so as mot easily to be distinguished from gold when it is put by the side of it;
 but some pearls are of a silvery appearance, and some are completely white like
 the eyes of fish. But Chares of Mitylene, in the seventh book of his Histories of
 Alexander, Says— There is caught in the Indian sea, and also off the coast
 of Armenia, and Persia, and Susiana, and Babylonia, a fish very like an oyster;
 and it is large and oblong, containing within the shell flesh which is
 plentiful and white, and very fragrant, from which the men pick out white bones
 which they call the pearl. And they make of them necklaces and chains for the
 hands and feet, of which the Persians are very fond, as are the Medes and all
 Asiatics, esteeming them as much more valuable than golden ornaments.

But Isidorus the Characene, in his Description of Parthia, says, that "in the
 Persian sea there is an island where a great number of pearls are found; on which
 account there are quantities of boats made of rushes all about the island, from
 which men leap into the sea, and die down twenty fathoms, and bring up two shells.
 And they say that when there is a long continuance of thunder-storms, and heavy
 falls of rain, then the pinna produces most young, and then, too, the greatest
 quantity of pearls is engendered, and those, too, of the finest size and quality.
 In the winter the pinna is accustomed to descend into
 chambers at the very bottom of the sea; but in summer they swim about all night
 with their shells open, which they close in the day-time: and as many as stick to
 the crags, or rocks, throw out roots, and remaining fixed there, they generate
 pearls. But they are supported and nourished by something which adheres to their
 flesh: and this also sticks to the mouth of the cockle, having talons and bringing
 it food: and it is something like a little crab, and is called the guardian of the
 pinna. And its flesh penetrates through the centre of the cockleshell, like a
 root: and the pearl being generated close to it, grows through the solid portion
 of the shell, and keeps growing as long as it continues to adhere to the shell.
 But when the flesh gets under the excrescence, and cutting its way onwards, gently
 separates the pearl from the shell, then when the pearl is surrounded by flesh, it
 is no longer nourished so far as to grow at all; but the flesh makes it smoother,
 and more transparent, and more pure. And so, too, the pinna, which lives at the
 bottom, engenders the most transparent sort of pearl; and it produces them also
 very pure and of large size. But that which keeps near the surface, and is
 constantly rising, is of a smaller size and a worse colour, because it is affected
 by the rays of the sun. But those who hunt for pearls are in danger when they
 hastily put their hand into the opening of the shell, for immediately the fish
 closes its shell, and very often their fingers are sawn off; and sometimes they
 die immediately. But all those who put in their hand sideways easily draw off the
 shells from the rock. And Menander makes mention of Emeralds also, in his Little
 Boy– 
 There must be an emerald and a sardonyx. 
 And the word for emerald is more correctly written μάραγδος, without a ς . For it is
 derived from the verb μαρμαίρω, to glisten,
 because it is a transparent stone.

After this conversation some dishes were set on the table, full of many kinds of
 boiled meat: feet, and head, and ears, and loins; and also entrails, and
 intestines, and tongues; as is the custom at the places which are called boiled
 meat shops at Alexandria. For, O Ulpian, the word ἑφθοπώλιον, a boiled meat shop, is used by Posidippus, in his Little
 Boy. And again, while they were inquiring who had ever named
 any of these dishes, one of the party said, Aristo- phanes mentions entrails as
 things which are eatable, in his Knights— 
 I say that you are selling tripe and paunches 
 Which to the revenue no tithe have paid. 
 And presently after he adds— 
 Why, my friend, hinder me from washing my paunches, 
 And from selling my sausages? Why do you laugh at me? 
 And again he says— 
 But I, as soon as I have swallow'd down 
 A bullock's paunch, and a dish of pig's tripe, 
 And drunk some broth, won't stay to wash my hands, 
 But will cut the throats of the orators, and will confuse Nicias. 
 And again he says— 
 But the Virgin Goddess born of the mighty Father 
 Gives you some boiled meat, extracted from the broth, 
 And a slice of paunch, and tripe, and entrails. 
 And Cratinus, in his Pluti, mentions jawbones of meat— 
 Fighting for a noble jawbone of beef. 
 And Sophocles, in the Amycus, says— 
 And he places on the table tender jawbones. 
 And Plato, in his Timæus, writes, And he bound up some jawbones
 for them, so as to give the appearance of a whole face. And Xenophon
 says, in his book on Horsemanship, A small jawbone closely pressed. 
 But some call it, not σιαγὼν, but ὑαγὼν, spelling the word with a v, saying that it is derived from the word ὑς. Epicharmus also speaks of tripe, χορδαὶ as we call it, but he calls it ὄρυαι, having given one of his plays the title of Orya. And
 Aristophanes, in his Clouds, writes— 
 Let them prepare a dish of tripe, for me 
 To set before these wise philosophers. 
 And Cratinus, in his Pytina, says— 
 How fine, says he, is now this slice of tripe. 
 And Eupolis speaks of it also, in his Goats. But Alexis, either in his
 Leucadia or in his Runaways, says— 
 Then came a slice and good large help of tripe. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Marriage, says— 
 Having cut out a piece of the middle of the tripe.

And as for feet, and ears, and even noses of beasts, they are all mentioned by
 Alexis, in his Crateua or the Physic-seller. And I will adduce a slight proof of
 that presently, which contains a good many of the names about which we are
 inquiring. Theophilus says, in his Pancratiast— 
 
 A. There are here near three minas' weight of
 meat 
 Well boiled. 
 
 B. What next 
 A. There is a calf's nose, and 
 A heel of bacon, and four large pig's-feet. 
 
 B. A noble dish, by Hercules! 
 
 A. And three calves-feet. 
 And Anaxilas says, in his Cooks— 
 
 A. I would much rather roast a little fish, 
 Than here repeat whole plays of Aeschylus. 
 
 B. What do you mean by little fish Do you intend 
 To treat your friends as invalids? 'Twere better 
 To boil the extremities of eatable animals, 
 Their feet and noses. 
 And Anaxilas says, in the Circe— 
 For having an unseemly snout of pig, 
 My dear Cinesias. 
 And in the Calypso— 
 Then I perceived I bore a swine's snout. 
 Anaxandrides has mentioned also ears in the Satyrus. And Axionicus says,
 in his Chalcis— 
 I am making soup, 
 Putting in well-warm'd fish, and adding to them 
 Some scarce half-eaten fragments; and the pettitoes 
 Of a young porker, and his ears; the which I sprinkle 
 With savoury assafœtida; and then 
 I make the whole into a well-flavour'd sausage, 
 A meat most saleable. Then do I add a slice 
 Of tender tripe; and a snout soak'd in vinegar. 
 So that the guests do all confess, the second day 
 Has beaten e'en the wedding-day itself. 
 And Aristophanes says, in his Proagon— 
 Wretch that I am, I've eaten tripe, my son: 
 How can I bear to see a roasted snout? 
 And Pheretrates says, in his Trifles— 
 Is not this plainly now a porker's snout? 
 And there is a place which is called ʽπ̔ύγχος, or Snout, near Stratos, in Aetolia, as Polybius testifies,
 in the sixth book of his Histories. And Stesichorus says, in his Boar Hunting—
 
 To hide the sharpened snout beneath the earth. 
 
 And we have already said that the word ῥύγχος properly applies only to the snout of a swine; but that it is
 sometimes used for the nose of other animals, Archipphus has proved, saying in
 jest, in his Second Amphitryon, of the human face— 
 And this, too, though you have so long a nose ( ῥύγχος ). 
 And Araros says, in his Adonis— 
 For the god turns his nose towards us.

And Aristophanes makes mention of the extremities of animals as forming a common
 dish, in his Aeolosicon— 
 And of a truth, plague take it, I have boil'd 
 Four tender pettitoes for you for dinner. 
 And in his Gerytades he says— 
 Pig's pettitoes, and bread, and crabs. 
 And Antiphanes says, in his Corinthia— 
 
 A. And then you sacrifice a pig's extremities 
 To Venus,—what a joke! 
 
 B. That is your ignorance; 
 For she in Cyprus is so fond of pigs, 
 O master, that she drove away the herd 
 Of swine from off the dunghill where they fed, 
 And made the cows eat dirt instead of them. 
 But Callimachus testifies that, in reality, a pig is sacrificed to Venus;
 or perhaps it is Zenodotus who says so in his Historic Records, writing thus,
 The Argives sacrifice a pig to Venus, and the festival at which this
 takes place is called Hysteria. And Pherecrates says, in his Miners—
 
 But whole pig's feet of the most tender flavour 
 Were placed at hand in dishes gaily adorned, 
 And boil'd ears, and other extremities. 
 And Alexis says, in his Dice Players— 
 But when we had nearly come to an end of breakfast, 
 And eaten all the ears and pettitoes. 
 And he says again, in his Pannuchis or in his Wool-waavers— 
 This meat is but half roasted, and the fragments 
 Are wholly wasted; see this conger eel, 
 How badly boiled; and as for the pettitoes, 
 They now are wholly spoilt. 
 And Pherecrates also speaks of boiled feet, in his Slave-master— 
 
 A. Tell us, I pray you now then, how the supper 
 Will be prepared. 
 
 B. Undoubtedly I will. 
 
 In the first place, a dish of well-minced eel; 
 Then cuttle-fish, and lamb, a slice of rich 
 Well-made black pudding; then some pig's feet boil'd; 
 Some liver, and a loin of mutton, 
 And a mighty number of small birds; and cheese 
 In honey steep'd, and many a slice of meat. 
 And Antiphanes says, in his Parasite— 
 
 A. The well-warm'd legs of pigs.' 
 
 B. A noble dish, 
 I swear by Vesta. 
 
 A. Then some boiled cheese 
 Bubbled upon the board. 
 And Ecphantides says, in his Satyrs— 
 It is no great hardship, if it must be so, 
 To buy and eat the boil'd feet of a pig. 
 And Aristophanes speaks of tongue as a dish, in his Tryers, ill the
 following words— 
 I've had anchovies quite enough; for I 
 Am stretch'd almost to bursting while I eat 
 Such rich and luscious food. But bring me something 
 Which shall take off the taste of all these dainties. 
 Bring me some liver, or a good large slice 
 Of a young goat. And if you can't get that, 
 Let me at least have a rib or a tongue, 
 Or else the spleen, or entrails, or the tripe 
 Of a young porker in last autumn born; 
 And with it some hot rolls.

Now when all this conversation had taken place on these subjects, the physicians
 who were present would not depart without taking their share in it. For
 Dionysiocles said, Mnesitheus the Athenian, in his book about Comestibles, has
 said, The head and feet of a pig have not a great deal in them which is
 rich and nutritious. And Leonidas writes, "Demon, in the fourth book of
 his Attica, says that Thymœtes, his younger brother, slew Apheidas, who was king
 of Athens, he himself being a bastard, and usurped the kingdom. And in his time,
 Melanthus the Messenian was banished from his country, and consulted the Pythia as
 to where he should dwell: and she said wherever he was first honoured by gifts of
 hospitality, when men set before him feet and a head for supper. And this happened
 to him at Eleusis; for as the priestesses happened at the time to be solemnizing
 one of their national festivals, and to have con- sumed all
 the meat, and as nothing but the head and feet of the victim were left, they sent
 them to Melanthius.

Then a paunch was brought in, which may be looked upon as a sort of metropolis, and the
 mother of the sons of Hippocrates, whom I know to have been turned into ridicule
 by the comic poets on account of their swinish disposition. And Ulpian, looking
 upon it, said,—Come now, my friends, whom does the paunch lie with? For we have
 now been minding the belly long enough, and it is time for us now to have some
 real conversation. And as for these cynics, I bid them be silent, now that they
 have eaten abundantly, unless they like to gnaw some of the cheeks, and heads, and
 bones, which no one will grudge their enjoying like dogs, as they are; for that is
 what they are, and what they are proud of being called. 
 The remnants to the dogs they're wont to throw, 
 Euripides says, in his Cretan Women. For they wish to eat and drink
 everything, never considering what the divine Plato says in his Protagoras,
 That disputing about poetry, is like banquets of low and insignificant
 persons. For they, because they are unable in their drinking parties to amuse
 one another by their own talents, and by their own voices and conversation, by
 reason of their ignorance and stupidity, make female flute-players of great
 consequence, hiring at a high price sounds which they cannot utter themselves,
 I mean the music of flutes, and by means of this music they are able to get on
 with one another. But where the guests are gentlemanly, and accomplished, and
 well educated, you will not see any flute-playing women, or dancing women, or
 female harpers, but they are able themselves to pass the time with one another
 agreeably, without all this nonsense and trifling, by means of their own
 voices, speaking and hearing one another in turn with all decency, even if they
 drink a great deal of wine. And this is what all you Cynics do, O
 Cynulcus; you drink, or rather you get drunk, and then, like flute-players and
 dancing-women, you prevent all the pleasure of conversation:
 living, to use the words of the same Plato which he utters in
 his Philebus, not the life of a man, but of some mollusk, or of some other
 marine animal which has life in a shell-encased body.

And Cynulcus, being very angry, said,—You glutton of a man, whose god is your
 belly, you know nothing else yourself, nor are you able to keep up an
 uninterrupted conversation, nor to recollect any history, nor to begin anything
 which may tend to throw a charm on any discussion. But you have been wasting all
 the time with questions of this sort, Is there such and such a statement?
 Is there not? Has such and such a thing been said? Has it not been
 said? And you attack and examine closely everything which occurs in
 anything which is said, collecting all your thorns—living continually 
 As if among thistles, or plants of rough borage—- 
 never collecting any sweet flowers. Are you not the person who call that
 which is called by the Romans strena, being so named in
 accordance with some national tradition, and which is accustomed to be given to
 friends, epinomis? And if you do this in imitation of
 Plato, we should be glad to learn it; but if you find that any one of the ancients
 has ever spoken in such a manner, tell us who it is who has. For I know that there
 is some part of a trireme which is called epinomis, as Apollonius states in his
 treatise on what relates to Triremes. Are not you the man who called your new
 stout cloak, which had never yet been used by you, (for the proper name of it, my
 friend, is really φαινόλης, ) useless?
 saying— My slave Leucus, give me that useless cloak. And once
 going to the bath, did not you say to a man who asked you, Whither now? I am
 going, said you, ἀπολούμενος (pronouncing the word
 as if it meant to kill yourself rather than to bathe). And that very day your beautiful garment was
 purloined from you by some bath robbers; so that there was great laughter in the
 bath, at this useless cloak being hunted for. At another time too, O my dear
 friends, (for the plain truth shall be told you,) he tripped against a stone and
 dislocated his knees. And when he was cured he again came into public: and when
 men asked him, What is the matter, O Ulpian? he said it was a black eye. And I
 (for I was with him at the time) being then unable to restrain my laughter, got
 anointed under the eyes with some thick ointment by a physician who was a friend
 of mine, and then said to those who asked me, What is the matter with you, that I
 had hurt my leg.

There is also another imitator of the same wisdom, Pompeianus
 the Philadelphian; a man not destitute of shrewdness, but still a terrible
 wordcatcher: and he, conversing with his servant, calling him by name with a loud
 voice, said— Strombichides, bring me to the gymnasium those intolerable
 slippers (he used the word ἀφορήτους, intending
 it to mean what he had never worn) and my useless (he
 used the word ἄχρηστος, by which he meant which he had 
 never used) cloak. For I, as soon as I have bound up my
 beard, shall address my friends. For I have got some roast fish. And bring me a
 cruet of oil. For first of all we will be crushed (he used the word συντριβησόμεθον, meaning to say we
 will rub ourselves well), and then we will be utterly destroyed (his
 word was ἀπολούμεθον, and he meant to say we will have a bath ). And this same sophist, in
 the month of February, as the Romans call it, (and Juba the Mauritanian says that
 this month has its name from the terrors caused by the spirits under
 the earth, and from the means used to get rid of those fears, at which season the
 greatest severity of winter occurs, and it is the custom of them to offer
 libations for many days to those who are dead:) in the month of February, I say,
 he said to one of his friends— It is a long time since you have seen me,
 because of the heat. And when the festival of the Panathenæa was being
 celebrated, during which the courts of justice do not assemble, he said—
 This is the birthday of the virgin goddess Minerva, (but he
 pronounced the word ἀλέκτορος, as if he had meant
 of 
 the cock of Minerva,) 
 and this day is unjust, (for he called it
 ἄδικος, though he meant the word to have the
 sense of being a holiday for the courts of law). And once
 he called a companion of ours who came back from Delphi without having received an
 answer from the god, ἄχρηστον, (which never means
 anything but useless, but he used the word for unanswered). And once when he was making a public display
 of his eloquence, and going through a long panegyric on the Queen of cities, he
 said, Most admirable is the Roman dominion, and ἀνυπόστατος (he meant irresistible ).

Such now, my friends, are Ulpian's companions, the sophists; men who call even the
 thing which the Romans call miliarium, that is to say, a vessel designed to
 prepare boiling water in, ἰπνολέβης, an
 oven-kettle; being manufac- turers of many names, and far outrunning by many
 para-sangs the Sicilian Dionysius: who called a virgin μένανδρος (from μένω and ἀνὴρ ), because she is waiting for a husband; and a
 pillar μενεκράτης (from μένω and κράτος ), because it remains
 and is strong. And a javelin he called βαλλάντιον, 
 because ( ἄντιον βάλλεται ) it is thrown against
 something; and mouse-holes he called μυστήρια, 
 mysteries, (from τηρεῖν τοὺς μῦς because they keep
 the mice. And Athanis, in the first book of his History of the Affairs of Sicily,
 says that the same Dionysius gave an ox the name of γαρότας ; and a pig he called ἴακχος .
 And Alexarchus was a man of the same sort, the brother of Cassander, who was king
 of Macedonia, who built the city called Uranopolis. And Heraclides Lembus speaks
 concerning him in the seventh book of his Histories, and says, Alexarchus,
 who founded the city Uranopolis, imported many peculiar words and forms of
 speaking into the language: calling a cock ὀρθροβόας, or he that crows in the morn; 
 and a barber βροτοκέρτης, or one who cuts men; and a drachm he called ἀργυρὶς, 
 a piece of silver; and a chœnix he called, ἡμεροτροφὶς, 
 what feeds a man for a day; and a herald he called
 ἀπύτης, 
 a bawler. And once he wrote a letter to the magistrates
 of the Cassandrians in this form: — ʼἀλέξαρχος ὁ μάρμων πρόμοις 
 
 γαθεῖν. τοὺς ἡλιοκρεῖς οἰῶν οἶδα λιποῦσα θεωτῶν ἔργων
 κρατήτορας μορσίμῳ τύχᾳ κεκυρωμένας θεοῦ πόγαις χυτλώσαντες αὐτοὺς, καὶ
 φύλακας ὀριγένεις. 
 But what that letter means think that even the Pythian Apollo himself
 could hardly tell. For, as Antiphanes says, in his Cleophanes,— 
 What is it then to be a tyrant, (or 
 What would you call pursuing serious things,) 
 In the Lyceum with the sophists; by Jove, 
 They are but thin and hungry joyless men. 
 And say the thing does not exist if now 
 It is produced; for that is not as yet, 
 Nor can already be produced, which now 
 Is caused afresh. Nor if it did exist 
 Before, can it be now made to exist. 
 For there is nothing which has no existence. 
 And that which never yet has taken place, 
 Is not as if it had, since it has not. 
 For it exists from its existence; but 
 If there is no existence, what is there 
 From which it can exist? The thing's impossible; 
 And if it's self-existent, it will not 
 Exist again. And one perhaps may say, 
 Let be; whence now can that which has no being 
 Exist, what can become of it? What all this means 
 I say that e'en Apollo's self can't tell.

I know too that Simonides the poet, somewhere or other, has called Jupiter
 ʼἀρίσταρχος, (meaning ἄριστος ἄρχων, 
 best of rulers;) and Aeschylus calls Pluto ʼἀγησίλαος, (from ἄγειν τὸν
 λαὸν, 
 collecting the people; ) and Nicander the Colophonian
 called the asp, the animal, ἰοχέαιρα, 
 poisonous, (from ἰὸς, 
 poison, and χέω, 
 to emit; though the word is usually applied to Diana in
 the sense of shooting arrows, because ἰὸς also
 means an arrow.) 
 And it is on account of these tricks and others like them that the divine Plato,
 in his Politics, after having said that some animals live on the dry land, and
 others in the water, and also, that there are some classes which are fed on dry
 food, others on moist food, and others which graze, giving the names of ξηροβατικὰ and ὑγροβατικὰ, and again, of ξηροτροφικὰ,
 ὑγροτροφικὰ and ξηρονομικὰ to the
 different minds of animals, according as they live on the land, or in the water,
 or in the air—adds, by way of exhortation to those manufacturers of names to guard
 against novelty, the following sentence, word for word:— And if you take
 care not to appear too anxious in making new names you will continue to old age with a greater reputation for prudence. But I
 know that Herodes Atticus, a rhetorician, named the piece of wood which was put
 through his wheels when he was going in his chariot down steep places, τροχοπέδης, (as a fetter to the
 wheels.) Although Simaristus, in his Synonymes, had already given this
 piece of wood the name of ἐποχλεὺς, or the drag. And Sophocles the poet, in some one of his works,
 called a guardian a bolt, saying— 
 Be of good cheer, I am a mighty bolt 
 To keep this fear away from you. 
 And, in another place, he has given an anchor the name of ἰσχὰς or the holder, because it
 κατέχει, 
 holds the ship— 
 And the sailors let out the holder of the ship. 
 And Demades the orator said that Aegina was the eyesore of the
 Peiræus, and that Samos was a fragment broken off from the
 city. And he called the young men the spring of the
 people; and the wall he called the garment of the city; 
 and a trumpeter he entitled the common cock of the Athenians. But
 this word-hunting sophist used all sorts of' far more far-fetched expressions. And
 whence, O Ulpian, did it occur to you to use the word κεχορτασμένος for satiated, when κορέω is the proper verb for that meaning, and χορτάζω means to feed?

In reply to this Ulpian said with a cheerful laugh,— But do not bark at me, my
 friend, and do not be savage with me, putting on a sort of hydrophobia, especially
 now that this is the season of the dog-days. You ought rather to fawn upon and be
 gentle towards your messmates, lest we should institute a festival for dog
 killing, in the place of that one which is celebrated by the Argives. For, my most
 sagacious gentleman, χορτάζομαι is used by
 Cratinus in his Ulysseses in this way:— 
 You were all day glutting yourselves with white milk. 
 And Menander, in his Trophonius, uses the word χορτασθεὶς in the same sense. And Aristophanes says in his
 Gerytades— 
 Obey us now, and glut us with your melodies. 
 And Sophocles in his Tyro has— 
 And we received him with all things which satisfy ( πάγχοοτα ). 
 And Eubulus in his Dolon— 
 I, O men, have now been well-satisfied ( κεχόρτασμαι ), 
 And I am quite well filled; so that I could 
 
 With all my energy but just contrive 
 To fasten on my sandals. 
 And Sophilus says in his Phylarchus— 
 There will be an abundant deal of eating. 
 I see the prelude to it;-I shall surely be 
 Most fully satisfied; indeed, my men, 
 I swear by Bacchus I feel proud already. 
 And Amphis says in his Uranus— 
 Sating herself till eve with every dainty. 
 
 
 Now these statements, O Cynulcus, I am able to produce without any preparation;
 but to-morrow, or the day after, for that ( ἔνη ) is
 the name which Hesiod gave to the third day, I will satiate you with blows, if you
 do not tell me in whose works the word κοιλιοδαίμων, 
 Belly-god, is to be found. And as he made no answer,—-But,
 indeed, I myself will tell you this, O Cynic, that Eupolis called flatterers this,
 in his play of the same name. But I will postpone any proof of this statement
 until I have paid you the blows I owe you.

And so when every one had been well amused by these jokes,—But, said Ulpian, I
 will also give you now the statement about paunches which I promised you. For
 Alexis, in his play which is entitled Ponticus, jesting in a comic manner, says
 that Callimedon the orator, who was surnamed the Crab (and he was one of those who
 took part in the affairs of the state in the time of Demosthenes the orator)-
 
 Every one is willing to die for his country ( πάτρας ): 
 And for a boiled paunch ( μήτρας )
 Callimedon, 
 The dauntless crab, would very probably 
 Dare to encounter death. 
 And Callimedon was a man very notorious for his fondness for
 dainties. 
 And Antiphanes also speaks of launches in his Philometor, using these words—
 
 While the wood has pith in it ( ἔμμητρον ) it
 puts forth shoots. 
 There is a metropolis but no patropolis. 
 
 Some men sell paunches ( μῆτραι ), a delicious
 food. 
 Metras, the Chian, is dear to the people. 
 And Euphron says in his Paradidomena— 
 But my master having prepared a paunch 
 Set it before Callimedon; and when he ate it 
 It made him leap with joy; from which he earn'd 
 The name of crab. 
 
 And Dioxippus in his Antipornoboscus— 
 What food doth he delight in! Dainty is he! 
 Most dainty in his eating, paunches, sausages! 
 And in his Historiographer, he says— 
 Amphides burst in the porch and made himself a way in; 
 Holding up two paunches fine, See for what I'm paying, 
 Said he, and send me all you have, or all that you can find me. 
 And Eubulus says in his Deucalion— 
 Liver, and tripe, and entrails, aye, and paunches.

But Lynceus the Samian, the friend of Theophrastus, was acquainted with the use of
 paunches when eaten with Cyrenaic sauce. And accordingly, writing an account of
 the Banquet of Ptolemy, he says:— A certain paunch having been brought round
 in vinegar and sauce. Antiphanes, too, mentions this sauce in his
 Unhappy Lovers, speaking of Cyrene— 
 I sail back to the self-same harbour whence 
 We previously were torn; and bid farewell 
 To all my horses, friends, and assafœtida, 
 And two horse chariots, and to cabbages, 
 And single-horses, and to salads green, 
 And fevers, and rich sauces. 
 And how much better a paunch of a castrated animal is, Hipparchus, who
 wrote the book called The Aegyptian Iliad, tells us in the following words— 
 But above all I do delight in dishes 
 Of paunches and of tripe from gelded beasts, 
 And love a fragrant pig within the oven. 
 And Sopater says in his Hippolytus— 
 But like a beauteous paunch of gelded pig 
 Well boil'd and white, and basted with rich cheese. 
 And in his Physiologus he says— 
 'Tis not a well boil'd slice of paunch of pig 
 Holding within a sharp and biting gravy. 
 And in his Silphæ he says— 
 That you may eat a slice of boil'd pig's paunch, 
 Dipping it in a bitter sauce of rue.

But the ancients were not acquainted with the fashion of bringing on paunches, or
 lettuces, or anything of the sort, before dinner, as is done now. At all events
 Archestratus, the inventor of made dishes, as he calls himself, says that pledges in drinking, and the use of ointments, are introduced
 after supper— 
 And always at the banquet crown your head 
 With flowing wreaths of varied scent and hue, 
 Culling the treasures of the happy earth; 
 And steep your hair in rich and reeking odours, 
 And all day long pour holy frankincense 
 And myrrh, the fragrant fruit of Syria, 
 On the slow slumb'ring ashes of the fire: 
 Then, when you drink, let slaves these luxuries bring— 
 Tripe, and the boiled paunch of well-fed swine, 
 Well soak'd in cummin juice and vinegar, 
 And sharp, strong-smelling assafœtida; 
 Taste, too, the tender well-roast birds, and game, 
 Whate'er may be in season. But despise 
 The rude uncivilized Sicilian mode, 
 Where men do nought but drink like troops of frogs, 
 And eat no solid seasoning. Avoid them. 
 And seek the meats which I enjoin thee here. 
 All other foods are only signs and proofs 
 Of wretched poverty: the green boil'd vetch, 
 And beans, and apples, and dried drums of figs. 
 But praise the cheesecakes which from Athens come; 
 And if there are none, still of any country 
 Cheesecakes are to be eaten; also ask 
 For Attic Honey, the feast's crowning dish— 
 For that it is which makes a banquet noble. 
 Thus should a free man live, or else descend 
 Beneath the earth, and court the deadly realms 
 Of Tartarus, buried deep beneath the earth 
 Innumerable fathoms. 
 
 
 But Lynceus, describing the banquet given by Lamia, the female flute-player, when
 she entertained Demetrius Poliorcetes, represents the guests the moment they come
 to the banquet as eating all sorts of fish and meat; and in the same way, when
 speaking of the feast given by Antigonus the king, when celebrating the
 Aphrodisiac festival, and also one given by King Ptolemy, he speaks of fish as the
 first course; and then meat.

But one may well wonder at Archestratus, who has given us such admirable
 suggestions and injunctions, and who was a guide in the matter of pleasure to the
 philosopher Epicurus, when he counsels us wisely, in a manner equal to that of the
 bard of Ascra, that we
 ought not to mind some people, but only attend to him; and he bids us eat such and such things, differing in no respect from the cook in
 Damoxenus the comic writer, who says in his Syntrophi— 
 
 A. You see me here a most attentive pupil 
 Of Epicurus, wisest of the Greeks, 
 From whom in two years and ten months or less, 
 I scraped together four good Attic talents. 
 
 B. What do you mean by this I pray thee, tell
 me, 
 Was he a cook, my master That is news. 
 
 A. Ye gods! and what a cook! Believe me, nature 
 Is the beginning and the only source 
 Of all true wisdom. And there is no art 
 At which men labour, which contains more wisdom. 
 So this our art is easy to the man 
 Who has drunk deep of nature's principles; 
 They are his guides: and therefore, when you see 
 A cook who is no scholar, nor has read 
 The subtle lessons of Democritus, 
 (Aye and he must remember them besides,) 
 Laugh at him as an ass; and if you hire one 
 Who knows not Epicurus and his rules, 
 Discharge him straightway. For a cook must know, 
 (I speak the words of sober truth, my friend,) 
 How great the difference is in summer time 
 Between the glaucisk of the winter-season; 
 He must know all the fish the Pleiades 
 Bring to us at their setting; what the solstice, 
 Winter and summer, gives us eatable— 
 For all the changes and the revolutions 
 Are fraught with countless evil to mankind, 
 Such changes do they cause in all their food. 
 Dost thou not understand me? And remember, 
 Whatever is in season must be good. 
 
 B. How few observe these rules. 
 
 A. From this neglect 
 Come spasms, and the flatulence which ill 
 Beseems a politic guest;-but all the food 
 I give my parties, wholesome is, and good, 
 Digestible and free from flatulence. 
 Therefore its juice is easily dissolved, 
 And penetrates the entire body's pores. 
 
 B. Juice, say you? This is not known to
 Democritus. 
 
 A. But all meats out of season make the eater 
 Diseased in his joints. 
 B. You seem to me, 
 To have studied too the art of medicine. 
 
 A. No doubt, and so does every one who seeks 
 Acquaintance with his nature's mysteries. 
 But see now, I do beg you by the gods, 
 How ignorant the present race of cooks are. 
 When thus you find them ignorant of the smell 
 
 Of all the varied dishes which they dress, 
 And pounding sesame in all their sauce. 
 What can be bad enough for such sad blunderers 
 
 B. You seem to speak as any oracle. 
 
 A. What good can e'er arise, where every quality 
 Is jumbled with its opposite in kind, 
 How different so ever both may be? 
 Now to discern these things is art and skill, 
 Not to wash dishes nor to smell of smoke. 
 For I do never enter a strange cook-shop, 
 But sit within such a distance as enables 
 My eyes to comprehend what is within. 
 My friends, too, do the same; I tell them all 
 The causes and results. This bit is sour, 
 Away with it; the man is not a cook, 
 Though he perhaps may be a music master: 
 Put in some fire; keep an equal heat. 
 The first dish scarcely suits the rest. Do you 
 Not see the form of th' art? 
 
 B. O, great Apollo! 
 
 A. What does this seem to you? 
 
 B. Pure skill; high art. 
 
 A. Then I no dishes place before my guests 
 At random; but while all things correspond 
 I regulate the whole, and will divide 
 The whole as best may suit, in fours, or fives; 
 And will consult each separate division- 
 And satisfy each party. Then again, 
 I stand afar off and directions give; 
 Whence bring you that? what shall you mix with this? 
 See how discordant those two dishes are! 
 Take care and shun such blunders. That will do. 
 Thus Epicurus did arrange his pleasures. 
 Thus wisely did he eat. He, only wise, 
 Saw what was good and what its nature was. 
 The Stoics seek in vain for such discoveries, 
 And know not good nor what the nature may be 
 Of good; and so they have it not; nor know 
 How to impart it to their friends and guests. 
 Enough of this. Do'st not agree with me? 
 
 B. Indeed i do, all things are plain to me.

Plato, too, in his Joint Deceiver, introduces the father of a young man in great
 indignation, on the ground that his son's principles and way of living have been
 injured by his tutor; and he says— 
 
 A. You now have been the ruin of my son, 
 You wretch, you have persuaded him t' embark 
 In a course of life quite foreign to his habits 
 And former inclinations. You have taught him 
 To drink i' th' morning, quite beyond his wont. 
 
 
 B. Do you blame me that he has learnt to live? 
 
 A. Call you this living? 
 
 B. So the wise do say: 
 At all events the all wise Epicurus 
 Tells us that pleasure is the only good. 
 
 A. No doubt, and nobody can entertain 
 A different opinion. To live well 
 Must be to rightly live; is it not so? 
 Tell me, I pray thee, hast thou ever seen 
 Any philosopher confused with wine? 
 Or overtaken with those joys of yours 
 
 B. Aye, all of them. Those who lift up their
 brows, 
 Who look most solemn in the promenades, 
 And in their daily conversation, 
 Who turn their eyes away in high disdain 
 If you put plaice or turbot on their board, 
 Know for all that the fish's daintiest part. 
 Seek out the head, the fins; the sound, the roe, 
 And make men marvel at their gluttony.

And in Antiphanes, in his Soldier or in his Tycho, a man is introduced delivering
 rules in this way, saying— 
 Whoever is a mortal man, and thinks 
 This life has any sure possession, 
 Is woefully deceived. For either taxes 
 Take off his property; or he goes to law 
 And loses all he seeks, and all he has: 
 Or else he's made a magistrate, and bears 
 The losses they are subject to; or else 
 The people bid him a choragus be, 
 And furnish golden garments for a chorus; 
 And wear but rags himself. Or as a captain 
 Of some tall ship, he hangs himself; or else 
 Takes the command, and then is taken prisoner: 
 Or else, both waking and in soundest sleep, 
 He's helpless, pillaged by his own domestics. 
 Nothing is sure, save what a man can eat, 
 And treats himself to day by day. Nor then, 
 Is even this too sure. For guests drop in 
 To eat what you have order'd for yourself. 
 So not until you've got it 'twixt your teeth 
 Ought you to think that e'en your dinner's safe. 
 And he says the same in his Hydria.

Now if any one, my friends, were to consider this, he would naturally and
 reasonably praise the honest Chrysippus, who examined accurately into the nature
 of Epicurus's philosophy, and said, That the Gastrology of Archestratus was
 the metropolis of his philosophy; which all the epicures of
 philosophers call the Theogony, as it were, that beautiful 
 epic poem; to whom Theognetus, in his Phasma or in his Miser, says— 
 My man, you will destroy me in this way; 
 For you are ill and surfeited with all 
 The divers arguments of all the Stoics. 
 "Gold is no part of man, mere passing rime, 
 Wisdom's his real wealth, solid like ice; 
 No one who has it ever loses it." 
 Oh! wretched that I am; what cruel fate 
 Has lodged me here with this philosopher? 
 Wretch, you have learnt a most perverted learning; 
 Your books have turn'd your whole life upside down; 
 Buried in deep philosophy you talk 
 Of earth and heaven, both of which care little 
 For you and all your arguments.

While Ulpian was continuing to talk in this way, the servants came in bearing on
 some dishes some crabs bigger than Callimedon, the orator, who, because he was so
 very fond of this food was himself called the Crab. Accordingly, Alexis, in his
 Dorcis, or the Flatterer, (as also others of the comic poets do,) hands him down,
 as a general rule, as being most devoted to fish, saying— 
 It has been voted by the fish-sellers, 
 To raise a brazen statue to Callimedon 
 At the Panathenaic festival 
 In the midst of the fish-market; and the statue 
 Shall in his right hand hold a roasted crab, 
 As being the sole patron of their trade, 
 Which other men neglect and seek to crush. 
 
 
 But the taste of the crab is one which many people have been very much devoted to;
 as may be shown by many passages in different comedies; but at present
 Aristophanes will suffice, who in the Thesmophoriazusæ speaks as follows— 
 
 A. Has any fish been bought? a cuttle-fish, 
 Or a broad squill, or else a polypus; 
 Or roasted mullet, or perhaps some beet-root? 
 
 B. Indeed there was not. 
 
 A. Or a roach or dace? 
 
 B. Nothing of such a sort? 
 
 A. Was there no black-pudding, 
 Nor tripe, nor sausage, nor boar's liver fried, 
 No honeycomb, no paunch of pig, no eel, 
 No mighty crab, with which you might recruit 
 The strength of women wearied with long toil 
 But by broad squills he must have meant what we call astaci, a kind of
 crab which Philyllius mentions in his Cities. And
 Archestratus, in that famous poem of his where he never once mentions the crab by
 the name of κάραβος, does speak of the ἄστακος. As he does also in the following passage—
 
 But passing over trifles, buy an astacus, 
 Which has long hands and heavy too, but feet 
 Of delicate smallness, and which slowly walks 
 Over the earth's face. A goodly troop there are 
 Of such, and those of finest flavour, where 
 The isles of Lipara do gem the ocean: 
 And many lie in the broad Hellespont. 
 And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Marriage, shows plainly that the ἄστακος spoken of by Archestratus is the same as the
 κάραβος, speaking as follows— 
 There are astaci and colybdaenæ, both equipp'd 
 With little feet and long hands, both coming under 
 The name of κάραβος.

But the carabi, and astaci, and also carides or squills, are each a distinct
 genus. But the Athenians spell the name ἄστακος 
 with an ο, ὄστακος, just as they also write
 ὀσταφίδας. But Epicharmus in his Earth and Sea
 says— 
 
 κᾀστακοὶ γαμψώνυχοι. 
 
 
 
 And Speusippus, in the second book of his Similarities, says that of soft-shelled
 animals the following are nearly like one another. The coracus, the astacus, the
 nymphe, the arctus, the carcinus, and the pagurus. And Diocles the Carystian says,
 Carides, carcini, carabi, and astaci, are pleasant to the taste and
 diuretic. And Epicharmus has also mentioned the colybdæna in the lines
 I have quoted above; which Nicander calls the beauty of the sea; but Heraclides in
 his Cookery Book gives that name to the caris. But Aristotle, in the fifth book of
 his Parts of Animals, says, "Of soft-shelled animals the carabi, the astaci, the
 carides, and others of the same sort, are propagated like quadrupeds; and they
 breed at the beginning of spring; as indeed is no secret to anybody; but at times
 they breed when the fig begins to ripen. 
 Now carabi are found in rough and rocky places; but astaci in smooth ground;
 neither kind in muddy places: on which account there are astaci produced in the
 Hellespont and about Thasos; and carabi off Cape Sigeum and Mount Athos. But the
 whole race of crabs is long-lived. But Theophrastus, in his book on Animals who
 dive in Holes, says that the astaci and carabi and carides
 all cast off their old age.

But concerning carides, Ephorus mentions in his first book that there is a city
 called Carides near the island of Chios; and he says that it was founded by Macar
 and those of his companions who were saved out of the deluge which happened in the
 time of Deucalion; and that to this very day the place is called Carides. But
 Archestratus, the inventor of made dishes, gives these recommendations— 
 But if you ever come to Iasus, 
 A city of the Carians, you shall have 
 A cars of huge size, but rare to buy. 
 Many there are where Macedon is wash'd 
 By the deep sea, and in Ambracia's gulf. 
 But Araros in his Campylion has used the word καρῖδα with the penultima circumflexed and long— 
 The strangely bent carides did leap forth 
 Like dolphins into the rope-woven vessel. 
 And Eubulus says in his Orthane— 
 Iput a carid ( καρῖδα ) down and took it up
 again. 
 Anaxandrides says in his Lycurgus— 
 And he plays with little carids ( καριδάριον ), 
 And little partridges, and little lettuces; 
 And little sparrows, and with little cups, 
 And little scindaries, and little gudgeons. 
 And the same poet says in his Pandarus— 
 If you don't stoop, my friend, you'll upright be. 
 But she is like a carid ( καριδόω ) in her
 person; 
 Bent out, and like an anchor standing firm. 
 And in his Cerkios he says— 
 I'll make them redder than a roasted carid ( καρῖδος ). 
 And Eubulus says in his Grandmothers— 
 And carids ( καρῖδες ) of the humpback'd
 sort. 
 And Ophelion says in his Callæschrus— 
 There lay the crooked carids ( καρῖδες ) on
 dry ground. 
 And in his Ialemus we find— 
 And then they danced as crooked limbed carides ( καρῖδες ) 
 Dance on the glowing embers. 
 But Eupolis, in his Goats, uses the word with the penultima short,
 ( καρι???δες ), thus— 
 Once in Phæacia I ate carides ( καρίδας ). 
 
 And again in his People he says— 
 Having the face of a tough thick-skinn'd carid ( καρίδος ).

Now the carides were so called from the word κόρα, 
 head. For the head takes up the greater part of them. But
 the Attic writers also use the word short in the same manner, in analogy with the
 quantity of κάρα, it being, as I said, called cars
 because of the size of its head; and so, as γραφὶς 
 is derived from γραφὴ, and βολὶς from βολὴ, in like manner is
 καρὶς from κάρα. But when the penultima is made long the last syllable also is
 made long, and then the word is like ψηφὶς, and
 κρηπὶς, and τευθίς. 
 
 But concerning these shell-fish, Diphilus the Siphnian writes, Of all
 shell-fish the caris, and astacus, and carabus, and carcinus, and lion, being
 all of the same genus, are distinguished by some differences. And the lion is
 larger than the astacus; and the carabi are called also grapsæi; but they are
 more fleshy than the carcini; but the carcinus is heavy and
 indigestible. But Mnesitheus the Athenian, in his treatise on
 Comestibles, says, Carabi and carcini and carides, and such like; these are
 all indigestible, but still not nearly so much so as other fish: and they are
 better and more wholesome roast than boiled. But Sophron in his Gynæcea
 calls carides courides, saying— 
 Behold the dainty courides, my friend. 
 And see these lobsters; see how red they are, 
 How smooth and glossy is their hair and coats. 
 And Epicharmus in his Land and Sea says— 
 And red-skinned courides. 
 And in his Logos and Logina he spells the word κωρίδες with an ω — 
 Oily anchovies, crooked corides. 
 And Simonides says— 
 Beet-root with thunnies, and with gudgeons corides.

After this conversation there were brought in some dishes of fried liver; wrapped
 up in what is called the caul, or ἐπίπλοον, which
 Philetærus in his Tereus calls ἐπιπλοῖον. And
 Cynulcus looking on said,—Tell us, O wise Ulpian, whether there is such an
 expression anywhere as ' liver rolled up." And he replied,—I will tell you if you
 will first show me in whose works the word ἐπίπλους is used for the fat and the membrane which
 covers it. So as they were thus prepared for the discussion, Myrtilus said, The
 word ἐπίπλους is used by Epicharmus in the Bacchæ—
 
 And wrapping up the bread in the ἐπίπλοος. 
 
 And again, in his Theari, he says— 
 Around the loins and ἐπίπλους. 
 
 And Ion of Chios, in his Epidemiæ, says— 
 Having wrapp'd it up in the ἐπίπλους. 
 
 
 
 So here, my friend Ulpian, you have plenty of authority for your ἐπίπλους. And you may wrap yourself up in it and burn
 yourself, and so release us from all these investigations. And, indeed, you ought
 to bear your own testimony to a liver having been prepared in this way; since you
 mentioned before, when we were inquiring about ears and feet, what Alexis said in
 his Crateua, or the Female Druggist. And the whole quotation is serviceable for
 many purposes, and since you at the moment fail to recollect it, I myself will
 repeat it to you. 
 The Comedian says this—

First, then, I saw a man whose name was Nereus; 
 With noble oysters laden; an aged man, 
 And clad in brown sea-weed. I took the oysters 
 And eke some fine sea-urchins; a good prelude 
 To a rich banquet daintily supplied. 
 When they were done, next came some little fish, 
 Still quivering as if they felt a fear 
 Of what should now befal them. Courage, said I, 
 My little friends, and fear no harm from me; 
 And to spare them I bought a large flat glaucus. 
 Then a torpedo came; for it did strike me, 
 That even if my wife should chance to touch it 
 She from its shock would surely take no harm. 
 So for my frying-pan I've soles and plaice, 
 Carides, gudgeons, perch, and spars, and eels, 
 A dish more varied than a peacock's tail. 
 Slices of meat, and feet, and snouts, and ears, 
 And a pig's liver neatly wrapp'd in caul. 
 For by itself it looks too coarse and livid. 
 No cook shall touch or e'er behold these dainties; 
 He would destroy them all. I'll manage them 
 Myself; with skill and varied art the sauce 
 I will compound, in such a tasty way 
 That all the guests shall plunge their very teeth 
 
 Into the dish for joy and eagerness; 
 And the recipes and different modes of dressing 
 I am prepared to teach the world for nothing, 
 If men are only wise enough to learn.

But that it was the fashion for liver to be wrapped up in a caul is stated by
 Hegesander the Delphian in his Memorials, where he says that Metanira the
 courtesan, having got a piece of the lungs of the animal in the liver which was
 thus wrapped up, as soon as she had unfolded the outer coat of fat and seen it,
 cried out— 
 I am undone, the tunic's treacherous folds 
 Have now entangled me to my destruction. 
 And perhaps it was because of its being in this state that Crobylus the
 comic poet called the liver modest; as Alexis also does in his Pseudypobolemæus,
 speaking as follows— Take the stiff feelers of the polypus, And in them you shall
 find some modest liver, And cutlets of wild goats, which you shall eat. But
 Aristophanes uses the diminutive form ἡπάτιον in
 his Tagenistæ, and so does Alcæus in the Palæstra, and Eubulus in his Deucalion.
 And the first letter of ἧπαρ and ἡπάτιον must be aspirated. For a synalœpha is used by
 Archilochus with the aspirate; when he says— 
 For you do seem to have no gall ἐφʼ ἥπατι 
 ( in your liver ). 
 There is also a fish which is called ἥπατος, which Eubulus himself mentions in his Lacedæmonians or Leda,
 and says that it has no gall in it— 
 You thought that I'd no gall; but spoke to me 
 As if I'd been a ἥπατος : but I 
 Am rather one of the melampyx class. 
 But Hegesander, in his Memorials, says, that the hepatos has in its head
 two stones, like pearls in brilliancy and colour, and in shape something like a
 turbot.

But Alexis speaks of fried fish in his Demetrius, as he does also in the
 before-mentioned play. And Eubulus says, in his Orthane— 
 Now each fair woman walks about the streets, 
 Fond of fried fish and stout Triballian youths. 
 Then there is beet-root and canary-grass 
 Mix'd up in forcemeat with the paunch of lamb, 
 Which leaps within one's stomach like a colt 
 Scarce broken to the yoke. Meanwhile the bellows 
 
 Waken the watchful hounds of Vulcan's pack, 
 And stir the frying-pan with vapours warm. 
 The fragrant steam straight rises to the nose, 
 And fills the sense with odours. 
 Then comes the daughter of the bounteous Ceres, 
 Fair wheaten flour, duly mash'd, and press'd 
 Within the hollow of the gaping jaws, 
 Which like the trireme's hasty shock comes on, 
 The fair forerunner of a sumptuous feast. 
 I have also eaten cuttle-fish fried. But Nicostratus or Philetærus says,
 in the Antyllus—I never again will venture to eat cuttle-fish which has been
 dressed in a frying-pan. But Hegemon, in his Philinna, introduces men eating the
 roe fried, saying— 
 Go quickly, buy of them that polypus, 
 And fry the roe, and give it us to eat.

Ulpian was not pleased at this; and being much vexed, he looked at us, and
 repeating these iambics from the Orthanus of Eubulus, said— 
 How well has Myrtilus, cursed by the gods, 
 Come now to shipwreck on this frying-pan. 
 For certainly I well know that he never ate any of these things at his
 own expense; and I heard as much from one of his own servants, who once quoted me
 these iambics from the Pornoboscus of Eubulus— 
 My master comes from Thessaly; a man 
 Of temper stern; wealthy, but covetous; 
 A wicked man; a glutton; fond of dainties, 
 Yet sparing to bestow a farthing on them. 
 But as the young man was well educated, and that not by Myrtilus, but by
 some one else, when I asked him how he fell in with the young Myrtilus, he
 repeated to me these lines from the Neottis of Antiphanes— 
 While still a boy, bearing my sister company, 
 I came to Athens, by some merchant brought; 
 For Syria was my birthplace. There that merchant 
 Saw us when we were both put up for sale, 
 And bought us, driving a most stingy bargain. 
 No man could e'er in wickedness surpass him; 
 So miserly, that nothing except thyme 
 Was ever bought by him for food, not e'en 
 So much as might have fed Pythagoras.

While Ulpian went on jesting in this manner, Cynulcus cried out—I want some bread;
 and when I say bread ( ἄρτος ) 
 I do not mean Artus king of the Messapians, the Messapians, I mean, in Iapygia,
 concerning whom there is a treatise among Polemo's works. And Thucydides also
 mentions him, in his seventh book, and Demetrius the comic writer speaks of him in
 the drama entitled Sicily, using the following language— 
 From thence, borne on by the south wind, we came 
 Across the sea to the Italian shore, 
 Where the Messapians dwelt; and Artus there, 
 The monarch of the land, received us kindly, 
 A great and noble host for foreigners. 
 But this is not the time for speaking of that Artus, but of the other,
 which was discovered by Ceres, surnamed Sito (food), and Simalis. For those are
 the names under which the Goddess is worshipped by the Syracusans, as Polemo
 himself reports in his book about Morychus. But in the first book of his treatise
 addressed to Timæus, he says, that in Scolus, a city of Bœotia, statues are
 erected to Megalartus (the God or Goddess of great bread), and to Megalomazus (the
 God or Goddess of abundant corn). So when the loaves were brought, and 'on them a
 great quantity of all kinds of food, looking at them, he said— 
 What numerous nets and snares are set by men 
 To catch the helpless loaves; 
 as Alexis says in his play, The Girl sent to the Well. And so now let us
 say something about bread.

But Pontianus anticipating him, said; Tryphon of Alexandria, in the book entitled
 the Treatise on Plants, mentions several kinds of loaves; if I can remember them
 accurately, the leavened loaf, the unleavened loaf, the loaf made of the best
 wheaten flour, the loaf made of groats, the loaf made of remnants (and this he
 says is more digestible than that which is made only of the best flour), the loaf
 made of rye, the loaf made of acorns, the loaf made of millet. The loaf made of
 groats, said he, is made of oaten groats, for groats are not made of barley. And
 from a peculiar way of baking or roasting it, there is a loaf called ipnites (or
 the oven loaf) which Timocles mentions in his Sham Robbers, where he says— 
 And seeing there a tray before me full 
 Of smoking oven-loaves, I took and ate them. 
 
 There is another kind called escharites (or the hearth-loaf),
 and this is mentioned by Antidotus in the Protohorus— 
 I took the hot hearth-loaves, how could I help it? 
 And dipp'd them in sweet sauce, and then I at them. 
 And Crobylus says, in his Strangled Man— 
 I took a platter of hot clean hearth-loaves. 
 And Lynceus the Samian, in his letter to Diagoras, comparing the eatables
 in vogue at Athens with those which were used at Rhodes, says— And moreover,
 while they talk a great deal about their bread which is to be got in the
 market, the Rhodians at the beginning and middle of dinner put loaves on the
 table which are not at all inferior to them; but when they have given over
 eating and are satisfied, then they introduce a most agreeable dish, which is
 called the hearth-loaf, the best of all loaves; which is made of sweet things,
 and compounded so as to be very soft, and it is made up with such an admirable
 harmony of all the ingredients as to have a most excellent effect; so that
 often a man who is drunk becomes sober again, and in the same way a man who has
 just eaten to satiety is made hungry again by eating of it. 
 
 There is another kind of loaf called tabyrites, of which Sopater, in his Cnidia,
 says—The tabyrites loaf was one which fills the cheeks. 
 There was also a loaf called the achæinas. And this loaf is mentioned by Semus, in
 the eighth book of his Delias; and he says that is made by the women who celebrate
 the Thesmophoria. They are loaves of a large size. And the festival is called
 Megalartia, which is a name given to it by those who carry these loaves, who
 cry— Eat a large achæinas, full of fat. 
 
 There is another loaf called cribanites, or the pan-loaf. This is mentioned by
 Aristophanes, in his Old Age. And he introduces a woman selling bread, complaining
 that her loaves have been taken from her by those who have got rid of the effects
 of their old age— 
 
 A. What was the matter? 
 
 B. My hot loaves, my son. 
 
 A. Sure you are mad? 
 
 B. My nice pan-loaves, my son, 
 So white, so hot. . . . . . 
 
 There is another loaf called the encryphias, or secret loaf.
 And this is mentioned by Nicostratus, in his Hierophant, and Archestratus the
 inventor of made dishes, whose testimony I will introduce at the proper
 season. 
 There is a loaf also called dipyrus, or twice-baked. Eubulus says, in his
 Ganymede— 
 And nice hot twice-baked loaves. 
 And Alcæus says, in his Ganymede— 
 
 A. But what are dipyri, or twice-baked loaves? 
 
 B. Of all loaves the most delicate. 
 
 
 There is another loaf, called laganum. This is very light, and not very
 nutritious; and the loaf called apanthracis is even less nutritious still. And
 Aristophanes mentions the laganum in his Ecclesiazusæ, saying— 
 The lagana are being baked. 
 And the apanthracis is mentioned by Diocles the Carystian, in the first
 book of his treatise on Wholesomes, saying— The apanthracis is more tender
 than the laganum: and it appears that it is made on the coals, like that called
 by the Attic writers encryphias, which the Alexandrians consecrate to Saturn,
 and put them in the temple of Saturn for every one to eat who pleases.

And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Marriage, and in his Muses (and this play is an
 emendation of the former one), thus enumerates the different kinds of
 loaves— The panloaf, the homorus, the statites, the encris, the loaf made
 of meal, the half loaf, which Sophron also mentions in his Female
 Actors, saying— 
 Pan-loaves and homori, a dainty meal 
 For goddesses, and a half-loaf for Hecate. 
 And I know, my friends, that the Athenians spell this word with a
 ρ , writing κρίβανον and κριβανίτης ; but
 Herodotus, in the second book of his history, writes it with a λ , saying κλιβάνῳ
 διαφανεῖ. And so Sophron said— 
 Who dresses suet puddings or clibanites, 
 Or half-loaves here? 
 And the same writer also speaks of a loaf which he calls πλακίτης, saying in his Gynæcea— 
 He feasted me till night with placite loaves. 
 Sophron also mentions tyron bread, or bread compounded with cheese,
 saying in the play called the Mother-in-law— 
 
 I bid you now eat heartily, 
 For some one has just giv'n a tyron loaf, 
 Fragrant with cheese, to all the children. 
 And Nicander of Colophon, in his Dialects, calls unleavened bread
 δάρατος. And Plato the comic writer, in his
 Long Night, calls large ill-made loaves Cilician, in these words— 
 Then he went forth, and bought some loaves, no nice 
 Clean rolls, but dirty huge Cilicians. 
 And in the drama entitled Menelaus, he calls some loaves Agelæi, or common loaves. There is also a loaf mentioned by Alexis, in
 his Cyprian, which he calls autopyrus— 
 Having just eaten autopyrus bread. 
 And Phrynichus, in his Poastriæ, speaks of the same loaves, calling them
 autopyritæ, saying— 
 With autopyrite loaves, and sweeten'd cakes 
 Of well-press'd figs and olives. 
 
 
 And Sophocles makes mention of a loaf called orindes, in his Triptolemus, which
 has its name from being made of rice ( ὄρυζα ), or
 from a grain raised in Aethiopia, which resembles sesamum. 
 Aristophanes also, in his Tagenistæ, or the Fryers, makes mention of rolls called
 collabi, and says— 
 Each of you take a collabus. 
 And in a subsequent passage he says— 
 Bring here a paunch of pig in autumn born, 
 With hot delicious collabi. 
 And these rolls are made of new wheat, as Philyllius declares in his
 Auge— 
 Here I come, bearing in my hands the offspring 
 Of three months' wheat, hot doughy collabi, 
 Mixed with the milk of the grass-feeding cow. 
 
 
 There is also a kind of loaf called maconidæ, mentioned by Aleman, in his
 fifteenth book, in these terms— Tere were seven coaches for the guests, and
 an equal number of tables of maconidæ loaves, crowned with a white tablecoth,
 and with sesamum, and in handsome dishes. Chrysocolla are a food made
 of honey and flax. 
 
 
 There is also a kind of loaf called collyra, mentioned by Aristophanes in his
 Peace— 
 A large collyra, and a mighty lump 
 Of dainty meat upon it. 
 And in his Holcades he says— 
 And a collyra for the voyagers, 
 Earn'd by the trophy raised at Marathon.'

There is a loaf also called the obelias, or the penny loaf, so called because it
 is sold for a penny, as in Alexandria; or else because it is baked on small spits.
 Aristophanes, in his Farmers, says— 
 Then perhaps some one bakes a penny loaf. 
 And Pherecrates, in his Forgetful Man, says— 
 Olen, now roast a penny roll with ashes, 
 But take care, don't prefer it to a loaf. 
 And the men who in the festivals carried these penny rolls on their
 shoulders were called ὀβελιαφόροι. And Socrates,
 in his sixth book of his Surnames, says that it was Bacchus who invented the penny
 roll on his expeditions. There is a roll called etnites, the same which is also
 named lecithites, according to the statement of Eucrates. 
 The Messapians call bread πανὸς, and they call
 satiety πανία, and those things which give a
 surfeit they call πάνια ; at least, those terms are
 used by Blæsus, in his Mesotriba, and by Archilochus, in his Telephus, and by
 Rhinthon, in his Amphitryon. And the Romans call bread panis. 
 
 Nastus is a name given to a large loaf of leavened bread, according to the
 statement of Polemarchus and Artemidorus. But the Heracleon is a kind of
 cheesecake. And Nicostratus says, in his Sofa— 
 Such was the size, O master, of the nastus, 
 A large white loaf. It was so deep, its top 
 Rose like a tower quite above its basket. 
 Its smell, when that the top was lifted up, 
 Rose up, a fragrance not unmix'd with honey 
 Most grateful to our nostrils, still being hot. 
 
 
 The name of bread among the Ionians was cnestus, as Artemidorus the Ephesian
 states in his Memorials of Ionia. Thronus was the name of a particular kind of
 loaf, as it is stated by Neanthes of Cyzicus, in the second book of his Grecian
 History, where he writes as follows— But Codrus takes a
 slice of a loaf of the kind called thronus, and a piece of meat, such as they
 give to the old men.' 
 
 There is, among the Elians, a kind of loaf baked on the ashes which they call
 bacchylus, as Nicander states in the second book of his treatise on Dialects. And
 Dihilus mentions it in his Woman who went Astray, in these words— 
 To bring loaves baked on ashes, strain'd through sieves. 
 
 
 The thing called ἀποπυρίας is also a kind of roll;
 and that also is baked on the ashes; and by some it is called ζυμίτης, or leavened. Cratinus, in his Effeminate
 People— 
 First of all I an apopyrias have—

And Archestratus, in his Gastronomy, thus speaks of flour and of rolls— 
 First, my dear Moschus, will I celebrate 
 The bounteous gifts of Ceres the fair-hair'd. 
 And cherish these my sayings in thy heart. 
 Take these most excellent things,—the well-made cake 
 Of fruitful barley, in fair Lesbos grown, 
 On the circumfluous hill of Eresus; 
 Whiter than driven snow, if it be true 
 That these are loaves such as the gods do eat, 
 Which Mercury their steward buys for them. 
 Good is the bread in seven-gated Thebes, 
 In Thasos, and in many other cities, 
 But all compared with these would seem but husks, 
 And worthless refuse. Be you sure of this. 
 Seek too the round Thessalian roll, the which 
 A maid's fair hand has kneaded, which the natives 
 Crimmatias call; though others chondrinus. 
 Nor let the Tegean son of finest flour, 
 The fine encryphias be all unpraised. 
 Athens, Minerva's famous city, sends 
 The best of loaves to market, food for men; 
 There is, besides, Erythra, known for grapes, 
 Nor less for a white loaf in shapely pan, 
 Carefully moulded, white and beautiful, 
 A tempting dish for hungry guests at supper. 
 The epicure Archestratus says this; and he counsels us to have a
 Phœnician or Lydian slave for a baker; for he was not ignorant that the best
 makers of loaves come from Cappadocia. And he speaks thus– 
 Take care, and keep a Lydian in thy house, 
 Or an all-wise Phoenician; who shall know 
 Your inmost thoughts, and each day shall devise 
 New forms to please your mind, and do your bidding.

Antiphanes also speaks of the Athenian loaves as pre- eminently good, in his
 Omphale, saying— 
 For how could any man of noble birth 
 Ever come forth from this luxurious house, 
 Seeing these fair-complexion'd wheaten loaves 
 Filling the oven in such quick succession, 
 And seeing them, devise fresh forms from moulds, 
 The work of Attic hands; well-train'd by wise 
 Thearion to honour holy festivals. 
 This is that Thearion the celebrated baker, whom Plato makes mention of
 in the Gorgias, joining him and Mithæcus in the same catalogue, writing thus.
 Those who have been or are skilful providers for the body you enumerated
 with great anxiety; Thearion the baker, and Mithæcus who wrote the treatise
 called the Sicilian Cookery, and Sarambus the innkeeper, saying that they were
 admirable providers for the body, the one preparing most excellent loaves of
 bread, and the other preparing meat, and the other wine. And
 Aristophanes, in the Gerytades and Aeolosicon, speaks in this manner— 
 I come now, having left the baker's shop, 
 The seat of good Thearion's pans and ovens. 
 And Eubulus makes mention of Cyprian loaves as exceedingly good, in his
 Orthane, using these words— 
 'Tis a hard thing, beholding Cyprian loaves, 
 To ride by carelessly; for like a magnet 
 They do attract the hungry passengers. 
 And Ephippus, in his Diana, makes mention of the κολλίκιοι loaves (and they are the same as the κόλλαβοι ) in these terms— 
 Eating the collix, baked in well-shaped pan, 
 By Alexander's Thessalian recipe. 
 Aristophanes also says, in his Acharnensians— 
 All hail, my collix-eating young Bœotian.

When the conversation had gone on this way, one of the grammarians present, whose
 name was Arrian, said— This food is as old as the time of Saturn, my friends; for
 we are not rejoicing in meal, for the city is full of bread, nor in all this
 catalogue of loaves. But since I have fallen in with another treatise of
 Chrysippus of Tyana, which is entitled a treatise on the Art of Making Bread; and
 since I have had experience of the different recipes given in it at the houses of many of my friends, I will proceed to say something my-
 self also on the subject of loaves. The kind of loaf which is called ἀρτοπτίκινος, differs in some respect from that made in
 a pan, and from that made in an oven. But if you make it with hard leaven, it will
 be bright and nice, so tat it may be eaten dry; but if it be made with a looser
 leaven, then it will be light but not bright. But the loaf which s made in a pan,
 and that which is made in an oven, require a softer kind of leaven. And among the
 Greeks there is a kind of bread which is called tender, being made up with a
 little milk and oil, and a fair quantity of salt; and one must make the dough for
 this bread loose. And this kind of loaf is called the Cappadocian, since tender
 bread is made in the greatest quantities in Cappadocia. But the Syrians call
 loaves of this kind λαχμὴ ; and it is the best
 bread made in Syria, because it can be eaten hot; and it is like a flower. But
 there is also a loaf called boletinus, from being made like a mushroom, and the
 kneading-trough is smeared with poppies plastered over the bottom of it, on which
 the dough is placed, and by this expedient it is prevented from sticking to the
 trough while the leaven is mixed in. But when it is put in the oven, then some
 groats are spread under on a tile, and then the bread is put on it, and it gets a
 most beautiful colour, like cheese which has been smoked. 
 There is also a kind of bread called strepticias, which is made up with a little
 milk, and pepper and a little oil is added, and sometimes suet is substituted. And
 a little wine, and pepper, and milk, and a little oil, or sometimes suet, is
 employed in making the cake called artolaganum. But for making the cakes called
 capuridia tracta, you mix the same ingredients that you do for bread, and the
 difference is in the baking.

So when the mighty sophist of Rome had enunciated these precepts of Aristarchus,
 Cynulcus said—O Ceres, what a wise man! It is not without reason that the
 admirable Blepsias has pupils as the sand of the sea in number, and has amassed
 wealth from this excellent wisdom of his, beyond all that was acquired by Gorgias
 or Protagoras. So that I am afraid, by the goddesses, to say whether he himself is
 blind, or whether those who have entrusted his pupils to him have all but one eye,
 so as scarcely to be able to see, nume- rous as they are.
 Happy are they, or rather blessed ought I to call them, whose masters treat them
 to such divine lectures. And in reply to this Magnus, a man fond of the table, and
 very much inclined to praise this grammarian to excess, because of the abundance
 of his learning, said—But ye— 
 Men with unwashen feet, who lie on the ground, 
 You roofless wanderers, all-devouring throats, 
 Feasting on other men's possessions, 
 as Eubulus says—did not your father Diogenes, once when he was eagerly
 eating a cheesecake at a banquet, say to some one who put the question to him,
 that he was eating bread excellently well made? But as for you, you 
 Stranglers of dishes of white paunches, 
 as the same poet, Eubulus, says, you keep on speaking without ever giving
 place to others; and you are never quiet until some one throws you a crust or a
 bone, as he would do to a dog. How do you come to know that cubi (I do not mean
 those which you are continually handling) are a kind of loaf, square, seasoned
 with anise, and cheese, and oil, as Heraclides says in his Cookery Book? But
 Blepsias overlooked this kind, as also he did the thargelus, which some call the
 thalysius. But Crates, in the second book of his treatise on the Attic Dialect,
 says that the thargelus is the first loaf made after the carrying home of the
 harvest. The loaf made of sesame he had never seen, nor that which is called
 anastatus, which is made for the Arrephori. There is also a loaf called the pyramus, made of sesame, and perhaps being
 the same as the sesamites. But Trypho mentions all these different kinds in the
 first book of his treatise on Plants, as he also does those which are called
 thiagones. And these last are loaves made for the gods in Aetolia. There are also
 loaves called dramices and araxis among the Athamanes.

And the writers of books on dialects give lists of the names of different loaves.
 Seleucus speaks of one called dramis, which bears this name among the Macedonians;
 and of another called daratus by the Thessalians. And he speaks of the etnites,
 saying that it is the same as the lecithites, that is to say,
 made of the yolks of eggs and of pulse. And he says that the loaf called ἐρικίτης, has its name from being made of wheat crushed
 ( ἐρηριγμένος ), and not sifted, and of groats.
 And Amerias speaks of a loaf called xeropyrites, made of pure wheat, and nothing
 else; and so does Tima- chidas. But Nicander says that thiagones is the name given
 by the Aetolians to those loaves which are made for the gods. The Egyptians have a
 bread which is rather bitter, which they call cyllastis. And Aristophanes speaks
 of it in his Danaides, saying— 
 Mention the cyllastis and the petosiris. 
 Hecatæus, too, and Herodotus mention it; and so does Phanodemus, in the
 seventh book of his Attic History. But Nicander of Thyatira says, that it is bread
 made of barley which is called cyllastis by the Egyptians. Alexis calls dirty
 loaves phæi, in his Cyprian, saying— 
 
 A. Then you are come at last? 
 
 B. Scarce could I find 
 Of well-baked loaves enough— 
 
 A. A plague upon you; 
 But what now have you got? 
 
 B. I bring with me 
 Sixteen, a goodly number; eight of them 
 Tempting and white, and just as many phæi. 
 
 
 And Seleucus says that there is a very closely made hot bread which is called
 blema. And Philemon, in the first book of his Oracles, Useful Things of
 Every Kind, says—that bread made of unsifted wheat, and containing the
 bran and everything, is called πυρνός. He says,
 too, that there are loaves which are called blomilii, which have divisions in
 them, which the Romans call quadrati. And that bread made of bran is called
 brattime, which Amerias. and Timachidas call euconon or teuconon. But Philetas, in
 his Miscellanies, says that there is a kind of loaf which is called spoleus, which
 is only eaten by relations when assembled together.

Now you may find barley-cakes mentioned in his writings by Tryphon, and by many
 other authors. Among the Athenians it is called phystes, not being too closely
 kneaded. There is also the cardamale, and the berx, and the tolype, and the
 Achilleum; and perhaps that is a cake which is made of the Achillean barley. Then
 there is the thridakina, so named from lettuce, the œnutta,
 so called from wine; the melitutta, from honey; and the crinon, the name of which
 is derived from the lily, which last is also the name of a choral dance, mentioned
 by Apollophanes, in the Dalis. But the cakes called thridaciscæ by Alcman, are the
 same as the Attic thridacinæ. But Alcman speaks thus— 
 The thridacisca, and the cribanotus. 
 And Sosibius, in the third book of his essay on Alcman, says, that
 cribana is a name given to a peculiar kind of cheesecake, in shape like a breast.
 But the barley cake, which is given in sacrifices to be tasted by the sacrificers,
 is called hygea. And there is also one kind of barley cake which is called by
 Hesiod amolgsæa. 
 The amolgæan cake of barley made, 
 And milk of goats whose stream is nearly dry. 
 And he calls it the cake of the shepherds, and very strengthening. For
 the word ἀμολγὸς means that which is in the
 greatest vigour. But I may fairly beg to be excused from giving a regular list
 (for I have not a very unimpeachable memory) of all the kinds of biscuits and
 cakes which Aristomenes the Athenian speaks of in the third book of his treatise
 on Things pertaining to the Sacred Ceremonies. And we ourselves were acquainted
 with that man, though we were young, and he was older than we. And he was an actor
 in the Old Comedy, a freedman of that most accomplished king Adrian, and called by
 him the Attic partridge. 
 And Ulpian said—By whom is the word freedman ( ἀπελεύθερος ) ever used? And when some one replied that there was a
 play with that title—namely, the Freedman of Phrynichus, and that Menander, in his
 Beaten Slave, had the word freedwoman ( ἀπελευθέρα ), and was proceeding to mention other instances; he asked
 again—What is the difference between ἀπελεύθερος 
 and
 ἐξελεύθερος. However, it was agreed upon to
 postpone this part of the discussion for the present.

And Galen, when we were just about to lay hands on the loaves, said—We will not
 begin supper until you have heard what the sons of the Asclepiadæ have said about
 loaves, and cheesecakes, and meal, and flour. Diphilus the Siphnian, in his treatise on What is Wholesome to be eaten by People in
 Health and by Invalids, says, Loaves made of wheat are by far more
 nutritious and by far more digestible than those made of barley, and are in
 every respect superior to them; and the next best are those which are made of
 similago; and next to those come the loaves made of sifted flour, and next to
 them those called syncomisti, Which are made of unsifted meal;—for these appear
 to be more nutritious. But Philistion the Locrian says that the
 loaves made of similago are superior to those made of groats, as far as their
 strengthening properties go; and next to them he ranks loaves made of groats,
 then those made of sifted flour. But the rolls made of bran give a much less
 wholesome juice, and are by far less nutritious. And all bread is more
 digestible when eaten hot than cold, and it is also more digestible then, and
 affords a pleasanter and more wholesome juice; nevertheless, hot bread is apt
 to cause flatulence, though it is not the less digestible for that; while cold
 bread is filling and indigestible. But bread which is very stale and cold is
 less nutritious, and is apt to cause constipation of the bowels, and affords a
 very unpleasant juice. The bread called encryphiasis is heavy and difficult of
 digestion, because it is not baked in an equal manner; but that which is called
 ipnites and caminites is indigestible and apt to disagree with people. That
 called escharites, and that which is fried, is more easily secreted because of
 the admixture of oil in it, but is not so good for the stomach, on account of
 the smell which there is about it. But the bread called 'the clibanites' has
 every possible good quality; for it gives a pleasant and wholesome juice, and
 is good for the stomach, and is digestible, and agrees exceedingly well with
 every one, for it never clogs the bowels, and never relaxes them too
 much. 
 
 But Andreas the physician says that there are loaves in Sicily made of the
 sycamine, and that those who eat them lose their hair and become bald. Mnesitheus
 says that wheat-bread is more digestible than barley-bread, and that those
 which are made with the straw in them are exceedingly nutritious; for they are
 the most easily digested of all food. But bread which is made of rye, if it be
 eaten in any quantity, is heavy and difficult of digestion; on which account
 those who eat it do not keep their health, But you should know that
 corn which has not been exposed to the fire, and which has
 not been ground, causes flatulence, and heaviness, and vertigo, and headache.

After all this conversation it seemed good to go to supper. And when the Uraeum
 was carried round, Leonidas said, Euthydemus the Athenian, my friends, in
 his treatise on Pickles, says that Hesiod has said with respect to every kind
 of pickle— * * * * * * * 
 
 Some sorrily-clad fishermen did seek 
 To catch a lamprey; men who love to haunt 
 The Bosporus's narrow strait, well stored 
 With fish for pickling fit. They cut their prey 
 In large square portions, and then plunge them deep 
 Into the briny tub: nor is the oxyrhyncus 
 A kind to be despised by mortal man; 
 Which the bold sons of ocean bring to market 
 Whole and in pieces. Of the noble tunny 
 The fair Byzantium the mother is, 
 And of the scombrus lurking in the deep, 
 And of the well-fed ray. The snow-white Paros 
 Nurses the colius for human food; 
 And citizens from Bruttium or Campania, 
 Fleeing along the broad Ionian sea, 
 Will bring the orcys, which shall potted be, 
 And placed in layers in the briny cask, 
 Till honour'd as the banquet's earliest course. 
 Now these verses appear to me to be the work of some cook rather than
 of that most accomplished Hesiod; for how is it possible for him to have spoken
 of Parium or Byzantium, and still more of Tarentum and the Bruttii and the
 Campanians, when he was many years more ancient than any of these places or
 tribes? So it seems to me that they are the verses of Euthydemus
 himself. 
 
 And Dionysiocles said, "Whoever wrote the verses, my good Leonidas, is a matter
 which you all, as being grammarians of the highest reputation, are very capable of
 deciding. But since the discussion is turning upon pickles and salt fish,
 concerning which I recollect a proverb which was thought deserving of being quoted
 by Charchus the Solensian,— 
 For old salt-fish is fond of marjoram. 
 
 I too myself will say a word on the subject, which is not
 unconnected with my own art.

Diodes the Carystian, in his treatise on the Wholesomes, as it is entitled, says,
 Of all salt-fish which are destitute of fat, the best is the horæum; and
 of all that are fat, the best is the tunny-fish. But Icesius says,
 that neither the pelamydes nor the horæa are easily secreted by the
 stomach; and that the younger tunnies are similar in most respects to the
 cybii, but that they have a great superiority over those which are called
 horæa. And he says the same of the Byzantine horæa, in comparison with
 those which are caught in other places. And he says that not only the
 tunnies, but that all other fish caught at Byzantium is superior to that which
 is caught elsewhere. 
 
 To this Daphnus the Ephesian added,—Archestratus, who sailed round the whole world
 for the sake of finding out what was good to eat, and what pleasures he could
 derive from the use of his inferior members, says— 
 And a large slice of fat Sicilian tunny, 
 Carefully carved, should be immersed in brine. 
 But the saperdes is a worthless brute, 
 A delicacy fit for Ponticans 
 And those who like it. For few men can tell 
 How bad and void of strengthening qualities 
 Those viands are. The scombrus should be kept 
 Three days before you sprinkle it with salt, 
 Then let it lie half-pickled in the cask. 
 But when you come unto the sacred coast, 
 Where proud Byzantium commands the strait, 
 Then take a slice of delicate horeum, 
 For it is good and tender in those seas. 
 But that epicure Archestratus has omitted to enumerate the pickle-juice
 called elephantine, which is spoken of by Crates the comic poet, in his Samians;
 who says of it— 
 A sea-born turtle in the bitter waves 
 Bears in its skin the elephantine pickle; 
 And crabs swift as the wind, and thin-wing'd pike, 
 
 * * * * * 
 But that the elephantine pickle of Crates was very celebrated
 Aristophanes bears witness, in his Thesmophoriazusæ, in these words— 
 
 Sure comic poetry is a mighty food; 
 Listen to Crates, he will tell you, how 
 The elephantine pickle, easily made, 
 Is dainty seas'ning; many other jokes 
 Of the same kind he utter'd.

And there was another kind, which Alexis calls raw pickle, in his Apeglaucomenos.
 And the same poet, in his Wicked Woman, introduces a cook talking about the
 preparation of salt-fish and pickled fish, in the following verses:— 
 I wish now, sitting quiet by myself, 
 To ponder in my mind some dainty dishes; 
 And also to arrange what may be best 
 For the first course, and how I best may flavour 
 Each separate dish, and make it eatable. 
 Now first of all the pickled horæum comes; 
 This will but cost one penny; wash it well, 
 Then strew a large flat dish with seasoning, 
 And put in that the fish. Pour in white wine 
 And oil, then add some boil'd beef marrow-bones, 
 And take it from the fire, when the last zest 
 Shall be by assafœtida imparted. 
 And, in his Apeglaucomenos, a man being asked for his contribution to the
 feast, says— 
 
 A. Indeed you shall not half a farthing draw 
 From me, unless you name each separate dish. 
 
 B. That reasonable is. 
 
 A. Well, bring a slate 
 And pencil; now your items. 
 
 B. First, there is 
 Raw pickled fish, and that will fivepence cost. 
 
 A. What next 
 
 B. Some mussels, sevenpence for them. 
 
 A. Well, there's no harm in that. What follows
 next 
 
 B. A pennyworth of urchins of the sea. 
 
 A. Still I can find no fault. 
 
 B. The next in order 
 Is a fine dish of cabbage, which you said . . . 
 
 A. Well, that will do. 
 
 B. For that I paid just twopence. 
 
 A. What was't I said. . . 
 
 B. A cybium for threepence. 
 
 A. But are you sure you've nought embezzled
 here? 
 B. My friend, you've no experience of the market; 
 You know not how the grubs devour the greens. 
 
 A. But how is that a reason for your charging 
 A double price for salt-fish? 
 
 B. The greengrocer} 
 Is also a salt-fishmonger; go and ask him. 
 
 A conger, tenpence. 
 
 A. That is not too much. 
 What next? 
 
 B. I bought a roast fish for a drachma. 
 
 A. Bah! how he runs on now towards the end, 
 As if a fever had o'ertaken him. 
 
 B. Then add the wine, of which I bought three
 gallons 
 When you were drunk, ten obols for each gallon.

And Icesius says, in the second book of hi treatise on the Materials of
 Nourishment, that pelamydes are a large kind of cybium. And Posidippus speaks of
 the cybium, in his Transformed. But Euthydemus, in his treatise on Salt Fish, says
 that the fish called the Delcanus is so named from the river Delcon, where it is
 taken; and then, when pickled and salted, it is very good indeed for the stomach.
 But Dorion, in his book on Fishes, calls the leptinus the lebianus, and says,
 "that some people say that is the same fish as the delcanus; and that the
 ceracinus is called by man people the saperdes; and that the best are those which
 come from the Palus Mæotis. And he says that the mullet which are caught about
 Abdera are excellent; and next to them, those which are caught near Sinope; and
 that they, when pickled and salted, are very good for the stomach. But those, he
 says, which are called mulli are by some people called agnotidia, and by some
 platistaci, though they are all the same fish; as also is the chellares. For that
 he, being but one fish, has received a great variety of names; for that he is
 called a bacchus, and an oniscus, and a chellares. And those of the larger size
 are called platistaci, and those of riddle size mulli, and those which are but
 small are called agnotidia. But Aristophanes also mentions the mulli, in his
 Holcades— 
 Scombri, and coliæ, and lebii, 
 And mulli, and saperdæ, and all tunnies.

When Dionysiocles was silent upon this, Varus the grammarian said,—But Antiphanes
 the poet, also, in his Deucalion, mentions these kinds of pickled salt-fish, where
 he says— 
 If any one should wish for caviar 
 From mighty sturgeon, fresh from Cadiz' sea; 
 Or else delights in the Byzantine tunny, 
 And courts its fragrance. 
 And in his Parasite he says— 
 
 Caviar from the sturgeon in the middle, 
 Fat, white as snow, and hot. 
 And Nicostratus or Philetærus, in his Antyllus, says— 
 Let the Byzantine salt-fish triumph here, 
 And paunch from Cadiz, carefully preserved. 
 And a little further on, he proceeds— 
 But, O ye earth and gods! I found a man, 
 An honest fishmonger of pickled fish, 
 Of whom I bought a huge fish ready scaled, 
 Cheap at a drachma, for two oboli. 
 Three days' hard eating scarcely would suffice 
 That we might finish it; no, nor a fortnight, 
 So far does it exceed the common size. 
 After this Ulpian, looking upon Plutarch, chimed in,—It seems to me that
 no one, in all that has been said, has included the Mendesian fish, which are so
 much fancied by you gentlemen of Alexandria; though I should have thought that a
 mad dog would scarcely touch them; nor has any one mentioned the hemineri or
 half-fresh fish, which you think so good, nor the pickled shads. And Plutarch
 replied,— The heminerus, as far as I know, does not differ from the half-pickled
 fish which have been already mentioned, and which your elegant Archestratus speaks
 of; but, however, Sopater the Paphian has mentioned the heminerus, in his Slave of
 Mystacus, saying— 
 He then received the caviar from a sturgeon 
 Bred in the mighty Danube, dish much prized, 
 Half-fresh, half-pickled, by the wandering Scythians. 
 And the same man includes the Mendesian in his list— 
 A slightly salt Mendesian in season, 
 And mullet roasted on the glowing embers. 
 And all those who have tried, know that these dishes are by far more
 delicate and agreeable than the vegetables and figs which you make such a fuss
 about. Tell us now also, whether the word τάριχος 
 is used in the masculine gender by the Attic writers; for we know it is by
 Epicharmus.

And while Ulpian was thinking this over with himself, Myrtilus, anticipating him,
 said,—Cratinus, in his Dionysalexander, has— I will my basket fill with Pontic
 pickles, (where he uses τάριχοι as masculine;) and
 Plato, in his Jupiter Illtreated, says— 
 
 All that I have amounts to this, 
 And I shall lose my pickled fish ( ταρίχους ). 
 And Aristophanes says, in his Daitaleis— 
 I'm not ashamed to wash this fine salt-fish ( τὺν
 τάριχον τουτονὶ ), 
 From all the evils which I know he has. 
 And Crates says, in his Beasts— 
 And you must boil some greens, and roast some fish 
 And pickled fish likewise, ( τοὺς ταρίχους, )
 and keep your hands 
 From doing any injury to us. 
 But the noun is formed in a very singular manner by Hermippus, in his
 Female Bread-Sellers— 
 And fat pickled fish ( τάριχος πίονα ). 
 And Sophocles says, in his Phineus— 
 A pickled corpse ( νεκρὸς τάριχος ) Egyptian
 to behold. 
 Aristophanes has also treated us to a diminutive form of the word, in his
 Peace— 
 Bring us some good ταρίχιον to the
 fields 
 And Cephisodorus says, in his Pig— 
 Some middling meat, or some ταρίχιον. 
 
 And Pherecrates, in his Deserters, has— 
 The woman boil'd some pulse porridge, and lentils, 
 And so awaited each of us, and roasted 
 Besides an orphan small ταρίχιον. 
 
 Epicharmus also uses the word in the masculine gender, ὁ τάριχος. And Herodotus does the same in his ninth
 book; where he says— The salt-fish ( οἱ
 τάριχοι ) lying on the fire, leaped about and quivered. And
 the proverbs, too, in which the word occurs, have it in the masculine gender:—
 
 Salt-fish ( τάριχος ) is done if it but see
 the fire. 
 Salt-fish ( τάριχος ) when too long kept loves
 marjoram. 
 Salt-fish ( τάριχος ) does never get its due
 from men. 
 But the Attic writers often use it as a neuter word; and the genitive
 case, as they use it, is τοῦ ταρίχους. Chionids
 says, in his Beggars— 
 Will you then eat some pickled fish ( τοῦ
 ταρίχους ), ye ods! 
 And the dative is ταρίχει, like ξίφει — 
 Beat therefore now upon this pickled fish ( τῷ ταρίχει
 τῷδε ). 
 And Menander uses it τάριχος, in the
 accusative case, in his Man selecting an Arbitrator— 
 I spread some salt upon the pickled fish ( ἐπὶ τὸ
 τάριχος ). 
 
 But when the word is masculine the genitive case does not end
 with ς.

The Athenians were so fond of pickled fish that they enrolled as citizens the sons
 of Chærephilus the seller of salt-fish; as Alexis tells us, in his Epidaurus, when
 he says— 
 For 'twas salt-fish that made Athenians 
 And citizens of Chærephilus's sons. 
 And when Timocles once saw them on horseback, he said that two tunny-fish
 were among the Satyrs. And Hyperides the orator mentions them too. And Antiphanes
 speaks of Euthynus the seller of pickled fish, in his Couris, in these terms:—
 
 And going to the salt-fish seller, him 
 I mean with whom I used to deal, there wait for me; 
 And if Euthynus be not come, still wait, 
 And occupy the man with fair excuses, 
 And hinder him from cutting up the fish. 
 And Alexis, in his Hippiscus, and again in his Soraci, makes mention of
 Phidippus; and he too was a dealer in salt-fish— 
 There was another man, Phidippus hight, 
 A foreigner who brought salt-fish to Athens.

And while we were eating the salt-fish and getting very anxious to drink, Daphnus
 said, holding up both his hands,— Heraclides of Tarentum, my friends, in his
 treatise entitled The Banquet, says, "It is good to take a moderate quantity of
 food before drinking, and especially to eat such dishes as one is accustomed to;
 for from the eating of things which have not been eaten for a long time the wine
 is apt to be turned sour, so as not to sit on the stomach, and many twinges and
 spasms are often originated. But some people think that these also are bad for the
 stomach; I mean, all kinds of vegetables and salted fish, since they possess
 qualities apt to cause pangs; but that glutinous and invigorating food is the most
 wholesome,—being ignorant that a great many of the things which assist the
 secretions are, on the contrary, very good for the stomach; among which is the
 plant called sisarum, (which Epicharmus speaks of, in his Agrostinus, and also in
 his Earth and Sea; and so does Diocles, in the first book of his treatise on the
 Wholesomes;) and asparagus and white beet, (for the black beet is apt to check the
 secretions,) and cockles, and solens, and sea mussels, and chemæ, and periwinkles,
 and perfect pickles, and salt-fish, which are void of smell,
 and many kinds of juicy fishes. And it is good that, before the main dinner, there
 should be served up what is called salad, and beet-root, and salt-fish, in order
 that by having the edge of our appetite taken off we may go with less eagerness to
 what is not equally nutritious. But at the beginning of dinner it is best to avoid
 abundant draughts; for they are bad as generating too great a secretion of humous
 in the body. 
 
 But the Macedonians, according to the statement of Ephippus the Olynthian,
 in his treatise Concerning the Burial of Alexander and Hephæstion, had no
 notion of moderation in drinking, but started off at once with enormous
 draughts before eating, so as to be drunk before the first course was off the
 table, and to be unable to enjoy the rest of the banquet.

But Diphilus the Siphnian says, The salt pickles which are made of fish,
 whether caught in the sea, or in the lake, or in the river, are not very
 nourishing, nor very juicy; but are inflammatory, and act strongly on the
 bowels, and are provocative of desire. But the best of them are those Which are
 made of animals devoid of fat, such as cybia, and horæa, and other kinds like
 them. And of fat fish, the best are the different kinds of tunny, and the young
 of the tunny; for the old ones are larger and harsher to the taste; and above
 all, the Byzantine tunnies are so. But the tunny, says he, is the same as the
 larger pelamys, the small kind of which is the same as the cybium, to which
 species the horæum also belongs. But the sarda is of very nearly the same size
 as the colias. And the scombrus is a light fish, and one which the stomach
 easily gets rid of; but the colias is a glutinous fish, very like a squill, and
 apt to give twinges, and has an inferior juice, but nevertheless is nutritious.
 And the best are those which are called the Amyclæan, and the Spanish, which is
 also called the Saxitan; for they are lighter and sweeter. 
 
 But Strabo, in the third book of his work on Geography, says that near the Islands
 of Hercules, 
 and off the city of Carthagena, is a city named Sexitania, from which the
 salt-fish above-mentioned derive their name; and there is another city called
 Scombroaria, so called from the scombri which are caught in its neighbourhood, and
 of them the best sauce is made. But there are also fish which are called
 melandryæ, which are mentioned by Epicharmus also, in his
 Ulysses the Deserter, in this way— 
 Then there was salt and pickled fish to eat, 
 Something not quite unlike melandryæ. 
 But the melandrys is the largest description of tunny, as Pamphilus
 explains in his treatise on Names; and that when preserved is very rich and
 oily.

But the raw pickle called omotarichum, says Diphilus, is
 called by some people cetema. It is a heavy sticky food, and moreover very
 indigestible. But the river coracinus, which some people call the peltes, the
 one from the Nile, I mean, which the people at Alexandria have a peculiar name
 for, and call the heminerus, is rather fat, and has a juice which is far from
 disagreeable; it is fleshy, nutritious, easily digestible, not apt to disagree
 with one, and in every respect superior to the mullet. Now the roe of every
 fish, whether fresh or dried and salted, is indigestible and apt to disagree.
 And the most so of all is the roe of the more oily and larger fish; for that
 remains harder for a long time, and is not decomposed. But it is not
 disagreeable to the taste when seasoned with salt and roasted. Every one,
 however, ought to soak dried and salted fish until the water becomes free from
 smell, and sweet. But dried sea-fish when boiled becomes sweeter; and they are
 sweeter too when eaten hot than cold. And Mnesitheus the Athenian, in
 his treatise on Comestibles, says, Those juices which are salt, and those
 which are sweet, all have an effect in relaxing the bowels; but those which are
 sharp and harsh are strongly diuretic. Those too which are bitter are generally
 diuretic, but some of them also relax the bowels. Those which are sour,
 however, check the secretions. 
 
 And Xenophon, that most accomplished of writers, in his treatise entitled Hiero,
 or the Tyrant, abuses all such food, and says, For what, said Hiero, have
 you never noticed all the multitudinous contrivances which are set before
 tyrants, acid, and harsh, and sour; and whatever else there can be of the same
 kind?—To be sure I have, said Simonides, and all those things appeared to me to
 be very contrary to the natural taste of any man. And do you think, said Hiero,
 that these dishes are anything else but the fancies of a diseased and vitiated
 taste; since those who eat with appetite, you well know,
 have no need of these contrivances and provo- catives.

After this had been said, Cynulcus asked for some spiced and boiled water to
 drink; saying that he rust wash down all those salt arguments with sweet drink.
 And Ulpian said to him with some indignation, and slapping his pillow with his
 hand,—How long will it be before you leave off your barbarian tricks? Will you
 never stop till I am force to leave the party and go away, being unable to digest
 all your absurd speeches? And he replied,—Now that I am at Rome, the Sovereign
 City, I use the language of the natives habitually; for among the ancient poets,
 and among those prose writers who pique themselves on the purity of their Greek,
 you may find some Persian nouns, because of their having got into a habit of using
 them in conversation. As for instance, one finds mention made of parasangs, and
 astandæ, and angari (couriers), and a schœnus or perch, which last word is used
 either as a masculine or feminine noun, and it is a measure on the road, which
 retains even to this day that Persian name with many people. I know, too, that
 many of the Attic writers affect to imitate Macedonian expressions, on account of
 the great intercourse that there was between Attica and Macedonia. But it would be
 better, in my opinion, 
 To drink the blood of hulls, and so prefer 
 The death of great Themistocles, 
 than to fall into your power. For I could not say, to drink the water of
 bulls; as to which you do not know what it is. Nor do you know that even among the
 very best poets and prose writers there are some things said which are not quite
 allowable. Accordingly Cephisodorus, the pupil of Isocrates the orator, in the
 third of his treatises addressed to Aristotle, says that a man might find several
 things expressed incorrectly by the other poets and sophists; as for instance, the
 expression used by Archilochus, That every man was immodest; and that apophthegm
 of Theodorus, That a man ought to get all he can, but to praise equality and
 moderation; and also, the celebrated line of Euripides about the tongue having
 spoken; and even by Sophocles, the lines which occur in the Aethiopians— 
 
 These things I say to you to give you pleasure, 
 Not wishing to do aught by violence: 
 And do thou, like wise men, just actions praise, 
 And keep thy hands and heart from unjust gain. 
 And in another place the same poet says— 
 I think no words, if companied by gain, 
 Pernicious or unworthy. 
 And in Homer, we find Juno represented as plotting against Jupiter, and
 Mars committing adultery. And for these sentiments and speeches those writers are
 universally blamed.

If therefore I have committed any errors, O you hunter of fine names and words, do
 not be too angry with me; for, according to Timotheus of Miletus, the poet,—
 
 I do not sing of ancient themes, 
 For all that's new far better seems. 
 Jove's the new king of all the world; 
 While anciently 'twas Saturn hurl'd 
 His thunders, and the Heavens ruled; 
 So I'll no longer be befool'd 
 With dotard's ancient songs. 
 And Antiphanes says, in his Alcestis— 
 Dost thou love things of modern fashion? 
 So too does he; for he is well assured 
 That new devices, though they be too bold, 
 Are better far than old contrivances. 
 And I will prove to you, that the ancients were acquainted with the water
 which is called dicoctas, in order that you may not be indignant again, when I
 speak of boiled and spiced water. For, according to the Pseudheracles of
 Pherecrates— 
 Suppose a man who thinks himself a genius 
 Should something say, and I should contradict him, 
 Still trouble not yourself; but if you please, 
 Listen and give your best attention. 
 But do not grudge, I entreat you, said Ulpian, to explain to me what is
 the nature of that Bull's water which you spoke of; for I have a great thirst for
 such words. And Cynulcus said,—But I pledge you, according to your fancy; you
 thirst for words, taking a desire from Alexis, out of his Female Pythagorean,
 
 A cup of water boil'd; for when fresh-drawn 
 'Tis heavy, and indigestible to drink. 
 But it was Sophocles, my friend, who spoke of Bull's water, in his
 Aegeus, from the river Taurus near Trœzen, in the neighbourhood of which there is
 a fountain called Hyoëssa.

But the ancients did also at times use very cold water in their draughts before
 dinner. But I will not tell you, unless you first teach me, whether the ancients
 were in the habit of drinking warm water at their banquets. For if their cups got
 their name from what took place in reference to
 them, and if they were set before the guests full of mixed liquors, then they
 certainly did not contain warm drink, ad were not put on the fire like kettles.
 For that they were in the habit of drinking warm water Eupolis proves, in his
 Demi— 
 Warm for us now the brazen ewer quick, 
 And bid the slaves prepare the victims new, 
 That we may feast upon the entrails. 
 And Antiphanes says, in his Omphale— 
 May I ne'er see a man 
 'Boiling me water in a bubbling pail; 
 For I have no disease, and wish for none. 
 But if I feel a pain within my stomach, 
 Or round about my navel, why I have 
 A ring I lately gave a drachma for 
 To a most skilful doctor. 
 And, in his Anointing Woman, (but this play is attributed to Alexis
 also,) he says— 
 But if you make our shop notorious, 
 I swear by Ceres, best of goddesses, 
 That I will empt the biggest ladle o'er you, 
 Filling it with hot water from the kettle; 
 And if I fail, may I ne'er drink free water more. 
 And Plato, in the fourth book of his Polity, says— Desire in the
 mind must be much the same as thirst is in the body. Now, a man feels thirst
 for hot water or for cold; or for much water or for a little; or perhaps, in a
 word, for some particular drink. And if there be any heat combined with the
 thirst, then that will give a desire for cold water; but if a sensation of cold
 be united with it, that will engender a wish for warm water. And if by reason
 of the violence of the cause the thirst be great, that will give a desire for
 an abundant draught; but if the thirst be small, then the man will wish for but
 a small draught. But the thirst itself is not a desire of anything except of
 the thing itself, namely, drinking. And hunger, again, is not a desire of
 anything else except food. 
 
 And Semus the Delian, in the second book of is Nesias. or treatise on Islands,
 says that in the island of Cimolus, cold places are prepared
 by being dug out against the summer, where people may put down vessels full of
 warm water, and then draw them up again in no respect different from snow. But
 warm water is called by the Athenians metaceras, a word used by Sophilus, in his
 Androcles. And Alexis says, in his Locrians— 
 But the maid-servants pour'd forth water, 
 One pouring boiling water, and the other warm. 
 And Philemon, in his Corinthian Women, uses the same word. And Amphis
 says, in his Bath— 
 One called out to the slaves to bring hot water, 
 Another shouted for metaceras.

And as the Cynic was proceeding to heap other proofs on these, Pontianus said,—The
 ancients, my friends, were in the habit also of drinking very cold water. At all
 events Alexis says, in his Parasite— 
 I wish to make you taste this icy water, 
 For I am proud of my well, whose limpid spring 
 Is colder than the Ararus. 
 And Hermippus, in his Cercopes, calls water drawn from wells φρεατιαῖον ὕδωρ. Moreover, that men used to drink melted
 snow too, is shown by Alexis, in his Woman eating Mandragora— 
 Sure is not man a most superfluous plant, 
 Constantly using wondrous contradictions. 
 Strangers we love, and our own kin neglect; 
 Though having nothing, still we give to strangers. 
 We bear our share in picnics, though we grudge it, 
 And show our grudging by our sordidness. 
 And as to what concerns our daily food, 
 We wish our barley-cakes should white appear, 
 And yet we make for them a dark black sauce, 
 And stain pure colour with a deeper dye. 
 Then we prepare to drink down melted snow; 
 Yet if our fish be cold, we storm and rave. 
 Sour or acid wine we scorn and loathe, 
 Yet are delighted with sharp caper sauce. 
 And so, as many wiser men have said, 
 Not to be born at all is best for man; 
 The next best thing, to die as soon as possible. 
 And Dexicrates, in the play entitled The Men deceived by Themselves,
 says— 
 But when I'm drunk I take a draught of snow, 
 And Egypt gives me ointment for my head. 
 
 And Euthycles, in his Prodigal Men, or The Letter, says—
 
 He first perceived that snow was worth a price; 
 He ought to be the first to eat the honeycombs. 
 And that excellent writer Xenophon, in his Memorablia, shows that he was
 acquainted with the fashion of drinking snow. But Chares of Mitylene, in his
 History of Alexander, has told us how we are to proceed in order to keep snow when
 he is relating the siege of the Indian city Petra. For he says that Alexander dug
 thirty large trenches close to one anther, and filled them with snow, and then he
 heaped on the snow branches of oak; for that in that way snow would last a long
 time.

And that they used to cool wine, for the sake of drinking it in a colder state, is
 asserted by Strattis, in his Psychastæ, or Cold Hunters— 
 For no one ever would endure warm wine, 
 But on the contrary, we use our wells 
 To cool it in, and then we mix with snow. 
 And Lysippus says, in his Bacchæ— 
 
 A. Hermon, what is the matter? Where are we? 
 
 B. Nothing 's the matter, only that your father 
 Has just dropt down into the well to cool himself, 
 As men cool wine in summer. 
 And Diphilus says, in his Little Monument— 
 Cool the wine quick, O Doris. 
 
 
 And Protagoras in the second book of his Comic Histories, relating the voyage of
 king Antiochus down the river, says something about the contrivances for procuring
 cold water, in these terms:— For during the day they expose it to the sun,
 and then at night they skim off the thickest part which rises to the surface,
 and expose the rest to the air, in large earthen ewers, on the highest parts of
 the house, and two slaves are kept sprinkling the vessels with water the whole
 night. And at daybreak they bring them down, and again they skim off the
 sediment, making the water very thin, and exceedingly wholesome, and then they
 immerse the ewers in straw, and after that they use the water, which has become
 so cold as not to require snow to cool it. And Anaxilas speaks of water
 from cisterns, in his Flute Player, using the allowing expressions:— 
 
 A. I want some water from a cistern now. 
 
 B. I have some here, and you are welcome to it. 
 
 And, in a subsequent passage, he says— 
 Perhaps the cistern water is all lost. 
 But Apollodorus of Gela mentions the cistern itself, λακκος, as we call it, in his Female Deserter, saying—
 
 In haste I loosed the bucket of the cistern, 
 And then that of the well; and took good care 
 To have the ropes all ready to let down.

Myrtilus, hearing this conversation, said,—And I too, being very fond of
 salt-fish, my friends, wish to drink snow, according to the practice of Simonides.
 And Ulpian said,— The word φιλοτάριχος, 
 fond of salt-fish, is used by Antiphanes, in his Omphale,
 where he says— 
 I am not anxious for salt-fish, my girl. 
 But Alexis, in his Gynæcocracy, speaks of one man as ζωμοτάριχος, or fond of sauce made from salt-fish,
 saying— 
 But the Cilician here, this Hippocles, 
 This epicure of salt-fish sauce, this actor. 
 But what you mean by according to the practice of
 Simonides, I do not know. No; for you do not care, said Myrtilus, to
 know anything about history, you glutton; for you are a mere lickplatter; and as
 the Samian poet Asius, that ancient bard, would call you, a flatterer of fat. But
 Callistratus, in the seventh book of his Miscellanies, says that Simonides the
 poet, when feasting with a party at a season of violently hot weather, while the
 cup-bearers were pouring out for the rest of the guests snow into their liquor,
 and did not do so for him, extemporised this epigram:— 
 The cloak with which fierce Boreas clothed the brow 
 Of high Olympus, pierced ill-clothed man 
 While in its native Thrace; 'tis gentler now, 
 Caught by the breeze of the Pierian plain. 
 Let it be mine; for no one will commend 
 The man who gives hot water to a friend. 
 So when he had drunk, Ulpian asked him again where the word κνισολοῖχος is used, and also, what are the lines of
 Asius in which he uses the word κνισοκόλαξ ? These,
 said Myrtilus, are the verses of Asius, to which I alluded:— 
 Lame, branded, old, a vagrant beggar, next 
 Came the cnisocolax, when Meles held 
 His marriage feast, seeking for gifts of soup, 
 Not waiting for a friendly invitation; 
 There in the midst the hungry hero stood, 
 Shaking the mud from off his ragged cloak. 
 
 And the word κνισολοῖχος is
 used by Sophilus, in his Philar- chus, in this passage,— 
 You are a glutton and a fat-licker. 
 And in the play which is entitled, The Men running together, he has used
 the word κνισολοιχία, in the following lines:—
 
 That pandar, with his fat-licking propensities, 
 Has bid me get for him this black blood-pudding. 
 Antiphanes too uses the word κνισολοῖχος, 
 in his Bombylium. 
 Now that men drank also sweet wine while eating is proved by what Alexis says in
 his Dropidas— 
 The courtesan came in with sweet wine laden, 
 In a large silver cup, named petachnon, 
 Most beauteous to behold. Not a flat dish, 
 Nor long-neck'd bottle, but between the two.

After this a cheesecake was served up, made of milk and sesame and honey, which
 the Romans call libum. And Cynulcus said,—Fill yourself now, O Ulpian, with your
 native Chthorodlapsus; a word which is not, I swear by Ceres, used by any one of
 the ancient writers, unless, indeed, it should chance to be found in those who
 have compiled histories of the affairs of Phœnicia, such as Sanchoniatho and
 Mochus, your own fellow-countrymen. And Ulpian said,— But it seems to me, you
 dog-fly, that we have had quite enough of honey-cakes: but I should like to eat
 some groats, with a sufficient admixture of the husks and kernels of pinecones.
 And when that dish was brought-Give me, said he, come crust of bread hollowed out
 like a spoon; for I will not say, give me a spoon ( μύστρον ); since that word is not used by any of the writers previous
 to our own time. You have a very bad memory, my friend, quoth Aemilianus; have you
 not always admired Nicander the Colophonian, the Epic poet, as a man very fond of
 ancient authors, and a man too of very extensive learning himself? And indeed, you
 have already quoted him as having used the word πεπέριον, for pepper. And this same poet, in
 the first book of his Georgics, speaking of this use of groats, has used also the
 word μύστρον, saying— 
 But when you seek to dress a dainty dish 
 Of new-slain kid, or tender house-fed lamb, 
 Or poultry, take some unripe grains, and pound the 
 And strew them all in hollow plates, and stir them, 
 
 Mingled with fragrant oil. Then pour thereon 
 Warm broth, which take from out the dish before you, 
 That it be not too hot, and so boil over. 
 Then put thereon a lid, for when they're roasted, 
 The grains swell mightily; then slowly eat them, 
 Putting them to your mouth with hollow spoon. 
 In these words, my fine fellow, Nicander describes to us the way in which
 they ate groats and peeled barley; bidding the eater pour on it soup made of kid
 or lamb, or of some poultry or other. Then, says he, pound the grains in a mortar,
 and having mingled oil with them, stir them up till they boil; and mix in the
 broth made after this recipe as it gets warm, making it thicker with the spoon;
 and do not pour in anything else; but take the broth out of the dish before you,
 so as to guard against any of the more fatty parts boiling over. And it is for
 this reason, too, that he charges us to keep it close while it is boiling, by
 putting the lid on the dish; for that barley grains when roasted or heated swell
 very much. And at last, when it is moderately warm we are to eat it, taking it up
 in hollow spoons. 
 And Hippolochus the Macedonian, in his letter to Lynceus, in which he gives an
 account of some Macedonian banquet which surpassed all the feasts which had ever
 been heard of in extravagance, speaks of golden spoons (which he also calls
 μύστρα ) having been given to each of the
 guests. But since you, my friend, wish to set up for a great admirer of the
 ancients, and say that you never use any expressions which are not the purest
 Attic, what is it that Nicophon says, the poet I mean of the old comedy, in his
 Cherogastores, or the Men who feed themselves by manual Labour? For I find him too
 speaking of spoons, and using the word μύστρον, 
 when he says— 
 Dealers in anchovies, dealers in wine; 
 Dealers in figs, and dealers in hides; 
 Dealers in meal, and dealers in spoons ( μυστριοπώλης ); 
 Dealers in books, and dealers in sieves; 
 Dealers in cheesecakes, and dealers in seeds. 
 For who can the μυστριοπῶλαι be, but the
 men who sell μύστρα ? So learning from them, my
 fine Syrian-Atticist, the use of the spoon, pray eat your groats, that you may not
 say— 
 But I am languid, weak for want of food.

And I have been surprised at your not asking where The word
 χόνδρος, 
 groats, comes from. Whether it is a Me- garian word, or
 whether it comes from Thessaly, as] Myrtilus does. And Ulpian said,—I will stop
 eating if you will tell me by whom these Megarian, or Thessalian groats are spoken
 of. And Aemilianus said,—But I will not refuse you; for seeing a very splendid
 preparation for supper, I wish that you should arm yourself for the fray, being
 filled with barley like a game cock; and I wish you to instruct us about the
 dishes which we are going to partake of. And he, getting out of temper,
 said,—Whence do you get this word ἐδέσματα ? for
 one has no breathing time allowed one while constantly forced to ask these
 questions of these late-learned sophists. But, says Aemilianus, I can easily
 answer you this question; but I will first speak of the word χόνδρος, quoting you these lines of Antiphanes, out of his Antea,—
 
 
 A. What have you in your baskets there, my
 friend? 
 
 B. In three of them I've good Megarian groats. 
 
 A. Do they not say Thessalian are the best? 
 
 B. I also have some similago fetch'd 
 From the far distant land Phœnicia. 
 But the same play is also attributed to Alexis, though in some few places
 the text is a little different. And, again, Alexis says, in his play called The
 Wicked Woman— 
 There's a large parcel of Thessalian groats. 
 But Aristophanes, in his Daitaleis, calls soup χόνδρος, saying— 
 He would boil soup, and then put in a fly, 
 And so would give it you to drink. 
 He also speaks of similago; and so, though I do not remember his exact
 words, does Strattis, in his Anthroporaistes, or Man-destroyer. And so does
 Alexis, in his Isostasiu. But Strattis uses σεμιδάλιδος as the genitive case, in these words— 
 Of these two sorts of gentle semidalis. 
 The word ἐδέσματα is used by Antiphanes,
 in his Twins, where he says— 
 Many nice eatables I have enjoy'd, 
 And had now three or four most pleasant draughts; 
 And feel quite frisky, eating as much food 
 As a whole troop of elephants. 
 So now we may bring this book to an end, and let it have its termination with the discussions about eatables; and the next
 book shall begin the description of the Banquet. 
 Do not do so, O Athenæus, before you have told us of the Macedonian banquet of
 Hippolochus.—Well, if this is your wish, O Timocrates, we will prepare to gratify
 it.

HIPPOLOCHUS the Macedonian, my friend Timocrates, lived in the time of Lynceus and
 Douris of Samos, pupils of Theophrastus the Eresian. And he
 had made a bargain with Lynceus, as one may learn from his letters, that if ever
 he was present at any very expensive banquet, he would relate to him the whole of
 the preparations which were made; and Lynceus in return made him the same promise.
 And there are accordingly some letters of each of them on the subject of banquets;
 in which Lynceus relates the banquet which was given at Athens by Lamia the Attic
 female flute-player to King Demetrius, surnamed Poliorcetes, (and Lamia was the
 mistress of Demetrius.) And Hippolochus reports the marriage feast of Caranus the
 Macedonian. And we have also met with other letters of Lynceus, written to the
 same Hippolochus, giving an account of the banquet of King Antigonus, when he
 celebrated the Aphrodisian festival at Athens, and also that given by King
 Ptolemy. And I will show you the very letters themselves. But as the letter of
 Hippolochus is very scarce, I will run over to you the principal things which are
 contained in it, just for the sake of conversation and amusement at the present
 time.

In Macedonia, then, as I have said, Caranus made a marriage feast; and the guests
 invited were twenty in number. And as soon as they had sat down, a silver bowl was
 given to each of them as a present. And Caranus had previously crowned every one
 of them, before they entered the dining-room, with a golden chaplet, and each
 chaplet was valued at five pieces of gold. And when they had emptied the bowls, then there was given to each of the guests a loaf
 in a brazen platter of Corinthian workmanship, of the. same size; and poultry, and
 ducks, and besides that, pigeons, and a goose, and quantities more of the same
 kind of food heaped up abundantly. And each of the guests taking what was set
 before him, with the brazen platter itself also, gave it to the slaves who waited
 behind him. Many other dishes of various sorts were also served up to eat. And
 after them, a second platter was placed before each guest, made of silver, on
 which again there was placed a second large loaf, and on that geese, and hares,
 and kids, and other rolls curiously made, and doves, and turtledoves, and
 partridges, and every other kind of bird imaginable, in the greatest abundance.
 Those also, says Hippolochus, we gave to the slaves; and when we had eaten to
 satiety, we washed our hands, and chaplets were brought in in great numbers, made
 of all sorts of flowers from all countries, and on each chaplet a circlet of gold,
 of about the same weight as the first chaplet. And Hippolochus having stated after
 this that Proteas, the descendant of that celebrated Proteas the son of Lanice,
 who had been the nurse of Alexander the king, was a most extraordinary drinker, as
 also his grandfather Proteas, who was the friend of Alexander, had been; and that
 he pledged every one present, proceeds to write as follows:—

"And while we were now all amusing ourselves with agreeable trifling, some
 flute-playing women and musicians, and some Rhodian players on the sambuca come
 in, naked as I fancied, but some said that they had tunics on. And they having
 played a prelude, departed; and others came in in succession, each. of them
 bearing two bottles of perfume, bound with a golden thong, and one of the cruets
 was silver and the other gold, each holding a cotyla, and they presented them
 to each of the guests. And then, instead of supper, there was brought in a great
 treasure, a silver platter with a golden edge of no inconsiderable depth, of such
 a size as to receive the entire bulk of a roast boar of huge size, which lay in it
 on his back, showing his belly uppermost, stuffed with many good things. For in
 the belly there were roasted thrushes, and paunches, and a most countless number
 of fig peckers, and the yolks of eggs spread on the top, and oysters, and periwinkles. And to every one of the guests was presented a
 boar stuffed in this way, nice and hot, together with the dish on which he was
 served up. And after this we drank wine, and each of us received a hot kid, on
 another platter like that on which the boar had been served up, with some golden
 spoons. Then Caranus seeing that we were cramped for the want of room, ordered
 canisters and bread-baskets to be given to each of us, made of strips of ivory
 curiously plaited together; and we were very much delighted at all this, and
 applauded the bridegroom, by whose means we were thus enabled to preserve what had
 been given to us. Then chaplets were again brought to us, and another pair of
 cruets of perfume, one silver and one gold, of the same weight as the former pair,
 And when quiet was restored, there entered some men, who even in the Potfeast at
 Athens had borne a part in the solemnities, and with them there came in some
 ithyphallic dancers, and some jugglers, and some conjuring women also, tumbling
 and standing on their heads on swords, and vomiting fire out of their mouths, and
 they, too, were naked.

And when we were relieved from their exhibition, then we had a fresh drink offered
 to us, hot and strong, and Thasian, and Mendæan, and Lesbian wines were placed
 upon the board, very large golden goblets being brought to every one of us. And
 after we had drunk, a glass goblet of two cubits in diameter, placed on a silver
 stand, was served up, full of roast fishes of every imaginable sort that could be
 collected. And there was also given to every one a silver breadbasket full of
 Cappadocian loaves; some of which we ate and some we delivered to the slaves
 behind us. And when we had washed our hands, we put on chaplets; and then again we
 received golden circlets twice as large as the former ones, and another pair of
 cruets of perfume. And when quiet was restored, Proteas leaping up from his couch,
 asked for a cup to hold a gallon; and having filled it with Thasian wine, and
 having mingled a little water with it, he drank it off, saying— 
 He who drinks most will be the happiest. 
 And Caranus said— Since you have been the first to drink, do you be
 the first also to accept the cup as a gift; and this also
 shall be the present for all the rest who drink too. And when this had
 been said, at once nine of the guests rose up snatching at the cups, and each one
 trying to forestall the other. But one of those who were of the party, like an
 unlucky man as he was, as he was unable to drink, sat down and cried because he
 had no goblet; and so Caranus presented him with an empty goblet. After this, a
 dancing party of a hundred men came in, singing an epithalamium in beautiful tune.
 And after them there came in dancing girls, some arranged so as to represent the
 Nereids, and others in the guise of the nymphs.

And as the drinking went on, and the shadows were beginning to fall, they opened
 the chamber where everything was encircled all round with white cloths. And when
 these curtains were drawn, the torches appeared, the partitions having been
 secretly removed by mechanism. And there were seen Cupids, and Dianas, and Pans,
 and Mercuries, and numbers of statues of that kind, holding torches in silver
 candlesticks. And while we were admiring the ingenuity of the contrivance, some
 real Erymanthean boars were brought round to each of the guests on square platters
 with golden edges, pierced through and through with silver darts. And what was the
 strangest thing of all was, that those of us who were almost helpless and
 stupefied with wine, the moment that we saw any of these things which were brought
 in, became all in a moment sober, standing upright, as it is said. And so the
 slaves crammed them into the baskets of good omen, until the usual signal of the
 termination of the feast sounded. For you know that that is the Macedonian custom
 at large parties. 
 And Caranus, who had begun drinking in small goblets, ordered the slaves to bring
 round the wine rapidly. And so we drank pleasantly, taking our present liquor as a
 sort of antidote to our previous hard drinking. And while we were thus engaged,
 Mandrogenes the buffoon came in, the descendant, as is reported, of that
 celebrated Strato t e Athenian, and he caused us much laughter. And after this he
 danced with his wife, a woman who was already more than eighty years of age. And
 at last the tables, to wind up the whole entertainment, were brought in. And
 sweetmeats in plaited baskets made of ivory were distributed to every one. And cheesecakes of every kind known, Cretan cheesecakes, and
 your Samian ones, my friend Lynceus, and Attic ones, with the proper boxes, or
 dishes, suitable to each kind of confection. And after this we all rose up and
 departed, quite sobered, by Jove, by the thoughts of, and our anxiety about, the
 treasures which we had received. 
 But you who never go out of Athens think yourself happy when you hear the precepts
 of Theophrastus, and when you eat thyme, and salads, and nice twisted loaves,
 solemnizing the Lenæan festival, and the Potfeast at the Anthesteria. But at the
 banquet of Caranus, instead of our portions of meat, we carried off actual riches,
 and are now looking, some for houses, and some for lands, and some of us are
 seeking to buy slaves."

Now if you consider this, my friend Timocrates, with which of the Greek feasts
 that you ever heard of do you think this banquet, which has just been described to
 you, can be compared? When even Antiphanes the comic writer jokingly said in the
 Œnomaus, or perhaps it is in the Pelops— 
 What could the Greeks, of sparing tables fond, 
 Eaters of salads, do? where you may get 
 Four scanty chops or steaks for one small penny. 
 But among the ancestors of our nation 
 Men roasted oxen, deer, and lambs entire, 
 And last of all the cook, outdoing all 
 His predecessors, set before the king 
 A roasted camel, smoking, hump and all. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Acharnians, extolling the magnificence of the
 barbarians, says— 
 
 A. Then he received me, and to dinner ask'd me, 
 And set before us whole fat oxen roasted. 
 
 B. Who ever saw a roasted ox? The braggart! 
 
 A. I'll take my oath he likewise put on table 
 A bird three times as burly as Cleonymus; 
 Its name, I well remember, was Th' Impostor. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Protesilaus, ridiculing the feast made at the
 marriage of Iphicrates when he married the daughter of Cotys king of the
 Thracians, says—

If you do this as I bid you, 
 You will ask us all to a supper, 
 Not to such as that in Thrace, 
 Given by Iphicrates— 
 Though, indeed, they say that 
 Was a very noble feast. 
 
 For that all along the market 
 Purple carpets there were spread 
 To the northern corner; 
 And a countless host of men 
 With dirty hands and hair uncomb'd 
 Supped on butter. There were too, 
 Brazen goblets, large as cisterns, 
 Holding plenty for a dozen 
 Of the hardest drinkers known. 
 Cotys, too, himself was there, 
 Girt around, and bearing kindly 
 Rich soup in a gold tureen; 
 Tasting all the brimming cups, 
 So as to be the first to yield 
 Of all the guests t' intoxication. 
 There was Antigenides 
 Delighting all with his soft flute, 
 Argas sung, and from Acharnæ 
 Cephisodotus struck the lyre, 
 Celebrating Lacedæmon 
 And the wide land of the Heraclidæ, 
 And at other times they sung 
 Of the seven-gated Thebes, 
 Changing thus their strain and theme. 
 Large was the dowry which 'tis said 
 Fell to the lucky bridegroom's share: 
 First, two herds of chestnut horses, 
 And a herd of horned goats, 
 A golden shield, a wide-neck'd bowl, 
 A jar of snow, a pot of millet, 
 A deep pit full of leeks and onions, 
 And a hecatomb of polypi. 
 This they say that Cotys did, 
 King of Thrace, in heartfelt joy 
 At Iphicrates's wedding. 
 But a finer feast by far 
 Shall be in our master's houses; 
 For there's nothing good or fine 
 Which our house does stand in need of. 
 There is scent of Syrian myrrh, 
 There is incense, there is spice; 
 There are delicate cakes and loaves, 
 Cakes of meal and polypi, 
 Tripe, and fat, and sausages, 
 Soup, and beet, and figs, and pease, 
 Garlic, various kinds of tunnies, 
 Ptisan, pulse, and toast and muffins, 
 Beans, and various kinds of vetches, 
 Honey, cheese, and cheesecakes too, 
 Wheat, and nuts, and barley-groats, 
 Boasted crabs, and mullets boil'd, 
 
 Roasted cuttle-fish, boiled turbot, 
 Frogs, and perch, and mussels too, 
 Sharks, and roach, and gudgeons too, 
 Fish from doves and cuckoos named, 
 Plaice, and flounders, shrimps, and rays. 
 Then, besides these dainty fish 
 There is many another dish,— 
 Honeycombs and juicy grapes, 
 Figs and cheesecakes, apples, pears, 
 Cornels, and the red pomegranate, 
 Poppies, creeping thyme, and parsley, 
 Peaches, olives, plums and raisins, 
 Leeks and onions, cabbages, 
 Strong smelling assafœtida, 
 Fennel, eggs, and lentils cool, 
 And well-roasted grasshoppers, 
 Cardamums and sesame, 
 Ceryces, salt, and limpets firm, 
 The pinna, and the oyster bright, 
 The periwinkle, and the whelk; 
 And besides this a crowd of birds, 
 Doves and ducks, and geese and sparrows, 
 Thrushes, larks, and jays, and swans, 
 The pelican, the crane and stork, 
 Wagtails and cousels, tits and finches; 
 And to wash all these dainties down 
 There's wine, both native and imported, 
 White and red, and sweet and acid, 
 Still or effervescent.

But Lynceus, in his Centaur, ridiculing the Attic ban- quets, says— 
 
 A. Yon cook, the man who makes the sacrifice 
 And seeks now to receive me as my host, 
 Is one of Rhodes. And I, the guest invited, 
 Am call'd a citizen of fair Perinthus. 
 And neither of us likes the Attic suppers; 
 For melancholy is an Attic humour; 
 May it be always foreign unto me. 
 They place upon the table a large platter 
 Holding five smaller plates within its space, 
 One full of garlic, while another holds 
 Two boil'd sea-urchins; in the third, a cake; 
 The fourth displays ten cockles to the guest, 
 The last has caviar.—While I eat this, 
 He falls on that: or while he dines on this, 
 I make that other dish to disappear. 
 But I would rather eat up both myself, 
 Only I cannot go beyond my powers; 
 For I have not five mouths, nor twice five lips. 
 True, these detain the eyes with various sights, 
 
 But looking at them is not eating them: 
 I but appease my eyes and not my belly. 
 What shall I do then? Have you oysters? Give me 
 A plate of them, I beg; and that a large one; 
 Have you some urchins. 
 
 B. Here's a dish of them 
 To which you're welcome; this I bought myself; 
 And paid eight obols for it in the market. 
 
 A. Put then this dish on table by itself, 
 That all may eat the same at once. and not 
 One half the guests eat one thing, half another. 
 But Dromeas the parasite, when some one once asked him, as Hegesander the
 Delphian relates, whether the banquets in the city or at Chalcis were the best,
 said that the prelude to the banquets at Chalcis was superior to the whole
 entertainment in the city, calling the multitudes of oysters served up, and the
 great variety of fish, the prelude to the banquet.

But Diphilus, in his Female Deserter, introduces a cook, and represents him as
 saying— 
 
 A. What is the number of the guests invited 
 To this fine marriage feast? And are they all 
 Athenian citizens, or are there some 
 Foreigners and merchants? 
 
 B. What is that to you, 
 Since you are but the cook to dress the dinner? 
 
 A. It is the first part of my art, O father, 
 To know the taste of those who are to eat. 
 For instance, if you ask a Rhodian, 
 Set a fine shad or lebias before him, 
 Well boil'd and hot, the moment that he enters. 
 That's what he likes; he'll like it better so 
 Than if you add a cup of myrine wine. 
 
 A. Well, that idea of shads is not a bad one. 
 
 B. Then, if a Byzantine should be your guest, 
 Steep all you offer such a man in wormwood. 
 And let your dishes taste of salt and garlic. 
 For fish are all so plenty in their country, 
 That the men all are full of rheum and phlegm 
 And Menander says, in his Trophonius— 
 
 A. This feast is for a guest's reception. 
 
 B. What guest? whence comes he? for those points,
 believ me, 
 Do make a mighty difference to the cook. 
 For instance, if some guests from the islands come 
 Who always feed on fish of every sort 
 Fresh from the sea, such men like not salt dishes, 
 But think them make-shifts. Give such men their fool 
 Well-season'd, forced, and stuff'd with choicest spices. 
 But if you ask a guest from Arcady 
 
 He is a stranger to the sea, and loves 
 Limpets and shell-fish;-but the rich Ionian 
 Will look at nought but Lydian luxuries, 
 Rich, stimulating, amatory meats.

The ancients used food calculated to provoke the appetite, as for instance salt
 olives, which they call colymbades: and accordingly Aristophanes says, in his Old
 Age— 
 Old man, do you like flabby courtesans, 
 Or tender maidens, firm as well-cured olives? 
 And Philemon, in his Follower, or Sauce, says— 
 
 A. What did you think, I pray, of that boiled
 fish? 
 
 B. He was but small; do'st hear me? And the
 pickle 
 Was white, and much too thick; there was no smell 
 Of any spice or seasoning at all, 
 So that the guests cried out,—How pure your brine is! 
 They also eat common grasshoppers and the monkey grasshopper as
 procreatives of the appetite. Aristophanes says, in his Anagyrus— 
 How can you, in God's name, like grasshoppers, 
 Catching them with a reed, and cercopes? 
 
 But the cercope is a little animal like a grasshopper or prickly roach,
 as Speusippus tells us in the fourth book of his Similitudes; and Epilycus
 mentions them in his Coraliscus. And Alexis says in his Thrason— 
 I never saw, not even a cercope 
 A greater chatterer than you, O woman, 
 Nor jay, or nightingale, or dove, or grasshopper. 
 And Nicostratus says, in his Abra— 
 The first, a mighty dish shall lead the way, 
 Holding an urchin, and some sauce and capers, 
 A cheesecake, fish, and onions in rich stuffing.

And that they used to eat, for the sake of encouraging the appetite, rape dressed
 with vinegar and mustard, is plainly stated by Nicander, in the second book of his
 Georgics, where he says— 
 The rape is a mix'd breed from radishes; 
 It's grown in garden beds, both long and stiff; 
 One sort they wash and dry in the north wind, 
 A friend to winter and to idle servants: 
 Then it revives when soak'd in water warm. 
 Cut thou the roots of rape, and gently scrape 
 
 The not yet juiceless rind in shavings thin; 
 Then dry them in the sun a little while, 
 Then dip them in hot water, and in brine, 
 And pack them closely; or at other times 
 Pour in new wine and vinegar, half and half, 
 Into one vessel, and put salt on the top. 
 And often 'twill be well to pound fresh raisins, 
 And add them gently, scattering in some seeds 
 Of biting mustard; and some dregs of vinegar, 
 To reach the head and touch the vigorous brain: 
 A goodly dish for those who want a dinner. 
 And Diphilus or Sosippus, in the Female Deserter, says— 
 Have you now any sharp fresh vinegar? 
 I think, too, we've some fig-tree juice, my boy. 
 In these I'll press the meat as tight as may be; 
 And some dried herbs I'll spread around the dish; 
 For of all condiments these do most surely 
 The body's sensitive parts and nerves excite. 
 They drive away unpleasant heaviness, 
 And make the guests sit down with appetite.

And Alexis, in his Tarentines, when speaking of their banquets, says that the
 Athenians used to dance at their drinking parties— 
 
 A. For this now is a common native practice. 
 At the divine and all accomplish'd Athens. 
 They all rise up and dance together when 
 The first sweet scent of wine doth reach their nostrils. 
 
 B. You tell me of a strange and novel custom. 
 
 A. So you would say, indeed, if unexpected 
 You on a sudden dropp'd in at a feast; 
 And beardless boys are sure to meet with favour; 
 But when I see that rogue Theodotus, 
 Or some impure and cheating parasite, 
 Affecting nice and delicate airs, such loathing 
 Does seize me, that I'd gladly seize the man, 
 And nail him to the vilest cross. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Carians, with reference to the Attic fashion of
 dancing, turns one of the sophists into ridicule, as dancing at a banquet, in the
 following verses— 
 Do you not see that eunuch capering, 
 Waving his hands, no signs of shame he shows; 
 He who was lecturing us on Heraclitus, 
 The only master of Theodectes' school, 
 The spouter of Euripides's proverbs. 
 And it will not be foreign to the subject to quote here what is said by
 Eriphus the comic poet, in his Œolus— 
 
 For 'tis an ancient proverb, and a wise one; 
 That old men seek for wine to make them dance, 
 Spite of their age, against their will, my father. 
 And Alexis, in the play entitled Isostasium, says— 
 They drank in picnic fashion, only seeking 
 For some excuse to dance. There was the name 
 Of meat and vegetables; fish, and crabs, 
 Gudgeon and tench, and similago fine.

But Matron the parodist, says Plutarch, has given a very agreeable account of an
 Attic banquet; and as it is very rare I will not scruple, my friends, to repeat it
 to you— 
 The feast for much and varied food renown'd, 
 Given by Xenocles, O Muse, resound; 
 
 For when at Athens he his cards sent round, 
 I went invited, hungry as a hound. 
 What loaves I saw, how large, how round, how fine, — 
 So white, on them alone one well might dine! 
 Boreas, enamour'd of the well-baked train, 
 Gazed on them fondly; while along the plain 
 The stately Xenocles survey'd the ground, 
 And placed the guests the goodly board around. 
 Near him the parasite Chærephoon stood, 
 And like a cormorant gazed upon the food, 
 
 Ever at other's cost well pleased to eat: 
 Meanwhile the cooks prepared the dainty treat, 
 The skilful cooks, to whom is given all sway 
 The sumptuous feast to quicken or delay. 
 Then all the rest the herbs and greens did seize, 
 But me the solid meats did rather please; 
 Rich oysters guarded in their solid shell, 
 While to Phœnician-brine I said farewell; 
 And threw away the urchin's tasteless meat, 
 Which rattled falling at the servant's feet, 
 Loud as the waves the rocky shore which flout, 
 
 While they in fun the prickly spines pull'd out. 
 There came th' anchovy of Phaleric race 
 Holding a dirty veil before its face, 
 
 Friend of the Triton, to the Cyclops dear; 
 * * * * * 
 And pinna's sweet, and cockles fat were there 
 Which the wave breeds beneath its weedy bed 
 The gristly turbot, and the mullet red. 
 First in the fray on them I laid my hand, 
 And called on Phœbus, by his slave to stand; 
 But when Stratocles, scorning fear, I saw 
 Hold in his hand the mullet's luscious jaw, 
 
 I seized it too, and while it came apart, 
 Quick with the dainty bit rejoiced my heart. 
 There, too, the silver-footed Thetis came, 
 The fair-hair'd cuttle-fish, the mighty dame, 
 Fairest of Nereus' daughters, none but she 
 Of fish can both with black and white agree. 
 
 There, too, the conger, Tityos of the main, 
 Lay on nine tables and o'erspread the plain. 
 
 Next came the eel, who charm'd the mighty Jove, 
 And soften'd his stern soul to tender love. 
 So mighty that two wrestlers, of the days 
 Of old Astyanax, could scarcely raise 
 Her from the ground and place her on the board, 
 Nine fathoms long, and full nine cubits broad. 
 Up stairs, down stairs the busy cooks did haste, 
 While more fresh dishes on the board they placed. 
 Next forty large black pots appear'd in view, 
 And forty platters from Eubœa too. 
 Then various Iris, Jove's commands to bear, 
 In shape of cuttle-fish flew through the air. 
 The shining perch, the black tail next appear'd; 
 A mortal fish to join immortals dared. 
 Alone, apart in discontented mood, 
 A gloomy dish, the sullen tunny stood; 
 
 For ever sad with proud disdain he pined, 
 And the lost arms for ever stung his mind. 
 The shark, to masons and upholders dear, 
 Good nurse of youth, though rough its skin appear; 
 
 Nor do I know on earth a nicer food, 
 Though what came next is very near as good, 
 A roasted cestreas; nor alone it lay, 
 For twelve fine sargi came the self-same way. 
 
 And a dark amias, of every sea 
 Who knows the depths, great Neptune's comrade he. 
 And squills the minstrels of Olympian Jove, 
 Whom none to look at, all to taste of, love. 
 The chrysophrys, for shining beauty famed, 
 The crab's hard shell refusing to be tamed. 
 All these, and many more besides, I saw 
 Crush'd in each hungry guest's devouring jaw. 
 The royal sturgeon led the second band, 
 Towards whom, though nearly full, I stretch'd my hand; 
 He like ambrosia to my senses look'd, 
 Which I had always thought for gods alone was cookd. 
 Then came alamprey, large and richly fed, 
 As when he seeks the dragon's daughter's bed. 
 And next, (the goddesses such sandals wear,) 
 Of mighty soles a firm and well-match'd pair. 
 
 Then the sea thrushes young and fierce, who dive 
 Mid the deep rocks and tear their prey alive. 
 The sargus, mormyrus, hippurus, spar, 
 The shad, the gale; so countless fishes are. 
 The feast to view the guests' eyes joyful beam'd, 
 And all the house with the rich odour steam'd. 
 The host bade all sit down: myself, I thought 
 This woman's food, and something solid sought. 
 Large in the centre lay a vacant space, 
 Which herbs and salads did with verdure grace. 
 Then a sea blackbird came, a morsel nice, 
 And disappear'd, devoured in a trice. 
 Then came a ham, t' its foes a helpless prey, 
 And while it lasted none could keep away. 
 But when the feast was o'er I wept with sorrow 
 To think I could not eat on till to-morrow, 
 But must fall back on barley-meal and cheese. 
 * * * * * * 
 Black broth subdued him and boil'd pettitoes; 
 Then came some ducks from Salamis, sacred isle, 
 Borne by the cook, who with a cheerful smile, 
 Marshall'd them where the Athenian phalanx stood; 
 And Chærephon survey'd the various food, 
 That he might know to choose and eat the best; 
 Then like a lion leapt he on the feast, 
 
 And seized a mighty leg of turkey hot, 
 To make his supper when he home had got. 
 Then groats which Vulcan made into a cake, 
 And in Attic pan full thirteen months did bake 
 But when our wish for food was satisfied, 
 We wash'd our hands in ocean's foaming tide; 
 One beauteous slave came round with rich perfume, 
 Another garlands strew'd around the room. 
 Then foam'd around old Bacchus' rosy tide, 
 And each guest merrily with his fellow vied. 
 Then the dessert was served; the juicy pear, 
 The apple and pomegranate too were there. 
 The grape, the nurse of Bacchus, and the plum, 
 And fig, and medlar on the table come. 
 But I ate nought, I was so full before, 
 Till I that lovely child of Ceres saw, 
 A large sweet round and yellow cake; how then 
 Could I from such a dish, my friends, abstain? 
 Had I ten mouths, aye, and as many hands, 
 A brazen stomach within brazen bands, 
 
 They all would on that lovely cake have sprung. 
 And so the feast of Stratocles I've sung.

And Alexis, in his Men running together, ridiculing the Attic banquets, says— 
 
 I wish that I could get a brace of cooks, 
 The cleverest in their art in all the city. 
 For he who a Thessalian would invite, 
 Lust never stint his fare in Attic fashion, 
 Nor practise over strict economy; 
 But have in all things a well-order'd feast. 
 And the Thessalians are truly fond of eating; as Eriphus says in his
 Light-armed Soldier, thus— 
 It is not Corinth now, nor Lais here, 
 Nor any feast of sumptuous Thessalians, 
 Whose habits well I know. 
 And the author, whoever he was, of the play called The Beggars, which is
 ascribed to Chionides, says that the Athenians, when they place a banquet for
 Castor and Pollux in their Prytaneum, serve up on the tables cheese and
 barley-cakes, and olives which have fallen, and leeks, for the sake of reminding
 people of the ancient manner of living. And Solon enjoins them to serve up
 barley-cakes to those who eat in the prytaneum: and besides that, to place bread
 on the table at festivals, in imitation of Homer; for he, too, when collecting the
 chiefs around Agamemnon, says— 
 The cakes were baked. 
 And Chrysippus, in the fourth book of his treatise on Beauty and
 Pleasure, says— But at Athens they say that two festivals are celebrated
 there (neither of them of great antiquity), one at the Lyceum and one in the
 Academy, and when the confectioner had brought into the Academy a dish for some
 other purpose, all those who were offering sacrifice at once broke the dish,
 because something had been introduced which did not belong to the city, and
 everything which came from afar ought to have been kept away. And that the cook
 at the Lyceum having prepared some Salt-fish in order to serve up a dish of it,
 was scourged as a man who used his invention in a very wicked manner. 
 And Plato, in the second book of his Republic, represents his new citizens as
 feasting, and writes— You make your men feast without any second course,
 says he. You say the truth, I replied; I forgot that they will have a second
 course-namely, salt, and olives, and cheese, and onions; and besides, they will
 boil such vegetables as are found in the fields; and moreover, we shall serve
 up some sweetmeats to them,—figs, and beans, and vetches. They shall roast
 myrtle-berries too and beechc acorns at the fire, drinking
 moderately all the time. And in this manner they shall pass their lives in
 peace, growing old, as it is probable they will, in the enjoyment of good
 health, and transmit a good constitution to their posterity.

We must next speak of the Lacedæmonian banquets. Now Herodotus, in the ninth book
 of his Histories, speaking of the preparation of Mardonius, and mentioning the
 banquets of the Lacedæmonians, says— Xerxes, when fleeing from Greece, left
 all his equipment to Mardonius. And when Pausanias beheld the appointments of
 Mardonius's tent, and his tent itself all furnished with gold and silver and
 embroidered curtains, he ordered the bakers and confectioners to prepare him a
 supper exactly as they had been in the habit of preparing for Mardonius. And
 when they had done as they were commanded, Pausanias, beholding the couches of
 gold and silver all ready laid and covered, and the silver tables, and the
 superb banquet which was prepared, marvelling at what he saw, by way of
 ridicule ordered his own slaves to prepare a banquet in the Lacedæmonian
 fashion. But when it was made ready, Pausanias laughed, and sent for all the
 generals of the Greeks; and when they were come he showed them both the
 banquets which were prepared before him, and said: O Greeks, I have assembled
 you, because I was desirous to exhibit to you the folly of the general of the
 Medes; who, while he was used himself to live in the manner which you behold,
 came against us who are in the habit of living in the hard way which you see
 here. 
 
 And some say that a citizen of Sybaris, who was staying at Sparta, and who dined
 at their Phiditia, said— It is natural enough for the Lacedæmonians to be
 the bravest of men; for any man in his senses would rather die ten thousand
 times over, than live in such a miserable way as this.

And Polemo, in his treatise on the Wicker Carriage mentioned by Xenophon, says
 "that Cratinus in his Pluti, mentioning the feast which is called by the
 Lacedæmonians Copis, speaks as follows— 
 Tell me, I pray you, is it true that all 
 The strangers in that country, who arrive, 
 May banquet at the Copis at their pleasure 
 And at their parties do there hang around 
 Cakes fix'd on pegs, that every one who will, 
 Young men and old, may take a bite at them? 
 
 And Eupolis says in his Helots— 
 And let a Copis be this day prepared. 
 
 
 Now the Copis is a peculiar sort of entertainment, just as that which is called
 Aiclon. And when it tales place, first of all they erect tents near the temple of
 the good; and in them they place beds of leaves; and on them they strew carpets,
 and then they feast those who recline on them, not only those who arrive, being
 natives of the country, but those foreigners also who are sojourning in the place.
 And at these copides they sacrifice goats, but no other victim; and they give
 portions of its flesh to every one, and they distribute also what they call a
 physicillus, which is a little loaf like an encris, made of oil and honey, only
 rounder in shape. And they give to every one who is present a newly made cheese,
 and a slice of paunch, and black-pudding, and sweet-meats, and dried. figs, and
 beans, and green kidney-beans. And any one of the rest of the Spartans who
 chooses, partakes of this Copis. 
 
 They also celebrate copides in the city at the festival called
 Tithenidia, which is celebrated on
 behalf of the children. For the nurses at this season bring the male children
 into the fields, and to the Diana surnamed Corythallia; whose temple is near
 the fountain called Tiassus, in the parts towards Cleta; and there they
 celebrate copides, in a manner similar to those which have been already
 mentioned. And they sacrifice small sucking-pigs, and they also at the feast
 set before the guests some of the loaves called ipnitæ. But this aiclon is
 called by all the other Dorians δεῖπνον. At all
 events Epicharmus, in his Hope, says— 
 For some one of his own accord has ask'd you to an αἶκλον, 
 
 And do thou gladly go in haste of your accord to eat it. 
 And he repeats the same lines in his Periallus. But at Lacedæmon,
 after supper is over, they set what they call ἄϊκλον (not αἶκλον ) before all
 those who come to the Phiditium; namely, loaves of bread in a small basket, and
 a slice of meat for each person. And an attendant follows the servant who
 distributes the portions, proclaiming the ἄϊκλον, adding to his proclamation the name of him who has sent
 it round.

This was the statement of Polemo. But Didymus the Grammarian contradicted him,
 (and Demetrius, of Trœzen, calls him a Bookforgetter, on account of the number of
 books which he has edited, for they amount to three thousand
 and five hundred,) and said—"Polycrates, in his history of Lacedæmonian affairs,
 relates that the Lacedæmonians celebrate the festival called Hyacinthia for three
 days, and on account of their lamentation for Hyacinthus, they do not wear crowns
 at their feasts, nor do they bring bread there, but they distribute cheesecakes,
 and other things of the same kind. And they sing no paean to the god, nor do they
 introduce anything of that sort, as they do in other sacred festivals, but they
 eat their supper in a very orderly manner, and then depart. But on the middle one
 of the three days there is a very superb spectacle, and a very considerable and
 important assembly; for boys play upon the harp, girt up in their tunics, and
 singing to the music of the flute, running over all the strings of the harp at the
 same time with the plectrum, in an anapæstic rhythm, with a shrill tone, and in
 that manner they sing a hymn in honour of the god. And others riding on horses and
 handsomely dressed go through the theatre; and very numerous choruses of young men
 enter, and they sing some of their native poems. And dancers mingled with them
 perform an ancient sort of dance to the music of a flute and singing. And virgins
 also, some in wooden curved chariots, called canathra, beautifully made, and
 others in crowds of large waggons drawn by horses, make a procession; and the
 whole city is in a state of agitation and of delight at the spectacle. And they
 sacrifice great numbers of victims all this day. And the citizens give a banquet
 to all their friends, and to their own slaves; and no one omits attending the
 sacred feast, but the whole city is evacuated by the whole body of citizens
 flocking to the spectacle. 
 
 And the copis is also mentioned by Aristophanes or Philyllius in the
 Cities, and by Epilycus in the Coraliscus, where he says— 
 When I shall bear a copis to the fane 
 Of sacred Amyclæ, then many baraces, 
 And loaves, and luscious sauce shall show my coming: 
 saying expressly that barley-cakes are set before the guests at the
 copides, (for that is the meaning of the word βάρακες, which does not mean cheesecakes, as Lycophron asserts,
 nor barley-meal porridge, as Eratosthenes believes,) and loaves, and a
 particular sort of broth very highly seasoned. More- over, what the copis is,
 is very perspicuously explained by Molpis in his treatise
 on the Polity of the Lacedæmonians, where he writes, They also have feasts
 which they call copides. But the copis is a supper consisting of barley-cakes,
 loaves, meat, raw vegetables, soup, figs, sweetmeats, and warmed wine.
 Moreover, sucking-pigs are not called ὀρθαγορίσκοι, as Polemo pronounces the word, but ὀρθραγορίσκοι, since they are sold at early dawn
 ( πρὸς τὸν ὄρθρον ), as Persæus relates in his
 treatise on the Lacedæmonian Polity. And Dioscorides, in the second book of his
 Polity, and Aristocles, in the first book of the treatise which he also wrote
 concerning the Lacedæmonian Polity, make the same statement. Besides, Polemo
 says, that supper is called ἄϊκλον by the
 Lacedæmonians, and that all the rest of the Dorians give it the same name. For
 Alcman says— 
 At the mill and also at the suppers ( ταῖς
 συναικλείαις ), 
 where he uses συναίκλειαι as
 equivalent to συνδείπνια. And in a subsequent
 passage he says— 
 Alcman prepared an ἄϊκλον. 
 
 But the Lacedæmonians do not call that portion which is given after
 the supper ἄϊκλον, nor that which is given
 after supper at the phiditia; for that consists of bread and meat: but that is
 called ἐπάϊκλον, being, as it were, an addition
 to the ἄϊκλον, which is regularly appointed as
 a part of the phiditia; and that is what I imagine the name implies. For the
 preparation of what is called the ἐπάϊκλα is
 not simple, as Polemo supposed, but of a two-fold nature. For that which they
 give to the boys is very slight and trifling, being merely meal steeped in oil,
 which Nicocles, the Lacedæmonian, says that they eat after supper, wrapped up
 in leaves of the bay-tree, from which those leaves are called καμματίδες, 
 and the cakes themselves are called
 κάμματα. And that it was a custom of the
 ancients to eat the leaves of the bay-tree at dessert, Callias or Diocles
 asserts in the Cyclopes, speaking thus— 
 You will eat the leaves meant for supper, 
 And this belongs to the figures which . . . 
 But what they serve up at the phiditia of the men is prepared of some
 few regular animals, one of those who are rich men providing them for the
 phiditia, or sometimes several men club together to furnish it. But Molpis
 tells u that the ἐπάϊκλα are also surnamed
 μἀττύη.

But concerning the ἐπάϊκλα, Persæus, in his
 treatise on the Lacedæmonian Constitution, writes as follows:— And
 immediately he levies on the rich men a tax of money to provide the ἐπάϊκλα ; and this word means the sweetmeats which
 come on after supper. But he enjoins the poor to bring a reed, or a straw, or a
 leaf of the bay-tree, in order that they may be able to eat the ἐπάϊκλα after supper. For it consists of meal steeped
 in oil; and this is wholly like the arrangement of some small state. For in
 these ἐπάϊκλα they attend to all such points as
 these: who ought to sit down first, or second, or who ought to sit down on a
 small couch; and so on. And Dioscorides gives the same account. But
 concerning the words καμματίδες and κάμματα Nicocles writes as follows:— But the
 Ephor, having heard the cause, pronounces an acquittal or a condemnation. And
 he who has gained the cause is slightly taxed to provide some κάμματα or καμματίδες. Now the κάμματα are
 cakes; but the καμματίδες are what they wrap
 them in in order to eat them.

But concerning the banquet of the Phiditia, Dioscorides gives this account in his
 book entitled Tripoliticus. In the first place, each individual has his
 supper put down separately before him, and he has no participation with any one
 else; and after that each has as much barley-cake as he pleases. And again, a
 cup is placed before each person, to drink whenever he pleases. And the meat is
 always the same for every one, being boiled pork; but sometimes they have no
 meat at all, except some little bit weighing at the outside about four minæ;
 and besides this, nothing at all except the broth which comes from it; which is
 sufficient for every one at the whole banquet to have some. And sometimes there
 may be some olives, or some cheese, or a few figs: and sometimes they have some
 small addition—a fish, or a hare, or a pigeon, or something of that sort: and
 then, after they have eaten very rapidly, the things are brought round which
 are called ἐπάϊκλα. And every one contributes
 to the phiditium about three Attic semimedimni of
 meal, and about eleven or twelve choes of
 wine; and in addition to this they contributed a certain weight of cheese and
 figs; and moreover, for purchasing meat, they gave ten Aeginetan obols. 
 
 
 
 But Sphærus, in the third book of his treatise on the Lacedæmonian Constitution,
 writes— The partakers of the phiditium do also themselves contribute the
 ἐπάϊκλα. And sometimes most of them make
 their contributions consist of what has been caught by them in hunting. Not but
 what the rich contribute also bread and whatever vegetables or fruits may be in
 season, in such quantities as are sufficient for one meal; thinking that to
 provide more than is just enough is superfluous, as it will not be
 eaten. And Molpis says— But after the supper is over something is
 always contributed by some one or other, and sometimes by many joining
 together; and the ματτύη, which they call the
 ἐπάϊκλον, is prepared by them at their own
 houses: but no one goes to any expense in buying what he contributes for this
 purpose. For they do not contribute it for the purpose of giving pleasure, or
 of indulging in any immoderate eating, but with the view of making a display of
 their own skill in hunting. And many also who breed flocks of sheep, give their
 produce very liberally. And this ματτύη 
 consists of pigeons, geese, two hen-doves, thrushes, blackbirds, hares, lambs,
 kids. And the cooks always proclaim the name of him who has contributed each
 dish, in order that all men may see his devotion to hunting, and his eagerness
 to contribute to their enjoyment. 
 
 But Demetrius the Scepsian says, in the first book of his treatise on the Trojan
 Array, that the festival of the Carnea among the Lacedæmonians is a
 representation of a military expedition. For that there are nine spots marked
 out; and they are called sciades, having something like
 tents in them; and in each of them nine men sup; and everything is proclaimed
 by the crier as if it were a military order. Now each scias has three phratriæ.
 And this festival of the Carnea lasts nine days.

Subsequently the Lacedæmonians relaxed the rigour of this way of living, and
 became more luxurious. At all events, Phylarchus, in the fifteenth and again in
 the twentieth book of his Histories, writes thus concerning them:— The
 Lacedæmonians had given up assembling for the phiditia, according to the custom
 of their country, and whenever they met, after having had a few things brought
 round, for the sake of a seeing compliance with the law, other thins were then
 prepared; couches furnished in a very expensive way and
 of exceeding size, and all differing from one another in their adornment; so
 that some of the strangers who were invited used to be afraid to put their
 elbows on the pillows; and those who formerly used to rest on a bare bench
 during the whole banquet, perhaps once leaning on their elbows for a few
 minutes, had now come to such a pitch of luxury as I have spoken of, and to a
 serving up of many cups of wine, and of all sorts of food procured from all
 countries and dressed in every kind of luxurious way; and besides that, they
 had come to use foreign perfumes, and also foreign wines and sweetmeats. And
 the people began this fashion who lived a short time before the reign of
 Cleomenes, namely Areus and Acrotatus, rivalling the indulgences of the court
 of Persia; and they in their turn were so far exceeded by some private
 individuals, who lived in Sparta at that time, in their own personal
 extravagance, that Areus and Acrotatus appeared people of such rigid economy as
 to have surpassed the most simple of their predecessors in self-denial.

But Cleomenes was a man of eminent wisdom in his discernment of matters,
 (although he was but a young man,) and also was exceedingly simple in his
 manner of life. For he, being king, and having such important affairs intrusted
 to his management, displayed such behaviour to any who were invited to any
 sacrifice, as to make them see that what they had daily prepared at home for
 themselves was in no respect inferior to what he allowed himself. And when many
 embassies were sent to him he never made a banquet for the ambassadors at an
 earlier hour than the regular time; and there never was anything more laid than
 a common pentaclinum; and when there was no embassy, what was laid was a
 triclinium. And there were no orders issued by the regulator of the feasts, as
 to who should come in or who should sit down first: but the eldest led the way
 to the couch, unless he himself invited any one else to do so; and he was
 generally seen supping with his brother or with some of his friends of his own
 age. And there was placed on a tripod a brazen wine-cooler, and a cask, and a
 small silver cup holding two cotyle, and a cyathus; and the spoon was made of brass. And wine
 was not brought round to drink unless any one asked for it; but one cyathus was
 given to each guest before supper: and generally it was given to himself first;
 and then, when he had thus given the signal, the rest also asked for some wine.
 But what was served up was placed on a very common-looking table; and the
 dishes were such that there was neither anything left, nor anything deficient,
 but just a sufficient quantity for every one; so that those who were present
 should not feel the want of anything. For he did not think it right to receive
 guests as sparingly, in respect of soup and meat, as men are treated at the
 phiditia; nor again, to have so much superfluity as to waste money for no
 purpose, exceeding all moderation and reason in the feast; for the one extreme
 he counted illiberal, and the other arrogant. And the wine was of rather a
 better quality when he had any company. But while they were eating they all
 kept silence; but a slave stood by, holding in his hand a vessel of mixed wine,
 and poured out for every one who asked for it. And in the same manner, after
 supper there was given to each guest not more than two cyathi of wine, and this
 too was brought to each person as he made a sign for it. And there was no music
 of any kind accompanying the meal, but Cleomenes himself conversed all the time
 with each individual, having invited them, as it were, for the purpose of
 listening and talking; so that all departed charmed with his hospitality and
 affability. 
 
 But Antiphanes, ridiculing the Lacedæmonian banquets, in the style of the comic
 poets, in his drama which is entitled Archon, speaks as follows:— 
 If you should live in Lacedæmon's walls, 
 You must comply with all their fashions there. 
 Go to their spare phiditia for supper, 
 And feast on their black broth; and not disdain 
 To wear fierce whiskers, and seek no indulgence 
 Further than this; but keep the olden customs, 
 Such as their country doth compel.

And concerning the Cretan banquets, or συσσίτια, 
 Dosiades speaks in the fourth book of his treatie on Cretan Affairs, speaking as
 follows:— But the Lyctians collect men for the common meal ( συσσίτια ) of the nation in this way:— Every one
 brings a tenth part of the fruits which his land produces and throws into the
 common stock of the mess; and they also bring their share
 of the taxes due to the city, which the chief magistrates of the city
 distribute among each separate family. And each one of the slaves pays an
 Aeginetan stater a head. The citizens are all divided into messes; and they call them
 ἀνδρεῖα. And a woman has the superintendence
 of their meals, having-three or four of the people under her to obey her
 orders. Now each one of the company is followed by two servants bearing wood;
 and their title is calophori. And there are in every town of Crete two houses
 set apart for these συσσίτιαι, one of which
 they call the men's house, and the other, that, namely, in which they receive
 strangers, they call the sleeping house. And in the house which is set apart
 for these public meals, there are first of all two tables set out, called the
 strangers' tables, at which those foreigners who are present sit; and after
 that tables are laid for the rest. And the younger men have half the quantity
 of meat; and they touch none of the other dishes. Then a bowl of wine is placed
 on each table, mingled with water; and all drink of this in common at the
 common table; and when they have finished supper then another bowl is put on
 the table. But for the boys one common bowl is likewise mixed; but the elders
 have liberty to drink more if they feel inclined to. And the woman who has the
 superintendence of the mess takes away from off the table, without any disguise
 or concealment, the best of what is served up, and puts it before those who are
 distinguished for warlike achievements or for wisdom. And when they have
 finished supper, then, first of all, they are in the habit of deliberating on
 the affairs of the state; and then, after that, they converse about exploits
 which have been performed in war, and extol those who have behaved like valiant
 men, and so exhort the younger men to acts of valour and virtue. 
 
 And Pyrgion, in the third book of his treatise on Cretan Laws, says— At
 their public meals the Cretans sit and feast merrily. And those who are orphans
 have dishes served up to them without any seasoning; and the youngest of them
 minister to the others; and having uttered words of good omen they pour
 libations to the gods, and distribute the dishes served up to all the guests.
 They distribute some also to the sons who are sitting just behind the seat of
 their fathers; giving them one-half as much as is given to
 men; but the orphans have an equal share. And whatever is served up to them has
 no seasoning nor any luxurious mixtures compounded in it. There were also three
 seats designed for strangers, and a third table, on the right hand side as you
 went in to the house where the men ate; and that they called the table of the
 Jupiter of Hospitality, and the table of Hospitality.

And Herodotus, comparing the drinking parties of the Greeks with the banquets in
 fashion among the Persians, says— But the Persians are accustomed to honour
 that day above all others on which they were born. And on that day they think
 it right to have a more splendid feast than on any other day. And on that day
 those of them who are rich serve up an ox, and an ass, and a horse, and a
 camel, all roasted whole in ovens: but those who are poor serve up only the
 smaller animals, such as sheep; and they do not eat a great deal of meat, but
 great quantities of sweetmeats, and no salt. And on this account the Persians
 say that the Greeks, when they eat, leave off being still hungry, because after
 supper nothing is served up to them worth speaking of. For that if anything
 good were put before them they would not leave off eating it: but they sit very
 long at their wine. And it is not allowed to them to vomit, nor to make water
 in the presence of one another. And these laws are strictly observed among
 them. And after they have drunk hard they are accustomed to deliberate on the
 most important affairs. And whatever they determine on at these deliberations,
 the next day the master of the house, wherever they were when they deliberated,
 proposes to them over again when they are quite sober; and if they adopt the
 same determination when sober, then they act upon it, but if not, they a
 abandon it: and whatever they decide on when sober, they reconsider when they
 are drunk.

But concerning the luxury of the kings among the Persians, Xenophon, in his
 Agesilaus, writes as follows:— For men travel over the whole earth in the
 service of the king of Persia, looking to find out what may be pleasant for him
 to drink; and ten thousand men are always contriving something nice for him to
 eat; and no one can tell the number of contrivances they propose to cause him
 to sleep well. But Agesilaus, because he was a man fond of
 exertion, drank whatever was set before him with pleasure, and ate whatever
 came across him with appetite; and every place suited him to sleep pleasantly
 in. And in his treatise entitled Hiero, speaking of the things which
 are prepared for kings, and also of the dishes which are prepared for private
 individuals to eat, he uses the following expressions:— ' And I know,' said
 he, ' O Simonides, that most men consider that we eat and drink more pleasantly
 than private individuals in this respect, because they think that they should
 more gladly eat of what is served up to us than of what is set before them. For
 that whatever is out of the ordinary routine gives pleasure; on which account
 all men gladly receive invitations to festivals, except kings. For as their
 tables are always loaded to satiety, it is quite impossible that they should be
 susceptible of any addition at the time of feasts; so that in this particular
 pleasure which is derived from hope they are surpassed by private individuals.
 And in the next place,' he continued, ' I am sure that you yourself know from
 experience that the more any one sets before people that which is more than
 sufficient, in that exact proportion is a disgust at eating quicker in coming
 on; so that a man who has a very large and varied dinner set before him is
 inferior to those who live moderately also in the duration of his pleasure.'
 'But, by Jove,' said Simonides, as long as the mind feels an appetite, so long
 are those who are bred up amid more expensive preparations delighted in a much
 higher degree than those who are in the habit of living in a most economical
 manner.'

But Theophrastus, in the Book on Royal Authority, addressed to Cassander, (if
 indeed the book under that title, attributed to him, be a genuine work of his, for
 many say that it was written by Sosibius, to whom Callimachus the poet addresses a
 triumphal hymn in elegiac metre,) says that the Persian kings were so
 luxurious as to offer by proclamation a large sum of money to any one who could
 invent any new pleasure. And Theopompus, in the thirty-fifth book of
 his Histories, says, that the king of the Paphlagonians, whose name was
 Thys, whenever he supped, ordered a hundred dishes of every sort to be placed
 on his table, beginning with oxen. And that when he was led captive to the king
 of Persia and kept in prison, he still continued to have the same profusion served up to him, living in the most splendid manner. So that
 Artaxerxes, when he heard of it, said that he appeared to him to be living like
 a man who knew that he should soon die. But the same Theopompus, in the
 fourteenth book of his History of the Exploits of Philip, says— When the
 king comes to any one of his subject cities, twenty talents are expended on his
 supper, and sometimes thirty; and some even spend a much larger sum still. For
 it is a very old custom, that every city is bound to supply a supper in
 proportion to its greatness, just on the same principle as its tribute to the
 revenue and its taxes are exacted.

But Heraclides the Cumæan, who compiled a history of Persia, in the second book of
 that work, which is entitled Preparatory, says— And those who wait upon the
 Persian kings while they are at supper, all minister after having bathed,
 wearing beautiful clothes; and they remain nearly half the day in attendance at
 the feast. But of those who are invited to eat with the king, some dine
 outside, and every one who chooses can see them, but some dine inside with the
 king: and even these do not actually eat with him; but there are two rooms
 opposite to one another, in one of which the king eats his meal, and in the
 other the guests eat theirs. And the king beholds them through the curtain
 which is at the door; but they cannot see him. But sometimes, when there is a
 feast, then they all sup in one room, namely, in the same room as the king,
 being the large room. And when the king has a drinking party, (and he has one
 very often,) his guests are about a dozen in number, and when they have supped,
 the king by himself, and his guests by themselves, then one of the eunuchs
 summons those who are to drink, with the king: and when they come, then they
 drink with him, but they do not have the same wine; also they sit on the ground
 and he reclines on a couch with golden feet; and when they are very drunk
 indeed they go away. But for the most part the king breakfasts and sups by
 himself: but sometimes his wife sups with him; and sometimes some of his sons
 do so. And at supper his concubines sing and play to him; and one of them
 leads, and then all he rest sing in concert. But the supper, he
 continues, which is called the king's supper, will appear to any one who
 hears of it to be very magnificent; still, when it is examined into, it will turn out to be economically and carefully managed, and
 in the same manner as the meals of the other Persians who are in office. For
 the king has a thousand victims slain every day: and among them are horses, and
 camels, and oxen, and asses, and stags, and an immense number of sheep; and a
 great many birds too are taken; and the Arabian ostrich (and that is a very
 large animal), and geese, and cocks; and a moderate quantity of them is served
 up to each of the mess-mates of the king, and each of them carries away what is
 left for his breakfast. But the greater part of these victims and of this meat
 is carried out into the court to the spear-bearers and light-armed troops whom
 the king maintains; and in the court the masters of the feasts portion out the
 meat and the bread into equal portions; and as the mercenary troops in Greece
 receive money for their hire, so do these men receive food from the king, on
 account, as if it were money. And in the same way, at the courts of the other
 Persians, who hold office as magistrates, all the food is placed at once upon
 the table; and when the mess-mates of the magistrate have finished their
 supper, then he who superintends the meal distributes what is left on the table
 (and the greater part of the bread and meat is left) to each of the servants.
 And each attendant, when he has received his share, has his food for the day.
 For the most honourable of the mess-mates (their title is οἱ σύνδειπνοι ) never come to the king except to dinner; because,
 forsooth, they have requested permission not to be bound to come twice in the
 day, in order that they themselves may be able to receive guests at their own
 houses.

But Herodotus, in his seventh book, says, that the Greeks, who received
 Xerxes in hospitality, and invited him to supper, all came to the very
 extremity of ruin, so as to be utterly turned out of their houses; as for
 instance, among the Thasians, who, because of the cities which they had on the
 continent, received the army of Xerxes and entertained it at supper. Antipater,
 one of these citizens, expended four hundred talents in that single
 entertainment; and he placed on the tables gold and silver cups and goblets;
 and then the soldiers, when they departed after the supper, took them away with
 them. And wherever Xerxes took two meals, dining as well as supping, that city
 was utterly ruined. 
 And in the ninth book of his Histories, the same author tells
 us, The king provides a royal entertainment and this is provided once every
 year, on the day on which the king was born. And the name of this feast is in
 Persian τυκτὰ, but in Greek τέλειον ; and that is the only day tat he has his head
 rubbed, and gives presents to the Persians. 
 
 But Alexander the Great, whenever he supped with any of his friends, as Ephippus
 the Olynthian relates in his book on the Deaths of Alexander and Hephæstion,
 expended each day a hundred minæ, as perhaps sixty or seventy of his friends
 supped with him. But the king of the Persians, as Ctesias and Dinon relate in the
 Histories of Persia, supped with fifteen thousand men, and there were expended on
 the supper four hundred talents; and this amounts in Italian money to twenty four
 hundred thousand of sesterces. And this sum when divided among fifteen thousand
 men is a hundred and sixty sesterces of Italian money for each individual; so that
 it comes to very nearly the same as the expense of Alexander; for he expended a
 hundred minæ, according to the account of Ephippus. 
 But Menander, in his play called Drunkenness, estimates the expense of the most
 sumptuous banquet at a talent, saying— 
 Then we do not in these matters act as we should do 
 When to the gods we sacrifice; for then we go and buy 
 A sheep, an offering for the gods, for scarce ten drachmas' price. 
 And then we send for flute players, and ointments, and perfumes, 
 And harps, and singing women, eels, and cheese, and honey too; 
 And ample jars of Thasian wine; but these can scarcely come, 
 When all together reckon'd up, to a small talent's sum. 
 And it is as the very extravagance of expense that he has named a talent
 at all. And in his Morose Man he speaks as follows:— 
 See how these housebreakers do sacrifice! 
 Bearing such beds and couches, not to please 
 The gods, but their own selves. Incense is pious, 
 So is the votive cake; and this the god 
 Receives well-baked in the holy fire. 
 But they when they have offered the chump end 
 Of a lean loin, the gall bladder, and bones, 
 Not too agreeable or easy to eat, 
 Unto the gods, consume the rest themselves.

And Philoxenus of Cythera, in the play which is entitled The Supper, (for he it is
 whom Plato the comic writer mentions in his Phaon, and not
 Philoxenus the Leucadian,) mentions the following as the preparation made for a
 banquet— 
 And then two slaves brought in a well-rubb'd table, 
 And then another, and another, till 
 The room was fill'd, and then the hanging lamps 
 Beam'd bright and shone upon the festive crowns, 
 And herbs, and dishes of rich delicacies. 
 And then all arts were put in requisition 
 To furnish forth a most luxurious meal. 
 Barley-cakes white as snow did fill the baskets, 
 And then were served up not coarse vulgar pots, 
 But well-shaped dishes, whose well-order'd breadth 
 Fill'd the rich board, eels, and the well-stuffd conger, 
 A dish fit for the gods. Then came a platter 
 Of equal size, with dainty sword-fish fraught, 
 And then fat cuttle-fish, and the savoury tribes 
 Of the long hairy polypus. After this 
 Another orb appear'd upon the table, 
 Rival of that just brought from off the fire, 
 Fragrant with spicy odour. And on that 
 Again were famous cuttle-fish, and those 
 Fair maids the honey'd squills, and dainty cakes, 
 Sweet to the palate, and large buns of wheat, 
 Large as a partridge, sweet, and round, which you 
 Do know the taste of well. And if you ask 
 What more was there, I'd speak of luscious chine, 
 And loin of pork, and head of boar, all hot; 
 Cutlets of kid, and well-boil'd pettitoes, 
 And ribs of beef, and heads, and snouts, and tails. 
 Then kid again, and lamb, and hares, and poultry, 
 Partridges and the bird from Phasis' stream. 
 And golden honey, and clotted cream was there, 
 And cheese, which I did join with all in calling 
 Most tender fare. And when we all had reach'd 
 Satiety of food and wine, the slaves 
 Bore off the still full tables; and some others 
 Brought us warm water for to wash our hands.

And Socrates the Rhodian, in the third book of his History of the Civil War,
 describing the entertainment given by Cleopatra the last queen of Egypt, who
 married Antony the Roman general in Cilicia, speaks in the following manner: — But Cleopatra having met Antony in Cilicia, prepared
 him a royal entertainment, in which every dish was golden and inlaid with
 precious stones, wonderfully chased and embossed. And the walls, 
 continues he, were hung with cloths embroidered in gold and purple. And she
 had twelve triclinia laid; and invited Antony to a banquet, and desired him to
 bring with him whatever companions he pleased. And he being astonished at the
 magnificence of the sight, exressed his surprise; and she, smiling, said that
 she made him a present of everything which he saw, and invited him to sup with
 her again the next day, and to bring his friends and captains with him. And
 then she prepared a banquet by far more splendid than the former one, so as to
 make that first one appear contemptible; and again she presented to him
 everything that there was on the table; and she desired each of his captains to
 take for his own the couch on which he lay, and the goblets which were set
 before each couch. And when they were departing she gave to all those of the
 highest rank palanquins, with the slaves for palanquin bearers; and to the rest
 she gave horses, adorned with golden furniture: and to every one she gave
 Aethiopian boys, to bear torches before them. And on the fourth day she paid
 more than a talent for roses; and the floor of the chamber for the men was
 strewed a cubit deep, nets being spread over the blooms. And he relates
 further, that Antony himself, when he was staying at Athens, a short time
 after this, prepared a very superb scaffold to spread over the theatre, covered
 with green wood such as is seen in the caves sacred to Bacchus; and from this
 scaffold he suspended drums and fawn-skins, and all the other toys which one
 names in connexion with Bacchus, and then sat there with his friends, getting
 drunk from daybreak,—a band of musicians, whom he had sent for from Italy,
 playing t him all the time, and all the Greeks around being collected to see
 the sight. And presently, continues he, he crossed over to the
 Acropolis, the whole city of Athens being illuminated with lamps suspended from
 the roof; and after that he ordered himself to be proclaimed as Bacchus
 throughout all the cities in that district. 
 
 And Caius the emperor, surnamed Caligula, because he was born in the camp, was not
 only called the young Bacchus, but was also in the habit of going about dressed in
 the entire dress of Bacchus, and he used to sit on the
 tribunal as judge in that dress.

Now a man looking at these instances which have occurred in our country before our
 time, may marvel at the poverty of the Greeks, especially if he sets his eyes upon
 the banquets which take place among the Thebans; concerning whom Clitarchus, in
 the first book of his Histories relating to Alexander, speaks, and says that all
 their wealth, when the city was razed to the ground by Alexander, was found to
 amount to four hundred and forty talents, because they were mean spirited and
 gluttons in eating and drinking, preparing in their banquets forced-meat balls,
 and boiled fish and anchovies, and encrasicholi, and sausages, and ribs of beef,
 and soup; on which Attaginus the son of Phrynon feasted Mardonius, with fifty
 other Persians; a man whom Herodotus mentions in his ninth book as having amassed
 an enormous amount of riches. And I think that they would never have escaped, and
 that there would have been no necessity for the Greeks being marshalled against
 them at Platæa, as they would certainly have been killed by such food as that.

But Hecatæus of Miletus, describing an Arcadian banquet in the third book of his
 Genealogies, says that it consists chiefly of barley-cakes and pork. But Harmodius
 of Lepreum, in the third book of his treatise on the Laws of the People of
 Phigalea, says— The man among the Phigaleans who is appointed superintendent
 of the food, brought every day three choes of wine, and a medimnus of flour,
 and five mine weight of cheese, and other things suitable for the preparing of
 the victims. And the city provided each of the choruses with three sheep, and a
 cook, and a water-carrier, and tables, and seats for the guests to sit down
 upon, and all other similar appointments; only that the choregus supplied the
 vessels which the cook required. And the banquet was of the following
 description: Cheese, and barley-cake, for the sake of' preserving the laws,
 served up in brazen baskets, which are by some people called mazonoma, having
 derived their name from the use to which they are put; and together with the
 barley-cake and cheese, paunches and salt are given the guests to eat. And when
 they have offered these things to the gods, then they give every one a portion
 of wine to drink in a small mug, made of earthenware: and he who brings the wine says, May you sup well. And the there is put on the
 table for general use some soup and some minced meat; and every one has two
 slices of meat put within his reach. And it was a custom of theirs at all their
 banquets, and most especially at those which were called Mazones, or
 barley-feasts, (for even now the feast in honour of acchus has this name,) to
 give those of the young men who ate most manfully, a larger quantity of broth,
 and also to set before them barley-cakes and loaves, for such an one was
 considered a noble-minded and a valiant man for a large appetite was considered
 an admirable and a famous thing among them. But after supper was over, they
 used to make libations, without having washed their hands, but merely wiping
 hem on pieces of bread; and each of them took away with him that on which he
 had wiped his hands, doing this on account of the nightly objects of fear which
 arise to frighten men in the cross roads: and after the libations a paean is
 sung. But when they sacrifice to the Heroes, a very large sacrifice of oxen
 takes place, and they all feast with the slaves; and the children sit at table
 with their fathers, sitting naked on the stones. 
 
 But Theopompus, in the forty-sixth book of his account of the Exploits of Philip,
 says— The Arcadians in their banquets admit both masters and slaves, and
 prepare but one table for all; and they place the food for all in the middle,
 and they mix the same bowl of wine for the whole company.

But among the Naucratitæ, according to the account given by Hermeas in the second
 book of his treatis respecting the Grynean Apollo, they sup in the prytaneum on
 the birthday festival of Vesta Prytanitis; and at the Dionysiac festival; and
 again at the assembly of the Comæan Apollo, —all of them coming in white robes,
 which even t this day they call prytanic garments. And
 when they have sat down to eat, they rise up again on their knees while the herald
 of the sacred festival repeats the national prayers, a making a libation together;
 and, after that, sitting down again, each of them takes two cotylæ of wine, except
 the pries of the Pythian Apollo, and of Bacchus, for each of then receives a
 double portion of wine and of all other things; and then a loaf of white bread is
 set before each of them, made very broad, on which another loaf is placed, which
 hey call cribanites. And a joint of pork is placed before hem, and a platter of ptisan or of some vegetable or herb which is in
 season, and a couple of eggs, and a slice of cheese, and some dry figs, and a
 cheesecake, and a garland. And whatever maker of a sacrifice prepares anything
 beyond this is liable to be fined by the magistrates, who are called τιμοῦχοι. And those who eat in the prytaneum are not
 permitted to take anything away to be eaten; but they only eat what is set before
 them, and give what is left to their slaves. And on all the other days of the year
 it is lawful for any one who pleases of those who are fed at the prytaneum to go
 into the prytaneum to sup, having prepared at his own home some vegetable, or some
 pulse, or some salt meat, or some fish, or a very little bit of pork; and when he
 eats this, he may also have a cotyla of wine. But no woman is allowed to go into
 the prytaneum excepting the woman alone who plays the flute. And no spoon may be
 brought into the prytaneum. But if any one of the Naucratitæ makes a marriage
 feast, as it is written in the law which regulates the ceremonial of marriage, it
 is forbidden for him to have eggs or honey cheesecakes served up; but what is the
 reason of these restrictions we may hope to be told by Ulpian.

But Lynceus, in his treatise on the Affairs and Constitution of Egypt, comparing
 the Egyptian banquets to the Persian ones, says— When the Egyptians made an
 expedition against Ochus, king of Persia, and were defeated, when the king of
 the Egyptians was taken prisoner, Ochus treated him with great humanity, and
 invited him to supper. And as there was a very splendid preparation made, the
 Egyptian laughed at the idea of the Persian living so frugally. But if you
 wish,' said he, ' O king, to know how happy kings ought to feast, permit those
 cooks who formerly belonged to me to prepare for you an Egyptian supper.' And
 when the Persian had ordered that they should do so, when it was prepared,
 Ochus was delighted at the feast, and said, 'May the gods, O Egyptian, destroy
 you miserably for a wicked man, who could leave such a supper as this, and
 desire a much more frugal repast.' But what the Egyptian feasts were
 like Protagorides teaches us in the first book of his treatise on the Daphnic
 Contests, speaking as follows:— And the third description of suppers is the
 Egyptian, whose tables are not laid at all, but dishes are brought round to the
 guests.

But among the Galatians, says Phylarchu in his sixth book,
 it is the custom to place on the tables a great number of loaves broken
 promiscuously, and meat just taken out of the kettles, which no one touches
 without first waiting for the king to see whether he touches anything of what
 is served up before him. But in his third book the same Phylarchus says
 that Ariamnes the Galatian, being an exceedingly rich man, gave notice that
 he would give all the Galaians a banquet every year; and that he did so,
 managing in this manner: He divided the country, measuring it by convenient
 stages along the roads; and at these stages he erected tents of stakes and
 rushes and osiers, each containing about four hundred men, or somewhat more,
 according as the district required, and with reference to the number that might
 be expected to throng in from the villages and towns adjacent to the stage in
 question. And there he placed huge kettles, full of every sort of meat; and he
 had the kettles made in the preceding year before he was to give the feast,
 sending for artizans from other cities. And he caused many victims to be slain,
 —numbers of oxen, and pigs, and sheep, and other animals,— every day; and he
 caused casks of wine to be prepared, and a great quantity of ground corn. And
 not only, he continues, did all the Galatians who came from the
 villages and cities enjoy themselves, but even all the strangers who happened
 to be passing by were not allowed to escape by the slaves who stood around, but
 were pressed to come in and partake of what had been prepared.

Xenophon also mentions the Thracian suppers in the seventh book of his Anabasis,
 describing the banquet given by Seuthes in the following words— But when
 they all came to the supper, and the supper was laid so that they might all sit
 round in a circle, then tripods were brought to all the guests; and they were
 about twenty in number, all full of meat ready carved: and leavened loaves of
 large size were tuck to the joints of meat with skewers. And most especially
 were tables always placed before the guests, for that was the custom. And first
 of all Seuthes behaved in this manner taking the loaves which were near him, he
 broke them into small pieces, and threw the pieces to whoever he chose; and he
 acted in the same way with the meat, leaving before himself only just as much
 as he could eat; and the rest also did the same,—those I
 mean before whom the tables were set. But a certain Arcadian, Arystas by name,
 a terrible fellow to eat, said that throwing the bread and meat about was
 folly; and taking a large loaf in his hand, of the size of three chœnixes, and
 putting the meat upon his knees, made his supper in that manner. And they
 brought round horns of wine, and all pledged one another; but Arystas, when the
 cup-bearer came to him with the wine, said, as he saw that Xenophon was no
 longer eating any supper, 'Give him the wine, for he has time to drink it, but
 I have not time yet.' And then there arose laughter. And as the liquor went
 round, a Thracian came in, having a white horse, and taking a horn full of
 wine, said, ' O Seuthes, I pledge you, and I make you a present of my horse:
 and if you ride him you will catch whatever you wish to catch; and when you
 retreat you will never need to fear an enemy.' And another man brought in his
 son, and gave him to him in the same manner, pledging him in wine: and another
 gave him garments for his wife. And Timasion, pledging him, gave him a silver
 goblet, and a scimitar worth ten minæ. But Gnesippus, an Athenian, rising up,
 said that there was an ancient and excellent law, that those who had anything
 should give it to the king as a compliment, and that the king should make
 presents to those who had nothing. But Xenophon rose up boldly, and taking the
 horn, said— 'I, O Seuthes, give you myself and these my companions to be
 faithful friends to you; and not one of them is unwilling that I should do so:
 and now they are present here asking for nothing, but being willing to
 encounter labour and danger on your behalf.' And Seuthes, rising up, drank to
 Xenophon, and spilt the rest of the contents of the horn at the same time that
 he did. And after this there came in men who played on horns such as are used
 for giving orders with, and also on trumpets made of raw bull's-hide, in
 excellent tune, as if they had been playing on a magadis.

And Posidonius the Stoic, in the histories which he composed in a manner by no
 means inconsistent with the philosophy which he professed, writing of the laws
 that were established and the customs which prevailed in many
 nations, says— The Celtæ place food before their gusts, putting grass for
 their seats, and they serve it up on wooden tables raised a very little above
 the ground: and their food consists of a few loaves, and a good deal of meat
 brought up floating in water, and roasted on the coals or on spits. And they
 eat their meat in a cleanly manner enough, but like lions, taking up whole
 joints in both their hands, and gnawing them; and if there is any part which
 they cannot easily tear away, they cut it off with a small sword which they
 have in a sheath in a private depository. And those who live near the rivers
 eat fish also, and so do those who live near the Mediterranean sea, or near the
 Atlantic ocean; and they eat it roasted with salt and vinegar and cummin seed:
 and cummin seed they also throw into their wine. But they use no oil, on
 account of its scarcity; and because they are not used to it, it seems
 disagreeable to them. But when many of them sup together, they all sit in a
 circle; and the bravest sits in the middle, like the coryphæus of a chorus;
 because he is superior to the rest either in his military skill, or in birth,
 or in riches: and the man who gives the entertainment sits next to him; and
 then on each side the rest of the guests sit in regular order, according as
 each is eminent or distinguished for anything. And their armour-bearers,
 bearing their large oblong shields, called θυρεοὶ, stand behind; and their spear-bearers sit down opposite
 in a circle, and feast in the same manner as their masters. And those who act
 as cup-bearers and bring round the wine, bring it round in jars made either of
 earthenware or of silver, like ordinary casks in shape, and the name they give
 them is ἄμβι???κος. And their platters on which
 they serve up the meat are also made of the same material; but some have brazen
 platters, and some have wooden or plaited baskets. And the liquor which is
 drunk is, among the rich, wine brought from Italy or from the country about
 Marseilles; and this is drunk unmixed, but sometimes a little water is mixed
 with it. But among the poorer classes what is drunk is a beer made of wheat
 prepared with honey, ad oftener still without any honey; and they call it corma. Ad they all drink it out of the same cup, in
 small draughts, not drinking more than a cyathus at a time; but they take
 frequent draughts: and a slave carries the liquor round, beginning at the right hand and going on to the left; and this is the
 way in which they are waited on, and in which they worship the gods, always
 turning towards the right hand.

And Posidonius continuing, and relating the riches of Lyernius the father of
 Bityis, who was subdued by the Romans, says that he, aiming at becoming a
 leader of the populace, used to drive in a chariot over the plains, and scatter
 gold and silver among the myriads of Celts who followed him; and that he
 enclosed a fenced space of twelve furlongs in length every way, square, in
 which he erected wine-presses, and filled them with expensive liquors; and that
 he prepared so vast a quantity of eatables that for very many days any one who
 chose was at liberty to go and enjoy what was there prepared, being waited on
 without interruption or cessation. And once, when he had issued beforehand
 invitations to a banquet, some poet from some barbarian tribe came too late and
 met him on the way, and sung a hymn in which he extolled his magnificence, and
 bewailed his own misfortune in having come too late: and Lyernius was pleased
 with his ode, and called for a bag of gold, and threw it to him as he was
 running by the side of his chariot; and that he picked it up, and then went on
 singing, saying that his very footprints upon the earth over which he drove
 produced benefits to men. These now are the accounts of the Celtæ given
 by Posidonius in the third and in the twentieth books of his History.

But in the fifth book, speaking of the Parthians, he says — But a friend who
 is invited does not share the same table, but sitting on the ground while the
 king reclines near on a lofty couch, eats whatever is thrown to him from the
 king, like a dog. And very often he is torn away from his feast on the ground
 for some trifling cause, and is scourged with rods and knotted whips; and when
 he is all covered with blood he falls down on his face on the floor, and adores
 the man who has punished him as his benefactor. 
 
 And in his eleventh book, speaking of Seleucus the king, and relating how he came
 against Media, and warred against Arsaces, and was taken prisoner by the
 barbarian, and how he remained a long time in captivity to Arsaces, being treated
 like a king by him, he writes thus— Among the Parthians, at their banquets,
 the king had a couch on which he reclined by himself
 higher than all the rest, and apart from them; and a table also was laid for
 him by himself, as for a hero, laden with all sorts of barbaric
 delicacies. And when he is speaking of Heracleon the Ber$oan, who was
 promoted to honour by that king Antiochus who was surnamed Grypus, and who very
 nearly turned his benefactor out of his kingdom, he writes as follows in the
 fourth book of his Histories: He also gave entertainments to the soldiers,
 making them sit down on the ground in the open air by thousands: and the
 entertainment consisted of large loaves and meat; and their drink was any sort
 of wine that could be got, mingled with cold water. And they were waited on by
 men girded with swords, and there was an orderly silence throughout the whole
 company. 
 
 Again, in his second book, he says— In the city of the Romans when they
 feast in the temple of Hercules, when a general who is celebrating a triumph
 furnishes the entertainment, the whole preparation of the banquet is of a
 Herculean character; for honey-wine is served out to the guests as wine, and
 the food consists of huge loaves, and smoked meat boiled, and also great
 abundance of roast meat from the victims which have been lately slain. But
 among the Etruscans luxurious tables are spread twice a-day; and couches
 embroidered with flowers, and silver drinking cups of every sort. And a great
 number of well-appointed slaves is at hand, dressed in expensive
 garments. And Timæus, in the first book of his Histories, says that all
 the female servants in that nation always wait at table naked till they are quite
 grown up.

And Megasthenes, in the second book of his Indian History, says— Among the
 Indians at a banquet a table is set before each individual; and it is like a
 sideboard or beaufet; and on the table is placed a golden dish, in which they
 throw first of all boiled rice, just as if a person were going to boil groats,
 and then they add many sorts of meat dressed after the Indian fashion. 
 
 But the Germans, as Posidonius relates in his thirtieth book, eat for dinner meat
 roasted in separate joins; and they drink milk and unmixed wine. And some of the
 tribes of the Campanians practise single combat at their drinking parties. But
 Nicolaus of Damascus, one of the philosophers of the 
 Peripatetic school, in the hundred-and-tenth book of his His- tory, relates that
 the Romans at their feasts practise single combats, writing as follows— The
 Romans used to exhibit spectacles of single combats, not only in their public
 shows and in their theatres, having derived the custom from the Etruscans, but
 they did so also at their banquets. Accordingly, people often invited their
 friends to an entertainment, promising them, in addition to other things, that
 they should see two or three pairs of single combatants. And when they had had
 enough of meat and drink, they then called in the combatants: and as soon as
 one of them was killed, the guests clapped, being delighted at the exhibition.
 And in one instance a man left it in his will that some beautiful women, whom
 he had purchased as slaves, should engage in single combat: and in another case
 a man desired that some youthful boys whom he had loved should do so; but the
 people would not tolerate such notorious proceedings, and declared the will
 invalid. And Eratosthenes says, in the first book of his Catalogue of
 the Victors at Olympia, that the Etruscans used to box to the music of the
 flute.

But Posidonius, in the third, and also in the twentieth book of his Histories,
 says— The Celtæ sometimes have single combats at their entertainments.
 For being collected in arms, they go through the exercise, and make feints at,
 and sometimes they even go so far as to wound one another. And being irritated
 by this, if the bystanders do not stop them, they will proceed even to kill one
 another. But in olden times, he continues, there was a custom
 that a hind quarter of pork was put on the table, and the bravest man took it;
 and if any one else laid claim to it, then the two rose up to fight till one of
 them was slain. And other men in the theatre having received some silver or
 gold money, and some even for a number of earthen vessels full of wine, having
 taken pledges that the gifts promised shall really be given, and having
 distributed them among their nearest connexions, have laid themselves down on
 doors with their faces upwards, and then allowed some bystander to cut their
 throats with a sword. 
 
 And Euphorion the Chalcidian, in his Historical Memorials, writes as
 follows— But among the Romans it is common for five mine to be offered to
 any one who chooses to take it, to allow his head to be
 cut off with an axe, so that his heirs might receive the reward: and very often
 many have returned their names as willing, so that there has been a regular
 contest between them as to who had the best right to be beaten to
 death.

And Hermippus, in the first book of his treatise on Lawgivers, asserts that the
 Mantineans were the original inventors of men to fight in single combat, and that
 Demonax, one of their citizens, was the original suggestor of such a course; and
 that the Cyreneans were the next to follow their example. And Ephorus, in the
 sixth book of his History, says —"The Mantineans and Arcadians were in the habit
 of practising warlike exercises; and even to this day they call the military dress
 and the ancient fashion of arming the Mantinean, as having been invented by that
 people. And in addition to this, the exercises of single combat were first
 invented in Mantinea, Demeas being the original author of the invention. And that
 the custom of single combatants was an ancient one, Aristophanes shows, when he
 speaks thus in his Phœnisse— 
 And on the heroes twain, the sons of Œdipus, 
 Has savage Mars descended; and they now 
 Seek the arena dread of single combat. 
 And the word μονόμαχος appears not to be
 derived from the noun μάχη, but rather from the
 verb μάχεσθαι. For as often as a word compounded
 of μάχη ends in ος, as in the words σύμμαχος, πρωτόμαχος,
 ἐπίμαχος, ἀντίμαχος, and the φιλόμαχος race of Perseus, spoken of by Pindar, then it is acuted on
 the antepenultima; but when it has the acute accent on the penultima, then the
 verb μάχεσθαι comes in; as is shown in the words
 πυγμάχος, ναυμάχος ; in the expression αὐτόν σε πυλαμάχε πρῶτον, in Stesichorus; and the noun
 ὁπλομάχος, τειχομάχος, πυργομάχος. But
 Posidippus the comic writer, in his Pornoboscus, says— 
 The man who never went to sea has never shipwreck 'd been, 
 But we have been more miserable than μονομαχοῦντες (gladiators in single combat). 
 And that even men of reputation and captains fought in single combat, and
 did so in accordance with premeditated challenges, we have already said in other
 parts of this discussion. And Diyllus the Athenian says, in the ninth book of his Histories, that Cassander, when returning from Bœotia,
 after he had buried the king and queen at Aegæ, and with them Cynna the mother of
 Eurydice, and had paid them all the other honours to which they were entitled,
 celebrated also a show of single combats, and four of the soldiers entered the
 arena on that occasion.

But Demetrius the Scepsian, in the twelfth book of Trojan Array, says, that
 at the court of Antiochus the king, who was surnamed the Great, not only did
 the friends of the king dance in arms at his entertainments, but even the king
 himself did so. And when the turn to dance came to Hegesianax the Alexandrian
 from the Troas, who wrote the Histories, he rose up and said—' Do you wish, O
 king, to see me dance badly, or would you prefer hearing me recite my own poems
 very well?' Accordingly, being ordered rather to recite his poems, he sang the
 praises of the king in such a manner, that he was thought worthy of payment,
 and of being ranked as one of the king's friends for the time to come. But
 Duris the Samian, in the seventeenth book of his Histories, says that
 Polysperchon, though a very old man, danced whenever he was drunk,—a man who
 was inferior to no one of the Macedonians, either as a commander or in respect
 of his general reputation: but still that he put on a saffron robe and
 Sicyonian sandals, and kept on dancing a long time. But Agatharchides
 the Cnidian, in the eighth book of his History of Asia, relates that the friends
 of Alexander the son of Philip once gave an entertainment to the king, and gilded
 all the sweetmeats which were to be served up in the second course. And when they
 wanted to eat any of them, they took off the gold and threw that away with all the
 rest which was not good to eat, in order that their friends might be spectators of
 their sumptuousness, and their servants might become masters of the gold. But they
 forget that, as Duris also relates, Philip the father of Alexander, when he had a
 golden cup which was fifty drachmas in weight, always took it to bed with him, and
 always slept with it at his head. And Seleucus says, that some of the
 Thracians at their drinking parties play the game of hanging; and fix a round
 noose to some high place, exactly beneath which they place a stone which is
 easily turned round when any one stands upon it; and then they cast lots, and
 he who draws the lot, holding a sickle in his hand, stands
 upon the stone, and puts his neck into the halter; and then another person
 comes and raises the stone, and the man who is suspended, when the stone moves
 from under him, if he is not quick enough in cutting the rope with his sickle,
 is killed; and the rest laugh, thinking his death good sport.

This is what I had to say, my friends and messmates, O men far the first of all
 the Greeks, being what I know concerning the banquets of the ancients. But Plato
 the philosopher, in the first book of his treatise on the Laws of Banquets, speaks
 in this manner, describing the whole matter with the greatest accuracy— And
 you would never see any where in the country or in the cities which are under
 the dominion of Lacedæmon, any drinking parties, nor any of their
 accompaniments, which are calculated to excite as much pleasure as possible.
 Nor is there any one who would not at once impose as heavy a fine as possible
 on any one whom he met carrying his revely to the degree of drunkenness; and he
 would not even excuse him if he had the pretext of the Dionysiac festival of
 Bacchus. As I have known to be the case among you, in the case of men carried
 in carriages, and at Tarentum among our own colonists, where I have seen the
 whole city drunk at the time of the Dionysiac festival. But at Lacedæmon
 nothing of the sort ever takes place.

And Cynulcus said on this,—I only wish that you had played at that Thracian game
 and been hanged yourself. For you have kept us in suspense till we are almost
 famished, as if we were waiting for the rising star, till which arises, those who
 have invented this beautiful philosophy say that it is unlawful to taste of any
 food at all. But I, wretched man that I am, according, to the words of Diphilus
 the coming poet— 
 Am almost become a mullet from the extremity of hunger. 
 And you yourselves also have forgotten those admirable verses of the
 poet, who said— 
 For it is not a bad thing to eat supper at a proper season. 
 And the admirable Aristophanes has said in his Cocalus— 
 But it is now, O father, altogether noon, 
 When it is right for the young men to sup. 
 
 But for me it would be much better to sup as the men are
 represented as supping in the banquet given by Parmeniscus the Cynic,—than to come
 hither and see everything carried round us as if we all had fevers. And when we
 laughed at this, one of us said,—-But my most excellent fellow, do not grudge
 giving us the account of that Parmeniscean banquet. And he, raising himself up,
 said— 
 I swear to you most solemnly, my friends, 
 according to the words of the sweet Antiphanes, who, in the Woman given
 in Marriage, said— 
 I swear to you, O men, by the god himself, 
 From whom the joys of drunkenness and wine 
 Do come to mortal men, that I prefer 
 This happy life which here is mine at present, 
 To all the splendid pomp of king Seleucus. 
 'Tis sweet to eat e'en lentils without fear, 
 But sad to sleep on down in daily terror.

But Parmeniscus began in this manner—"Parmeniscus to Molpis, greeting,—As I have
 often in my conversations with you talked about illustrious invitations and
 entertainments, I am afraid lest you should labour under such a plethora as to
 blame me; on which account I wish to make you a partaker in the feast which was
 given by Cebes of Cyzicus. Therefore, having first taken a drink of hyssop, come
 at the proper hour to the feast. For at the time when the festival of Bacchus was
 being celebrated at Athens, I went to sup with him; and I found six Cynics sitting
 at table, and one dogleader, Carneus the Megarian. But, as the supper was delayed,
 a discussion arose, what water is the sweetest. And while some were praising the
 water of Lerna, and some that of Pirene, Carneus, imitating Philoxenus, said—That
 is the best water which is poured over our hands. So then when the tables were
 laid we went to supper, 
 And much pulse porridge then we ate, but more did still flow in. 
 Then again lentils were brought on the table steeped in vinegar; and that
 child of Jupiter laid his hands on them and said— 
 Jove, may the man who made these lentils grow, 
 Never escape thy notice or thy memory. 
 And then some one else immediately cried out— 
 May a lentil deity and a lentil fate seize you. 
 
 But to me may there be, according to the words of the comic
 poet Diphilus, which he uses in his Peliades— 
 
 A. A flowery supper very sumptuous, 
 A bowl quite lull of pulse for every man. 
 
 B. That first part is not flowery. 
 
 A. After that 
 Let a saperdes dance into the middle, 
 A little strong to smell. 
 
 B. That is a flower 
 Which soon will drive the thrushes all away. 
 And as a great laugh arose, immediately that spoon of the theatre Melissa
 came in, and that dogfly Nicium, each of them being a courtesan of no small
 renown: and so they, looking on what was set upon the table and admiring it,
 laughed. And Nicium said,—Is not there one of all you men so proud of your beards
 that eats fish? Is it because your ancestor Meleager the Gadarean, in his poem
 entitled the Graces, said that Homer, being a Syrian by birth, represented the
 ancients as abstaining from fish in accordance with the custom of his own country,
 although there was a great abundance of them in the Hellespont? Or have you ever
 read that one treatise of his which embraces a comparison between peas and
 lentilsfor I see that you have made a great preparation of lentils. And when I see
 it, I should advise you, according to the rules of Antisthenes the pupil of
 Socrates, to relieve yourselves of life if you stick to such food as this. And
 Carneus replied to her—Euxitheus the Pythagorean, O Nicium, as Clearchus the
 Peripatetic tells us, in the second book of his Lives, said that the souls of all
 men were bound in the body, and in the life which is on earth, for the sake of
 punishment; and that God has issued an edict that if they do not remain there
 until he voluntarily releases them himself, they shall fall into more numerous and
 more important calamities. On which account all me, being afraid of those
 threatenings of the gods, fear to depart from life by their own act, but only
 gladly welcome death when he comes in old age, trusting that that deliverance of
 the soul then takes place with the full consent of those who have the power to
 sanction it. And this doctrine we ourselves believe. But I have no objection,
 replied she, to your selecting one of three evils, if you please. For do you not
 know, O retched men, that these heavy kinds of food shut in the dominant principle of the soul, and do not allow wisdom to exist
 unimpaired in it?

Accordingly Theopompus, in the fifth book of his History of the Actions of Philip,
 says— For to eat much, and to eat meat, takes away the reasoning powers,
 and makes the intel- lect slower, and fills a man with anger, and harshness,
 and all sorts of folly. And the admirable Xenophon says, that it is
 sweet to a hungry man to eat barley-cakes and cardamums, and sweet to a thirsty
 man to draw water out of the river and drink it. But Socrates was often caught
 walking in the depth of evening up and down before his house; and to those who
 asked him what he was doing there, he used to reply that he was getting a relish
 for supper. But we shall be satisfied with whatever portion we receive from you,
 and we are not angry as if we received less than we ought, like the Hercules in
 Anticlides. For he says, in the second book of his Returns— After Hercules
 had accomplished his labours, when Eurystheus was solemnizing some sacrificial
 feast, he also was invited. And when the sons of Eurystheus were setting before
 each one of the company his proper portion, but placing a meaner one before
 Hercules, Hercules, thinking that he was being treated with indignity, slew
 three of the sons, Perimedes, Eurybius, and Eurypylus. But we are not
 so irascible, even though in all other points we are imitators of Hercules.

For lentils are a tragic food, 
 said Archagathus . . . . to have written; which also 
 Orestes ate when he had recover'd from his sickness, 
 as Sophilus the comic writer says. But it is a Stoic doctrine, that the
 wise man will do everything well, and will be able to cook even lentils cleverly.
 On which account Timon the Phliasian said— 
 And a man who knows not how to cook a lentil wisely. 
 As if a lentil could not be boiled in any other way except ac- cording to
 the precepts of Zeno, who said— 
 Add to the lentils a twelfth part of coriander. 
 And Crates the Theban said— 
 Do not prefer a dainty dish to lentils, 
 And so cause factious quarrels in our party.' 
 
 And Chrysippus, in his treatise on the Beautiful, quoting
 some apophthegms to us, says— 
 Eat not an olive when you have a nettle; 
 But take in winter lentil-macaroni— 
 Bah! bah! 
 Lentil-macaroni's like ambrosia in cold weather. 
 And the witty Aristophanes said, in his Gerytades— 
 You're teaching him to boil porridge or lentils. 
 And, in his Amphiaraus— 
 You who revile the lentil, best of food. 
 And Epicharmus says, in his Dionysi— 
 And then a dish of lentils was boil'd up. 
 And Antiphanes says, in his Women like one another— 
 Things go on well. Do you now boil some lentils, 
 Or else at least now teach me who you are. 
 And I know that a sister of Ulysses, the most prudent and wisest of men,
 was called φακῆ (lentil), the same whom some other
 writers call Callisto, as Mnaseas of Patra relates, in the third book of his
 History of the Affairs of Europe, and as Lysimachus also tells us, in the third
 book of his Returns.

And when Plutarch had burst into a violent fit of laughter at this, the Cynic, who
 could not endure to have his extensive learning on the subject of lentils
 disregarded, said— "But all you fine gentlemen from Alexandria, O Plutarch, are
 fed from your childhood on lentils; and your whole city is full of things made of
 lentils: which are mentioned by Sopater the lentil parodist, in his drama entitled
 Bacchis, where he speaks as follows:— 
 I could not bear to eat a common loaf, 
 Seeing a large high brazen pile of lentils. 
 For, what is there of which mortals have need, (according to your own
 idol, Euripides, O you most learned of men,) except two things only, 
 The corn of Ceres and a draught of water? 
 And they are here, and able to support us. 
 But we are not with plenty such as this 
 Contented, but are slaves to luxury 
 And such contrivances of other food. 
 And in another place that dramatic philosopher says— 
 The moderate fare shall me content 
 Of a plain modest table; 
 And I will never seek nor e'en admit 
 Whatever is out of season and superfluous. 
 
 And Socrates said that he differed from other men in this,
 that they lived that they might eat, but he ate that he might live. And Diogenes
 said to those who accused him of scratching himself,—I wish I could scratch my
 stomach, so as to rub all poverty and want out of it. And Euripides, in his
 Suppliant Women, says of Capaneus— 
 This man is Capancus, a man who had 
 Abundant riches, but no pride therefrom 
 Lodged in his, more than in a poor man's bosom. 
 But those who boasted of their luxury 
 He blamed, and praised the contented spirit. 
 For virtue did not, as he said, consist 
 In eating richly, but in moderation.

Capaneus was not, as it seems, such as the honest Chrysippus describes, in his
 treatise On those things which are not eligible for their own sakes. For he speaks
 in this manner: — Some men apply themselves with such eagerness to the
 pursuit of money, that it is even related, that a man once, when near his end,
 swallowed a number of pieces of gold, and so died. Another person sewed a
 quantity of money into a tunic, and put it on, and then ordered his servants to
 bury him in that dress, neither burning his body, nor stripping it and laying
 it out. For these men and all like them may almost be said, as they
 die, to cry out— 
 Oh gold, the choicest of all gifts to men! 
 For no fond mother does such raptures know, 
 Nor children in the house, nor any father, 
 Such as do flow from you, and are enjoy'd 
 By those who own you. If like yours the face 
 Of Venus, when she rose up from the sea, 
 No wonder that she has ten thousand lovers. 
 Such great thirst for money was there among the men of that time,
 concerning which Anacharsis, when some one asked him what the Greeks used money
 for? said, To count with. But Diogenes, in his treatise on Polity, proposed to
 establish a law that bits of bone should be taken as coins; and well too has
 Euripides said— 
 Speak not of wealth; that god I worship not, 
 Who comes with ease into a bad man's power. 
 And Chrysippus, in his elementary work, which is entitled, A Treatise on
 Good and Evil Things, says that "a certain young man from Ionia came to sojourn at
 Athens, clothed in a purple robe having golden fringes; and when some one asked of him what countryman he was, he replied that he was
 rich. And, perhaps, it may be the very same person whom Alexis mentions in his
 Thebans, where he says— 
 
 A. But from what country does this person come? 
 
 B. From Richland; and by general consent 
 The natives of that land are counted noble; 
 Nor can one find a noble beggar anywhere.

When Cynulcus had said this, and when no one applauded him, he got out of temper;
 and said,—But since these men, O you master of the feast, are made so
 uncomfortable by a Diarrhœa of words as to feel no hunger; or perhaps, it may be
 that they laugh at what is said about lentils, (having in their mind what is said
 by Pherecrates, in his Coriander— 
 
 A. Come now, I'll sit me down; and bring me
 here, 
 O slave, a table, and a cup of wine, 
 That I may eat to flavour what I drink. 
 
 B. Here is a cup, a table, and some lentils. 
 
 A. No lentils bring to me, I like them not: 
 For if one eats them, they do taint the breath.)— 
 Since then, on this account, these wise men guard against the lentils, at
 all events cause some bread to be given to us, with a little plain food; no
 expensive dishes, but any of those vulgar lentils, if you have them, or what is
 called lentil soup. And when every one laughed, especially at the idea of the
 lentil soup, he said, You are very ignorant men, you feasters, never having read
 any books, which are the only things to instruct those who desire what is good. I
 mean the books of the Silli of Timon the Pyrrhonian. For he it is who speaks of
 lentil soup, in the second book of his Silli, writing as follows:— 
 The Teian barley-cakes do please me not, 
 Nor e'en the Lydian sauces: but the Greeks, 
 And their dry lentil soup, delight me more 
 Than all that painful luxury of excess. 
 For though the barley-cakes of Teos are preeminently good, (as also are
 those from Eretria, as Sopater says, in his Suitors of Bacchis, where he says—
 
 We came to Eretria, for its white meal famed;) 
 and also, the Lydian sauces; still Timon prefers the lentil soup to both
 of them put together.

To this our admirable entertainer, Laurentius himself, replied, saying,—O you men
 who drive the dogs, according to the Jocasta of Strattis, the
 comic poet, who in the play entitled The Phœnician Women, is represented as
 saying— 
 I wish to give you both some good advice: 
 When you boil lentils, pour no perfume o'er them. 
 And Sopater, too, whom you were mentioning just now, in his Descent to
 Hell, speaks in these terms:— 
 Ulysses, king of Ithaca—'Tis perfume 
 On lentils thrown: courage, my noble soul! 
 And Clearchus the Peripatetic philosopher, in his treatise on Proverbs,
 gives the saying, Perfume thrown on lentils; as a proverb which my
 grandfather Varro also mentions, he, I mean, who was nicknamed Menippius. And many
 of the Roman grammarians, who have not had much intercourse with many Greek poets
 or historians, do not know where it is that Varro got his Iambic from. But you
 seem to me, O Cynulcus, (for you delight in that name, not using the name by which
 your mother has called you from your birth,) according to your friend Timon, to be
 a noble and great man, not knowing that the lentil soup obtained mention from the
 the former Epicharmus, in his Festival, and in his Islands, and also from
 Antiphanes the comic poet; who, using the diminutive form, has spoken of it in his
 Wedding, under the following form of expression— 
 A little lentil soup ( κόγχιον ), a slice of
 sausage. 
 And Magnus immediately taking up the conversation, said,— The most
 universally excellent Laurentius has well and cleverly met this hungry dog on the
 subject of the lentil soup. But I, like to the Galatians of the Paphian Sopater,
 among whom it is a custom whenever they have met with any eminent success in war
 to sacrifice their prisoners to the gods,— 
 I too, in imitation of those men, 
 Have vow'd a fiery sacrifice to the gods— 
 Three of these secretly enroll'd logicians. 
 And now that I have heard your company 
 Philosophise and argue subtlely, 
 Persisting firmly, I will bring a test, 
 A certain proof of all your arguments: 
 First smoking you. And if then any one 
 When roasted shrinks and draws away his leg, 
 He shall be sold to Zeno for his master 
 For transportation, as bereft of wisdom.

For I will speak freely to them. If you are so fond of 
 contentment, O philosopher, why do you not admire those dis- ciples of Pythagoras,
 concerning whom Antiphanes says, in his Monuments— 
 Some miserable Pythagoreans came 
 Gnawing some salt food in a deep ravine, 
 And picking up such refuse in a wallet. 
 And in the play which is especially entitled the Wallet, he says— 
 First, like a pupil of Pythagoras, 
 He eats no living thing, but peels some husks 
 Of barley which he's bought for half an obol, 
 Discolour'd dirty husks, and those he eats. 
 And Alexis says, in his Tarentines— 
 For, as we hear, the pupils of Pythagoras 
 Eat no good meat nor any living thing, 
 And they alone of men do drink no wine. 
 But Epicharides will bitches eat; 
 The only one of all the sect; but then 
 He kills them first, and says they are not living. 
 And proceeding a little further, he says— 
 
 A. Shreds of Pythagoras and subtleties 
 And well-fill'd thoughts are their sufficient food. 
 Their daily meals are these-a simple loaf 
 To every man, and a pure cup of water. 
 And this is all. 
 
 B. You speak of prison fare. 
 
 A. This is the way that all the wise men live. 
 These are the hardships that they all endure. 
 
 B. Where do they live in such a way? 
 
 A. Yet they procure 
 Dainties after their sort for one another; 
 Know you not Melanippides and Phaon, 
 Phyromachus and Phanus are companions? 
 And they together sup on each fifth day 
 On one full cotyla of wheaten meal. 
 And, in his Female Pythagorean, he says— 
 
 A. The banquet shall be figs and grapes and
 cheese, 
 For these the victims are which the strict law 
 Allows Pythagoras' sect to sacrifice. 
 
 B. By Jove, as fine a sacrifice as possible. 
 And a few lines afterwards, he says— 
 One must for a short time, my friend, endure 
 Hunger, and dirt, and cold, and speechlessness, 
 And sullen frowns, and an unwashen face.

But you, my philosophical friends, practise none of these things. But what is far
 worse than any of them, you talk about what you do not in the
 least understand; and, as if you were eating in an orderly manner, you take in
 mouthfuls like the man in that sweet poet Antiphanes; for he says, in his Runaway
 Slave-catcher— Taking a moderate mouthful, small outside, But large within his
 hand, as women do. And in the same way you eat a great deal and eat very fast;
 when it is in your power, according to the words of the same poet which he uses in
 the Thombycius, to buy for a single drachma food well suited to you, such
 as garlic, cheese, onions, and capers; for all these only cost a
 drachma. And Aristophanes says, in his Pythagoreans— 
 What? do we think, I ask you in God's name, 
 That these philosophers of olden time, 
 The pupils of Pythagoras, went thus 
 In dirt and rags all of their own accord? 
 I don't believe one word of such a thing. 
 No; they were forced to do so, as they had not 
 A single farthing to buy clothes or soap. 
 And then they made a merit of economy, 
 And laid down rules, most splendid rules for beggars. 
 But only put before them fish or meat; 
 And if they do not their own fingers bite 
 For very eagerness, I will be bound 
 To let you hang me ten times over. 
 And it is not foreign to the present discussion to mention an epigram
 which was made with reference to you, which Hegesander the Delphian has quoted, in
 the sixth book of his Commentaries— 
 Men drawing up your eyebrows, and depressing 
 Your scornful nostrils till they reach the chin, 
 Wearing your beards in sacks, strippers of dishes, 
 Wearing your cloak outside, with unshod feet 
 Looking like oil, and eating stealthily 
 Like hungry vagrants 'neath night's friendly cover, 
 Cheaters of youth, spouters of syllables, 
 Pretenders to vain wisdom, but pretending 
 To make your only object Virtue's self.

But Archestratus of Gela, in his treatise on Gastronomy, (which is the only
 poetical composition which you wise men admire; following Pythagoras in this
 doctrine alone, namely silence, and doing this only because of your want of words;
 and besides that, you profess to think well of the Art of Love of Sphodrias the
 Cynic, and the Amatory Conversation of Protagorides, and the Convivial Dialogues
 of that beautiful philosopher Persæus, compiled out of the
 Commentaries of Stilpon and Zeno, in which he inquires, How one may guard against
 guests at a banquet going to sleep; and, How one ought to use drinking of healths;
 and, When one ought to introduce beautiful boys and girls into a banquet; and when
 one ought to treat them well as if they were admired, and when one ought to send
 them away as disregarding them; and also, concerning various kinds of cookery, and
 concerning loaves, and other things; and all the over-subtle discussions in which
 the son of Sophroniscus has indulged concerning kissing. A philosopher who was
 continually exercising his intellect on such investigations as these, being
 entrusted, as Hermippus relates, with the citadel of Corinth by Antigonus, got
 drunk and lost even Corinth itself, being outwitted and defeated by Aratus the
 Sicyonian; who formerly had argued in his Dialogues against Zeno the philosopher,
 contending that a wise man would in every respect be a good general; and this
 excellent pupil of Zeno proved this especial point admirably by his own
 achievements. For it was a witty saying of Bion the Borysthenite, when he saw a
 brazen statue of his, on which was the inscription, PERSEUS OF CITIUM, THE PUPIL
 OF ZENO, that the man who engraved the inscription had made a blunder, for that it
 ought to have been, Persæus the servant ( οἰκιτίεα 
 not κιτίεα ) of Zeno; for he had been born a slave
 of Zeno, as Nicias of Nicæa relates, in his History of Philosophers; and this is
 confirmed by Sotion the Alexandrian, in his Successions. And I have met with two
 books of that admirable work of Persæus, which have this title, Convivial
 Dialogues.

But Ctesibius the Chalcidian, the friend of Menedemus, as Antigonus the Carystian
 relates in his Lives, being asked by somebody, What he had ever got by philosophy?
 replied, The power of getting a supper without contributing to it himself. On
 which account Timon somewhere or other said to him— 
 Oh you mad dinner hunter, with the eyes 
 Of a dead corpse, and heart both bold and shameless 
 And Ctesibius was a man who made very good guesses, and was a very witty
 man, and a sayer of amusing things; on which account every one used to invite him
 to their parties; he was not a man like you, you Cynic, who never sacrificed to
 the Graces, nor even to the Muses. And therefore Virtue 
 avoiding you, and all like you, sits by Pleasure, as Mnasalces the Sicyonian says,
 in his Epigrams— 
 Here I most miserable Virtue sit 
 By Pleasure's side, and cut my hair for grief, 
 Crnsh'd in my spirit; for profane Delight 
 Is judged by all my better, and my chief. 
 And Baton the comic writer says in his Homicide— 
 Now I invite those moderate philosophers, 
 Who ne'er allow themselves a single pleasure, 
 Who keep on looking for the one wise man 
 In all their walks and conversations, 
 As if he were a slave who'd run away. 
 O wretched man, why, when you have a ticket, 
 Will you refuse to drink? Why dost thou now 
 Do so much wrong to the Gods? why dost thou make 
 Money of greater value than the rate 
 Which nature puts on it? You drink but water, 
 And so must be a worthless citizen; 
 For so you cheat the farmer and the merchant; 
 But I by getting drunk increase their trade. 
 Then you at early dawn bear round a cruet, 
 Seeking for oil, so that a man must think 
 You have an hour-glass with you, not a bottle.)

However, Archestratus, as I was saying before this long digression, whom you
 praise as equal to Homer, because of his praises of the stomach—though your friend
 Timon says of the stomach, 
 Than which no part more shameless can be found— 
 when speaking of the Sea-dog, writes as follows:— 
 There are but few so happy as to know 
 This godlike food, nor do men covet it 
 Who have the silly souls of common mortals. 
 They fear because it is an animal 
 Which living preys on man. But every fish 
 Loves human flesh, if it can meet with it. 
 So that 'tis fit that all who talk such nonsense 
 Should be confined to herbs, and should be sent 
 To Diodorus the philosopher 
 And starve, and so pythagorize with him. 
 But this Diodorus was by birth an Aspendian; but desiring to be thought a
 Pythagorean, he lived after the fashion of you Cynics, letting his hair grow,
 being dirty, and going barefoot. On which account some people fancied that it was
 an article of the Pythagorean creed to let the hair grow, which was in reality a
 fashion introduced by Diodorus, as Hermippus asserts. But
 Timæus of Tauromenium, in the ninth book of his Histories, writes thus concerning
 him- "Diodorus, who was by birth an Aspendian, introduced a novel fashion of
 dress, and pretended to resemble the Pythagoreans. Stratonicus wrote and sent a
 messenger to him, desiring him who carried the message to seek out a disciple of
 Pythagoras who kept the portico crowded by his insane vagaries about dress, and
 his insolence. And Sosicrates, in the third book of the Succession of
 Philosophers, relates that Diodorus used to wear a long beard, and a worn-out
 cloak, and to keep his hair long, indulging in these fashions out of a vain
 ostentation. For that the Pythagoreans before him wore very handsome clothes, and
 used baths, and perfumes, and hair of the ordinary length.

And if you in reality, O philosopher, do admire contentment and moderation in your
 feasts, why is it that you have come hither without being invited? Did you come as
 to a house of intemperance, in order to learn to make a Catalogue of a cook's
 instruments? or in order to spout some verses of Cepholion the Athenian? For
 according to the Cedalion of Sophocles, you are 
 A branded lot, all knaves and parasites. 
 And he says that you philosophers always have your minds set upon
 banquets; and that you think it constantly necessary to ask for something to eat
 or to devour some Cynic food. For there is no need for our picking our phrases.
 And all this is plain from what Alexis relates in this book which is entitled
 Linus: and in that he supposes Hercules to have been educated by Linus, and to
 have been ordered by him to select any one out of a number of books that were at
 hand to read. And he having taken a cookery-book in his hand, retained it with
 great eagerness. And Linus then speaks to him in the following terms— 
 
 Lin. Come here, and take whatever book you
 please, 
 And read it carefully, when you have scann'd 
 The titles, and the subjects well consider'd. 
 There's Orpheus here, and Hesiod, and plays, 
 Choerilus, Homer, Epicharmus too, 
 All sorts of works. For thus your choice will show me 
 Your nature, and your favourite pursuit. 
 
 Her. I will take this. 
 
 Lin. First show me what it is. 
 
 Her. A cookery book, as says the title-page. 
 
 
 Lin. You're a philosopher, that's very plain, 
 Who passing over all these useful books, 
 Choose out the art of Simus. 
 
 Her. Who is Simus 
 
 Lin. A very clever man; now he has turn'd 
 To tragic studies; and of all the actors 
 Is, the most skilful cook, as those who eat 
 His dishes do declare. And of all cooks 
 By far the cleverest actor. 
 
 Her. He's a man 
 Of noble appetite; say what you wish; 
 For be of this assured, that I am hungry.

When Magnus had run through these quotations, Cynulcus, looking at the
 philosophers who were present, said— 
 Have you seen the Thasian brine, and heard how he does bark? 
 How speedily the fellow did revenge himself, and thoroughly; 
 It does not seem a case of one blind speaking to a deaf man: 
 as Cratinus says, in his Archilochi. For he, forgetting before what a
 tribunal he was making an exhibition of his fine iambics, read his colabri with
 his natural greediness, and at the same time with his usual elegance of
 expression, and 
 Melodies out of time, and tuneless cymbals: 
 and after all this fine ignorant stupidity, he goes round to people's
 houses, seeking out where any handsome banquet is prepared, carrying his conduct
 to a length even beyond the Athenian Chærephon, of whom Alexis says in his
 Fugitive— 
 That Chærephon has always got some trick, 
 And now he's looking for some feast to share 
 Where he himself will not be call'd upon 
 For any contribution. For wheresoever 
 A pot, such as is let to cooks, does stand, 
 Thither he goeth at the earliest dawn; 
 And if he sees one come to hire it 
 For any feast, he asks the cook the name 
 Of him who gives the feast, and then as soon 
 As the door opens, in he walks the first. 
 But this man has no hesitation, like the excellent Magnus, even to make
 excursions quite beyond the boundaries for the sake of his stomach, as Alexis said
 in his Men who Died together— 
 Chærephon comes to Corinth for a supper, 
 Though he has never had an invitation; 
 But still he flies across the sea, so sweet 
 It is to eat of what another pays for. 
 
 And Theopompus, in his Ulysses, says— 
 Well said Euripides, "It is not bad 
 For a rich man to dine at other's cost."

And when all laughed at this, Ulpian said, Whence do the voluptuaries who talk so
 loosely get all their elegance of expression? And Cynulcus replied, But, O you
 well-seasoned little pig, Phrynichus the Cynic poet, in his Ephiates, mentions
 the elegant speaker in these terms:— 
 Is is the hardest work of all to guard against such men; 
 For they do carry always at their finger's end a sting, 
 The misanthropic flower of youth; and then they fawn on all 
 With carefully selected sweetness of expression, 
 Always the forum haunting when the citizens are seated; 
 And then they lacerate with wounds severe and unexpected 
 Those whom they have been fawning on, and hide themselves and laugh. 
 And the word χαριτογλωσσεῖν (to speak so
 as to please) is used by Aeschylus in the Prometheus Vinctus— 
 You shall know this for true; nor is it mine 
 
 χαριτογλωσσεῖν. 
 
 And when Ulpian said again, But what, my friends, is meant by cooks'
 instruments? for these things were mentioned, and were thought worthy of being
 enumerated in the Arcadian banquets: and also where is the word ἀσώτιον (abode of luxury) to be found? For I know that
 the adjective ἄσωτος is common enough. And Alexis
 speaks of a luxurious extravagant man in his Cnidia, saying— 
 Diodorus, most extravagant of men, 
 In two brief years did make his patrimony 
 Into a football, with such headlong speed 
 Did he devour everything. 
 And again, in the Phædrus, he says— 
 You tell me of a very slow proceeding; 
 For in five days the little Epicharides 
 Made ducks and drakes of all his father's property, 
 So quickly and entirely did he swallow it.

And Ctesippus the son of Chabrias carried hi extravagance and intemperance to such
 a height, that he old even the stones of his father's tomb, on which the Athenians
 had spent a thousand drachmæ, to furnish means for his luxury. And accordingly
 Diphilus says in his Men offering Sacrifices to the Dead— 
 
 If Chabrias's son, the young Ctesippus, 
 Had not become a friend of Phædimus, 
 I should have brought a wholesome law forward 
 To cause his father's monument to be finished. 
 That each of all the citizens should give 
 A stone of size to fill a waggon, and 
 I say that that would not be much for him. 
 And Timocles, in his Demosatyri, says— 
 Ctesippus, the fine son of Chabrias, 
 Has ceased to shave himself three times a-day. 
 A great man among women, not with men. 
 And Menander, in his Anger, says this of him— 
 And I too once was a young man, O woman, 
 Nor did I then five several times a-day 
 Bathe, as I now do bathe; nor at that time 
 Had I a soft cloak, such as now I have, 
 Nor such perfumes as now; now I will paint myself, 
 And pluck my hair, by Jove. Aye, I will be 
 Ctesippus, not a man; and in brief time 
 I too, like him, will eat up all the stones, 
 For I'll not be content with earth alone. 
 And perhaps it was on account of this extravagant luxury and debauchery
 that Demosthenes has handed down his name in his treatise on Immunities. But those
 who have devoured their patrimony ought to be punished in such a way as this, like
 the Nauclerus of Menander. For Menander says— 
 O dearest mother of all mortals, Earth, 
 How kind you are to all possess'd of sense; 
 How worthy of all honour! Sure that man 
 Who like a spendthrift eats his patrimony, 
 Should be condemn'd to sail about for ever 
 And never reach the shore; that he might feel 
 To what great good he'd been insensible.

And Axionicus speaks of a certain Pythodelus as a very intemperate man, in his
 Etrurian, saying— 
 Here Pythodelus comes, who is surnamed 
 Isoballion, greediest of men, 
 And on his steps does follow that wise woman 
 Ischas, bearing a drum, and very drunk. 
 And Anaxandrides attacks Polyeuctus, turning him into ridicule in the
 comedy called Tereus— 
 
 A. You shall be call'd a bird. 
 
 B. Why so, by Vesta? 
 Is it because I ate my patrimony 
 
 Like that most fashionable Polyeuctus? 
 
 A. No, but because you, though you were a man, 
 Were torn in pieces by the women so. 
 
 
 And Theopompus, in the tenth book of his account of the Exploits of Philip, (a
 book from which some separate the conclusion, in which there is the mention made
 of the demagogues at Athens,) says that Eubulus the demagogue was an intemperate
 man. And he uses the following expressions— And he so far exceeded the
 whole nation of the Tarentines in luxury and extravagance, that this latter is
 only im- moderate in its indulgence in feasts; but he spent on his luxury even
 the revenues of the Athenian people. But Callistratus, he continues,
 the son of Callicrates, who was himself also a demagogue, was very
 intemperate in his pleasures, but still he was very attentive to the business
 of the state. And speaking of the Tarentines, in the fifty-second book
 of his Histories, he writes as follows— The city of the Tarentines
 sacrifices oxen nearly every month, and celebrates public festivals; and the
 chief body of private individuals is always occupied in banquets and drinking
 parties. And the Tarentines hold some such language as this: That other men,
 because they are fond of personal exertion, and because they devote themselves
 to actual labour, prepare their subsistence in this way for the future: but
 that they, by means of their banquets and pleasures, are not about to live, but
 are living already.

But concerning the intemperance and general habits and life of Philip and his
 companions, Theopompus gives the following account, in the forty-ninth book of his
 Histories— When Philip became master of great treasures, he did not spend
 them quickly, but he threw them away and squandered them; being of all the men
 that ever lived, not only the worst manager himself, but all those who were
 about him were so too. For absolutely not one of them had any idea of living
 properly, or of managing his household with moderation. And of that he himself
 was the cause, being a most insatiable and extravagant man, doing everything in
 an offhand manner, whether he was acquiring property or giving it away. For
 though he was a soldier, he was unable, out of pure laziness, to count what he
 had coming in and what he spent. And then his companions were men collected
 together from all quarters; for some of them came from his
 own country, and some from Thessaly, and some from other parts of Greece, not
 being selected with any care; but if among either Greeks or barbarians there
 was any lascivious, or im- pure, or avaricious man, he had almost every one of
 the same character assembled in Macedonia, and they were all called friends of
 Philip. And even if any one came who was not entirely of that disposition,
 still under the influence of the life and manners of the Macedonians, he very
 soon became like the rest. For their wars, and military expeditions, and other
 great expenses, encouraged them to be audacious, and to live, not in an orderly
 manner, but after a prodigal fashion and like robbers.

But Duris, in the seventh book of his History of the Affairs of Macedonia,
 speaking of Pasicyprus the king of Cyprus, and of his intemperate habits, writes
 as follows— Alexander, after the siege of Tyre, dismissed Pnytagoras, and
 gave him many presents, and among them he gave him the fortified place which he
 asked for. And that very place Pasicyprus the king had previously sold, in a
 luxurious freak, for fifty talents, to Pymatus the Cittiæan, selling him both
 the fortress itself and his own royal authority over it. And when he had
 received the money he grew old in Amathus. Such also was Aethiops the
 Corinthian, as Demetrius the Scepsian relates, of whom mention is made by
 Archilochus; for he, out of his love of pleasure and intemperance, sailing
 with Archias to Sicily when he was about to found Syracuse, sold to his
 messmate for a cake of honey the lot which he had just drawn, and was about to
 take possession of in Syracuse.

But Demetrius carried his extravagance to such a height, he, I mean, who was the
 descendant of Demetrius Phalereus, according to the account of Hegesander, that he
 had Aristagora the Corinthian for a mistress, and lived in a most expensive
 manner. And when the Areopagitæ summoned him before them, and ordered him to live
 more decorously— But even now, said he, I live like a
 gentleman, for I have a most beautiful mistress, and I do no wrong to any one,
 and I drink Chian wine, and I have a sufficiency of everything, as my own
 revenues suffice for all these expenses. And I do not live as some of you do,
 corrupted by bribes myself, and intriguing with other
 men's wives. And hereupon he enumerated some who acted in this manner
 by name. And Antigonus the king, having heard this, made him a thesmothete. And
 he, being an hipparch at the Panathenæa, erected a seat close to the statues of
 Mercury for Aristagora, higher than the Mercuries themselves. And when the
 mysteries were celebrated at Eleusis, he placed a seat for her close to the
 temple, saying that those who endeavored to hinder him should repent it.

But Phanodemus, and also Philochorus, have related that in former times the judges
 of the Areopagus used to summon before them and to punish profligate and
 extravagant men, and those who had no ostensible means of living: and many others
 have told the same story. At all events, those judges sent for Menedemus and
 Asclepiades the philosophers when they were young men and poor, and asked them how
 they managed to look so sleek and comfortable when they spent the whole day idling
 with philosophers, and had no property. And they replied that some one of the men
 about the mill had better be sent for. And when he came and said that they came
 every night to the mill and threshed and ground the corn, and each earned two
 drachmæ, the judges of the Areopagus marvelled, and presented them with two
 hundred drachmæ as a reward. 
 And the citizens of Abdera brought Democritus to trial, on the ground that he had
 wasted the estate which he had inherited from his father. And when he had read to
 them his Great World, and his treatise concerning the Things in the Shades below,
 and had said that he had spent it on these works, he was discharged.

But those men who are not so luxurious, as Amphis says— 
 Drink two entire days in every day, 
 Shaking their heads through their too mighty draughts. 
 And according to Diphilus— 
 Having three heads, like to Diana's statue. 
 Being enemies to their own estate, as Satyrus in his treatise on
 Characters said, running through their land, tearing to pieces and plundering
 their own houses, selling their own property as if it were the spoils of the
 enemy, considering not what has been spent, but what will be spent, and not what will remain afterwards, but what will not remain, having
 spent beforehand in their youth the money which ought to have carried them safely
 through old age, rejoicing in companionship, not in companions, and in their wine,
 and not in those who drink it with them. But Agatharchides the Corinthian, in the
 twenty-eighth book of his Commentary on the Affairs of Europe, says that
 Gnosippus, who was a very luxurious and extravagant man in Sparta, was
 forbidden by the Ephori to hold intercourse with the young men. And
 among the Romans, it is related, according to the statement of Posidonius, in the
 forty-ninth book of his Histories, that there was a man named Apicius who went
 beyond all other men in intemperance. This is that Apicius who was the cause of
 banishment to Rutilius, who wrote the history of the Romans in the Greek language.
 But concerning Apicius, the man, I mean, who is so notorious for his extravagant
 luxury, we have already spoken in our first book.

But Diogenes the Babylonian, in his treatise on Nobility of Birth, says
 that the son of Phocion, whose name was Phocus, was such a man that
 there was not one Athenian who did not hate him. And whenever any one met him
 they said to him, 'O you man who are a disgrace to your family!' For he had
 expended all his patrimony on intemperance; and after this he became a
 flatterer of the prefect of Munychia; on which account he was again attacked
 and reproached by every one. And once, when a voluntary contribution was being
 made, he came forward and said, before the whole assembly, ' I, too, contribute
 my share.' And the Athenians all with one accord cried out, 'Yes, to
 profligacy.' And Phocus was a man very fond of drinking hard; and accordingly,
 when he had conquered with horses at the Panathenæa, and when Sopater
 entertained his companions at a banquet, the preparation was very splendid, and
 foot-tubs full of wine and spices were set before all who came in. And his
 father, seeing this, called Phocus, and said, 'Will you not stop your companion
 from polluting your victory in this fashion?' 
 
 And I know too of many other intemperate and extravagant men, whom I leave you to
 find out, with the exception of Callias the son of Hipponicus, whom even the
 tutors of little children have heard of. But concerning the others whom I have
 been a little hasty in mentioning, if you have anything to
 say, I have the doors of my ears open. So speak; for I want to know something. 
 Besides Magnus used the words ἐπεσθίειν and
 ἐπιφαγεῖν. And Aemilianus said, you have the
 word ἀσώτιον used by Strattis, in his Chrysippus,
 where he says— 
 He will not e'en have time to ease himself, 
 Nor to turn to an ἀσώτιον, nor e'en, 
 If a man meets him, to converse with him.

But the instruments used by a cook are enumerated by Anaxippus, in his
 Harp-player, as follows:— 
 Bring me a ladle and a dozen spits, 
 A flesh-hook, and a mortar, and a cheese-scraper, 
 A cylinder, three troughs, a knife, four choppers. 
 Will you not, O man hated by the gods, 
 Make haste and put the kettle on the fire 
 And are you now still dawdling at that dish? 
 And with that largest chopper? 
 But Aristophanes calls the dish which we commonly call χύτρα, a κακκάβη, in his
 play of the Women occupying the Tents; saying— 
 Warm now the κακκάβη of the preceptor. 
 And, in his Daitaleis, he says— 
 To bring the κακκάβη from thence. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Friend to the Thebans, says— 
 We now have everything; for that fine eel 
 From Thebes, a namesake of the one in-doors, 
 Mingling within the hollow κακκάβη, 
 
 Is warm, and leaps, is boiled, and bubbles up. 
 But Antiphanes calls a dish βατάνιον, in
 his Euthydicus— 
 Then came a polypus all cut in pieces, 
 And boiled ἐν βατανίοισιν. 
 
 And Alexis, in his Asclepioclides, says— 
 But I when sojourning in Sicily, 
 Learn'd to cook with such dexterity, 
 That I make all the guests with eagerness 
 Invade the dishes ( βατάνια ) with their teeth
 at times. 
 But Antiphanes spells the word with a π ;
 writing it πατάνιον, in his Wedding— 
 
 πατάνια, beet, and assafœtida, 
 Dishes and candles, coriander and onions, 
 And salt and olives, and round dishes too. 
 And Philetærus says, in his Œnopion— 
 Here let the cook of dainty dishes ( πατανίων ) come. 
 
 And, in a subsequent passage, he says— 
 He seems to have more pupils for his dishes 
 Than even Stratonicus had. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Parasite, said this— 
 
 A. Another bulky man, large as a table, 
 And nobly born, will come besides this man. 
 
 B. Whom do you mean? 
 
 A. A new Carystian, 
 Born of the earth and warm. 
 
 B. Tell me his name, 
 Or else begone. 
 
 A. I mean a κάκκαβος, 
 
 But you, perhaps, would call it merely dish. 
 
 B. What do I care what name you give to it? 
 Whether men like to call it κάκκαβος 
 
 Or σίττυβος, I know the thing you mean. 
 But Eubulus, in his Ionian, uses both forms, both βατάνιον and πατάνιον, where he
 says— 
 Round dishes, and βατάνια, and caccabia, 
 And Iopadia, and πατάνια, in crowds 
 Countless, I could not tell you half their names.

But Alexis made a catalogue of seasonings, in his play called the Caldron, saying—
 
 
 A. Let me have no excuses, no I have
 not. 
 
 
 B. But tell me what you want—I will take all. 
 
 A. Quite right. Go first of all and take some
 sesame. 
 
 B. There's some within. 
 
 A. Take some grapes dried and cut, 
 Some fennel, anise, assafœtida, 
 Mustard and cabbage, some dry coriander, 
 Sumach and cummin, capers, marjoram, 
 Leeks, garlic, thyme, sage, seseli, 
 Some new-made wine boil'd down, some rue and spinach. 
 And, in his Woman working all Night, or the Spinners, he introduces a
 cook as saying— 
 I must run round, and bawl for what I want; 
 You'll call for supper when you home return, 
 And I have got no vinegar, nor anise, 
 Nor marjoram, nor fig-leaves, nor sweet oil, 
 Nor almonds, nor the lees of new-made wine, 
 Nor garlic, no, nor leeks, nor onions, 
 No fire, no cummin seed, no salt, no eggs, 
 No wood, no trough, no frying-pan, no rope; 
 No pail, no cistern, neither well nor pitcher; 
 Here I stand useless with but knife in hand, 
 Girt and prepared for action all in vain. 
 
 And, in his Wicked Woman, he says— 
 First of all take a dish of goodly size, 
 And put in marjoram and pounded herbs, 
 Steep'd to a fair extent in vinegar, 
 Colour'd with new made wine, and flavoured with 
 Plenty of potent assafœtida. 
 And Teleclides used the word ἐπεσθίειν, 
 in his Prytanes, in this manner:— 
 
 τύριον ἐπεσθίοντα, eating cheese. 
 And Eupolis used the word ἐπιφαγεῖν in
 his Taxiarchs— 
 Wishing to eat ( ἐπιφαγεῖν ) of nothing 
 But just an onion and three pickled olives. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Plutus, says— 
 Once, out of poverty, he ate up ( ἐπήσθιεν )
 everything.

But there was another class of men somewhat different from the cooks, called
 τραπεζοποιοὶ, setters out of tables. But what
 their office was is plainly stated by Antiphanes, in his Sojourner— 
 Hither I come, and bring this table-setter, 
 Who soon shall wash the cloths, and trim the lamps, 
 Prepare the glad libations, and do every thing 
 Which to his office may pertain. 
 And it is worth inquiring whether the τραπεζοκόμος is the same person as the τραπεζοποιός. For king Juba, in his treatise on Similitudes, says
 that the τραπεζοκόμος is the same person who is
 called by the Romans structor, quoting from the play of
 Alexander, which is entitled Potation— 
 Now for to-morrow I must get a flute-player, 
 A table-setter, and a workman too. 
 This was my master's reason for despatching me 
 On this commision from his country seat. 
 But they called him τραπεζοποιὸς who took
 care of the tables, and of everything else which required order and good
 mnagement. Philemon says, in his The Uninvited Guest — 
 There is no need of long deliberation 
 About the kitchen, for the table-setter 
 Is bound to look to that; that is his office. 
 They also used the word ἐπιτραπεζώματα, 
 meaning by th s the food which was placed upon the table. Plato says, in the
 Menelaus— 
 How little now is left of the ἐπιτραπεζώματα. 
 
 
 They also called the man who bought the meat, the ʼἀγοραστὴς, but now they call him ὀψωνάτωρ, an officer whom Xenophon mentions, in the second book of the Memorabilia, speaking thus:— Could we
 expect to get a steward and buyer of such a character for nothing But
 the same word is used in a more general sense by Menander, in his Phanius— 
 He was a thrifty and a moderate buyer ( ἀγοραστής ): 
 And Aristophanes calls him ὀψώνης, in his
 Tagenistæ, saying— 
 How the purveyor ( ὀψώνης ) seems to delay our
 supper. 
 Cratinus, too, uses the verb παροψωνέω, 
 in his Cleobulinæ, where he says * * * * * * And Alexis uses the verb παραγοράζω, in the same sense, (to buy dainty
 side-dishes,) in his Dropidas. 
 There are people called εἰλέατροι ; they are those,
 according to Pamphilus, who invite people to the king's table, having their name
 derived from ἐλεός (a kitchen table). But
 Artemidorus calls them δειπνοκλήτορες.

They also used to call the tasters (according to the statement of the same
 Pamphilus) ἐδέατροι, because they ate of dishes
 before the king with a view to his safety. But now, the person called ἐδέατρος is the superintendent of the whole management
 of the feast; and that office is very eminent and honourable. Accordingly, Chares,
 in the third book of his Histories, says that Ptolemy surnamed Soter, was
 originally appointed as the taster ( ἐδέατρος ) of
 Alexander. And it appears that the person whom the Romans now call the taster was
 at that time called by the Greeks προτένθης. As
 Aristophanes, in the earlier of his plays, called the Clouds, says— 
 
 A. Why then do not the magistrates receive 
 The prytanea on the new-moon's day, 
 But on the day before? 
 
 B. They seem to me 
 To act like tasters ( πρότενθαι ) who in hopes
 to take 
 The prytanea with all possible speed, 
 Taste them on this account all on one day. 
 And Pherecrates mentions them, in his Countrymen— 
 Do not you marvel; we are of the number 
 Of skilful tasters ( προτένθων ), but you know
 us not. 
 
 And Philyllus says, in his Hercules— 
 Must I then tell you who I am to-day? 
 I am that taster called Dorpia. 
 And I find also a decree passed, while Cephisodrus was archer at Athens,
 in which the tasters are mentioned as a regular guild or college; just like the
 men who are called parasites. For the decree runs thus:— Phocus proposed
 that, in order that the council might celebrate the Apaturia with the rest of
 the Athenians, in accordance with the national customs, that it should be
 decreed by the council, that the councillors should be released for the day, as
 also the other councils have been dismissed, for a holiday of five days from
 the day which the tasters ( οἱ πρότενθαι )
 celebrate. And that the ancients had people who were called
 tasters Xenophon tells us in his treatise which is entitled
 Hiero or the Tyrant, where he says, The tyrant lives, never trusting either
 meat or drink, but they order those who minister to them to taste them first,
 in the place of offering libations to the gods; because they feel a distrust
 lest they should eat or drink something pernicious. And Anaxilas, in
 his Calypso, says— 
 First the old woman here shall taste your drink.

And the ancients used to call those who made sweetmeats and cheesecakes δημιουργοί. Menander, in his False Hercules, blaming the
 cooks as attempting what they ought not, says— 
 Holloa, you cook, why do you sulky seem? 
 'Tis the third time you've asked me what's the number 
 Of tables which will be required to-day. 
 We go to sacrifice one little pig. 
 Eight tables are required, or two, or one; 
 What can that be to you?—I want but one. 
 May we not make some candyli and
 dishes 
 Such as you're used to season; honey, eggs, 
 And semilago; but now everything 
 Is contrary; the cook makes cakes in moulds, 
 Roasts cheesecakes, and boils groats, and brings on table 
 After the salted meats fig-leaves and grapes. 
 And for the sweetmeat-makers, they, with duties 
 Turn'd upside down, roast joints of meat and thrushed 
 Instead of delicate confections; thus 
 He who believes he sups doth feed on dainties, 
 And when perfumed and crown'd, again doth feast 
 On honey'd cheese-cakes interspersed with thrushes. 
 
 But that all these different duties were formerly separated,
 when the demiurgi, as they called them, attended to the sweetmeats, and the cooks
 to the regular cookery, Antiphanes shows us plainly enough, in his Chrysis, where
 he says— 
 Four female flute-players do have their wages, 
 Twelve cooks, and just as many sweetmeat-makers, 
 Asking for plates for honey. 
 And Menander, in his Demiurgus, says— 
 
 A. What now is this, my boy, for you, by Jove, 
 Have come in a most business-like set fashion. 
 
 B. Yes, for we are inventing fine inventions, 
 And all the night long we've been hard at work, 
 And even now we have much left unfinish'd. 
 But Seleucus says that Panyasis is the earliest author who speaks of
 sweetmeats, in the book in which he speaks of the human sacrifices practised by
 the Egyptians, saying that many sorts of pastry and sweetmeats are put on the
 table, and many kinds of young birds. And before his time Stesichorus, or Ibycus,
 in the poem entitled the Contest, wrote as follows:—- 
 Bring gifts unto the maiden, cakes of cesane, 
 And groats, and cakes of oil and honey mixed, 
 And other kinds of pastry, and fresh honey. 
 But that this poem is the work of Stesichorus, Simonides the poet is a
 most undeniable witness; who, when speaking of Meleager, says— 
 Who with the spear excell'd his fellows all, 
 Hurling beyond the eddying Anauros 
 From the grape-famous Iolcos. 
 For thus did Homer and Stesichorus 
 Sing to the nations. 
 For Stesichorus had sung so in the previously quoted poem, namely, the
 Contests— 
 Amphiaraus gain'd the prize in leaping, 
 And with the dart the godlike Meleager.

But I am not ignorant of what Apollodorus the Athenian has said of the Delians,
 that they supplied all who came to their sacred ceremonies with the assistance of
 cooks and table-setters; and from their actions they were named Magis and
 Gongylis;—since, says Aristophanes, they furnished them at these banquets with
 round barley-cakes, ( γόγγυλαι μάζαι, ) as if they
 had been women. And even to this very day some of them are called Chœraci, and
 Amni, and Artysilai, and Sesami, and Artusitragi, and
 Neocori, and Icthyboli. And of the women, some are called Cuminanthæ. But all are
 called by one common name Eleodytæ, because they attend on the kitchen tables, and
 minister at the festivals. For ἔλεος means a
 kitchen or cook's table. Homer says— 
 But when he roasted the meat, and placed it ἐν
 ἐλεοισῖν. 
 
 On which account, also, Polycraton the son of Crithon, a Rhenæan, when
 instituting a prosecution against hem, did not call them Delians, but inscribed
 his action against the whole body of the Eleodytæ. And the law of
 the Amphictyons commands the Eleodytæ to provide water; meaning by Eleodytæ the
 table-setters, and all attendants of that sort. But Criton the comic poet, in his
 Busy-body, calls the Delians the parasites of the god, in these lines— 
 When we had forced this great Phœnician, 
 The master of a well-provided purse, 
 Though captain of the ship, to stay in harbour, 
 And * * * two ships 
 To come to Delos from Piræus' port; 
 He heard from all men that this place alone 
 Seem'd to have three good things for a parasite, 
 A well-stored market, a large population 
 From every country, and the native Delians, 
 Themselves a tribe of parasites of the god.

But Achæus the Eretrian, in his Alcmæon, a satyric drama, calls the Delphians
 makers of sauces, in these words:— 
 I see the sauce-makers, and spit on them. 
 Inasmuch, forsooth, as they cut up the victims, it is plain that they
 cooked and seasoned them; and, having a regard to these facts, Aristophanes also
 said— 
 But O thou Phœbus, thou who sharpenest 
 The Delphian knives, and with an early warning 
 Givest instruction to thy ministers. 
 And, in the lines immediately following the former passage, Achæus says—
 
 Why do you stay conceal'd, 
 Namesake of all the knives which cooks employ 
 For the Satyrs ridicule the Delphians, as devoting all their time and
 attention to festivals and sacrifices. And Semus says, in the fourth book of his
 Deliad, The Delians used to provide the Delphians who came to Delos with
 salt, ad vinegar, and oil, and wood, and counterpanes. And Arisotle, or
 Theophrastus, in his Commentaries, speaking of the Magne-
 sians who dwell on the banks of the river Mæander, as colonists of the Delphians,
 represents them as showing the same attentions to all foreigners who came to them;
 speaking as follows: — The Magnesians who dwell on the banks of the river
 Mæander, being sacred to the god, and colonists of the Delphians, give shelter
 to all who come among them, and salt, and oil, and vinegar, and lights, and
 beds, and coverlets, and tables. But Demetrius the Scepsian, in the
 sixteenth book of his Trojan Array, says that in Laconia, on the road which is
 called the Hyacinthine road, statues of the heroes Daiton and Ceraon were erected
 by those who made barley-cakes at the Phiditia, and by the attendants who mixed
 the wine. And the same writer reports also, in the twenty-fourth book of the same
 work, that Daitas the hero is worshipped among the Trojans, who is also mentioned
 by Mimnermus. And Hegesander the Delphian says that Jupiter is worshipped in
 Cyprus, under the names of Eilapinastes or the Feaster, and of Splanchnotomus or
 the Carver of Entrails.

And while much such conversation as this was proceed- ing, on a sudden a noise was
 heard from some one of the neighbouring places, as from an hydraulic organ, very
 pleasant and agreeable, so that we all turned round towards it, being charmed by
 the melody; and Ulpian looking towards the musical Alcides said, Do you hear, O
 you most musical of men, this beautiful harmony which has made us turn round,
 being enchanted by the music? And is it not the case, as it is said to be among
 you Alexandrians, that constant music of an unaccompanied flute causes pain rather
 than any musical pleasure to those who hear it? And Alcides said,—But this engine,
 the hydraulic organ, whether you choose to class it among stringed instruments or
 among wind instruments, is the invention of a fellow-countryman of ours, an
 Alexandrian, a barber by trade; and his name is Ctesibius. And Aristocles reports
 this, in his book on Choruses, saying— The question is asked, whether the
 hydraulic organ is a stringed instrument or a wind instrument. Now
 Aristoxenus did not feel sure on this point; but it is said, that Plato showed a
 sort of notion of the invention, making a nightly clock like the hydraulic organ;
 being very like an enormous hour-glass. And, indeed, the hydraulic organ does seem
 to be a kind of hour-glass. It cannot, therefore, be
 considered a stringed instrument, and one to be played by touching. But perhaps it
 may be called a wind instrument, because the organ is inflated by the water; for
 the pipes are plunged down into the water, and when the water is agitated by a
 youth, as the axles penetrate through the whole organ, the pipes are inflated, and
 emit a gentle and agreeable sound. And this organ is like a round altar; and they
 say that it was invented by Ctesibius the barber, who dwelt at that time in the
 territory of Aspendor, in the reign of the second Ptolemy surnamed Euergetes; and
 they say that he was a very eminent man; they say also, that he learnt a good deal
 from his wife Thais. But Trypho, in the third book of his treatise on Names, (and
 it is a dissertation on Flutes and Organs,) says Ctesibius the mechanic wrote a
 book about the hydraulis; but I am not sure that he is not mistaken as to the
 name. At all events, Aristoxenus prefers stringed instruments which are played
 upon by the touch to wind instruments; saying that wind instruments are very easy;
 for that many people, without having been taught, can play on the flute and pipe,
 as for instance, shepherds.

And this is what I have got to say to you about the hydraulic organ, O Ulpian. For
 the Phoenicians used a kind of flute called the gingras, according to the account
 of Xenophon, about a span in length, and of a very shrill and mournful tone. And
 the same instrument is used also by the Carians in their wailings, unless, indeed,
 when he says Phœnicia he means Caria; and indeed you may find the name used so in
 Corinna and in Bacchylides. And these flutes are called gingri by the Phœnicians
 from the lamentations for Adonis; for you Phoenicians called Adonis Gingres, as
 Democlides tells us. And Antiphanes mentions the gingri flutes, in his Physician;
 and Menander does so too, in his Carina; and Amphis, in his Dithyrambus, saying—
 
 
 A. And I have got that admirable gingras. 
 
 B. What is the gingras. 
 
 A. 'Tis a new invention 
 Of our countryman, which never yet 
 Has been exhibited in any theatre, 
 But is a luxury of Athenian banquets. 
 
 B. Why then not introduce it to this people? 
 
 A. Because I think that I shall draw by lot 
 Some most ambitious tribe; for well I know 
 They would disturb all things with their applause. 
 
 And Axionicus says, in his Phileuripides— 
 For they are both so sick with love 
 Of the melodious strains of soft Euripides, 
 That every other music seems to them 
 Shrill as the gingras, and a mere misfortune.

But how much better, O most sagacious Ulpian, is this hydraulic organ, than the
 instrument which is called nabla; which Sopater the parodist, in his drama
 entitled Pylæ, says is also an invention of the Phoenicians, using the following
 expressions— 
 Nor is the noise of the Sidonian nabla, 
 Which from the throat doth flow, at all impair'd. 
 And in the Slave of Mystacus we find— 
 Among the instruments of harmony 
 The nablas comes, not over soft or sweet; 
 By its long sides a lifeless lotus fix'd 
 Sends forth a breathed music; and excites men, 
 Singing in Bacchic strain a merry song. 
 And Philemon says, in his Adulterer— 
 
 A. There should, O Parmeno, be here among us 
 A nablas or a female flute-player. 
 
 B. What is a nablas? 
 
 A. Don't you know? you idiot! 
 
 B. Indeed I don't. 
 
 A. What, do not know a nablas l 
 You know no good; perhaps a sambucistria 
 You ne'er have heard of either? 
 There is also an instrument called the triangle, which Juba mentions in
 the fourth book of his Theatrical History, and says it is an invention of the
 Syrians; as is also the sambuca, which is called λυροφοίνιξ. But this instrument Neanthes the Cyzicene, in the first
 book of his Seasons, says is an invention of Ibycus the Rhegian poet; as also the
 lyre called barbitos was of Anacreon. But since you are running all us
 Alexandrians down as unmusical, and keep mentioning the monaulos as our only
 national instrument, listen now to what I can tell you offhand about that.

For Juba, in the before-mentioned treatise, says that the Egyptians call the
 monaulos an invention of Osiris, just as they say that kind of plagiaulos is,
 which is called photinx, and that, too, I will presently show you is mentioned by
 a very illustrious author; for the photinx is the same as the flute, which is a
 national instrument. But Sophocles, in his Thamyras, speaks of the monaulos,
 saying— 
 
 For all the tuneful melodies of pipes ( πήκτιδες ) 
 Are lost, the lyre, and monaulos too. 
 * * * * And Araros, in his Birth of Pan, says— 
 But he, can you believe it? seized at once 
 On the monaulos, and leapt lightly forth. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Treasure, says— 
 I the monaulos took, and sang a wedding song. 
 And in his Bottle-bearer he says— 
 
 A. What have you done, you Syrian, with your
 monaulos? 
 
 B. What monaulos? 
 
 A. The reed. 
 And Sopater, in his Bacchis, says— 
 And then he sang a song on the monaulos. 
 But Protagorides of Cyzicus, in the second book of his treatise on the
 Assemblies in Honour of Daphne, says, "He touched every kind of instrument, one
 after another, castanets, the weak-sounding pandurus, but he drew the sweetest
 harmony from the sweet monaulos. And Posidonius the Stoic philosopher, in the
 third book of his Histories, speaking of the war of the Apameans against the
 Larisæans, writes as follows— Having taken short daggers sticking in their
 waists, and small lances covered with rust and dirt, and having put veils and
 curtains over their heads which produce a shade but do not hinder the wind from
 getting to their necks, dragging on asses laden with wine and every sort of
 meat, by the side of which were packed little photinges and little monauli,
 instruments of revelry, not of war. But I am not ignorant that Amerias
 the Macedonian, in his Dialects, says, that the monaulos is called tityrinus. So
 here you have, O excellent Ulpian, a man who mentions the photinx. But that the
 monaulos was the same instrument which is now called calamaules, or reedfife, is
 clearly shown by Hedylus, in his Epigrams, where he says— 
 Beneath this mound the tuneful Theon lies, 
 Whom the monaulos knew its sweetest lord; 
 Scirpalus' son; age had destroy'd his sight, 
 And when he was a child his sire him call'd 
 Eupalamus in his first birthday ode, 
 Showing that he was a choice bouquet where 
 The virtues all had met. For well he sung 
 The Muses' sports amid their wine-glad revels; 
 
 He sang to Battalus, an eager drinker 
 Of unmix'd wine, and Cotalus and Pæncalus. 
 Say then to Theon with his calamaules, 
 Farewell, O Theon, tune fullest of men. 
 As, therefore, they now call those who play on a pipe of reeds ( κάλαμοι ) calamaules, so also they call them now
 rapaules, according to the statement of Amerias the Macedonian, in his
 dialects.

But I wish you to know, my most excellent Ulpian, that a more musical and
 accomplished people than the Alexandrians is not mentioned. And I do not speak
 only of playing on the harp, with which even the poorest people among us, and
 those who do not make a profession of it, and who are utterly ignorant of every
 other kind of learning, are so familiarized that they can in a moment detect any
 error which has been made in striking the strings,—but especially are they skilful
 with the flute; and not only in those which are called girls' flutes and boys'
 flutes, but also in men's flutes, which are called perfect and superperfect; and
 also in those which are called harp-flutes and finger-flutes. For the flutes
 called elymi, which Sophocles mentions in his Niobe and in his Drummers, we do not
 understand to be anything but the common Phrygian flute. And these, too, the
 Alexandrians are very skilful in. They are acquainted also with the flute with two
 holes, and also with the intermediate flute, and with those which are called
 hypotreti, or bored underneath. And Callias also speaks of the flute called elymi,
 in his Pedetæ. But Juba says that they are an invention of the Phrygians, and that
 they were also called scytaliæ, from their resemblance in thickness to the
 scytale. And Cratinus the younger says that the Cyprians also use them, in his
 Thera- menes. We know, too, of some which are called half-bored, of which Anacreon
 says— 
 What lust has now seized thus upon your mind, 
 To wish to dance to tender half-bored flutes? 
 And these flutes are smaller than the perfect flutes. At all events,
 Aeschylus says, speaking metaphorically, in his Ixion— 
 But very soon the greater swallows up 
 The lesser and the half-bored flute. 
 And these half-bored flutes are the same as those which are called boys'
 flutes, which they use at banquets, not being fit for the
 games and public shows; on which account Anacreon called them tender.

I am acquainted, too, with other kinds of flutes, the tragic flute, and the
 lysiodic flute, and the harplike
 flute; all which are mentioned by Ephorus, in his Inventions and by Euphranor the
 Pythagorean, in his treatise on Flutes, and also by Alexon, who wrote another
 treatise on Flutes. But the flute made of reeds is called tityrinus among the
 Dorians in Italy, as Artemidorus the Aristophanian tells us, in the second book of
 his History of Doris. And the flute which is called magadis, which is also named
 palæo-magais, sends forth a sharp and a deep note at the same time, as
 Anaxandrides says in his Armed Fighter— 
 I will speak like a magadis, both loudly and gently 
 And the flutes called lotus flutes are the same which are called
 photinges by the Alexandrians; and they are made of the plant called the lotus;
 and this is a wood which grows in Libya. But Juba says that the flute which is ma
 e out of the leg bones of the kid is an invention of the Thebans; and Tryphon says
 that those flutes also which are called elphantine flutes were first bored among
 the Phoenicians. I know, too, that the magadis is a stringed instrument, as is the
 harp, the lyre, and the barbitos. But Euphorion the epic poet says in his book on
 the Isthmian Games— Those men who are now called players on the nablas, and
 on the pandurus, and on the sambuca, do not use any new instrument, for the
 baromus and the barbitos (both of which are mentioned by Sappho and Anacreon),
 and the magadis, and the triangle, and the sambuca are all ancient instruments.
 At all events, a statue of one of the Muses was erected in Mitylee by
 Lesbothemis, holding a sambuca in her hand. But Aristoxenus calls the
 following foreign instruments—phœnices, and pectides, and magadides, and sambucæ,
 and triagles, and clepsiambi, and scindapsi, and the instrument called the
 enneachord or nine-stringed instrument. But Plato, in the third book of his
 Polity, states— ' We shall not, hen,' said I, 'have much need of many
 strings or of much harmony in our songs and melodies.' 'I think not,' said he.
 'But we shall have triangles, and pectides, and all sorts
 of instruments which have many strings and are very harmonious.'

But the scindapsus is an instrument of four strings, as Matron the parodist says
 in the following lines— 
 Nor did they hang it upon pegs where hung 
 The sweet scindapsus with its fourfold strings, 
 Joy of the woman who the distaff hates. 
 And Theopompus the Colophonian likewise mentions it, the Epic poet, I
 mean, in his poem entitled the Chariot— 
 Shaking the large and lyre-toned scindapsus, 
 Made of young tamarisk, in his skilful hand. 
 Anaxilas, too, in his Lyre Maker, says— 
 But I was making three-string'd barbiti, 
 Pectides, citharæ, lyres, and scindapsi. 
 But Sopater the parodist, in his poem entitled The
 Initiated, says that the pectis is an instrument with two strings,
 saying— 
 The pectis, proud of its barbaric muse, 
 With its two strings was placed within my hand. 
 The instrument called pariambis is mentioned by Epicharmus, in his
 Periallus, in this way— 
 But Semele doth dance and he doth sing 
 Tunefully on his pariambis lyre, 
 And she rejoices at the rapid song. 
 Now it was Alexander of Cythera, according to the account given by Juba,
 who completed the psaltery with its full number of strings. And he, when he had
 grown old in the city of the Ephesians, suspended this instrument in the temple of
 Diana, as being the most skilful invention he had made with reference to his art.
 Juba mentions also the lyrophœnix and the Epigonius, which, though now it is
 transformed into the upright psaltery, still preserves the name of the man who was
 the first to use it. But Epigonius was by birth an Ambraciot, but he was
 subsequently made a citizen of Sicyon. And he was a man of great skill in music,
 so that he played the lyre with his bare hand without a plectrum. For the
 Alexandrians have great experience and skill in all the above-named instruments
 and kinds of flutes. . And whichever of them you wish me to try, I will exhibit my
 own skill before you, though there are many others in my country more musical and
 skilful than I am.

But Alexander, my fellow-citizen, and he has only lately died, having given a
 public exhibition of his skill on the instrument called the triangle, made all the
 Romans so music-mad that even now most people recollect the way in which he used
 to play. And Sophocles speaks of this triangle in his Mysians, saying— 
 The constant music of the Phrygian 
 Tender triangle, and the concerted strains 
 Of the shrill Lydian pectis sounded too. 
 And in his Thamyras he also mentions it. But Aristophanes, in his
 Daitaleis, and Theopompus, in his Penelope, likewise speak of it. And Eupolis, in
 his Baptæ, says— 
 Who plays the drum with wondrous skill, 
 And strikes the strings of the triangle. 
 And the instrument called the pandurus is mentioned, as has been said
 before, by Euphorion, and by Protagorides, in the second book of his treatise on
 the Assemblies in honour of Daphne. But Pythagoras, who wrote a book on the Red
 Sea, says that the Troglodytæ make the panduri out of the daphne which grows on
 the seashore. 
 But horns and trumpets are the invention of the Etrurians. But Metrodorus the
 Chian, in his history of the Affairs of Troy, says that Marsyas invented the pipe
 and flute at Celænæ, when all his predecessors had played on a single reed. But
 Euphorion the epic poet, in his treatise on the Modulation of Songs, says that
 Mercury invented the pipe which consists of one single reed; but that some say
 that Seuthes and Ronaces the Medes did so; and that Sileuus invented the pipe
 which is made of many reeds, and that Marsyas invented that one which is joined
 together with wax.

This then, O my word-hunting Ulpian, is what you may learn from us Alexandrians,
 who are very fond of the music of the monaulos. For you do not know that Menecles
 the Barcæman compiler, and also that Andron, in his Chronicles, him of Alexandria
 I mean, assert that it is the Alexandrians who instructed all the Greeks and the
 barbarians, when the former encyclic mode of education began to fail, on account
 of the incessant commotions which took place in the times of the successors of
 Alexander. There was subsequently a generation of all sorts of learning in the
 time of Ptolemy the seventh king of Egypt, the one who was properly called by the
 Alex- andrians Cacergetes; for he having murdered many of the
 Alexandrians, and banished no small number of those who had grown up to manhood
 with his brother, filled all the islands and cities with men learned in grammar,
 and philosophy, and geometry, with musicians, and painters, and schoolmasters, and
 physicians, and men of all kinds of trades and professions; who, being driven by
 poverty to teach what they knew, produced a great number of celebrated pupils.

But music was a favourite amusement of all the Greeks of old time; on which
 account also skill in playing the flute was much aimed at. Accordingly, Chamæleon
 of Heraclia, in his book entitled Protrepticus, says that the Lacedæmonians and
 Thebans all learned to play on the flute, and the inhabitants of Heraclea in
 Pontus devoted themselves to the same study down to his own time. And that so did
 the most illustrious of the Athenians, Callias the son of Hipponicus, and Critias
 the son of Callaeschrus. But Duris, in his treatise on Euripides and Sophocles,
 says that Alcibiades learnt music, not of any ordinary master, but of Pronomus,
 who had the very highest reputation in that line. And Aristoxenus says that
 Epaminondas the Theban learnt to play the flute of Olympiodorus and Orthagoras.
 And likewise, many of the Pythagoreans practised the art of flute-playing, as
 Euphranor, and Archytas, and Philolaus, and many others. But Euphranor has also
 left behind an essay on Flutes, and so too has Archytas. And Aristophanes shows
 us, in his Daitaleis, the great eagerness with which men applied themselves to
 this study, when he says— 
 I who am wasted quite away 
 In the study of flutes and harps, 
 Am I now to be sent to dig? 
 And Phrynichus, in his Ephialtes, says— 
 But were not you the man who taught him once 
 To play upon the flute and well-strung harp? 
 And Epicharmus, in his Muses, says that Minerva played a martial strain
 to the Dioscuri. And Ion, in his Phœnician, or Cæneus, calls the flute a cock,
 speaking thus:— 
 The cock then sang the Greeks a Lydian hymn. 
 And also, in his Garrison, he calls the pipe the Idæan cock, using the
 following expression:— 
 The pipe, th' Idæan cock, precedes your steps. 
 
 And, in the Second Phœnix, the same Ion writes— 
 I made a noise, bringing the deep-toned flute 
 With fluent rhythm. 
 Where he means Phrygian rhythm; and he calls the Phrygian flute
 deep-toned. For it is deep; on which account they also add a horn to it, having a
 similarity to the bell mouth of trumpets. 
 So now this book may be ended, my friend Timocrates; as it is quite long
 enough.

BUT since, O Timocrates, we have now had a great deal of conversation on the
 subject of banquets in all that has been hitherto said; and since we have passed
 over those things in them which are most useful and which do not weigh down the
 soul, but which cheer it, and nourish it by variety of food, as the divine Homer
 incidentally teaches us, I will also mention what has been said concerning these
 things by that most excellent writer Masyrius. For we, as the beautiful Agathon
 says— 
 Do what is more than needful as if needful, 
 And treat our real work as if it were superfluous. 
 The poet accordingly says, when he is speaking of Menelaus— 
 At the fair dome the rapid labour ends, 
 
 Where sat Atrides 'midst his bridal friends, 
 With double vows invoking Hymen's power 
 To bless his son's and daughter's nuptial hour:— 
 as it was a custom to celebrate banquets at marriages, both for the sake
 of the gods who preside over marriage, and as it were for a testimony to the
 marriage; and also, the king of Lycia instructs us what sort of banquet ought to
 be given to foreigners, receiving Bellerophon with great magnificence— 
 There Lycia's monarch paid him honours due, 
 
 Nine days he feasted, and nine bulls he slew.

For wine appears to have a very attractive influence in promoting friendship, as
 it warms and also melts the soul. On which account the
 ancients did not ask who a man was before drinking, but afterwards; as honouring
 the laws of hospitality itself, and not this or that particular individual. But
 the lawgivers, taking care beforehand of the banquets of the present day, have
 appointed feasts for the tribe, and feasts for the borough; and also general
 banquets, and entertainments to the ward, and others also called orgeonica. And
 there are many meetings of philosophers in the city, some called the pupils of
 Diogenes, and others, pupils of Antipater, others again styled disciples of
 Panætius. And Theophrastus bequeathed money for an entertainment of that sort.
 Not, by Jove, in order that the philosophers assembled might indulge in
 intemperance, but in order that during the banquet they might have a wise and
 learned conversation. And the Prytanes were accustomed every day to meet in
 well-regulated banquets, which tended to the advantage of the state. And it was to
 such a banquet as that Demosthenes says the news of the taking of Elatea was
 brought. For it was evening, and a man came bringing news to the Prytanes
 that Elatea was taken. And the philosophers used to be careful to
 collect the young men, and to feast with them according to some well-considered
 and carefully laid down law. Accordingly, there were some laws for banquets laid
 down by Xenocrates, in the Academy, and again by Aristotle. 
 But the Phiditia in Sparta, and the Andrea, or man's feasts, among the Cretans,
 were celebrated in their respective cities with all imaginable care. On which
 account some one said not unwisely— 
 Dear friends should never long abstain from feasts, 
 For e'en the memory of them is delightful. 
 And Antipater the philosopher once assembled a banqueting party, and
 invited all the guests on the understanding that they were to discuss subtle
 questions. And they say that Arcesilaus, being once invited to a banquet, and
 sitting next to a man who ate voraciously, while he himself was unable to enjoy
 anything, when some one of those who were present offered him something, said—
 
 May it be well with you; be this for Telephus: 
 for it so happened that the epicure by his side was named Telephus. But
 Zeno, when some epicure who was at the same party with him snatched away the upper
 half of the fish the moment that it was placed on the table,
 turned the fish round himself, and took the remaining portion, saying— 
 Then Ino came and finish'd what was left. 
 And Socrates seeing a man once devouring dainties eagerly, Said—O you
 bystanders, which of you eats bread as if it were sweetmeats, and sweetmeats as if
 they were bread?

But now let us speak of the banquets celebrated by Homer. For the poet gives us
 the different times of them, and the persons present, and the causes of them. And
 Xenophon and Plato have done well to imitate him in this; who at the very
 beginning of their treatises set forth the cause which gave rise to the banquet,
 and mention the names of those who were present. But Epicurus never defines either
 the place or the time, nor does he preface his accounts with any preliminary
 statement. But Aristotle says that it is an unseemly thing for a man to come
 unwashed and covered with dust to a banquet. Then Homer instructs us who ought to
 be invited; saying that one ought to invite the chiefs, and men of high
 reputation— 
 He bade the noblest of the Grecian peers, 
 
 not acting on the principle asserted by Hesiod, for he bids men invite
 chiefly their neighbours— 
 Then bid your neighbours to the well-spread feast, 
 Who live the nearest, and who know you best. 
 
 For such a banquet would be one of rustic stupidity; and adapted to the
 most misanthropic of proverbs— 
 Friends who far off do live are never friends. 
 For how can it be anything but nonsense that friendship should depend on
 place and not on disposition? Therefore we find in Homer, that after the cup had
 gone round, 
 Then the old man his counsels first disclosed; 
 
 but among people who did not regulate their banquets in an orderly manner
 we read— 
 Then first the flatterer rose with mocking speech. 
 Besides, Homer introduces guests differing in ages and tastes, such as
 Nestor, Ulysses, and Ajax, who are all invited together. And speaking in general
 terms he represents all who lay claim to any sort of eminence as invited, and
 individually those who arrive at it by different roads. But Epicuus has
 represented all his guests as believers in the atonic theory, 
 and this, too, though he had models both in the variety of the banquets of the
 great poet, and also in the elegant accounts of Plato and Xenophon; of whom Plato
 has introduced Eryximachus the physician, and Aristophanes the poet, and other
 professors of different branches of science, discussing matters of weight: and
 Xenophon has mingled with them some private individuals. 
 Homer therefore has done much the best of all, and has given us by far the best
 banquets; and that again is best seen by comparing him with others. For the
 banquet of the suitors in Homer is just such as might be expected from young men
 devoted to drinking and love; and that of the Phæacians is more orderly, but still
 luxurious. And he has made a wide distinction between these entertainments and
 those which may be called military banquets, and those which have reference to
 political affairs and are conducted in a well-regulated manner: and again he has
 distinguished between public and family banquets. But Epicurus has described a
 banquet consisting of philosophers alone.

Homer, too, has pointed out whom one ought not to invite, but who ought to
 consider that they have a right to come uninvited, showing by the presence of one
 of the relations that those in similar circumstances had a right to be present—
 
 Unbidden there the brave Atrides came. 
 
 For it is plain that one ought not to send a formal invitation to one's
 brother, or to one's parents, or to one's wife, or to any one else whom one can
 possibly regard in the same light as these relations, for that would be a cold and
 unfriendly proceeding. And some one has written an additional line, adding the
 reason why Menelaus had no invitation sent him, and yet came— 
 For well he knew how busy was his brother: 
 as if there had been any need of alleging a reason why his brother should
 come of his own accord to a banquet without any invitation,—a very sufficient
 reason having been already given. For, said the interpolater of
 this line, did he not know that his brother was giving a banquet? And how
 can it be otherwise than absurd to pretend that he did not know it, when his
 sacrifice of oxen was notorious and visible to every one? And how could he have
 come if he had not known it Or, by Jove, when he saw
 him, he continues, occupied with business, was it not quite
 right of him to excuse his not having sent him an invitation, and to come of
 his own accord? As if he were to say that he came uninvited in order
 that the next day they might not look at one another, the one with feelings of
 mortification, ad the other of annoyance. 
 But it would be an absurd thing to suppose that Menelaus forgot his brother, and
 this, too, when he was not only sacrificing on his account at the present moment,
 but when it was on his account that he had undertaken the whole war, and when he
 had invited those who were no relations of his, and who had no connexion even with
 his country. But Athenocles the Cyzicene, understanding the poems of Homer better
 than Aristarchus did, speaks in a much more sensible manner to us, and says that
 Homer omitted to mention Menelaus as having been invited because he was more
 nearly related to Agamemnon than the others. But Demetrius Phalereus having
 asserted that interpolated verse to be a bungling and unseasonable addition, quite
 unsuited to the poetry of Homer,—-the verse, I mean, 
 For well he knew how busy was his brother, 
 says that he is accusing him of very ungentlemanly manners. For I
 think, says he, that every well-bred man has relations and
 friends to whom he may go, when they are celebrating any sacrifice, without
 waiting for them to send him an invitation.

And Plato in his Banquet speaks in the same manner on this subject.
 For, says he, that we may destroy the proverb by altering
 it: Good men may go of their own accord to feasts given by good men. For Homer
 appears not only to have destroyed that proverb, but also to have ridiculed it;
 for having represented Agamemnon as valiant in warlike matters, and Menelaus as
 an effeminate warrior, when Agamemnon celebrates a sacrifice, he represents
 Menelaus as coming uninvited,—that is, the worse man coming to the feast of the
 better man. And Bacchylides, speaking of Hercules, and telling how he
 came to the house of Ceyx, says— 
 Then on the brazen threshold firm he stood, 
 (They were a feast preparing,) and thus spake 
 Brave and just men do uninvited come 
 To well-appointed feasts by brave and just men made 
 
 And as to proverbs, one says— 
 Good men do of their own accord 
 To good men's entertainments come: 
 and another says— 
 Brave men do of their own accord 
 To cowards' entertainments come. 
 It was without reason, therefore, that Plato thought that Menelaus was a
 coward; for Homer speaks of him as Mars-loving, and as fighting single-handed with
 the greatest gallantry in defence of Patroclus, and eager to fight in single
 combat with Hector as the champion of the whole army, although he certainly was
 inferior to Hector in personal strength. And he is the only man in the whole
 expedition of whom he has said— 
 And on he went, firm in his fearless zeal. 
 
 
 
 But if an enemy, disparaging him, called him an effeminate warrior, and on this
 account Plato thinks that he really was an effeminate warrior, why should he not
 also class Agamemnon himself among the men void of prowess, since this line is
 spoken against him?— 
 O monster, mix'd of insolence and fear, 
 Thou dog in forehead, but in heart a deer! 
 When wert thou known in ambush'd fights to dare, 
 Or nobly face the horrid front of war? 
 'Tis ours the chance of fighting fields to try, 
 Thine to look on and bid the valiant die. 
 
 
 
 For it does not follow because something is said in Homer, that Homer himself says
 it. For how could Menelaus have been effeminate who, single-handed, kept Hector
 away from Patroclus, and who slew Euphorbus, and stripped him of his arms though
 in the very middle of the Trojan host? And it was foolish of him not completely to
 consider the entire line which he was finding fault with, in which Menelaus is
 called Raising the battle cry, 
 βοὴν ἀγαθὸς, for that is an epithet which Homer is
 in the habit of giving only to the most valiant; for the ancients called war
 itself βοή.

But Homer, who is most accurate in everything, did not overlook even this trifling
 point; that a man ought to show some care of his person, and to bathe himself
 before going to an entertainment. And so, in the case of Ulysses, before the
 banquet among the Phæacians, he tells us— 
 
 A train attends 
 Around the baths, the bath the king ascends, 
 (Untasted joy since that disastrous hour 
 He sail'd defeated from Calypso's bower,) 
 He bathes, the damsels with officious toil 
 Shed sweets, shed unguents in a shower of oil. 
 Then o'er his limbs a gorgeous robe he spreads, 
 And to the feast magnificently treads. 
 
 And again he says of Telemachus and his companion— 
 From room to room their eager view they bend, 
 Thence to the bath, a beauteous pile, descend. 
 
 For it was unseemly, says Aristotle, for a man to come to a banquet all
 over sweat and dust. For a well-bred man ought not to be dirty nor squalid, nor to
 be all over mud, as Heraclitus says. And a man when he first enters another
 person's house for a feast, ought not to hasten at once to the banqueting-room, as
 if he had no care but to fill his stomach, but he ought first to indulge his fancy
 in looking about him, and to examine the house. And the poet has not omitted to
 take notice of this also. 
 Part in a portico, profusely graced 
 With rich magnificence, the chariot placed; 
 Then to the dome the friendly pair invite, 
 Who eye the dazzling roof with vast delight, 
 Resplendent as the blaze of summer noon, 
 Or the pale radiance of the midnight moon. 
 
 
 
 And Aristophanes, in his Wasps, represents the rustic and litigious old man as
 invited to a more civilized form of life by his son— 
 Cease; sit down here and learn at length to be 
 A boon companion, and a cheerful guest. 
 
 And then showing him how he ought to sit down he says— 
 Then praise some of these beauteous works in brass, 
 Look at the roof, admire the carvèd hall.

And again Homer instructs us as to what we ought to do before a banquet, namely
 how we ought to allot the first-fruits of the dishes to the gods. At all events
 Ulysse and his friends, although in the cave of the Cyclops— 
 Then first a fire we kindle, and prepare 
 For his return with sacrifice and prayer. 
 
 And Achilles, although the ambassadors were impatient, as they had
 arrived in the middle of the night, still— 
 
 Himself opposed t' Ulysses full in sight 
 Each portion parts, and orders every rite; 
 The first fat offerings to th' Immortals due, 
 Amid the greedy flames Patroclus threw. 
 And also he introduces the guests as making libations— 
 He said, and all approved; the heralds bring 
 The cleansing water from the living spring, 
 The youths with wine the sacred goblets crown'd, 
 And large libations drench'd the sand around. 
 The rite perform'd, the chiefs their thirst allay, 
 Then from the royal tent they take their way. 
 
 And this ceremony Plato also observes in his Banquet. For he
 says— Then after they had supped and made libations, they sang pæans to
 the god with all customary honours. And Xenophon speaks in very nearly
 the same terms. But in Epicurus there is no mention of any libation to the gods,
 or of any offering of first-fruits. But as Simonides says of an immodest woman—
 
 And oftentimes she eats unhallow'd victims.

He says too that the Athenians were taught the proper proportions in which wine
 should be mixed by Amphictyon when he was king; and that on this account he
 erected a temple to the Upright Bacchus. For he is then really upright and not
 likely to fall, when he is drunk in proper proportions and well mixed; as Homer
 has it— 
 Hear me, my friends! who this good banquet grace,— 
 'Tis sweet to play the fool in time and place. 
 And wine can of their wits the wise beguile, 
 Make the sage frolic and the serious smile; 
 The grave in merry measures frisk about, 
 And many a long-repented word bring out. 
 
 For Homer does not call wine ἠλεὸς in the
 sense of ἠλίθιος, that is to say, foolish and the
 cause of folly. Nor does he bid a man be of a sullen countenance, neither singing
 nor laughing, nor ever turning himself to cheerful dancing in time to music. He is
 not so morose or ill-bred. But he knew the exact proportions in which all these
 things should be done, and the proper qualities and quantities of wine to be
 mixed. On which account he did not say that wine makes the sage sing, but sing
 very much, that is to say, out of tune and excessively, so as to trouble people.
 Nor, by Jove, did he say simply to smile, and to frisk about; but using the word merry, and applying that to both, he reproves the un-
 manly propensity to such trifling— 
 Makes . . . . . . . . 
 The grave in merry measure frisk about, 
 And many a long-repented word bring out. 
 But in Plato none of these things are done in a moderate manner. But men
 drink in such quantities that they cannot even stand on their feet. For just look
 at the reveller Alcibiades, how unbecomingly he behaves. And all the rest drink a
 large goblet holding eight cotylæ, using as an excuse that Alcibiades has led them
 on; not like the men in Homer— 
 But when they drank, and satisfied their soul. 
 Now of these things some ought to be repudiated once for all; but some
 ought to be enjoyed in moderation; people looking at them as at a slight addition
 or appendage to a repast; as Homer has said— 
 Let these, my friend, 
 With song and dance the pompous revel end.

And altogether the poet has attributed devotion to such things to the Suitors, and
 to the Phæacians, but not to Nestor or to Menelaus. And Aristarchus did not
 perceive that in his marriage feast, after the entertainment had lasted some time,
 and the principal days of the revel were over, in which the bride had been taken
 to the house of the bridegroom, and the marriage of Megapenthes was completed,
 Menelaus and Helen were left to themselves and feasted together. He, I say, not
 perceiving this, but being deceived by the first line— 
 Where sate Atrides 'midst his bridal friends, 
 he then added these lines, which do not properly belong to this place—
 
 While this gay friendly troop the king surround, 
 With festival and mirth the roofs resound; 
 A bard amid the joyous circle sings 
 High airs, attemper'd to the vocal strings, 
 Whilst, warbling to the varied strain, advance 
 Two sprightly youths to form the bounding dance:— 
 transferring them with the error in the reading and all from the
 eighteenth book of the Iliad, where he relates the making of the arms of Achilles;
 for it ought to be red not ἐξάρχοντες, 
 the dancers beginning, but ( τοῦ
 ᾠδοῦ, that is to say,) when the poet began to
 sing. For the word 
 ἐξάρχω has peculiar reference to preluding on the
 lyre. On which account Hesiod also says in his Shield of Hercules— 
 The holy goddesses, the Muses nine, 
 Preluded ( ἐξῆρχον ) with a sacred
 melody. 
 
 And Archilochus says— 
 Himself preluding ( ἐξάρχων ) with a sacred
 paean 
 Set to the Lesbian flute. 
 And Stesichorus calls the Muse the Beginner of Song ( ἀρχεσίμολπος ). And Pindar calls Preludes the Leaders of
 the Dance. And Diodorus the Aristophanian enclosed the whole account of the
 wedding in brackets; thinking that the first days only were alluded to, and
 disregarding the termination and what came after the banquet. And then he says we
 ought to write the words δοίω δὲ κυβιστητῆρε κατʼ
 αὐτοὺς with an aspirate, καθʼ αὑτοὺς, 
 but that would be a solecism. For κατʼ αὐτοὺς is
 equivalent to κατὰ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς, but to say
 ἑαυτοὺς would be a solecism.

But, as I said before, the introduction of this kind of music into this modest
 kind of entertainment is transferred to this place from the Cretic dance, of which
 he says in the eighteenth book of the Iliad, about the Making of the Arms— 
 A figured dance succeeds; such once was seen 
 In lofty Cnossus, for the Cretan queen 
 Form'd by Dædalean art; a comely band 
 Of youths and maidens bounding hand-in-hand; 
 The maids in soft cymars of linen dress'd, 
 The youths all graceful in the glossy vest. 
 Of those the locks with flow'ry wreaths enroll'd, 
 Of these the sides adorn'd with swords of gold, 
 That glittering gay from silver belts depend. 
 
 And then he adds to this— 
 Now all at once they rise, at once descend, 
 With well-taught feet; now shape in oblique ways 
 Confus'dly regular the moving maze. 
 Now forth at once too swift for sight they spring, 
 And undistinguish'd blend the flying ring. 
 
 
 Now among the Cretans, dancing and posture-making was a national amusement. On
 which account Aeneas says to the Cretan Meriones— 
 Swift as thou art (the raging hero cries), 
 And skill'd in dancing to dispute the prize, 
 My spear, the destined passage had it found, 
 Had fix'd thy active vigour to the ground. 
 
 
 And from this they call the hyporchemata Cretan 
 They call it all a Cretan air . . . . 
 The instrument is called Molossian . . . . 
 
 
 
 But they who were called Laconistæ, says Timæus, used to sing
 standing to dance in square figures." And altogether there were many various kinds
 of music among the Greeks: as the Athenians preferred the Dionysiac and the
 Cyclian dances; and the Syracusians the Iambistic figure; and different nations
 practised different styles. 
 But Aristarchus not only interpolated lines which had no business there into the
 banquet of Menelaus, and by so doing made Homer make representations inconsistent
 with the system of the Lacedæmonians, and with the moderation of their king, but
 he also took away the singer from the Cretan chorus, mutilating his song in the
 following manner:— 
 The gazing multitudes admire around 
 Two active tumblers in the centre bound; 
 Now high, now low their pliant limbs they bend, 
 And general songs the sprightly revel end. 
 
 So that blunder of his in using the word ἐξάρχοντες is almost irremediable, as the relation cannot after that
 possibly be brought back so as to refer to the singer.

And it is not probable that there were any musical entertainments at Menelaus's
 banquet, as is manifest from the fact of the whole time of the banquet being
 occupied by the guests in conversation with one another; and that there is no name
 mentioned as that of the minstrel; nor is any lay mentioned which he sang; nor is
 it said that Telemachus and his party listened to him; but they rather
 contemplated the house in silence, as it were, and perfect quiet. And how can it
 be looked upon as anything but incredible, that the sons of those wisest of men,
 Ulysses and Nestor, should be introduced as such ignorant people as, like clowns,
 not to pay the least attention to carefully prepared music? At all events Ulysses
 himself attends to the Phæacian minstrels:— 
 Ulysses gazed, astonish'd to survey 
 The glancing splendours as their sandals play:— 
 
 although he had plenty of things to distract his attention, and although
 he could say— 
 Now care surrounds me, and my force decays, 
 Inured a melancholy part to bear, 
 In scenes of death by tempest and by war. 
 
 
 How then can we think Telemachus any better than a mere
 clown, when a minstrel and a dancer are present, if he had bent silently towards
 Pisistratus and gazed on nothing but the plate and furniture? But Homer, like a
 good painter, makes Telemachus in every respect like his father; and so he has
 made each of them easily recognised, the one by Alcinous, and the other by
 Menelaus, by means of their tears.

But in the banquet of Epicurus there is an assembly of flatterers praising one
 another. And Plato's banquet is full of mockers, cavilling at one another; for I
 say nothing of the digression about Alcibiades But in Homer it is only banquets
 conducted with moderation which are applauded; and on one occasion, a man
 addressing Menelaus says— 
 I dare not in your presence speak, 
 Whose voice we reverence as a voice divine. 
 
 But he was reproving something which was either not said or not done with
 perfect correctness— 
 And now if aught there is that can be done, 
 Take my advice; I grief untimely shun 
 That interrupts the feast. 
 
 And again, he says— 
 O son of wise Ulysses, what a word 
 Has 'scaped thy ivory fence!. . . . 
 For it is not right for a man to be a flatterer, nor a mocker. 
 Again, Epicurus, in his banquet, inquires about indigestion, so as to draw an omen
 from the answer: and immediately after that he inquires about fevers; for why need
 I speak of the general want of rhythm and elegance which pervades the whole essay?
 But Plato, (I say nothing about his having been harassed by a cough, and about his
 taking care of himself with constant gargling of water, and also by inserting a
 straw, in order that he might excite his nose so as to sneeze; for his object was
 to turn things into ridicule and to disparage them,) Plato, I say, turns into
 ridicule the equalized sentences and the antitheses of Agathon, and introduces
 Alcibiades, saying that he is in a state of excitement. But still those men who
 write in this manner, propose to expel Homer from their cities. But, says
 Demochares, A spear is not made of a stalk of savory, nor is a good
 man made so by such discourses as these; and not only does he disparage Alcibiades, but he also runs down Charmides, and Euthyde- mus,
 and many others of the young men. And this is the conduct of a man ridiculing the
 whole city of the Athenians, the Museum of Greece, which Pindar styled The Bulwark
 of Greece; and Thucydides, in his Epigram address d to Euripides, The Greece of
 Greece; and the priest at De phi termed it, The Hearth and Prytaneum of the
 Greeks. And that he spoke falsely of the young men one may perceive from Plato
 himself, for he says that Alcibiades, (in the dialogue to which he has prefixed
 his name,) when he arrived at man's estate, then first began to converse with
 Socrates, when every one else who was devoted to the pleasures of the body fell
 off from him. But he says this at the very beginning of the dialogue. And how he
 contradicts himself in the Charmides any one who pleases may see in the dialogue
 itself. For he represents Socrates as subject to a most unseemly giddiness, and as
 absolutely intoxicated with a passion for Alcibiades, and as becoming beside
 himself, and yielding like a kid to the impetuosity of a lion; and at the same
 time he says that he disregarded his beauty.

But also the banquet of Xenophon, although it is much extolled, gives one as many
 handles to blame it as the other. For Callias assembles a banqueting party because
 his favourite Autolycus has been crowned at the Panathenæa for a victory gained in
 the Pancratium. And as soon as they are assembled the guests devote their
 attention to the boy; and this too while his father is sitting by. For as
 when light appears in the night season it attracts the eyes of every one, so
 does the beauty of Autolycus attract the eyes of everybody to itself. And then
 there was no one present who did not feel something in his heart because of
 him; but some were more silent than others, and some betrayed their feelings by
 their gestures. But Homer has never ventured to say anything of that
 sort, not even when he represents Helen as present; concerning whose beauty though
 one of those who sat opposite to her did speak, all he said, being overcome by the
 truth, was this— 
 Sure 'tis no wonder such celestial charms 
 For nine long years have set the world in arms. 
 What winning graces, what majestic mien- 
 She moves a goddess, and she looks a queen! 
 
 
 And then he adds— 
 Yet hence, O heaven, convey that fatal face; 
 And from destruction save the Trojan race. 
 But the young men who had come to Menelaus's court, the son of Nestor and
 Telemachus, when over their wine, and celebrating a wedding feast, and though
 Helen was sitting by, kept quite quiet in a decorous manner, being struck dumb by
 her renowned beauty. But why did Socrates, when to gratify some one or other he
 had tolerated some female flute-players, and some boy dancing and playing on the
 harp, and also some women tumbling and posture-making in an unseemly manner,
 refuse perfumes? For no one would have been able to restrain his laughter at him,
 recollecting these lines— 
 You speak of those pale-faced and shoeless men, 
 Such as that wretched Socrates and Chærephon. 
 And what followed after was very inconsistent with his austerity. For
 Critobulus, a very well-bred young man, mocks Socrates, who was aged and his
 tutor, saying he was much uglier than the Sileni; but he discusses beauty with
 him, and selecting as judges the boy and the dancing woman, makes the prize to be
 the kisses of the judges. Now what young man meeting with this writing would not
 be corrupted rather than excited to virtue?

But in Homer, in the banquet of Menelaus, they propose to one another questions as
 in ordinary conversation, and chatting with one another like fellow-citizens, they
 entertain one another and us too. Accordingly, Menelaus, when Telemachus and his
 friends come from the bath-room, and when the tables and the dishes are laid,
 invites them to partake of them, saying— 
 Accept this welcome to the Spartan court; 
 The waste of nature let the feast repair, 
 Then your high lineage and your names declare: — 
 and then he helps them to what he has before him, treating them in the
 most friendly manner— 
 Ceasing, benevolent he straight assigns 
 The royal portion of the choicest chines 
 To each accepted friend; with grateful haste 
 They share the honours of the rich repast. 
 And they, eating in silence, as it becomes young men to do, converse with
 one another, leaning forwards gently, not about the food, as
 Homer tells us, nor about the maid-servants of him who had invited them, and by
 whom they had been washed, but about the riches of their entertainer— 
 Soft whispering thus to Nestor's son, 
 His head reclined, young Ithacus begun: 
 View'st thou unmoved, O ever honour'd most, 
 These prodigies of art and wondrous cost? 
 Such, and not nobler, in the realms above 
 Are the rich treasures in the dome of Jove. 
 
 For that, according to Seleucus, is the best reading; and Aristarchus is
 wrong when he writes— 
 Such is the palace of Olympian Jove. 
 For they are not admiring the beauty of building alone; for how could
 there be amber, and silver, and ivory in the walls? But they spoke partly about
 the house, as where they used the expression the sounding house, 
 for that is the character of large and lofty rooms; and they spoke also of the
 furniture— 
 Above, beneath, around the palace shines 
 The sumless treasure of exhausted mines; 
 The spoils of elephants the roofs inlay, 
 And studded amber darts a golden ray. 
 So that it is a natural addition to say— 
 Such are the treasures in the dome of Jove, 
 Wondrous they are, and awe my heart doth move 
 But the statement, 
 Such is the palace of Olympian Jove, 
 has no connexion with— 
 Wondrous they are . . . . 
 and it would be a pure solecism and a very unusual reading.

Besides, the word αὐλὴ is not adapted to a house;
 for a place which the wind blows through is what is called αὐλή. And we say that a place which receives the wind on both sides
 διαυλωνίζει. And so again, αὐλὸς is an instrument through which the wind passes,
 (namely, a flute,) and every figure which is stretched out straight we call
 αὐλὸς, as a stadium, or a flow of blood— 
 Straightway a thick stream ( αὐλὸς ) through
 the nostrils rush'd. 
 pp And we call a helmet also, when it rises up in a
 ridge out of the centre, αὐλῶπις. And at Athens
 there are some sacred places called αὐλῶνες, which
 are mentioned by Philochorus in his ninth book. And they use the word in the
 masculine gender, οἱ αὐλῶνες, as Thucydides does
 in his fourth book; and as, in fact, all prose writers do. But the poets use it in
 the feminine gender. Carcines says in his Achilles— 
 
 βαθεῖαν εἰς αύλῶνα —Into a deep ravine which
 surrounded the army. 
 And Sophocles, in his Scythians, writes— 
 The crags and caverns, and the deep ravines 
 Along the shore ( ἐπακτίας αὐλῶνας ). 
 And therefore we ought to understand that it is used as a feminine noun
 by Eratosthenes in his Mercury— 
 A deep ravine runs through ( βαθὺς
 αὐλών ), 
 instead of βαθεῖα, just as we find
 θῆλυς ἐέρση, where θῆλυς is feminine. Everything of that kind then is called αὐλὴ or αὐλών ; but at
 the present day they call palaces αὐλαὶ, as
 Menander does— 
 To haunt palaces ( αὐλαὶ ) and princes. 
 And Diphilus says— 
 To haunt palaces ( αὐλαὶ ) is, it seems to
 me, 
 The conduct of an exile, slave, or beggar. 
 And they got this name from having large spaces in front of their
 buildings exposed to the open air, or else, because the guards of the palace were
 stationed, and took their rest in the open air. But Homer always classes the
 αὐλὴ among the places exposed to the air, where
 the altar of Jupiter Herceus stood. And so Peleus is found— 
 I and Ulysses touch'd at Peleus port; 
 There, in the centre of his grassy court, 
 A bull to Jove he slew in sacrifice, 
 And pour'd libations on the flaming thighs. 
 And so Priam lay:— 
 In the court-yard amid the dirt he roll'd. 
 
 And Ulysses says to Phemius— 
 Thou with the heav'n-taught bard in peace resort, 
 From blood and carnage, to yon open court. 
 
 But that Telemachus was praising not only the house, but also the riches
 which it contained, is made plain by the reply of Menelaus— 
 
 My wars, the copious theme of ev'ry tongue, 
 To you your fathers have recorded long; 
 How favouring Heav'n repaid my glorious toils 
 With a sack'd palace and barbaric spoils.

But we must return back to the banquet, in which Homer very ingeniously devises a
 subject for conversation, by comparing the acquisition of riches with that of a
 friend. For he does not put it forward as a grave proposition for discussion, but
 Menelaus inserts it in his conversation very gracefully, after he has heard them
 praise himself and his good fortune; not denying that he is rich, but from that
 very circumstance deprecating envy, for he says that he has acquired those riches
 so that, 
 When my woes are weigh'd, 
 Envy will own the purchase dearly paid. 
 
 He does not indeed think it right to compare himself with the gods—
 
 The monarch took the word, and grave replied— 
 Presumptuous are the vaunts, and vain the pride 
 Of man who dares in pomp with Jove contest, 
 Unchanged, immortal, and supremely blest. 
 But then, after displaying his affectionate disposition as a brother, and
 saying that he is compelled to live and to be rich, he opposes to this the
 consideration of friendship— 
 Oh, had the gods so large a boon denied, 
 And life, the just equivalent, supplied 
 To those brave warriors who, with glory fired, 
 Far from their country in my cause expired. 
 Who could there be then of the descendants of those men who had died in
 his cause, who would not think his grief for the death of his father as fair a
 compensation as could be given by grateful recollection? But still, that he may
 not appear to look upon them all in the same light, though they had all equally
 shown their good-will to him, he adds— 
 But oh! Ulysses,—deeper than the rest, 
 That sad idea wounds my anxious breast; 
 My heart bleeds fresh with agonising pain, 
 The bowl and tasteful viands tempt in vain. 
 And that he may not seem to disregard any one of his family he names them
 all separately— 
 Doubtful of his doom, 
 His good old sire with sorrow to the tomb 
 
 Declines his trembling steps; untimely care 
 Withers the blooming vigour of his heir; 
 And the chaste partner of his bed and throne 
 Wastes all her widow'd hours in tender moan. 
 And while he is weeping at the recollection of his father, Menelaus
 observes him; and, in the interim, Helen had come in, and she also conjectured who
 Telemachus was from his likeness to Ulysses, (for women, because of their habit of
 observing one another's modesty, are wonderfully clever at detecting the likeness
 of children to their parents,) and after Pisistratus had interfered with some
 observation, (for it was not fitting for him to stand by like a mute on the
 stage,) and said something appropriate and elegant about the modesty of
 Telemachus; again Menelaus made mention of his affection for Ulysses, that of all
 men in the world he was the one in whose companionship he wished to grow old.

And then, as is natural, they all weep; and Helen, as being the daughter of
 Jupiter, and as having learnt of the philosophers in Egypt many expedients of all
 kinds, pours into some wine a medicinal panacea, as it was in reality; and begins
 to relate some of the exploits of Ulysses, while working at her loom in the
 meantime; not doing this so much for the purpose of amusement, as because she had
 been bred up in that way at home. And so Venus, coming to her after the single
 combat in the Iliad, takes a form not her own— 
 To her beset with Trojan beauties, came 
 In borrow'd form the laughter-loving dame. 
 She seem'd an ancient maid, well skill'd to cull 
 The snowy fleece, and wind the twisted wool. 
 
 And her industry is made manifest not in a merely cursory manner, in the
 following description— 
 In this suspense bright Helen graced the room; 
 Before her breathed a gale of rich perfume; 
 The seat of majesty Adraste brings, 
 With art illustrious for the pomp of kings; 
 To spread the pall, beneath the regal chair, 
 Of softest woof, is bright Alcippe's care; 
 A silver canister, divinely wrought, 
 In her soft hands the beauteous Philo brought; 
 To Sparta's queen of old the radiant vase 
 Alcandra gave, a pledge of royal grace, 
 
 
 Sharer of Polybus's high command, 
 She gave the distaff too to Helen's hand, 
 And that rich vase with living sculpture wrought, 
 Which, heap'd with wool, the beauteous Philo brought; 
 The silken fleece, impurpled for the loom, 
 Rivall'd the hyacinth in vernal bloom. 
 And she seems to be aware of her own proficiency in the art: at all
 events, when she presents Telemachus with arobe, she says— 
 Accept, dear youth, this monument of love, 
 Long since, in better days, by Helen wove. 
 Safe in thy mother's care the vesture lay, 
 To deck thy bride, and grace thy nuptial day. 
 
 And that fondness for employment proves her temperance and modesty. For
 she is never represented as luxurious or arrogant, because of her beauty.
 Accordingly, she is found at her loom weaving and embroidering— 
 Her in the palace at the loom she found, 
 The golden web her own sad story crown'd; 
 The Trojan wars she weaved, (herself the prize,) 
 And the dire triumph of her fatal eyes.

And Homer teaches us that those who have been invited to a feast, ought to ask
 leave of their entertainers before they rise up to depart. And so Telemachus does
 to Menelaus— 
 But now let sleep the painful waste repair, 
 Of sad reflection and corroding care. 
 
 And Minerva, when pretending to be Mentor, says to Nestor— 
 Now immolate the tongues and mix the wine, 
 Sacred to Neptune and the pow'rs divine: 
 The lamp of day is quench'd beneath the deep, 
 And soft approach the balmy hours of sleep; 
 Nor fits it to prolong the heav'nly feast, 
 Timeless, indecent; but retire to rest. 
 
 And in the feasts of the gods it does not appear to have been considered
 proper to remain too long at the table. Accordingly, Minerva says, very
 sententiously, in Homer— 
 For now has darkness quench'd the solar light, 
 And it becomes not gods to feast by night. 
 And now there is a law in existence that there are some sacrificial
 feasts from which men must depart before sunset. And among the Egyptians formerly
 every kind of banquet was conducted with great moderation; as Apollonis has said,
 who wrote a treatise on the feasts of the Egyptian; for they
 ate in a sitting posture, using the very simplest and most wholesome food; and
 only just as much wine as was calculated to put them in cheerful spirits, which is
 what Pindar entreats of Jupiter— 
 Oh mighty thund'ring Jove! 
 Great Saturn's son, lord of the realms above, 
 That I may be to thee and the nine Muses dear, 
 That joy my heart may cheer; 
 This is my prayer, my only prayer to thee. 
 But the banquet of Plato is not an assembly of grave men, nor a
 conversazione of philosophers. For Socrates does not choose to depart from the
 banquet, although Eryximachus, and Phædrus, and some others, have already left it;
 but he stays till a late hour with Agathon and Aristophanes, and drinks from the
 silver well; for fairly has some one given this name to large cups. And he drinks
 out of the bowl cleverly, like a man who is used to it. And Plato says, that after
 this those two others began to nod, and that first of all Aristophanes fell
 asleep, and when day began to break so did Agathon; and that Socrates, after he
 had sent them both to sleep, rose up from table himself and went away to the
 Lyceum, when he might, says Herodicus, have gone to Homer's Læstrygones— 
 Where he who scorns the chains of sleep to wear, 
 And adds the herdsman's to the shepherd's care, 
 His double toils may claim a double pay, 
 And join the labours of the night and day.

But every banqueting party among the ancients was referred to the gods; and
 accordingly men wore garlands appropriate and peculiar to the gods, and used hymns
 and odes. And there were no slaves to attend upon the guests, but free youths
 acted as the cupbearers. So the son of Mænelaus, although he was the bridegroom,
 and at his own wedding, acted; and in the poem of the beautiful Sappho, even
 Mercury acts as the cupbearer to the gods. And they were free men who prepared
 everything else for the guests. And after they had supped they went away while it
 was still daylight. But at some of the Persian feasts there were also councils
 held, as there were in the tent of Agamemnon with respect to the further conduct
 of the Trojan war. Now as to the entertainment given by Alcinous, to which the
 discourse of Ulysses refers where he says— 
 
 How goodly seems it ever to employ 
 Man's social days in union and in joy; 
 The plenteous board high heap'd with cates diviner 
 And o'er the foaming bowl the laughing wine; 
 The heav'n-taught poet and enchanting strain, 
 These are the products of a peaceful reign. 
 He refers also especially to his reception of straners, since the
 Phæacians themselves were devoted to luxury and yet if any one compares that feast
 made by Alcinous with the banquets of the philosophers, he will find that the
 better regulated of the two; although that also embraced much cheerfulness and
 spirit, only not in any unbecoming manner. For after the exhibition of gymnastics
 the bard sings— 
 The loves of Mars, 
 a certain lay mingled with some ridiculous incidents, and one which
 suggested to Ulysses some hints for the slaughter of the suitors; since Vulcan,
 even though he was lame, got the better of the most valiant Mars.

And the feasters of that time sat at the table; at all events, Homer very often
 says— 
 Sitting in order on the chairs and couches. 
 For the word θρόνος, which he uses in
 this line, when taken by itself, is a seat such as is used by free men, with a
 footstool, the name of which being θρῆνυς, from
 thence they came to call the seat itself θρόνος, 
 from the verb θρήσασθαι, which they used for, to
 sit; as Philetas says— 
 To sit ( θρήσασθαι ) on the ground under a
 plane-tree. 
 But the couch ( κλισμὸς ) was more adapted
 for reclining on; and the δίφρος is something
 simpler than these things. Accordingly, in the book where Ulysses appears as a
 beggar the servants place for him, as Homer tells us, 
 A humble chair ( δίφρος ), and spread a scanty
 board. 
 But their goblets, as their name ( κρατῆρες ) indicates, were supplied full of wine mixed with water
 ( κεκραμένοι ); and the youths ministered to them
 from the larger goblets, always, in the case of the most honourable of the guests,
 keeping their small cups full; but to the rest they distributed the wine in equal
 portions. Accordingly Agamemnon says to Idomeneus— 
 To thee the foremost honours are decreed, 
 First in the fight, and every graceful deed; 
 
 
 
 For this in banquets, when the generous bowls 
 Restore our blood, and raise our warrior souls, 
 Though all the rest with stated rules are bound, 
 Unmix'd, unmeasured are thy goblets crown'd. 
 And they used to pledge one another, not as we do, (for our custom may be
 expressed by the verb προεκπίνω rather than by
 προπινω, ) but they drank the entire bumper off—
 
 He fill'd his cup, and pledged great Peleus' son. 
 And how often they took meat, we have already explained —namely, that
 they had three meals, because it is the same meal that was at one time called
 δεῖπνον, and at another ἄριστον. For those men who say that they used to take four meals a
 day, are ridiculously ignorant, since the poet himself says— 
 But do thou come δειελιήσας. 
 
 And these men do not perceive that this word means, after having
 remained here till evening. But, nevertheless, no one can show in the
 poet one instance of any one taking food even three times in the day. But many men
 are led into mistakes, placing these verses in the poet all together— 
 They wash; the tables in fair order spread, 
 They heap the glittering canisters with bread, 
 Viands of various kinds allure the taste, 
 Of choicest sort and savour; rich repast. 
 
 For if the housekeeper placed the meats on the table, it is plain that
 there was no need for the carver to bring in more, so that some of the above
 description is superfluous. But when the guests had departed the tables were
 removed, as is done at the feasts of the Suitors and of the Phæacians, in whose
 case he says— 
 The servants bore away the armour of the feast. 
 And it is plain that he means the dishes, for the word he uses is
 ἔντεα ; and it is that part of the armour which
 covers a man, such as his breastplate, his greaves, and things like them which men
 call ἔντεα, as being in front ( ἄντια ) of the parts of the body. And of the rooms in the
 palaces of the heroes, those which were larger Homer calls, μέγαρα, and δώματα, and even
 κλισίας (tents). But the moderns call them
 ἀνδρῶνες (rooms to receive men) and ξενῶνες (strangers' apartments).

What then, my friends, shall we call the entertainment which Antiochus, who was
 surnamed Epiphanes, (but who was more rightly called Epimanes from his actions,) gave Now he was king of the Syrians, being one of the Seleucidæ. And Polybius says
 of him, "He, escaping out of the palace without the knowledge of the attendants,
 was often found with one or two companions wandering about the city wherever he
 might chance to take it into his head to go. And he was, above all other places,
 frequently found at the shops of the engravers of silver and of the goldsmiths,
 conversing on the subject of their inventions with, and inquiring into the
 principles of their art from, the engravers and other artists. And besides this,
 he often used to go among the common people, conversing with whomsoever he might
 chance to meet; and he would drink with the lowest and poorest strangers. And
 whenever he heard of any young men having a banquet, without having given any
 notice of his intention, he would come to join in their feast with a flute and
 music, behaving in a most lascivious manner; so that many used to rise up and
 depart, being alarmed at his strange behaviour. Often, also, he would lay aside
 his royal robes, and put on a common cloak, and so go round the market, like a man
 who was a candidate for some office: and taking some people by the hand, and
 embracing others, he would solicit them to vote for him, sometimes begging to be
 made ædile, and sometimes tribune; and when he was elected, sitting in his ivory
 curule chair, according to the fashion which prevails among the Romans, he would
 hear all the causes which were pleaded in the forum, and decide them with great
 attention and earnestness, by which conduct he greatly perplexed sensible men, For
 some thought him a man of very simple tastes, and others considered him mad. And
 his conduct with respect to presents was very much the same. For he would give
 some people dice of antelope's bones, and some he would present with dates, and to
 others he would give gold. And even if he met people in the street whom he had
 never seen, he would give them presents unexpectedly. And in his sacrifices, which
 were offered up in the different cities, and in the honours offered to the gods,
 he surpassed all the kings who had ever existed. And any one may conjecture his
 from the temple raised to Olympian Jupiter at Athens, and from the statues around
 the altar at Delos. And he used to bathe in the public baths, often when they were
 complete y full of the citizens, and then he would have earthen pairs of the most expensive perfumes brought to him. And on one of these
 occasions, when some one said to him, Happy are you kings, who use all
 these things and smell so sweet, he made the man no answer at the time;
 but coming the next day to the place where he was bathing, he caused him to have a
 pan of the largest size of that most precious ointment called στακτὴ poured over his head, so that when that had been
 done, every one near got up and hastened to get a little of the ointment, and as
 they fell down in their haste, by reason of the slipperiness of the floor, every
 one laughed, as did the king himself.

And this same king, continues Polybius, "having heard of the games
 which had been celebrated in Macedonia by Aemilius Paullus the Roman general,
 wishing to surpass Paullus in his magnificence and liberality, sent ambassadors
 and theori to the different cities to proclaim that games were going to be
 exhibited by him at Daphne, so that the Greeks all hastened with great eagerness
 to come to him to see them. And the beginning of the exhibition was a splendid
 procession, arranged in this way:—Some men led the way armed in the Roman fashion,
 in breastplates of chain armour, all men in the flower of their youth, to the
 number of five thousand; immediately after them, five thousand Mysians followed;
 and then three thousand Cilicians, armed in the fashion of light-armed
 skirmishers, having golden crowns; and after them three thousand Thracians and
 five thousand Galatians; these were followed by twenty thousand Macedonians, and
 by five thousand men armed with brazen shields, and as many more with silver
 shields; they were followed by two hundred and forty pair of gladiators to fight
 in single combat; behind these came a thousand Nisæan cavalry, and three thousand
 men of the city guard, the greatest part of whom had golden trappings and golden
 crowns, but some had silver trappings; to these succeeded the cavalry who are
 called the King's Companions; these amounted to one thousand men, all equipped
 with golden trappings; next to these was the battalion of the King's Friends, of
 the same number and the same equipment; after these a thousand picked men; and
 they were followed by what was called the Agema, which was considered to be the
 most excellent squadron of all the cavalry, to the number of 
 a thousand men; last of all came the Fenced Cavalry, having its name from the fact
 that both men and horses were com- pletely enveloped in armour; they were in
 number fifteen hundred men. And all the above-mentioned soldiers had purple
 cloaks, and many had them also embroidered with gold or painted with figures of
 living animals. Besides all this, there were a hundred chariots with six horses,
 and forty with four horses; then a chariot drawn by four elephants, and another by
 two; and last of all, six-and-thirty elephants, all handsomely appointed, followed
 one by one.

"The rest of the procession was such as it is difficult adequately to describe,
 and it must be enumerated in a summary manner. For youths walked in the procession
 to the number of eight hundred, all having golden crowns; and fat oxen to the
 number of one thousand; and deputations to see to the performance of separate
 sacrifices, very little short of three hundred; and there were eight hundred
 elephants' teeth carried by, and such a multitude of statues as it is beyond any
 one's power to enumerate. For images were carried in the procession of all who are
 ever said or thought by men to be gods, or deities, or demigods, or heroes; some
 gilt all over, and some arrayed in golden-broidered robes. And to all of them
 suitable inscriptions according to the accounts commonly received of them were
 attached, earved in the most expensive materials. And they were followed by an
 image of Night and another of Day; and of the Earth, and of Heaven, and of
 Morning, and of Noon. And the vast quantity of gold plate and silver plate was
 such as perhaps a man may form a guess at from the following account. For a
 thousand slaves belonging to Dionysius the secretary and amanuensis of the king
 joined in the procession, each carrying articles of silver plate, of which there
 was not one weighing less than a thousand drachmæ. And there were six hundred
 slaves belonging to the king himself, carrying articles of gold plate. And besides
 them there were women to the number of two hundred sprinkling every one with
 perfume out of golden waterpots. And they were succeeded by eighty women
 magnificently apparelled, borne on palanquins with golden feet, and five hundred
 borne on palanquins wit silver feet. And this was the most important portion of
 the procession.

But after the games were over and the single combats and the hunting,
 during the whole thirty days which he exhibited these shows, on the first five
 days every one who came into the gymnasium was anointed with a saffron perfume
 shed upon him out of golden dishes. And there were fifteen of these golden
 dishes, full of equal quantities of cinnamon and spikenard. And in a similar
 manner in the five next days there was brought in essence of fenugreek, and of
 amaracus, and of lilies, all differing in their scent; and some days there were
 laid a thousand triclinia for the banquet; and some days fifteen hundred, all
 laid in the most expensive possible manner. And the arrangement of the whole
 business was superintended by the king himself. For having a very fine horse he
 went up and down the whole procession, commanding some to advance, and others
 to halt. And stopping at the entrances of the rooms where the drinking was
 going on he brought some in, and to others he assigned places on the couches.
 And he himself conducted in the attendants who brought in the second course.
 And he went round the whole banquet, sometimes sitting down in one place, and
 presently lying down in another place. And sometimes even while he was eating
 he would lay down what he was eating or his cup, and jump up, and go away to
 another part of the room. And he would go all round the company, at times,
 pledging some of the guests in a standing posture; and at times entertaining
 himself with the jesters or with the music. And when the entertainment had
 lasted a long time and many of the guests had gone away, then the king would be
 brought in by buffoons, all covered up, and laid on the ground as if he had
 been one of their band. And when the music excited him, he would jump up and
 dance, and act with the mummers, so that every one felt ashamed for him and
 fled away. And all this was done partly with the treasure which he brought out
 of Egypt, having plundered Ptolemy Philometor the king there, in defiance of
 his treaty with him when he was but a little boy; and some of the money too was
 contributed by his friends. And he had also sacrilegiously plundered most of
 the temples in his dominions.

And while all the guests marvelled at the conduct of the king, seeing that he was
 not illustrious but absolutely mad, Masurius brought forward Callixenus the
 Rhodian, who in the fourth book of his History of Alexandria
 has given an account of a spectacle and procession which was exhibited by that
 most admirable of all monarchs, Ptolemy Phiadelphus. And he says—"But before I
 begin, I will give a description of the tent which was prepared within the circuit
 of the citadel, apart from the place provided for the reception of the soldiers,
 and artisans, and foreigners. For it was wonderfully beautiful, and worth hearing
 about. Its size was such as to be able to hold a hundred and thirty couches placed
 in a circle, and it was furnished in the following manner:—There were wooden
 pillars at intervals, five on each side of the tent longwise, fifty cubits high,
 and something less than one cubit broad. And on these pillars at the top was a
 capital, of square figure, carefully fitted, supporting the whole weight of the
 roof of the banqueting room. And over this was spread in the middle a scarlet veil
 with a white fringe, like a canopy; and on each side it had beams covered over
 with turreted veils, with white centres, on which canopies embroidered all over
 the centre were placed. And of the pillars four were made to resemble palm-trees,
 and they had in the centre a representation of thyrsi. And on the outside of these
 a portico ran, adorned with a peristyle on three sides, with a vaulted roof. And
 in this place it was intended that the company of the feasters should sit down.
 And the interior of it was surrounded with scarlet curtains. But in the middle of
 the space there were strange hides of beasts, strange both as to their variegated
 colour and their size, suspended. And the part which surrounded this portico in
 the open air was shaded by myrtle-trees and daphnes, and other suitable shrubs.
 And the whole floor was strewed with flowers of every description. For Egypt, on
 account of the temperate character of the atmosphere which surrounds it, and on
 account of the fondness of the inhabitants for gardening, produces in great
 abundance, and all the year round, those things which in other countries are
 rarely found, and only at particular seasons. And roses, and white lilies, and
 numberless other flowers are never wanting in that country. On which account,
 though this entertainment took place in the middle of winter, still there was a
 show of flowers which was quite incredible to the foreigners. For flowers of which
 one could not easily have found enough to make one chaplet in any other city were supplied in the greatest abundance here, to make chaplets
 for every one of the guests at this entertainment, and were strewed thickly over
 the whole floor of the tent; so as really to give the appearance of a most divine
 meadow.

"And by the posts round the entire tent there were placed animals carved in marble
 by the first artists, a hundred in number. And in the spaces between the posts
 there were pictures hung by the Sicyonian painters; and alternately with these
 there were carefully selected images of every kind; and garments embroidered with
 gold, and most exquisite cloaks, some of them having portraits of the kings of
 Egypt embroidered on them; and some, stories taken from the mythology. Above them
 were placed gold and silver shields alternately; and on the spaces above these
 shields, which were eight cubits high, caves were made, six on each side of the
 tent longwise, and four at each end. There were likewise in them representations
 of eating parties opposite to one another, of tragic, and comic, and satyric
 animals, having on real clothes. And before them were placed golden goblets. And
 in the middle of the caves were placed nymphæa, and on them there lay golden
 Delphian tripods, having pedestals of their own. And along the highest part of the
 roof were golden eagles all facing one another, each fifteen cubits large. There
 were also golden couches, with feet made like sphinxes, on the two sides of the
 tent, a hundred on each side. For the front of the tent was left open. And under
 these there were strewed purple carpets of the finest wool, with the carpet
 pattern on both sides. And there were handsomely embroidered rugs very beautifully
 elaborated on them. Besides this, thin Persian cloths covered all the centre space
 where the guests walked, having most accurate representations of animals
 embroidered on them. And by them were placed tripods for the guests, made of gold,
 two hundred in number, so that there were two for every couch, and they rested on
 silver pedestals. And behind, out of sight, there were a hundred flat dishes of
 silver, and an equal number of lavers. On the opposite side of the sitting-room
 there was fixed another sideboard, opposite to that on which the cups and goblets
 were placed; and on that were all the rest of the things which had been prepared
 for, or could come into use. And they were all made of gold, and studded with
 precious stones; admirably carved and wrought. And it has
 appeared to me too long a task to undertake to enumerate every article of the
 furniture, and even all the different kinds separate. But the entire weight of all
 the plate and valuables there exhibited came to ten thousand talents.

"But now that we have gone over everything that was to be seen in the tent, we
 will proceed to the shows and processions exhibited. For it passed through the
 stadium which there is in the city. And first of all went the procession of
 Lucifer. For it began at the time when that star first appears. After that came
 the procession which bore the name of the parents of the kings. And next came the
 processions sacred to all the gods respectively, each having an arrangement
 appropriate to the history of each separate deity. Last of all came the procession
 of Hesperus, as the hour of that one starting coincided with that time. But if any
 one wishes to know the separate particulars, he may take the description of the
 quinquennial games and consider them. But in the Dionysiac procession first of all
 there went the Sileni who keep off the multitude, some clad in purple cloaks, and
 some in scarlet ones. And these were followed by Satyrs, twenty in each division
 of the stadium, bearing gilded lamps made of ivy-wood. And after them came images
 of Victory, having golden wings, and they bore in their hands incense-burners six
 cubits in height, adorned with branches made of ivy-wood and gold, clad in tunics
 embroidered with figures of animals, and they themselves also had a great deal of
 golden ornament about them. And after them there followed an altar of six cubits
 in height, a double altar, covered all over with ivy-leaves gilded, having a crown
 of vine-leaves on it all gold, enveloped in bandages with white centres. And that
 was followed by boys in purple tunics, bearing frankincense, and myrrh, and
 saffron, on golden dishes. And after them came forty Satyrs, crowned with
 ivy-garlands made of gold. And they were painted as o their bodies, some with
 purple, some with vermilion, an some with other colours. And these also wore each
 a golden crown made to imitate vine-leaves and ivy-leaves. And after them came two
 Sileni in purple cloaks and white fringes to them. And one of them had a petasus
 and a golden caduceus, and the other had a trumpet. And between them went a man of
 gigantic size, four cubits high, in a tragical dress and
 orna- ments, bearing the golden horn of Amalthea. And his name was Eniautos. And he was followed
 by a woman of great beauty and of more than ordinary size, adorned with quantities
 of gold and a superb dress; bearing in one of her hands a garland of peach
 blossoms, and in her other hand a branch of the palm-tree. And she was called
 Penteteris. And
 she was succeeded by the Four Seasons dressed in character, and each of them
 bearing its appropriate fruits. Next to them came two incense-burners made of
 ivy-wood, covered with gold, and six cubits in height, and a large square golden
 altar in the middle of them. And then again Satyrs, having garlands of ivy-leaves
 made of gold, and clad in purple robes. And some of them bore golden wine-jars,
 and others bore goblets. After them marched Philiscus the poet, being a priest of
 Bacchus, and with him all the artisans who were concerned in the service of
 Bacchus. And next to them were carried the Delphian tripods, as prizes for the
 trainers of the athletes; the one for the trainer of the boys nine cubits in
 height, and the other, twelve cubits in height, for the trainer of the men.

"After them was a four-wheeled wagon fourteen cubits long, and eight cubits wide;
 and it was drawn by a hundred and eighty men; and in it was placed an image of
 Bacchus ten cubits high, pouring libations of wine out of a golden goblet, having
 on a purple tunic reaching down to the feet; and he was clad in a purple garment
 embroidered with gold; and in front of him there lay a golden Lacedæmonian goblet,
 holding fifteen measures of wine, and a golden tripod, in which was a golden
 incense-burner, and two golden bowls, full of cassia and saffron; and a shade
 covered it round adorned with ivy-leaves, and vine-leaves, and all sorts of other
 green leaves; and to it were fastened chaplets, and fillets, and thyrsi, and
 drums, and turbans, and satyric and comic and tragic masks. And the wagon was
 followed by priests and priestesses, and newly initiated votaries, and by
 companies of every nation, and by people bearing the mystic fan. And after this
 came the Bacchanalian women, called Macetæ, and Mimallones, and Bassaræ, and
 Lydians, with dishevelled hair, and wearing garlands, some of snakes, and others
 of branches of yew and of vine-leaves and ivy-leaves, and
 some held daggers in their hands, and others held snakes. And after them another
 four-wheeled wagon was drawn of the width of eight cubits, and it was drawn by
 sixty men and in it was a statue of Nysa, of eight cubits high, in a sitting
 posture, clothed in a box-coloured tunic embroidered with gold, and it was also
 clad in a Laconian cloak; and this statue rose up by mechanism, without any one
 applying his hand to it; and it poured libations of milk out of a golden bottle,
 and then it sat down again; and in its left hand it bore a thyrsus wrapped round
 with turbans, and it was crowned with a garland of ivy-leaves, made of gold, and
 with gorgeous bunches of grapes inlaid with precious stones; and it had a parasol
 over it; and on the corners of the wagon were fastened four golden lamps. 
 "And next to that another four-wheeled wagon was drawn along, twenty cubits in
 length and sixteen in width, and it was drawn by three hundred men. And on it
 there was a wine-press twenty-four cubits in length and fifteen in breadth, full
 of grapes; and sixty Satyrs were trampling on the grapes, singing a song in praise
 of the wine-press, to the music of a flute. And Silenus presided over them; and
 the new wine ran out over the whole road. Next to that was drawn along a wagon,
 twenty-five cubits long and fourteen broad; and that was drawn by six hundred men.
 And on this wagon was a sack holding three thousand measures of wine, consisting
 of leopards' skins, sewn together. And this too allowing its liquor to escape,
 gradually flowed over the whole road. And it was followed by Satyri and Sileni, to
 the number of a hundred and twenty, all wearing garlands, and carrying some casks
 of wine, and some bowls, and some large Thericlean goblets, all made of gold.

And next to that was carried a silver vessel conaining six hundred measures of
 wine, being drawn on a four-wheeled wagon by six hundred men. Arid under its lips,
 and under its ears, and under its bottom, it had figures of animals engraved; and
 in the middle it was crowned with a golden crown, inlaid with precious stones.
 Next to that there were carried two silver goblets, twelve cubits in circumference
 and six cubits in height; and these had figures standing out in relief above, and
 also on their round parts all round And on their feet they
 had chased figures of animals two cubits and a half long and a cubit high, in
 great numbers: and ten large bathing-vessels, and sixteen ewers, of which the
 larger ones contained thirty measures, and the smaller ones five; then six
 kettles, and twenty-four banoti, on five side-boards; and two silver wine-presses, on which were
 twenty-four urns; and a table of solid silver twelve cubits round; and thirty
 other tables six cubits each in circumference: and in addition to this, four
 tripods, one of which was sixteen cubits in circumference, and was made entirely
 of silver; but the other three, which were less, were studded with precious stones
 in the middle. And after these there were carried some Delphic tripods, made of
 silver, eighty in number, smaller than those previously described, being also of a
 square, or four-cornered shape. And six-and-twenty water-cans, and sixteen
 Panathenaic jars, and a hundred and sixty wine-coolers, the largest of which
 contained six measures, and the smallest contained two; and all these were made of
 silver.

"And next to them, those men followed in the procession who carried the articles
 of gold-plate,—four Lacedæmonian goblets, having crowns on them made to represent
 vine-leaves, each containing four measures; and two of Corinthian workmanship
 placed on sideboards, and these had figures of animals in richly chased work of
 great beauty, in a sitting posture, and on their necks and on their bellies were
 other reliefs curiously wrought, and each of them contained eight measures. And
 there was a wine-press in which there were ten urns, and two jars, each holding
 five measures, and two flagons, each holding two measures, and twenty-two
 wine-coolers, the largest of which contained thirty measures, and the smallest one
 measure. There were also exhibited four large golden tripods, and a large
 sideboard for gold plate, that being also made of gold itself and studded with
 precious stones, ten cubits in height, having six rows of shelves in it, on which
 were figures of animals of the size of four palms, most exquisitely wrought, in
 very great numbers; and two goblets, and two crystal goblets mounted in gold; and
 four more sideboards, two of them four cubits high; and three others which were
 smaller, and ten water-cans, and an altar three cubits high, and twenty-five
 dishes for holding barley loaves. 
 
 
 After this had been carried by, there walked sixteen hun- dred boys clad in
 white tunics, and crowned some with ivy, and some with pine, of whom two
 hundred and fifty carried golden choes, and four hundred carried silver ones;
 and of the rest three hundred and twenty carried golden wine-coolers, and some
 carried silver ones. And after them other boys carried jars, for the purpose of
 drinking sweet nine out of, twenty of which were gold, and fifty silver, and
 three hundred were painted with every kind of colour and hue; and all the
 spectators who were present in the stadium took a moderate draught of the sweet
 wine, which was mixed in these ewers and firkins.

After these things he enumerates tables four cubits high, on which were many
 things worth looking at, which were all carried round for the spectators to see,
 being beautifully wrought. "And among them was a representation of the bed-chamber
 of Semele, in which were seen statues clad in golden tunics, inlaid with precious
 stones of the greatest value. And it would not be right to pass over this
 four-wheeled wagon, of the length of twenty-two cubits and of the breadth of
 fourteen, drawn by five hundred men. And on it was a cave exceedingly deep,
 overgrown with ivy and yew, and out of it flew doves, and pigeons, and
 turtle-doves, all along the road as the wagon proceeded, having their feet tied
 with slight threads, so as to be easily caught by the spectators. And out of the
 cave there also rose two fountains, one of milk and one of wine, and around it all
 the nymphs had garlands of gold, and Mercury had a golden herald's wand, and very
 superb raiment. And on another four-wheeled wagon, on which the return of Bacchus
 from the Indians was represented, there was a figure of Bacchus twelve cubits
 high, riding upon an elephant, clad in a purple robe, and having on a crown of
 vine-leaves and ivy-leaves o gold, and bearing in his hands a spear like a
 thyrsus, made also of gold; and he wore sandals embroidered with golden figures.
 And there sat before him, on the neck of the elephant, a Satyr five cubits in
 height, crowned with a chaplet of golden pine-leaves, and holding in his right
 hand a goat's horn made of golden, with which he appeared to be blowing signals.
 And the elephant had golden furniture; and on his neck he had a crown of
 ivy-leaves made of gold; and he was followed by five hundred
 maidens dressed in purple tunics, with golden girdles; and those who went first,
 to the number of a hundred and twenty, wore crowns of pine-leaves made of gold;
 and they were succeeded by a hundred and twenty Satyrs clad in complete armour,
 some of silver and some of brass. And after them there marched five troops of
 asses, on which rode Sileni and Satyri, all wearing crowns. And of the asses some
 had gold and some silver frontlets and furniture.

"And after them came twenty-four chariots drawn by four elephants each, and sixty
 chariots each drawn by a pair of goats, and twelve chariots by antelopes, and
 seven by oryxes, and fifteen by buffaloes, eight by pairs of ostriches, and seven
 by gnus, and four by pairs of zebras, and four chariots also drawn each by four
 zebras. And on all these animals rode boys wearing the garments of charioteers,
 and the broad hats called petasi; and besides them were smaller boys still, armed
 with little peltæ, and thyrsi-spears, and they also were dressed in
 golden-broidered garments; and the boys who were acting as charioteers were
 crowned with pine-leaf chaplets, and the smaller boys with ivy-leaves. And besides
 this there were three pair of camels, on either side three, and they were followed
 by cars drawn by mules; and these had on them barbaric palanquins, on which sat
 women from India and other countries, habited as prisoners. And of the camels,
 some bore three hundred minæ weight of frankincense, and three hundred of myrrh,
 and two hundred of saffron, and cassia, and cinnamon, and iris, and two hundred of
 other spices. And next to them came some Aethiopians bearing presents, some of
 whom carried six hundred elephant's tusks, and others carried two thousand fagots
 of ebony, and others carried sixty gold and silver goblets, and a quantity of
 gold-dust. And after them came two huntsmen, having hunting-spears with golden
 points; and twenty-four hundred dogs were led in the procession, some Indian dogs,
 and others Hyrcanian and Molossian hounds, and hounds of other breeds too. 
 
 After them came a hundred and fifty men carrying trees from which were
 suspended birds and beasts of every imaginable country and description; and
 then were carried a lot of cages, in which were parrots, and peacocks, and
 guinea-fowls, and pheasants, and other Aethiopian birds in great
 numbers. 
 
 
 And when he had mentioned many other things, and enumerated herds of animals, he
 continued, "A hundred and thirty Aethiopian sheep, three hundred Arabian sheep,
 twenty Eubœean sheep, some white hornless cattle, six-and-twenty Indian cows,
 eight Aethiopian oxen, one immense white bear, fourteen leopards, sixteen
 panthers, four lynxes, three arceti, one cameleopard, and one rhinoceros from
 Aethiopia.

"And after these beasts came an image of Bacchus flying to the altar of Rhea when
 he was pursued by Juno, having on a golden crown, Priapus standing by him crowned
 with a crown of ivy-leaves of gold, and the statue of Juno had also a golden crown
 on its head. And there were images of Alexander and of Ptolemy, crowned with
 chaplets of ivy-leaves made of gold. And the statue of Virtue, which stood by the
 side of that of Ptolemy, had a golden crown of olive-leaves. And Priapus was with
 them, having a crown of ivy-leaves made of gold. And the city of Corinth had a
 large image there, standing by the side of Ptolemy, and that also wore a golden
 diadem; and by all these lay a large golden beaufet full of articles of gold
 plate, and a golden goblet containing five measures. And this wagon was followed
 by women having very sumptuous dresses and ornaments, and they bore the names of
 cities, some of cities of Ionia, and other Grecian towns, as many as, occupying
 the islands, and the coast of Asia, were made subject to the Persians; and they
 all wore golden crowns. And on other chariots there was borne a golden thyrsus
 ninety cubits long, and silver spear sixty cubits long; and on another a golden
 phallus, a hundred and twenty cubits long, chased all over, and wreathed with
 golden garlands, having on the end a golden star, the circumference of which was
 six cubits. 
 "Now in all the numerous things which we have enumerated as forming part of this
 procession, we have selected those only in which gold and silver were contained.
 But there were numerous other articles and parts of the exhibition well worth
 seeing, and vast numbers of beasts and of horses, and twenty-four enormous lions.
 There were also other four-wheeled wagons in great numbers, bearing not only
 statues of kings, but also full of images of the gods. And after them proceeded a
 band of six hundred men, among whom were three hundred harp-players playing on
 their instruments, having harps made entirely of gold, and
 golden crowns on their heads; and after them came two thousand bulls all of the
 same colour, with gilded horns, and having frontlets of gold, and crowns in the
 middle of their foreheads, and necklaces and breastplates on their necks and
 chests, and these were all made of gold.

"And after this came a procession in honour of Jupiter and of many other gods; and
 after all these, came a procession in honour of Alexander, who had a golden statue
 borne on a chariot drawn by real elephants, having Victory and Minerva on each
 side of him. And numbers of thrones were borne in the procession, made of ivory
 and gold, on one of which lay a crown of gold; on another a pair of horns made of
 gold; on another was a golden chaplet; and on another a single horn made of solid
 gold. And on the throne of Ptolemy Soter lay a crown which had been made of ten
 thousand pieces of gold money. And there were also carried in the procession three
 hundred and fifty golden incense burners, and golden altars, all crowned with
 golden crowns, on one of which were firmly placed four golden lamps ten cubits
 high. There were also carried twelve stoves with golden tops, one of which was
 twelve cubits in circumference, and forty cubits in height; and another was
 fifteen cubits high. There were also carried nine Delphic tripods made of gold,
 each four cubits high, and eight others six cubits high; another thirty cubits
 high, on which were figures of animals carved in gold, four cubits high, and a
 crown of vine-leaves of gold going all round. There were also carried in the
 procession seven palm-trees overlaid with gold, eight cubits high, and a golden
 herald's staff forty-five cubits long, and a thunderbolt overlaid with gold forty
 cubits in size, and a gilt shrine, the circumference of which was forty cubits;
 and besides all this, a pair of horns eight cubits long. And an immense number of
 gilded figures of animals was also exhibited, the greater part of which were
 twelve cubits high; and beasts of enormous size, and eagles twenty cubits high.
 And golden crowns were also exhibited to the number of three thousand and two
 hundred. And there was a separate mystic crown made of gold studded with valuable
 stones, eighty cubits high. This was the crown which was placed at the door of the
 temple of Berenice; and there was also an regis of gold. There were also exhibited a vast number of golden chaplets, which were
 borne by young maidens sumptuously attired, one of which was two cubits high, and
 sixteen cubits in circumference. 
 "There was also exhibited a golden breastplate twelve cubits broad, and another
 breastplate of silver eighteen cubits broad, having on it two golden thunderbolts
 of the size of ten cubits each, and a garland of oak-leaves studded with precious
 stones; and twenty golden shields, and sixty-four suits of complete armour also of
 gold, and two golden greaves three cubits in height, and twelve golden dishes, and
 a most countless number of flagons, and thirty-six vessels for wine, and ten large
 anointing vessels, and twelve ewers, and fifty large dishes for barley loaves, and
 tables of different sorts, and five repositories for gold plate, and a horn thirty
 cubits long made of solid gold. And all these articles of gold plate were
 exclusive of those carried in the procession of Bacchus. Then there were four
 hundred wagons of silver plate, and twenty wagons of gold plate, and eight hundred
 of perfumes and spices.

And after all these things came a procession of troops, both. cavalry and
 infantry, all armed and appointed in a most superb manner: infantry to the
 number of fifty-seven thousand six hundred; and cavalry to the number of
 twenty-three thousand two hundred. And all these marched in the procession, all
 clad in suitable apparel, and all having their appropriate armour; and there
 were also great numbers of suits of armour besides lying for inspection, too
 numerous for any one to count, (but Callixenus has made a catalogue of them;)
 and they were also crowned in the assembly with twenty golden crowns. And first
 of all Ptolemy and Berenice were crowned with twenty-three, standing on golden
 chariots, in the sacred precincts of Dodona. And the expense of money which was
 incurred on this occasion, amounted to two thousand two hundred and thirty-nine
 talents, ad fifty mine; and this was all counted by the clerks of the treasury,
 owing to the eagerness of those who
 had given the crowns, before the spectacle came to an end. But Ptolemy
 Philadel- phus, their son, was crowned with twenty golden
 crowns, two of them on golden chariots, and one six cubits high on a pillar,
 and five five cubits high, and six four cubits high.

Now my friends and fellow-banqueters, what kingdom ever possessed such quantities
 of gold as this? For Egypt did not acquire all this by taking money from the
 Persians and from Babylon, or by working mines, or by having a river Pactolus,
 bearing down gold-dust in its waters. For its only river is that which can really
 be called the Golden Stream—the Nile, which together with its boundless supplies
 of food does bring down gold without alloy, which is dug up out of the soil
 without danger, in quantities sufficient for all men, diffused over the whole soil
 like the gifts of Triptolemus. On which account the Byzantine poet, who had the
 name of Parmeno given to him, says— 
 O god of Egypt, mighty Nile. 
 But king Philadelphus surpassed most kings in riches; and he pursued
 every kind of manufacturing and trading art so zealously, that he also surpassed
 every one in the number of his ships. Now the largest ships which he had were
 these:— two of thirty banks of oars, one of twenty, four of thirteen, two of
 twelve, fourteen of eleven, thirty of nine, thirty-seven of seven, five of six,
 seventeen of five. And from quadriremes down to light half-decked triremes, for
 purposes of war, he had twice as many as all these put together. And the vessels
 which were sent to the different islands and to the other cities under his
 dominion, and to Libya, amounted to more than four thousand. And concerning the
 numbers of his books, and the way in which he furnished his libraries, and the way
 in which he collected treasures for his Museum, why need I speak? for every one
 remembers all these things.

But since we have mentioned the subject of the building of ships, let us speak
 (for it is worth hearing of) of the ships which were built also by Ptolemy
 Philopator, which are mentioned by the same Callixenus in the first book of his
 Account of Alexandria, where he speaks as follows:—"Philopator built a ship with
 forty ranks of rowers, being two hundred and eighty cubits long and thirty-eight
 cubits from one side to the other; and in height up to the gunwale it was
 forty-eight cubits; and from the highest part of the stern to the water-line was
 fifty-three cubits; and it had four rudders, each thirty
 cubits long; and oars for the thranitæ, the largest thirty-eight cubits in length,
 which, from having lead in their handles, and because they were very heavy it the
 part inside the ship, being accurately balanced, were, in spite of their bulk,
 very handy to use. And the ship had two heads and two sterns, and seven beaks, one
 of which was longer than all the rest, and the others were of smaller size; and
 some of them were fixed to the ears of the ship; and it had twelve undergirths to
 support the keel, and each was six hundred cubits in length. And it was well
 proportioned to a most extraordinary degree; and all the appointments of the
 vessel were admirable, for it had figures of animals on it not less than twelve
 cubits in size, both at the head and at the stern, and every part of it was inlaid
 and ornamented with figures in wax; and the space between the oars down to the
 very keel had a running pattern of ivy-leaves and thyrsi; and there was great
 store of every kind of equipment to supply all parts of the ship that might
 require any. And when it put to sea it held more than four
 thousand rowers, and four hundred supernumeraries; and on the deck were three
 thousand marines, or at least two thousand eight hundred and fifty. And besides
 all these there was another large body of men under the decks, and a vast quantity
 of provisions and supplies. And the vessel was launched originally from a sort of
 framework, which they say was erected and made out of the wood of fifty ships of
 five ranks of oars; and it was launched by the multitude with great acclamations
 and blowing of trumpets. But after that a Phœnician devised a new method of
 launching it, having dug a trench under it, equal to the ship itself in length,
 which he dug close to the harbour. And in the trench he built props of solid stone
 five cubits deep, and across them he laid beams crosswise, running the whole width
 of the trench, at four cubits' distance from one another; and then making a
 channel from the sea he filled all the space which he had excavated with water,
 out of which he easily brought the ship by the aid of whatever men happened to be
 at hand; then closing the entrance which had been originally made, he drained the
 water off again by means of engines; and when this had been done the vessel rested
 securely on the before-mentioned cross-beams.

"Philopator also built a vessel for the river which he called Thalamegus, or the
 Carrier of his Bed-chamber, in length half a stadium, and in width at the broadest
 part thirty cubits; and the height together with the frame for the awning was
 little short of forty cubits. And its appearance was not exactly like ships of
 war, nor merchant vessels either, but it was something different from both, on
 account of the necessity imposed by the depth of the river. For below it was flat
 and broad; but in its main hull it was high. And the parts at the extremity, and
 especially at the head, extended a sufficient length, so as to exhibit a very
 pretty and elegant sweep. This ship also had two heads and two sterns. And it rose
 to a considerable height above the water, as was necessary, because the waves in
 the river often rise very high. And in the middle of its hull were constructed
 banqueting-rooms and sleeping-rooms, and everything else which may be convenient
 for living in. And round the ship were double corridors running about three sides,
 each of which was not less than five plethra in circumference. And the arrangement
 of the lower one was like a peristyle, and that in the upper part was covered in,
 and surrounded with walls and windows on all sides. And when you first came into
 the vessel by the stern your eye was met by a colonnade, open in front, and
 surrounded by pillars. And opposite to it in the bow of the vessel there was a
 sort of propylæum constructed, made of ivory and most expensive woods. And after
 you had passed through that, then you came to something like a proscenium, covered
 in overhead. And again in the same way in the middle of the vessel was another
 colonnade, open behind, and an entrance of four folding-doors led to it. And both
 on the right hand and on the left there were windows, admitting a pleasant
 breeze. 
 "To these was joined a room of very large size, and that was adorned with pillars
 all round, and it was capable of containing twenty couches. And the greater part
 of it was made of split cedar, and of Milesian cypress. And the doors which were
 round it, being twenty in number, were put together with beams of citron wood,
 having ivory ornaments. And all the nails and fastenings which were visible were
 made of red brass, which had taken a polish like that of gold from the fire. And
 of the pillars the bodies were of cypress-wood, but the capitals were of
 Corinthian workmanship, adorned with ivory and gold. The whole of the capitals of
 the pillars were of gold; and there was a sort of girdle on
 them having figures of animals beautifully carved in ivory, more than a cubit
 high, of which the workmanship was not so conspicuous as the exquisite beauty of
 the materials. There was a beautiful roof to the banqueting-room, square, and made
 of cypress wood. And its ornaments were all carved, having a golden face. Next to
 this banqueting-chamber was a sleeping-chamber holding seven couches; and to that
 there was joined a narrow passage, which separated the woman's chamber from this
 one by the width of the hold. And by the passage was a bauqueting-room holding
 nine couches, very like the large one in the sumptuousness of its furniture; and a
 bedchamber holding five couches. As to the rooms then on the first deck this was
 the general appearance presented.

"But when you had ascended by the stairs which were close to the before-mentioned
 sleeping chamber, there was another chamber capable of containing five couches,
 having a vaulted oblong roof. And near to it was a temple of Venus, in form like a
 rotunda, in which was a marble statue of the goddess. And opposite to this was
 another banqueting-room, very sumptuous, adorned all round with columns: for the
 columns were all made of Indian stone. And near to this banqueting-room were more
 sleeping-chambers, with furniture and appointments corresponding to what has been,
 already mentioned. And as you went on towards the head of the vessel was another
 apartment dedicated to Bacchus, capable of holding thirteen couches, surrounded
 with pillars having its cornices all gilt as far down as the epistyle which ran
 round the room, but the roof corresponded to the character of the god. And in it
 there was on the right hand a large cave constructed, the colour of which was
 stone, for in fact it was made of real stone and gold; and in it images were
 placed of all the relations of the king, made of the stone called lychnites. And
 there was another banqueting-room, very pleasant, above the roof of the greatest
 apartment, having an arrangement like that of a tent, so that some of it had no
 actual roof; but there were arched and vaulted beams running along the top at
 intervals, along which purple curtains were stretched whenever the vessel was in
 motion. And after this there was an open chamber occupying the same room above
 that was occupied by the portico before mentioned as being below. And a winding
 ladder joined on to it, leading to the secret walk, and a
 banqueting-room capable of containing nine couches, constructed and furnished in
 the Egyptian style. For round pillars were run up in it, with alternate tambours
 of white and black, all placed in parallel lines. And their heads were of round
 shape; and the whole of the figures round them were engraved like roses a little
 expanded. And round that part which is called the basket there were not tendrils
 and rough leaves, as is the case in Grecian pillars, but calyxes of the
 river-lotus, and the fruit of newly budding dates. And sometimes many other kinds
 of flowers were also represented. And under the roof of the capital which lies
 upon the tambour, where it joins on to the head, there were ornaments like the
 flower leaves of the Egyptian bean intertwined together. This then is the way in
 which the Egyptians construct and ornament their pillars, and this is the way in
 which they variegate their walls with black and white bricks: and sometimes also
 they employ the stone which is called alabaster. And there were many other
 ornaments all over the main hull of the vessel, and over the centre, and many
 other chambers and divisions in every part of it. 
 
 And the mast of this vessel was seventy cubits in height, and it had a
 linen sail, adorned with a purple fringe. And the whole of the wealth which had
 been so carefully preserved by king Philadelphus was dissipated by the last
 Ptolemy, who also excited the war against Gabinius, who was not a man, but a
 mere flute-player and conjuror.

But concerning the ship built by Hiero, the tyrant of Syracuse, which also
 Archimedes the geometrician superintended, I do not think it right to be silent,
 since a certain man named Moschion has given a description of it, which I read
 over with great care very lately. 
 Moschion, then, writes as follows:—"Diocles, a citizen of Abdera, speaks with
 great admiration of the engine called Helepolis, which was brought by Demetrius
 against the city of the Rhodians, and applied to their walls. And Timæus extols
 highly the funeral pile made for Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily. And Hieronymus
 lavishes his admiration on the building and adorning of the chariot in which the
 body of Alexander was borne to the tomb. And Polycletus speaks in high terms of
 the candlestick which was made for the king of Persia. But
 Hiero, the king of the Syracusans, who was in every respect a friend to the
 Romans, was very attentive to the furnishing of temples and gymnasia; and was also
 very earnest in ship-building, having built a great number of vessels to carry
 corn; the construction of one of which I will describe. For the wood, he caused
 such a number of trees to be cut down on Mount Aetna as would have been sufficient
 for sixty triremes, and when this was done he prepared nails, and planks for the
 sides and for the inside, and wood for every other purpose that could be required,
 some from Italy and some from Sicily. And for ropes he provided cordage from
 Spain, and hemp, and pitch from the river Rhone; and he collected great quantities
 of useful things from all quarters. And he collected also shipwrights and other
 artisans. And having appointed Archias the Corinthian the superintendent of them
 all, and the principal architect, he bade them labour at the construction with
 zeal and earnestness, he himself also devoting his days to watching its progress.
 And in this way he finished half the ship in six months; and every part of the
 vessel as soon as it was finished was immediately covered over with plates of
 lead. And there were three hundred workmen employed in working up the timber,
 besides the subord nate journeymen whom they had to assist them. And it was
 arranged to draw this portion that was done so far down to the sea, that it might
 receive the last finishing strokes there. And when there was a great inquiry as to
 the best method of launching it into the sea, Archimedes the mechanician launched
 it by himself with the aid of a few persons. Eor having prepared a helix he drew
 this vessel, enormous as it was, down into the sea. And Archimedes was the first
 person who ever invented this helix. But after the remainder of the ship had also
 been completed in six months more, and it had been surrounded all round with
 brazen nails, the greater part of which weighed ten minæ, and the rest were half
 as big again—(and they were driven in through holes made beforehand by gimlets, so
 as to hold the planks firm; and they were fastened to the wood with leaden plugs;
 pieces of cloth being put under, impregnated with pitch)—after, I say, Hiero had
 completed the external figure of the vessel, he laboured at the interior.

"And the vessel was constructed with twenty banks of oars,
 and three entrances, having the lowest entrance leading to the hold, to which the
 descent was by two ladders of many steps each: and the next was contrived for
 those who wished to go down to the eating-rooms: and the third was for the armed
 men. And on each side of the middle entrance were apartments for the men, each
 with four couches in them, thirty in number. And the supper-room for the sailors
 was capable of holding fifteen couches, and it had within it three chambers, each
 containing three couches; and the kitchen was towards the stern of the ship. And
 all these rooms had floors composed of mosaic work, of all kinds of stones
 tesselated. And on this mosaic the whole story of the Iliad was depicted in a
 marvellous manner. And in all the furniture and the ceilings and the doors
 everything was executed and finished in the same admirable manner. And along the
 uppermost passage was a gymnasium and walks, having their appointments in all
 respects corresponding to the size of the vessel. And in them were gardens of all
 sorts of most wonderful beauty, enriched with all sorts of plants, and shaded by
 roofs of lead or tiles. And besides this there were tents roofed with boughs of
 white ivy and of the vine, the roots of which derived their moisture from casks
 full of earth, and were watered in the same manner as the gardens. And the tents
 themselves helped to shadow the walks. And next to these things was a temple
 devoted to Venus, containing three couches, with a floor of agate and other most
 beautiful stones, of every sort which the island afforded. And its walls and its
 roof were made of cypress-wood, and its doors of ivory and citron-wood. And it was
 furnished in the most exquisite manner with pictures and statues, and with goblets
 and vases of every form and shape imaginable.

"And next to that was a drawing-room capable of containing five couches, with its
 walls and doors made of boxwood, having a book-case in it, and along the roof a
 clock, imitated from the dial at Achradina. And there was also a bath-room,
 capable of containing three couches, having three brazen vessels for holding hot
 water, and a bath containing five measures of water, beautifully variegated with
 Tauromenian marble. And many rooms were also prepared for the marines, and for
 those who looked to the pumps. And besides all this there were ten stalls for
 horses on each side of the walls; and by them the fodder for
 the horses was kept, and the arms and furniture of the horsemen and of the boys.
 There was also a cistern near the head of the ship, carefully shut, and containing
 two thousand measures of water, made of beams closely compacted with pitch and
 canvass. And next to the cistern there was a large Water-tight well for fish, made
 so with beams of wood and lead. And it was kept full of sea-water, and great
 numbers of fish were kept in it. And on each side of the walls there were also
 projecting beams, placed at well-proportioned intervals; and to these were
 attached stores of wood, and ovens, and baking places, and mills, and many other
 useful offices. And all round the outside of the ship ran atlases six cubits high,
 which supported the weight which was placed above them, and the triglyph, all
 being placed at convenient distances from one another. And the whole ship was
 adorned with suitable pictures.

"And in the vessel were eight towers of a size proportioned to the burden of the
 ship, two at the stern, and as many at the head, and the rest in the middle of the
 ship. And to each of these were fastened two large beams, or yards, from which
 port-holes were fixed, through which stones were let down upon any enemy who might
 come against the ship. And on each of the towers stood four young men fully armed,
 and two archers. And the whole of the interior of the towers was full of stones
 and darts. And a wall, having buttresses and decks, ran all through the ship,
 supported on trestles; and on these decks was placed a catapult, which hurled a
 stone weighing three talents, and an arrow twelve cubits long. And this engine was
 devised and made by Archimedes; and it could throw every arrow a furlong. And
 besides all this, there were mats composed of stout ropes 
 suspended by brazen chains; and as there were three masts, from each of them were
 suspended two large yard bearing stones, from which hooks and leaden weights were
 let down upon any enemy which might attack the vessel. And there was also a
 palisade all round the ship, made of iron, as a defence against those who might
 attempt to board it; and iron ravens, as they were called, all round the ship,
 which, being shot forth by engines, seized on the vessels of the enemy, and
 brought them round so as to expose them to blows. And on each
 of the sides of the ship stood sixty young men clad in complete armour; and an
 equal number stood on the masts, and on the yards which carried the stones; and
 they were also on the masts, up at the mast-head, which was made of brass. On the
 first there were three men, and on the second two, and on the third one. And they
 had stones brought up to them in wicker baskets by means of pulleys, and arrows
 were supplied to them by boys, within the defended parts of the mast-heads. And
 the vessel had four wooden anchors and eight iron ones. And of the masts, the
 second and third were easily found; but the first was procured with difficulty
 among the mountains of the Bruttii, and was discovered by a swineherd. And
 Phileas, a mechanic of Tauromenium, brought it down to the seaside. And the hold,
 although of a most enormous depth, was pumped out by one man, by means of a
 pulley, by an engine which was the contrivance of Archimedes. And the name of the
 ship was 'The Syracusan;' but when Hiero sent it to sea, he altered its name and
 called it 'The Alexandrian.' 
 "And it had some small launches attached to it, the first of which was one of the
 light galleys called cercurus, able to hold a weight of three thousand talents;
 and it was wholly moved by oars. And after that came many galleys and skiffs of
 about fifteen hundred talents burthen. And the crew also was proportionably
 numerous; for besides the men who have been already mentioned, there were six
 hundred more, whose post was at the head of the ship, always watching for the
 orders of the captain. And there was a tribunal instituted to judge of all
 offences which might be committed on board the ship, consisting of the captain and
 the pilot, and the officer of the watch; and they decided in every case according
 to the laws of the Syracusans.

And they put on board the ship sixty thousand measures of corn, and ten
 thousand jars of Sicilian salt-fish, and twenty thousand talents weight of
 wool, and of other cargo twenty thousand talents weight also. And besides all
 this, there were the provisions necessary for the crew. And Hiero, when he had
 understood that there was no harbour in Sicily large enough to admit this ship,
 and, moreover, that some of the harbours were dangerous for any vessel,
 determined to send it as a present to Alexandria to
 Ptolemy the king of Egypt. For there was a great dearth of corn in Egypt. And
 he did so; and the ship came to Alexandria, where it was put in port. And Hiero
 honoured Archimelus, also, the epigrammatic poet, who wrote an epigram on the
 ship, with a thousand bushels of wheat, which he also sent at his own expense
 to the Piræus; and the epigram runs thus— 
 Who placed this monstrous mass upon the earth; 
 What master led it with untiring cables, 
 How was the deck nail'd to the mighty beams, 
 And with what axe did men the vessel form? 
 Surely it equals Aetna in its height, 
 Or any isle which rises from the sea 
 Where the Egean wave entwined foams 
 Amid the Cyclades; on either side 
 Its breadth is equal, and its walls alike. 
 Sure 'twas the giants' work, who hoped to reach 
 By such vast ladder to the heights of heaven. 
 Its topmast reaches to the stars; and hides 
 Its mighty bulwarks 'mid the endless clouds. 
 It holds its anchors with untiring cables, 
 Like those with which proud Xerxes bound the strait 
 Which between Sestos and Abydos foams. 
 A deftly carved inscription on the side 
 Shows what strong hand has launch'd it on the deep; 
 It says that Hiero, Hierocles' son, 
 The king of Sicily, pride of Dorian race, 
 Sends it a wealthy messenger of gifts 
 To the Aegean islands; and the God 
 Who rules the sea, great Neptune, convoys it 
 Safe o'er the blue and foaming waves to Greece. 
 And I intentionally pass over the sacred trireme built by Antigonus,
 which defeated the commanders of Ptolemy off Leucolla, a city under the
 dominion of Cos; and after that, Antigonus consecrated it to Apollo; but it was
 not one-third, or perhaps not even one-fourth part of the size of the Syracusan
 or Alexandrian vessel.

All this, then, we have said about the catalogue of the ships, not beginning with
 the Bœotians, but with the shows and processions exhibited at public assemblies. And
 since I know that my excellent friend Ulpian will attack s again, and ask what
 that thing is which Callixenus calls ἐγγυθήκη, we
 tell him that there is a speech which is attributed to Lysias
 the orator, written about the ἐγγυθήκη, which
 begins with these words— If, O judges, Lysimanes had said anything
 reasonable or moderate. And going on a little, he proceeds to
 say— I should not have been eager to plead in an action about this chest
 ( ἐγγυθήκη ), which is not worth thirty
 drachmæ. And presently he tells us that the chest was a brazen
 one— But when I wished last year to repair it I gave it to a brazier; for
 it is well put together, and has the faces of Satyrs and large heads of oxen
 carved upon it. There is also another coffer of the same size; for the same
 workman made many such articles of the same size, and alike in many
 particulars. In these words Lysias, having said that the chest was made
 of brass, shows plainly enough, as Callixenus also said, that they were things
 that might be used as stands for kettles. For so Polemo Periegetes said, in the
 third of those books of his which are addressed to Adæus and Antigonus, where he
 explains the subject of the picture which is at Phlius, in the portico of the
 polemarchs, painted by Sillax the Rhegian, who is mentioned by Epicharmus and
 Simonides. And his words are— 
 ʼἐγγυθήκη, and a large goblet on it. 
 And Hegesander the Delphian, in his book entitled a Commentary on Statues and
 Images, says that the pedestal dedicated by Glaucus the Chian at Delphi is like an
 iron ἐγγυθήκη, the gift of Alyattes. And that is
 mentioned by Herodotus, who calls it ὑποκρητηρίδιον (a stand for a goblet). And Hegesander uses the same
 expression. And we ourselves have seen that lying at Delphi, a thing really worth
 looking at, on account of the figures of animals which are carved upon it, and of
 other insects, and living things, and plants. . . . . . . . can be put upon it,
 and goblets, and other furniture. 
 But the thing which is called by the Alexandrians ἀγγοθήκη is a triangular vessel, hollow in the middle, capable of
 receiving an earthen wine-jar inside of it. And poor men have this made of wood,
 but rich men have it of brass or of silver.

Having said this much about the ἐγγυθήκη, let us
 now go on to speak of those kings who are and have been fond of good cheer. For
 the king, who is the namesake of the abovementioned Antiochus, and the son of
 Demetrius, according to the account of Posidonius, used to entertain a great crowd
 of people every day, and in addition to what they ate on the 
 spot, he would give every one of the guests large heaps, consisting of entire
 joints of meat of beasts, and birds, and fishes, undivided and ready dressed,
 enough to fill a wagon. And besides all this, he gave them heaps of hone-cakes,
 and of garlands, of myrrh, and frankincense, with large fillets and bandages of
 golden embroidery as long as a man. And another king, Antiochus, when celebrating
 the games at Daphne, himself also made very sumptuous entertainments, as
 Posidonius himself relates; and he was the first person who ever made a
 distribution among the guests of whole joints of meat; and also of geese, and
 hares, and antelopes alive. And golden chaplets were also given to the guests, and
 a great quantity of silver plate, and of slaves, and horses, and camels. And each
 man was bound to get on the camel and drink a draught of wine, and then to accept
 of the camel and of the boy who stood by it. And, says he,
 all the natives and inhabitants of Syria, on account of the fertility of
 the land, are accustomed to make frequent feasts after their necessary labours,
 in order that they may rejoice together, using their gymnasia as baths, and
 anointing themselves with expensive oil and perfumes; and at their grammatea
 (for that is the name which they give to their public entertainments) living as
 if in their own houses, and gratifying their stomachs the greater part of the
 day with wine and meat, and also carrying away a quantity of the same to their
 own homes, they thus spend the day, listening also to the music of the loud
 lyre made of the tortoise shell, so that whole cities resound with noises of
 this kind

And I, my friends, praise very much the entertainment which was given by Alexander
 the king of Syria. And this Alexander was a supposititious son of Antiochus
 Epiphanes, substituted on account of the hatred which all men bore to Demetrius,
 concerning whom our companion Athenæus has spoken in his treatise on the Kings who
 have reigned in Syria. Now that entertainment was conducted as nearly as may be in
 this fashion. 
 Diogenes the Epicurean, having a very tolerable acquaintance with the doctrines of
 the sect which he professed, was by birth a native of Seleucia, in the district of
 Babylon. And he was kindly received by the king, although the monarch rather
 inclined to the doctrines of the Stoic school. Accordingly,
 Alexander treated him with great distinction, although a man of anything but a
 reputable course of life, and so given to calumny and envy, that if he could raise
 a laugh by it, he could not abstain from even the king himself. And when he
 preferred to the king a request that had no great connexion with
 philosophy—namely, that he might be allowed to wear a purple robe and a golden
 crown, having a face of Virtue in the centre of it, as he claimed to be addressed
 as the priest of Virtue, he agreed to it all, and besides that, made him a present
 of the crown. And these ornaments Diogenes, being in love with a woman who was one
 of the Bacchanalian singers, gave to her. But Alexander, hearing of this,
 collected a banqueting party of philosophers and eminent men, and among them he
 invited Diogenes. And when he arrived he begged him to take his seat with his
 crown and his purple robe on. And when he replied that that would be unseemly, the
 king nodded to his servants to introduce the musicians, among whom this singing
 woman appeared, crowned with the crown of Virtue, and clothed also in the purple
 robe. So when every one burst into laughter at this, the philosopher kept quiet,
 and never stopped praising the singing woman. 
 But Antiochus, who succeeded Alexander in the kingdom, could not tolerate the
 abusive language of this Diogenes, and accordingly ordered him to be put to death.
 But Alexander was at all times, and in all circumstances, of a gentle disposition,
 and affable to every one in conversation, and not at all like Athenion the
 Peripatetic philosopher, who had a philosophical school at Athens, and at Messene,
 and also at Larissa in Thessaly, and who subsequently became tyrant of Athens;
 concerning whom Posidonius of Apamea gives a very particular account, which I,
 even though it is rather long, will quote, in order that we may come to a thorough
 understanding and appreciation of those men who profess to be philosophers, and
 that we may not be taken in by their ragged cloaks and unshaven chins. For, as
 Agatho says— 
 If I do tell the truth I shall not please you; 
 And if I please you, I shall speak no truth. 
 But let truth, as the saying is, be one's
 friend. At all events, I will quote the account given of the man.

"In the school of Erymneus the Peripatetic there was a certain man of the name of
 Athenion, who applied himself very perseveringly to
 philosophical discussions. He, having bought an Egyptian female slave, made her
 his mistress. And when she became a mother, either by him or by some one else, the
 child was bred up by Athenion, and received the same name as his master. And
 having been taught literature, he became accustomed to lead his master about when
 he became an old man, in company with his mother; and when he died he succeeded
 him as his heir, and became a citizen of Athens, being enrolled under the name of
 Athenion. And having married a very beautiful girl, after that he betook himself
 to the profession of a sophist, hunting out for boys to come to his school. And
 having pursued his profession of sophist at Messene and at Larissa in Thessaly,
 and having amassed a considerable fortune, he returned to Athens. And having been
 appointed an ambassador by the Athenian people, when the chief power in all that
 district was lodged in the hands of Mithridates, he insinuated himself into the
 good graces of the king, and became one of his friends, being held by him in the
 greatest honour; in consequence of which he wrote letters to the Athenians to
 raise their spirits, as one who had the greatest influence with the king of
 Cappadocia, leading them to hope that they should be discharged of all their
 existing debts, and live in peace and concord with him; and also that they should
 recover their democratic constitution, and receive great presents both publicly
 and privately. And the Athenians boasted of all these promises which were made to
 them, feeling sure that the supremacy of the Romans would be put an end to.

"Now when all Asia had revolted to the King, Athenio set out to return to Athens;
 and being tossed about by a storm he was driven to Carystus. And when the
 Cecropidæ heard this, they sent some ships of war to conduct him back, and a
 litter with silver feet. And now he is entering the city; and almost the whole of
 the citizens has poured out to meet him; and many other spectators came together,
 marvelling at this preposterous freak of fortune, that this intrusive citizen,
 Athenion, foisted into Athens in such a manner, should be conducted into the city
 on a litter with silver feet, and lying on purple clothes, a man who had never
 before seen even purple patch on his ragged cloak; when no one, not even of the
 Romans, had ever exhibited such pomp and insulting show in
 Attica before. So there ran to this spectacle men, women, children, all expecting
 some glorious honours from Mithridates. While Athenio, that ancient beggar, who
 gave lectures for trifling sums of money, was now making a procession through the
 country and through the city, relying on the king's favour, and treating every one
 with great insolence. There met him also the artisans of the spectacles of
 Bacchus, calling him a messenger of the young Bacchus, and inviting him to the
 common altar, and to the prayers and libations which were to be offered at it; and
 he, who had formerly come out of a hired house, into the * * * * * was conducted
 into a mansion adorned with couches, and pictures, and statues, and a display of
 silver plate. And from it he issued forth, dragging on the ground a bright cloak,
 and with a golden ring on his finger, having on it a carved portrait of
 Mithridates. And numbers of attendants went before him and followed him in
 procession. And in the plot of ground belonging to the artisans, sacrifices were
 performed in honour of the return of Athenio, and libations made with formal
 proclamation by a herald. And the next day many people came to his house and
 awaited his appearance; and the whole Ceramicus was full of citizens and
 foreigners, and there was a voluntary thronging of the whole population of the
 city to the assembly. And at last he came forth, being attended by all who wished
 to stand well with the people, as if they had been his bodyguards, every one
 hastening even to touch his garment.

He then having ascended the tribunal which had been erected for the Roman
 generals in front of the portico of Attalus, standing on it, and looking round
 on all the people in a circle, and then looking up, said, 'O men of Athens, the
 state of affairs and the interests of my country compel me to relate to you
 what I know. But the greatness of the affairs that must be mentioned, owing to
 the unexpected character which circumstances have assumed, hinders me from
 doing so.' And when all the bystanders called out to him with one accord to be
 of good cheer, and to tell them, I tell you, then,' said he, ' of
 things which have never been hoped for, nor even imagined by any one in a dream.
 The king Mithridates is master of Bithynia, and of Upper Cappadocia; and he is
 master of the whole of Asia, without any break, as far as Pamphylia and Cilicia:
 and the kings of the Armenians and Persians are only his
 guards; and he is lord of all the nations which dwell around the Palus Mæotis, and
 the whole of Pontus, so that his dominions are upwards of thirty thousand furlongs
 in circumference. And the Roman commander in Pamphylia, Quintus Oppius, has been
 surrendered to him, and is following him as a prisoner, but Manius Aquillius, a
 man of consular rank, who has celebrated a triumph for his victory over the
 Sicilians, is fastened by a long chain to Bastarna, a man of gigantic stature, and
 is dragged byhim on foot at the tail of his horse. And of the other Roman citizens
 in Asia some have fallen down at the images of the gods, and the rest have put on
 square cloaks and acknowledge again the claims of their original country. And
 every city honouring him with more than human honours, galls the king a god; and
 oracles everywhere promise him the dominion over the whole world, on which account
 he is now sending large armies against Thrace and Macedonia, and every part of
 Europe is coming over bodily to his side. For ambassadors are coming to him, not
 only from the Italian tribes, but also from the Carthaginians, begging him to
 enter into alliance with them for the destruction of the Romans.'

"Having stopped a little after saying this, and having given time for the
 multitude to converse together about the news thus unexpectedly announced to them,
 he wiped his face, and went on, 'What then do I advise?—Not to bear this state of
 anarchy any longer, which the Roman senate makes continue, while it is deciding
 what constitution you are to enjoy for the future. And do not let us be
 indifferent to our temples being closed, to our gymnasia being left in the dirt,
 to our theatre being always empty, and our courts of justice mute, and the Pnyx,
 consecrated by the oracles of the gods, being taken from the people. Let us not, O
 Athenians, be indifferent to the sacred voice of Bacchus being reduced to silence,
 to the holy temple of Castor and Pollux being closed, and to the schools of the
 philosophers being silence as they are.' And when this slave had said all this and
 a good deal more, the multitude conversing with one another and running together
 to the theatre elected Athenio general over the entire army. And then, the
 Peripatetic coming into the orchestra, walking like Pythocles, thanked the
 Athenians, and said, 'Now you yourselves are your own generals; and I am the commander-in-chief: and if you exert all your strength to
 co-operate with me I shall be able to do as much as all of you put together.' And
 he, having said this, appointed others to be his colleagues in the command,
 proposing whatever names he thought desirable.

"And a few days afterwards, the philosopher having thus appointed himself tyrant,
 and having proved how much weight is to be attached to the doctrine of the
 Pythagoreans about plots against others, and what was the practical effect of the
 philosophy which the admirable Pythagoras laid down, as Theopompus has related in
 the eighth book of his Philippics, and Hermippus, the Callimachean, has
 corroborated the account, he immediately removed all the citizens who were
 right-thinking and of a good disposition (contrary to the sentiments of, and rules
 laid down by, Aristotle and Theophrastus; showing how true is the proverb which
 says, Do not put a sword into the hand of a child); and he placed sentinels at the
 gates, so that many of the Athenians, fearing what he might be going to do, let
 themselves down over the walls by night, and so fled away. And Athenio sending
 some horsemen to pursue them slew some of them, and brought back some in chains,
 having a number of bodyguards about his person of the kind called phractici. And
 often he convened assemblies, pretending great attachment to the side of the
 Romans; and bringing accusations against many as having kept up communications
 with the exiles, and aiming at a revolution, he put them to death. And he placed
 thirty guards at each gate, and would not allow any one to go either in or out.
 And he seized on the property of many of the people, and collected such a quantity
 of money as to fill several wells; and he also sent all over the country people to
 lie in wait, as it were, for every one who was travelling, and they brought them
 to him; and he put them to death without any trial, torturing and racking them
 into the bargain. And he also instituted prosecutions for treason against several
 people, saying that they were co-operating with the exiles to effect their return.
 And some of the parties prosecuted fled out of fear before the trials came on, and
 some were condemned before the tribunals, he himself giving his own vote and
 collecting those of the others. And he brought about in the city a scarcity of the
 things necessary for life, stinting the citizens of their
 proper quantity of barley and wheat. He also sent out heavy-armed soldiers over
 the country, to hunt out any of those who had fled and who could be found within
 the borders of the land, or any of the Athenians who were escaping beyond the
 borders. And whoever was detected he beat to death; and some of them he exhausted
 beforehand with tortures; and he caused proclamation to be made, that all must be
 in their houses by sunset, and that no one should presume to walk abroad with a
 lantern-bearer.

"And he not only plundered the property of the citizens, but that of foreigners
 also, laying his hands even on the property of the god which was laid up at Delos;
 sending Apellicon into the island, who was a Scian by birth, but who had become a
 citizen of Athens, and who lived a most whimsical and ever-changing course of
 life. For at one time he was a philosopher, and collected all the treatises of the
 Peripatetics, and the whole library of Aristotle, and many others; for he was a
 very rich man; and he had also stolen a great many autograph decrees of the
 ancients out of the temple of the Mighty Mother, and whatever else there was
 ancient and taken care of in other cities; and being detected in these practices
 at Athens he would have been in great danger if he had not made his escape; and a
 short time afterwards he returned again, having paid his court to many people, and
 he then joined himself to Athenion, as being a man of the same sect as he was. And
 Athenion, having embraced the doctrines of the Peripatetics, measured out a chœnix
 of barley, as four days' allowance for the ignorant Athenians, giving them what
 was barely food enough for fowl, and not the proper nutriment for men. And
 Apellicon, coming in great force to Delos, and living there more like a man
 exhibiting a spectacle than a general with soldiers, and placing guards in a very
 careless manner on the side of Delos, and leaving all the back of the island
 unguarded, and not even putting down a palisade in front of his camp, went to
 rest. And Orobius, the Roman general, hearing of this, who was at that time in
 command at Delos, watching for a moonless night, led out his troops, and falling
 on Apellicon and his soldiers, who were all asleep and drunk, he cut the Athenians
 and all those who were in the army with them to pieces, like so many sheep, to the
 number of six hundred, and he took four hundred alive. And
 that fine general, Apellicon, fled away without being perceived, and came to
 Delos; and Orobius seeing that many of those who fled with him had escaped to the
 farmhouses round about, burnt them in the houses, houses and all; and he destroyed
 by fire also all the engines for besieging cities, together with the Helepolis
 which Apellicon had made when he came to Delos. And Orobius having erected in that
 place a trophy and an altar, wrote this inscription on it— 
 This tomb contains the foreigners here slain, 
 Who fought near Delos, and who fell at sea, 
 When the Athenians spoil'd the holy isle, 
 Aiding in war the Cappadocian king."

There was also at Tarsus an Epicurean philosopher who had become the tyrant of
 that city, Lysias by name; who having been created by his countrymen
 Stephanephoros, that is to say, the priest of Hercules, did not lay down his
 command, but seized on the tyranny. He put on a purple tunic with a white centre, and over that he
 wore a very superb and costly cloak, and he put on white Lacedæmonian sandals, and
 assumed also a crown of golden daphne leaves. And he distributed the property of
 the rich among the poor, and put many to death who did not surrender their
 property willingly.

These are the commanders who became such from having been philosophers; concerning
 whom Demochares said,— Just as no one could make a spear out of a bulrush,
 so no one could make a faultless general out of Socrates. For Plato
 says that Socrates served in three military expeditions, one to Potidæa, and
 another to Amphipolis, and another against the Bœotians, in which last it was that
 the battle of Delium took place. And though no one has mentioned this
 circumstance, he himself says that he gained the prize of the most eminent valour,
 since all the other Athenians fled, and many were slain. But all this is an
 erroneous statement. For the expedition against Amphipolis took place in the
 archonship of Alcæus, when Cleon was the general; and it was
 composed entirely of picked men, as Thucydides relates. Socrates then, a man who
 had nothing but his ragged cloak and his stick, must have been one of these picked
 men. But what historian or poet has mentioned this fact? Or where has Thucydides
 made the slightest mention of Socrates, this soldier of Plato's? And what is there
 in common between a shield and a philosopher's staff? And when was it that
 Socrates bore a part in the expedition against Potidoea, as Plato has said in his
 Charmides, where he states that he then yielded the prize of preeminent valour to
 Alcibiades? though Thucydides has not mentioned it, nor has Isocrates in his
 Oration on the Pair-horse Chariot. And what battle ever took place when Socrates
 gained the prize of preeminent valour? And what eminent and notorious exploit did
 he perform; for indeed there was actually no battle at all at that time, as
 Thucydides tells us. 
 But Plato not being content with all these strange stories, introduces the valour
 which was displayed, or rather which was invented by him at Delium. For if
 Socrates had even taken Delium, as Herodicus the Cratetian has reported in his
 Treatise to Philosocrates, he would have fled disgracefully as all the rest did,
 when Pagondas sent two squadrons of cavalry unperceived round the hill. For then
 some of the Athenians fled to Delium, and some fled to the sea, and some to
 Oropus, and some to Mount Parnes. And the Bœotians, especially with their cavalry,
 pursued them and slew them; and the Locrian cavalry joined in the pursuit and
 slaughter. When then this disorder and alarm had seized upon the Athenians, did
 Socrates alone, looking proud and casting his eyes around, stand firm, turning
 aside the onset of the Bœotian and Locrian cavalry? And yet does Thucydides make
 no mention of this valour of his, nor even any poet either. And how was it that he
 yielded to Alcibiades the prize of preeminent valour, who had absolutely never
 joined in this expedition at all? But in the Crito, Plato, that favourite of
 Memory, says that Socrates had never once gone out of Attica, except when he, once
 went to the Isthmian games. And Antisthenes, the Socratic philosopher, tells the
 same tale as Plato about the Aristeia; but the story is not true. For this Dog
 flatters Socrates in many particulars, on which account we must not believe either
 of them, keeping Thucydides for our guide. For Antisthenes 
 even exaggerates this false story, saying,— 'But we hear that you also
 received the prize of preeminent valour in the battle which took place against
 the Bœotians.' 'Be quiet, my friend, the prize belongs to Alcibiades, not to
 me.' 'Yes, but you gave it to him as we are told.' But Plato's Socrates
 says that he was present at Potidæa, and that he yielded the prize of preeminent
 valour to Alcibiades on that occasion. But by the universal consent of all
 historians the expedition against Potidæa, in which Phormio commanded, was
 previous to the one against Delium.

In every respect then the philosophers tell lies; and they are not aware that they
 commit numbers of anachronisms in the accounts which they give. And even the
 admirable Xenophon is not free from this error. For he in his Banquet introduces
 Callias, the son of Hipponicus, as the lover of Autolycus, the son of Lycon, and
 making an entertainment in his honour when he gained the victory in the
 Pancratium. And he represents himself as being present with the rest of the
 guests, when he perhaps was either not born, or at all events not out of
 childhood. And this is the time when Aristion was archon. For it was in his
 archonship that Eupolis exhibited the comedy Autolycus, in which, in the character
 of Demostratus, he ridicules the victory of Autolycus. And again Xenophon makes
 Socrates say at this Banquet— And Pausanias, indeed, the lover of Agathon
 the poet, when speaking in excuse of those who allow themselves to indulge in
 intemperance, said that a most valiant army might be composed of boys and their
 lovers; for that of all the men in the world they would be the most ashamed to
 desert one another. Saying a very strange thing,—if men who are accustomed
 utterly to disregard all blame, and to behave with utter shamelessness to one
 another, would be the men above all others ashamed to do anything
 disgraceful. But that Pausanias never said anything of the sort we may
 see from the Banquet of Plato. For I know of no book at all which is written by
 Pausanias. Nor is he introduced by any one else as speaking of lovers and boys,
 but only by Plato. But whether Xenophon has absolutely invented this story, or
 whether he fell in with any edition of Plato's Banquet which reports what happened
 in a different manner, is of no importance; still we must take notice of the
 blunder as far as the time is concerned. Aristion, in whose
 time this banquet is represented as having taken place, was archon four years
 before Euphemus, in whose archonship Plato places the banquet given in honour of
 the victory of Agathon, at which banquet Pausanias said these things about lovers.
 So that it is a marvellous and incredible thing that Socrates w hen supping with
 Callias should find fault with things as having been said erroneously, which had
 not yet been said at all, and which were not said till four years afterwards at
 the banquet of Agathon.

But altogether Plato's Banquet is mere nonsense. For when Agathon got the victory
 Plato was fourteen years old. For the former was crowned at the Lenæa in the
 archonship of Euphemus. But Plato was born in the year of the archonship of
 Apollodorus, who succeeded Euthydemus. And when he was eighty-two years old he
 died in the archonship of Theophilus, who succeeded Callimachus; for he is the
 eighty-second archon after Apollodorus. But from the archonship of Apollodorus and
 the birth of Plato, Euphemus is the fourteenth archon; and it is in his archonship
 that the banquet was given in honour of the victory of Agathon. And Plato himself
 shows that this entertainment had taken place a long time before, saying in the
 Banquet . . . . 'Do you think then that this entertainment has taken place
 but lately, so that I could have been present at it?' 'Indeed I do,' said he.
 'How could that be,' said I, 'O Glaucon? Do you not know that Agathon has not
 been in the city for many years?' And then a little while after he
 says— ' But tell me, when did this entertainment take place?' And I
 replied, 'When we were still children, when Agathon gained the prize in
 tragedy. ' But that Plato makes many blunders in his chronology is
 plain from many circumstance. For as the poet said— The man has a tongue
 which pays no regard to seasons; so he writes without sufficient
 discernment. For he never spoke at random, but always with great
 consideration.

As for instance, writing in the Gorgias, he says— 'Archelaus, then,
 according to your definition, is a miserable man.' 'Yes, my friend, if, at
 least, he is an unjust one.' And then, after expressly stating that
 Archelaus was possessed of the kingdom of the Macedonians, he goes on to say, 
 that Pericles also was lately dead But if Pericles had only lately
 died, Archelaus was not yet in the enjoyment of his dominions at all; and if
 Archelaus was king at the time, then Pericles had been dead a long time. Now
 Perdiccas was king before Archelaus, according to the statement of Nicomedes of
 Acanthus; and he reigned forty-one years. But Theopompus says he reigned
 thirty-five years; Anaximenes, forty; Hieronymus, twenty-eight. But Marsyas and
 Philochorus say that he reigned only twenty-three years. Now, as these all vary so
 much in their accounts, we will take the smallest number, and say twenty-three.
 But Pericles died in the third year of the Peloponnesian war, in the archonship of
 Epameinon, in which year also Alexander died, and Perdiccas succeeded him in the
 kingdom. And he reigned till the archonship of Callias, in whose year Perdiccas
 died, and Archelaus succeeded to the kingdom. How, then, can Pericles have died
 lately, as Plato phrases it? And in the same Gorgias Plato represents Socrates as
 saying— And last year, when I drew the lot to be one of the council, when
 my tribe was the presiding tribe, and I had to put the question to the vote, I
 caused the people to laugh, as I did not know how to put the question to the
 vote. Now Socrates did not fall into this error out of ignorance, but
 out of his firm principles of virtue; for he did not choose to violate the laws of
 the democracy. And Xenophon shows this plainly in the first book of his Hellenics,
 where he gives the following account:— But when some of the prytanes said
 that they would not put the question contrary to the laws, Callixenus again
 mounts the tribunal and inveighs against them; and they cried out that he
 should impeach those who refused. And the prytanes being alarmed, all agreed to
 put the question except Socrates the son of Sophroniscus; and he said that he
 would not, but that he would do everything according to the laws. 
 
 This was the question which was put to the vote against the generals, Erasinides
 and his colleagues, because they did not pick up the men who were lost in the
 naval battle at Arginusæ. And this battle took place in the archonship of Callias,
 twenty-four years after the death of Pericles.

But the dialogue in the Protagoras, which took place after the death of
 Hipponicus, when Callias had entered upon his patrimonial
 inheritance, says that Protagoras had arrived in Athens for the second time not
 many days previously. But Hipponicus, in the archonship of Euthydenmus, was a
 colleague of Nicias in the generalship against the Tanagreans and against those
 Bœotians who acted as their allies; and he defeated them in a battle. And he died
 before Eupolis exhibited the Flatterers, which took place in the archonship of
 Alcæus, but probably not any long time before. For the play proves that the
 succession of Callias to his patrimonial inheritance was still quite recent. Now
 in this play Eupolis introduces Protagoras as living at Athens. And Ameipsias, in
 his Connus, which was exhibited two years before, does not enumerate him among the
 band of sophists. So it is plain that this happened in the interval between those
 two periods. But Plato represents Hippias the Elian also, in the Protagoras, as
 present with some of his own fellow-citizens, men who it is not likely could have
 remained long in Athens with safety, before the truce for a year was made in the
 archonship of Isarchus, in the month Elaphebolion. But he represents this dialogue
 as having taken place, not about the time when the truce had recently been made,
 but a long time after that; at all events he says— For if they were savage
 men, such as Pherecrates the poet exhibited last year at the Lenæan
 festival. But the play of The Savage Men was exhibited in the
 archonship of Aristion, who was succeeded as archon by Astyphilus, (being the
 fifth after Isarchus,) in whose archonship the truce was made; for Isarchus came
 first, then Ameinias, then Aristion, then Astyphilus: so that it is contrary to
 history that Plato in his dialogue brings to Athens Hippias and his companions,
 who were enemies at the time, when this truce had not yet any existence.

And among other things Plato says that Chærephon asked the Pythian priestess
 whether any one was wiser than Socrates? and that she replied, No one. But Xenphon
 does not agree with all this; but says— For when Dhærephon once asked at
 Delphi about me, Apollo replied, in the presence of many witnesses, that no man
 was either more just or more temperate than I was. And how can it be
 either reasonable or probable that Socrates, who confessed that he knew nothing,
 should allege that he had been called the wisest of all men by God who knows
 everything? For if knowing nothing be wisdom, then to know
 everything must be folly. And what was the need of Chaerephon bothering the god,
 and asking him about Socrates? for he himself might have been believed in his own
 case, saying that he was not wise. For he must be a stupid man who would put such
 a question to the god, as if he were to ask him such a question as this, Whether
 any wool is softer than the Attic wool; or, Whether there are any more powerful
 nations than the Bactrians and the Medes; or, Whether any one has a more complete
 pug-nose than Socrates. For people who ask such questions as these have a very
 neat slap in the face given them by the god, as when a man asked him (whether it
 is a fable of Aesop's or of some one else), 
 O mighty son of Leto and of Jove, 
 Tell me by what means I may rich become: 
 he, ridiculing him, answered— 
 If you acquire all the land that lies 
 Between the tow'rs of Sicyon and Corinth.

But indeed, no one even of the comic poets has said such things as Plato has said
 about Socrates, neither that he was the son of a very fierce-looking nurse, nor
 that Xantippe was an ill-tempered woman, who even poured slops over his head; nor
 that Alcibiades slept with him under the same cloak; and yet this must have been
 divulged with boisterous laughter by Aristophanes, as he was present at the
 banquet according to Plato's account; for Aristophanes would never have suppressed
 such a circumstance as that, which would have given such a colour to the charge
 that he corrupted the youth. 
 Aspasia, indeed, who was the clever preceptress of Socrates in rhetoric, in these
 verses which are attributed to her, which Herodicus the Cratetian has quoted,
 speaks thus— 
 
 As. O Socrates, most clearly do I see 
 How greatly you're inflamed by tender love 
 For the young son of Clinias and Dinomache; 
 But if you wish to prosper list to me, 
 And do not scoff at my advice, but follow it, 
 And it shall be the better for your suit. 
 
 Soc. I when I heard your speech was so o'erjoy'd 
 That straightway sweat did overflow each limb; 
 And tears unbidden pour'd forth from my eyes. 
 
 As. Restrain yourself, and fill your mind with
 strains 
 
 Such as the Muse who conquers men will teach you, 
 And you will charm him by your dulcet songs. 
 They the foundation lay of mutual love. 
 And thus will you o'ercome him, fettering 
 His mind with gifts with which his ears are charm'd 
 The admirable Socrates then goes a hunting, having the Milesian woman for
 his tutor in love. But he himself is not hunted, as Plato says, having nets spread
 for him by Alcibiades. And indeed, he laments without ceasing, being, as I
 suppose, unsuccessful in his love. For Aspasia, seeing in what a condition he was,
 says— 
 Why weep you, my dear Socrates? does love 
 For that impracticable boy which dwells 
 Within thy breast, and shoots from out his eyes, 
 So far thy heart subdue? Did I in vain 
 Engage to make him docile to thy suit 
 And that he really did love Alcibiades Plato shows plainly in the
 Protagoras, although he was now little less than thirty years of age; for he
 speaks in this manner, 'Whence are you come from, O Socrates? It seems to
 me you are come from your pursuit of Alcibiades's beauty. And, indeed, the man,
 when I saw him the other day, appeared to me to be a handsome man; a man,
 indeed, O Socrates, as he may well be called, just as much so as we are; and he
 has a firmly grown beard.' ' Well, what of that? are not you an admirer of
 Homer, who said that the most beautiful season of life was that of a young man
 who began to have a beard? And that is just the age of which Alcibiades is
 now.'

But most philosophers are of such a disposition that they are more inclined to
 evil speaking than the Comic writers. Since both Aeschines, the pupil of Socrates,
 in his Telauges, attacks Critobulus the son of Crito. as an ignorant man, and one
 who lives in a sordid manner; and he attacks Telauges himself for wearing a cloak
 borrowed of a clothes' cleaner by the day for half an obol; and for being girt
 about with a skin, and for having his sandals fastened with rotten pieces of
 string. And as for Lysias the orator he laughs immoderately at him; and in his
 Aspasia, he calls Hipponicus, the son of Callias, a blockhead; and taking all the
 women of Ionia in a lump he calls them lascivious and covetous. But his Callias
 dwells upon the quarrel of Callias with his own father, and the absurd jokes of
 the sophist Prodicus and Anaxagoras. For he says that
 Prodicus had Theramenes for a pupil to finish his education; and that the other
 had Philoxenus, the son of Eryxis, and Ariphrades, the brother of Arignotus, the
 harp-player, wishing from the notorious impurity of life of the men who have been
 named and their general want of respectability and intemperance to leave the sort
 of education they received from their tutors to be inferred. But in his Axiochus
 he runs Alcibiades down with great bitterness, as a drunkard, and a man always
 running after other men's wives.

But Antisthenes, in the second of his treatises called Cyrus, abusing Alcibiades,
 says that he is a breaker of the laws, both with respect to women and with respect
 to every other part of his conduct in life; for he says that he had intrigued with
 a mother, and daughter, and sister, after the fashion of the Persians. And his
 Political Dialogue runs down the whole of the Athenian demagogues: and his
 Archelaus attacks Gorgias, the rhetorician; and his Aspasia attacks Xanthippus and
 Paralus, the sons of Pericles. For, as for one of them, he says that he is a
 companion of Archestratus, who is no better than a frequenter of houses of the
 worst possible fame; and the other he calls an acquaintance and intimate friend of
 Euphemus, who abused every one he met with vulgar and ill-mannered abuse. And
 nicknaming Plato Satho, in a witless and vulgar manner, he published a dialogue
 against him, to which he gave the same name as its title. 
 For these men believe that there is no such thing as an honest counsellor, or a
 conscientious general, or a respectable sophist, or a poet worth listening to, or
 a reasonable people: but Socrates, who spent his time in loose houses with the
 flute-playing women of Aspasia, and who was always chatting with Piston the
 armourer, and who gave lessons to Theodote the courtesan, how she ought to make
 the most of her lovers, as Xenophon tells us in the second book of his
 Memorabilia, is the only wise man according to them; for they represent him as
 giving Theodote such rules as neither Nico the Samian, nor Callistrate the
 Lesbian, nor Philænis the Leucadian, nor even Pythonicus the Athenian, were ever
 acquainted with as charms to conciliate affection. And yet those people paid much
 attention to such things. And time would fail me if I were to be inclined to quote
 the attacks which philosophers have made on people; for, as
 the same Plato says, a regular crowd of Gorgons and Pegasi, and other monsters,
 keeps flowing in upon me in immense numbers, and of preposterous appearance, so
 that I will keep silence.

When Masurius had said this, and when all had admired his wisdom, after silence
 was restored Ulpian said,— You seem to me, O guests, to be overwhelmed with
 impetuous speeches which come upon you unexpectedly, and to be thoroughly soaked
 in unmixed wine;— 
 For a man drinking wine, as a horse does water, 
 Speaks like a Scythian, not knowing even koppa, 
 But voiceless, lies immersed in a cask, 
 And sleeps as if he'd drunk medicinal poppy; 
 as says Parmeno the Byzantian. Have you been all turned into stone by the
 before-mentioned Gorgons? Concerning whom, that there really have been some
 animals who were the causes of men being turned into stone, Alexander the Myndian
 speaks at length, in the second book of his History of Beasts, saying— The
 Nomades in Libya (where it is born) call the animal named the Gorgon, 'The
 Looking-down:' and it is as most people say, conjecturing from its skin,
 something like a wild sheep; but as some say, it is like a calf. And they say
 that it has such a breath that it destroys every one who meets it; and that it
 has a mane let down from its forehead over its eyes, and when it has shaken it
 aside, which it does with difficulty by reason of it weight, and then looks out
 through it, it slays the man who is beheld by it, not by its breath, but by
 some natural violence which proceeds from its eyes. And it was discovered in
 this way: Some of the soldiers of Marius, in his expedition against Jugurtha,
 having beheld the Gorgon, thought because it held its head down, and moved
 slowly, that it was a wild sheep, and in consequence they rushed upon it,
 intending to kill it with the swords which they had about them; but it, being
 disturbed, shaking aside the mane which hung down over its eyes, immediately
 caused the death of those who were rushing upon it. And when others again and
 again did the same thing, and lost their lives by so doing, and when all ho
 proceeded against it were invariably killed, some of the soldiers inquired the
 nature of the animal from the natives; and by the command of Marius some Nomad
 horsemen laid an ambush against it from a distance, and
 shot it with darts, and returned to the camp, bringing the dead monster to the
 general. And that this account is the true one, the skin and the
 expedition of Marius both prove. But the statement made by the historian is not
 credible, namely, that there are in Libya some oxen which are called
 Opisthonomi, because they do not advance while feeding,
 but feed constantly returning backwards, for their horns are a hindrance to their
 feeding in the natural manner, inasmuch as they are not bent upwards, as is the
 case with all other animals, but they bend downwards and overshadow the eyes; for
 this is incredible, since no other historian testifies to such a circumstance.

When Ulpian had said this, Laurentius bearing witness to the truth of his
 statement, and adding something to his speech, said, that Marius sent the skins of
 these animals to Rome, and that no one could conjecture to what animal they
 belonged, on account of the singular appearance which they presented; and that
 these skins were hung up in the temple of Hercules, in which the generals who
 celebrate a triumph give a banquet to the citizens, as many poets and historians
 of our nation have related. You then, O grammarians, as the Babylonian Herodicus
 says, inquiring into none of these matters— 
 Fly ye to Greece along the sea's wide back, 
 Pupils of Aristarchus, all more timid 
 Than the pale antelope, worms hid in holes, 
 Monosyllabic animals, who care 
 For σφὶν, and σφῶιν, and for μὶν, and
 νὶν, 
 
 This shall be your lot, grumblers—but let Greece 
 And sacred Babylon receive Herodicus. 
 For, as Anaxandrides the comic writer says— 
 'Tis sweet when one has plann'd a new device, 
 To tell it to the world. For those who are 
 Wise for themselves alone have, first of all, 
 No judge to criticize their new invention. 
 And envy is their portion too: for all, 
 That seems to be commended by its novelty, 
 Should be imparted freely to the people. 
 And when this conversation had terminated, most of the guests took their
 departure secretly, and so broke up the party.

SINCE you ask me every time that you meet me, my friend Timocrates, what was said
 by the Deipnosophists, thinking that we are making some discoveries, we will
 remind you of what is said by Antiphanes, in his Poesy, in this manner— 
 In every way, my friends, is Tragedy 
 A happy poem. For the argument 
 Is, in the first place, known to the spectators, 
 Before one single actor says a word. 
 So that the poet need do little more 
 Than just remind his hearers what they know. 
 For should I speak of Œdipus, at once 
 They recollect his story—how his father 
 Was Laius, and Jocasta too his mother; 
 What were his sons', and what his daughters' names, 
 And what he did and suffer'd. So again 
 If a man names Alcmæon, the very children 
 Can tell you how he in his madness slew 
 His mother; and Adrastus furious, 
 Will come in haste, and then depart again; 
 And then at last, when they can say no more, 
 And when the subject is almost exhausted, 
 They lift an engine easily as a finger, 
 And that is quite enough to please the theatre. 
 But our case is harder. We are forced 
 T' invent the whole of what we write; new names, 
 Things done before, done now, new plots, new openings, 
 And new catastrophes. And if we fail in aught, 
 Some Chremes or some Phido hisses us. 
 While Peleus is constrain'd by no such laws, 
 Nor Teucer. 
 And Diphilus says, in his Men conducting Helen— 
 O thou who rulest, patroness and queen, 
 Over this holy spot of sacred Brauron, 
 Bow-bearing daughter of Latona and Jove, 
 As the tragedians call you; who alone 
 Have power to do and say whate'er they please.

But Timocles the comic writer, asserting that tragedy is 
 useful in many respects to human life, says in his Women celebrating the Festival
 of Bacchus— 
 My friend, just hear what I'm about to say. 
 Man is an animal by nature miserable; 
 And life has many grievous things in it. 
 Therefore he has invented these reliefs 
 To ease his cares; for oft the mind forgets 
 Its own discomforts while it soothes itself 
 In contemplation of another's woes, 
 And e'en derives some pleasure and instruction. 
 For first, I'd have you notice the tragedians; 
 What good they do to every one. The poor man 
 Sees Telephus was poorer still than he, 
 And bears his own distress more easily. 
 The madman thinks upon Alcmæon's case. 
 Has a man weak sore eyes? The sons of Phineus 
 Are blind as bats. Has a man lost his child 
 Let him remember childless Niobe. 
 He's hurt his leg; and so had Philoctetes. 
 Is he unfortunate in his old age? 
 Œneus was more so. So that every one, 
 Seeing that others have been more unfortunate, 
 Learns his own griefs to bear with more content.

And we accordingly, O Timocrates, will restore to you the
 relics of the feast of the Deipnosophists, and will not give them, as Cothocides the orator said, meaning to ridicule
 Demosthenes, who, when Philip gave Halonnesus to the Athenians, advised them
 not to take it if he gave it, but only if he restored it. And this sentence Antiphanes jested
 upon in his Neottis, where he ridicules it in this manner— 
 My master has received ( ἀπέλαβεν ) as he took
 ( ἔλαβεν ) 
 His patrimonial inheritance. 
 How would these words have pleased Demosthenes! 
 And Alexis says, in his Soldier— 
 
 A. Receive this thing. 
 
 B. What is it 
 
 A. Why the child 
 Which I had from you, which I now bring back. 
 
 B. Why? will you no more keep him? 
 
 A. He's not mine. 
 
 B. Nor mine. 
 
 A. But you it was who gave him me. 
 
 B. I gave him not. 
 
 A. How so? 
 
 B. I but restored him. 
 
 A. You gave me what I never need have taken. 
 
 And in his Brothers he says— 
 
 A. For did I give them anything? Tell me that. 
 
 B. No, you restored it, holding a deposit. 
 And Anaxilas, in his Evandria, says— 
 . . . . Give it not, 
 Only restore it. 
 
 B. Here I now have brought it. 
 And Timocles says in his Heroes— 
 
 A. You bid me now to speak of everything 
 Rather than what is to the purpose; well, 
 I'll gratify you so far. 
 
 B. You shall find 
 As the first fruits that you have pacified 
 The great Demosthenes. 
 
 A. But who is he? 
 
 B. That Briareus who swallows spears and
 shields; 
 A man who hates all quibbles; never uses 
 Antithesis nor trope; but from his eyes 
 Glares terrible Mars. 
 According, therefore, to the above-mentioned poets, so we, restoring but not giving to you
 what followed after the previous conversation, will now tell you all that was said
 afterwards.

Then came into us these servants, bringing a great quantity of sea fish and lake
 fish on silver platters, so that we marvelled at the wealth displayed, and at the
 costliness of the entertainment, which was such that he seemed almost to have
 engaged the Nereids themselves as the purveyors. And one of the parasites and
 flatterers said that Neptune was sending fish to our Neptunian port, not by the
 agency of those who at Rome sell rare fish for their weight in money; but that
 some were imported from Antium, and some from Terracina, and some from the Pontian
 islands opposite, and some from Pyrgi; and that is a city of Etruria. For the
 fishmongers in Rome are very little different from those who used to be turned
 into ridicule by the comic poets at Athens, of whom Antiphanes says, in his Young
 Men— 
 I did indeed for a long time believe 
 The Gorgons an invention of the poets, 
 But when I came into the fish-market 
 I quickly found them a reality. 
 For looking at the fish women I felt 
 Turn'd instantly to stone, and was compelled 
 To turn away my head while talking to them. 
 For when I see how high a price they ask, 
 And for what little fish, I'm motionless.

And Amphis says in his Impostor— 
 'Tis easier to get access to the general, 
 And one is met by language far more courteous, 
 And by more civil answer from his grace, 
 Than from those cursed fishfags in the market. 
 For when one asks them anything, or offers 
 To buy aught of them, mute they stand like Telephus, 
 And just as stubborn; ('tis an apt comparison, 
 For in a word they all are homicides;) 
 And neither listen nor appear to heed, 
 But shake a dirty polypus in your face; 
 Or else turn sulky, and scarce say a word, 
 But as if half a syllable were enough, 
 Say se'n s'lings this, 
 this turb't eight'n-pence. 
 
 This is the treatment which a man must bear 
 Who seeks to buy a dinner in the fish-market. 
 And Alexis says in his Apeglaucomenos— 
 When I behold a general looking stern, 
 I think him wrong, but do not greatly wonder, 
 That one in high command should think himself 
 Above the common herd. But when I see 
 The fishmongers, of all tribes far the worst, 
 Bending their sulky eyes down to the ground, 
 And lifting up their eyebrows to their foreheads, 
 I am disgusted. And if you should ask, 
 
 Tell me, I pray you, what's this pair of mullets? 
 
 
 Tenpence. 
 Oh, that's too much; you'll eightpence take 
 
 
 Yes, if you'll be content with half the pair. 
 
 
 Come, eightpence; that is plenty. "I will not 
 Take half a farthing less: don't waste my time." 
 Is it not bitter to endure such insolence?

And Diphilus says in his Busybody— 
 I used to think the race of fishmongers 
 Was only insolent in Attica; 
 But now I see that like wild beasts they are 
 Savage by nature, everywhere the same. 
 But here is one who goes beyond his fellows, 
 Nourishing flowing hair, which he doth call 
 Devoted to his god-though that is not the reason, 
 But he doth use it as a veil to hide 
 The brand which marks his forehead. Should you ask him, 
 What is this pike's price? he will tell you tenpence; 
 
 Not say what pence he means; then if you give him 
 The money, he will claim Aegina's coinage; 
 While if you ask for change, he'll give you Attic. 
 And thus he makes a profit on both sides. 
 And Xenarchus says in his Purple— 
 
 Poets are nonsense; for they never say 
 A single thing that's new. But all they do 
 Is to clothe old ideas in language new, 
 Turning the same things o'er and o'er again, 
 And upside down. But as to fishmongers, 
 They're an inventive race, and yield to none 
 In shameless conduct. For as modern laws 
 Forbid them now to water their stale fish, 
 Some fellow, hated by the gods, beholding 
 His fish quite dry, picks with his mates a quarrel, 
 And blows are interchanged. Then when one thinks 
 He's had enough, he falls, and seems to faint, 
 And lies like any corpse among his baskets. 
 Some one calls out for water; and his partner 
 Catches a pail, and throws it o'er his friend 
 So as to sprinkle all his fish, and make 
 The world believe them newly caught and fresh.

And that they often do sell fish which is dead stinking is proved by what
 Antiphanes says in his Adulterers, as follows— 
 There's not on earth a more unlucky beast 
 Than a poor fish, for whom 'tis not enough 
 To die when caught, that they may find at once 
 A grave in human stomachs; but what's worse, 
 They fall into the hands of odious fishmongers, 
 And rot and lie upon their stalls for days; 
 And if they meet with some blind purchaser, 
 He scarce can carry them when dead away; 
 But throws them out of doors, and thinks that he 
 Has through his nose had taste enough of them. 
 And in his Friend of the Thebans he say— 
 Is it not quite a shame, that if a man 
 Has fresh-caught fish to sell, he will not speak 
 To any customer without a frown 
 Upon his face, and language insolent 
 And if his fish are stale, he jokes and laughs- 
 While his behaviour should the contrary be; 
 The first might laugh, the latter should be shamed. 
 And that they sell their fish very dear we are told by Alexis in his
 Pylæan Women— 
 Yes, by Minerva, I do marvel at 
 The tribe of fishmongers, that they are not 
 All wealthy men, such royal gains they make. 
 For sitting in the market they do think it 
 A trifling thing to tithe our properties; 
 But would take all at one fell swoop away.

And the same poet says in his play entitled the Caldron— 
 
 There never was a better lawgiver 
 Than rich Aristonicus. For he now 
 Does make this law, that any fishmonger 
 Who puts a price upon his fish, and then 
 Sells it for less, shall be at once dragg'd off 
 And put in prison; that by their example 
 The rest may learn to ask a moderate price, 
 And be content with that, and carry home 
 Their rotten fish each evening; and then 
 Old men, old women, boys, and all their customers, 
 Will buy whatever suits them at fair price. 
 And a little further on he says— 
 There never has, since Solon's time, been seen 
 A better lawgiver than Aristonicus. 
 For he has given many different laws, 
 And now he introduces this new statute, 
 A golden statute, that no fishmonger 
 Should sell his fish while sitting, but that all 
 Shall stand all day i' the market. And he says 
 Next year he will enact that they shall sell 
 Being hung up; for so they will let off 
 Their customers more easily, when they 
 Are raised by a machine like gods in a play.

And Antiphanes, in his Hater of Wickedness, displays their rudeness and
 dishonesty, comparing them to the greatest criminals who exist among men, speaking
 as follows— 
 Are not the Scythians of men the wisest? 
 Who when their children are first born do give them 
 The milk of mares and cows to drink at once, 
 And do not trust them to dishonest nurses, 
 Or tutors, who of evils are the worst, 
 Except the midwives only. For that class 
 Is worst of all, and next to them do come 
 The begging priests of mighty Cybele; 
 And it is hard to find a baser lot- 
 Unless indeed you speak of fishmongers, 
 But they are worse than even money-changers, 
 And are in fact the worst of all mankind.

And it was not without some wit that Diphilus, in his Merchant, speaks in this
 manner of fish being sold at an exorbitant price— 
 I never heard of dearer fish at any time. 
 Oh, Neptune, if you only got a tenth 
 Of all that money, you would be by far 
 The richest of the gods! And yet if he, 
 The fishmonger I mean, had been but civil, 
 I would have given him his price, though grumbling; 
 And, just as Priam ransom'd Hector, I 
 Would have put down his weight to buy the conger. 
 
 And Alexis says in his Grecian Woman— 
 Living and dead, the monsters of the deep 
 Are hostile to us always. If our ship 
 Be overturn'd, they then at once devour 
 Whatever of the crew they catch while swimming: 
 And if they're caught themselves by fishermen, 
 When dead they half undo their purchasers; 
 For with our whole estate they must be bought, 
 And the sad purchaser comes off a beggar. 
 And Archippus, in his play called the Fish, mentions one fishmonger by
 name, Hermæus the Egyptian, saying— 
 The cursedest of all fish-dealers is 
 Hermæus the Egyptian; who skins 
 And disembowels all the vilest fish, 
 And sells them for the choicest, as I hear. 
 And Alexis, in his Rich Heiress, mentions a certain fishmonger by name,
 Micio.

And perhaps it is natural for fishermen to be proud of their skill, even to a
 greater degree than the most skilful generals. Accordingly, Anaxandrides, in his
 Ulysses, introduces one of them, speaking in this way of the fisherman's art—
 
 The beauteous handiwork of portrait painters 
 When in a picture seen is much admired; 
 But the fair fruit of our best skill is seen 
 In a rich dish just taken from the frying-pan. 
 For by what other art, my friend, do we 
 See young men's appetites so much inflamed? 
 What causes such outstretching of the hands 
 What is so apt to choke one, if a man. 
 Can hardly swallow it? Does not the fish-market 
 Alone give zest to banquets Who can spread 
 A dinner without fried fish, or anchovies, 
 Or high-priced mullet? With what words or charms 
 Can a well-favour'd youth be caught, if once 
 The fisherman's assistance be denied? 
 His art subdues him, bringing to the fish-kettle 
 The heads of well-boil'd fish; this leads him on 
 To doors which guard th' approach to a good dinner, 
 And bids him haste, though nought himself contributing.

And Alexis says this with reference to those who are too anxious as to buying
 their fish, in his Rich Heiress— 
 Whoever being poor buys costly fish, 
 And though in want of much, in this is lavish, 
 He strips by night whoever he may meet. 
 So when a man is stripp'd thus, let him go 
 
 At early morn and watch the fish-market. 
 And the first man he sees both poor and young 
 Buying his eels of Micio, let him seize him, 
 And drag him off to prison by the throat. 
 And Diphilus, in his Merchant, says that there is some such law as this
 in existence among the Corinthians— 
 
 A. This is an admirable law at Corinth, 
 That when we see a man from time to time 
 Purveying largely for his table, we 
 Should ask him whence he comes, and what's his business: 
 And if he be a man of property, 
 Whose revenues can his expenses meet, 
 Then we may let him as he will enjoy himself. 
 But if he do his income much exceed, 
 Then they bid him desist from such a course, 
 And fix a fine on all who disobey. 
 And if a man having no means at all 
 Still lives in splendid fashion, him they give 
 Unto the gaoler. 
 
 B. Hercules! what a law. 
 
 A. For such a man can't live without some crime. 
 Dost thou not see? He must rove out by night 
 And rob, break into houses, or else share 
 With some who do so. Or he must haunt the forum, 
 A vile informer, or be always ready 
 As a hired witness. And this tribe we hate, 
 And gladly would expel from this our city. 
 
 B. And you'd do well, by Jove; but what is that to
 me? 
 
 A. Because we see you every day, my friend, 
 Making not moderate but extravagant purchases. 
 You hinder all the rest from buying fish, 
 And drive the city to the greengrocer, 
 And so we fight for parsley like the combatants 
 At Neptune's games on th' Isthmus. . Does a hare 
 Come to the market? it is yours; a thrush 
 Or partridge? all do go the selfsame way. 
 So that we cannot buy or fish or fowl; 
 And you have raised the price of foreign wine. 
 And Sophilus, in his Androcles, wishes that the same custom prevailed at
 Athens also, thinking that it would be a good thing if two or three men were
 appointed by the city to the regulation of the provision markets. And Lynceus the
 Samian wrote a treatise on purveying against some one who was very difficult to
 please when making his purchases; teaching him what a man ought to say to those
 homicidal fishmongers, so as to buy what he wants at a fair rate and without being
 exposed to any annoyance.

Ulpian again picking out the thorns from what was said, asked—Are we able to show
 that the ancients used silver vessels at their banquets? and is the word πίναξ a Greek noun? For with reference to the line in
 Homer— 
 The swineherd served up dishes ( πίνακας ) of
 rich meat, 
 
 Aristophanes the Byzantine said that is was a modernism to speak of meats
 being placed on platters ( πίνακες ), not being
 aware that in other places the poet has said— 
 Dishes ( πίνακας ) of various meats the butler
 brought. 
 
 I ask also, if any men among the ancients had ever acquired a multitude
 of slaves, as the men of modern times do: and if the word τήγανον (frying-pan) is ever found, and not the form τάγηνον only. So that we may not fix our whole attention
 on eating and drinking, like those who from their devotion to their bellies are
 called parasites and flatterers.

And Aemilianus replied to him,—The word πίναξ, 
 when used of a vessel, you may find used by Metagenes the comic writer, in his
 Valiant Persians: and Pherecrates, my friend, has used the form τήγανον in his Trifles, where he says— 
 He said he ate anchovies from the frying-pan ( τηγάνον ). 
 And the same poet has also said in the Persæ— 
 To sit before the frying-pans ( τήγανα )
 burning rushes. 
 And Philonides says, in his Buskins— 
 Receive him now with rays and frying-pans ( τήγανα ). 
 And again he says— 
 Smelling of frying-pans ( τήγανα ). 
 And Eubulus says, in his Orthane— 
 The bellows rouses Vulcan's guardian dogs, 
 With the warm vapour of the frying-pan ( τήγανον ). 
 And in another place he says— 
 But every lovely woman walks along 
 Fed with the choicest morsels from the frying-pan ( τήγανον ). 
 And in his Titans he says— 
 And the dish 
 Doth laugh and bubble up with barbarous talk, 
 And the fish leap ἐν μέσοισι τηγάνοις. 
 
 And Phrynichus also uses a verb derived from the word in his Tragedian—
 
 'Tis sweet to eat fried meat, at any feast 
 For which one has been at no cost oneself. 
 
 And Pherecrates, in his Ant Men says— Are you eating
 fried meat ( σὺ δʼ ἀποτηγανίζεις )? 
 
 But Hegesander the Delphian says that the Syracusans call a dish τήγανον, and the proper τήγανον they call ξηροτήγανον ; on
 which account he says that Theodorides says in some poem— 
 He in a τήγανον did boil it well, 
 In a large swimming dish. 
 Where he uses τήγανον for λοπας. But the Ionians write the word ἤγανον without the letter τ, as Anacreon says— 
 Putting his hand within the frying-pan ( ἤγανον ).

But with respect to the use of silver plate, my good friend Ulpian, you make me
 stop to consider a little; but I recollect what is said by Alexis in his Exile—
 
 For where an earthen pot is to be let 
 For the cook's use. 
 For down to the times of the supremacy of the Macedonians the attendants
 used to perform their duties with vessels made of earthenware, as my countryman
 Juba declares. But when the Romans altered the way of living, giving it a more
 expensive direction, then Cleopatra, arranging her style of living in imitation of
 them, she, I mean, who ultimately destroyed the Egyptian monarchy, not being able
 to alter the name, she called gold and silver plate κέραμον ; and then she gave the guests what she called the κέραμα to carry away with them; and this was very
 costly. And on the Rosic earthenware, which was the most beautiful, Cleopatra
 spent five mine every day. But Ptolemy the king, in the eighth book of his
 commentaries, writing of Masinissa the king of the Libyans, speaks as follows—"His
 entertainments were arranged in the Roman fashion, everything being served up in
 silver κέραμον. And the second course he arranged
 in the Italian mode. His dishes were all made of gold; made after the fashion of
 those which are plaited of bulrushes or ropes. And he employed Greek
 musicians.

But Aristophanes the comic writer, whom Heliodorus the Athenian says, in his
 treatise concerning the Acropolis, (and it occupies fifteen books,) was a
 Naucratite by birth, in his play called Plutus, after the god who gave his name to
 the play and appeared on the stage, says that dishes of silver were in existence, just as all other things might be had made of the same
 metal. And his words are— 
 But every vinegar cruet, dish and ewer 
 Is made of brass; while all the dirty dishes 
 In which they serve up fish are made of silver. 
 The oven too is made of ivory. 
 And Plato says, in his Ambassadors— 
 Epicrates and his good friend Phormisius, 
 Received many and magnificent gifts 
 From the great king; a golden cruet-stand, 
 And silver plates and dishes. 
 And Sophron, in his Female Actresses, says— 
 The whole house shone 
 With store of gold, and of much silver plate.

And Philippides, in his Disappearance of Silver, speaks of the use of it as
 ostentatious and uncommon, and aimed at only by some foreigners who had made
 fortunes but lately— 
 
 A. I felt a pity for all human things, 
 Seeing men nobly born to ruin hasting, 
 And branded slaves displaying silver dishes 
 Whene'er they ate a pennyworth of salt-fish, 
 Or a small handful of capers, in a plate 
 Whose weight is fifty drachms of purest silver. 
 And formerly 'twould have been hard to see 
 One single flagon vow'd unto the gods. 
 
 B. That is rare now. For if one man should vow 
 A gift like that, some other man would steal it. 
 And Alexis, in his Little House, introducing a young man in love
 displaying his wealth to his mistress, represents him as making her some such
 speech as this— 
 
 A. I told the slaves, (for I brought two from
 home,) 
 To place the carefully wiped silver vessels 
 Fairly in sight. There was a silver goblet, 
 And cups which weigh'd two drachms; a beaker too 
 Whose weight was four; a wine-cooler, ten obols, 
 Slighter than e'en Philippides' own self. 
 And yet these things are not so ill-contrived 
 To make a show . . . . 
 And I am myself acquainted with one of our own fellow-citizens who is as
 proud as he is poor, and who, when all his silver plate put together scarcely
 weighed a drachma, used to keep calling for his servant, a single individual, an
 the only one he had, but still he called him by hundreds of different names.
 Here, you Strombichides, do not put o the table any
 of my winter plate, but my summer plate. And the character in
 Nicostratus, in the play entitled the Kings, is just such another. There is a
 braggart soldier, of whom he speaks— 
 There is some vinegar and a wine-cooler, 
 Thinner than thinnest gauze. 
 For there were at that time people who were able to beat out silver till
 it was as thin as a piece of skin.

And Antiphanes, in his Lemnian Women, says— 
 A three-legg'd table now is laid, and on it 
 A luscious cheesecake, O ye honour'd gods, 
 And this year's honey in a silver dish. 
 And Sopater the parodist, in his Orestes, writes— 
 A silver dish, bearing a stinking shad. 
 And in the drama entitled Phace he says— 
 But at his supper he does sport a cruet 
 Of shining silver, richly chased with figures, 
 And bas-reliefs of dragons: such as Thibron 
 Used to display, most delicate of men, 
 Stripp'd of his wealth by arts of Tantalus. 
 And Theopompus the Chian, in his Letters of Advice to Alexander, when he
 enters into a discussion about Theocritus his fellow-citizen, says—"But he drinks
 out of silver cups and out of golden cups, and uses other vessels of the same kind
 upon his table. A man who formerly, not only did not drink out of silver vessels,
 but who had not brazen ones either, but was content with the commonest
 earthenware, and even that very often cracked and chipped. And Diphilus says, in
 his Painter— 
 A splendid breakfast then appear'd, consisting 
 Of all that was desirable or new; 
 First every kind of oyster; then a phalanx 
 Of various side-dishes, and a heap 
 Of broiled meats fresh from the gridiron, 
 And potted meats in silver mortars pounded. 
 And Philemon says in his Physician— 
 And a large basket full of silver plate. 
 And Menander, in his Heautontimorumenos, says— 
 A bath, maid-servants, lots of silver plate. 
 And in his Hymnis he writes— 
 But I am come in quest of silver plate. 
 And Lysias, in his Oration on the Golden Tripod, if indeed the speech be a genuine one of his, says— It was Still
 pos- sible to give silver or gold plate. But those who pique themselves
 on the purity of their Greek, say that the proper expression is not ἀργυρώματα and χρυσώματα, but ἀργυροῦς κόσμος and
 χρυσοῦς κόσμος.

When Aemilianus had said this, Pontianus said—For formerly gold was really
 exceedingly scarce among the Greeks; and there was not indeed much silver; at
 least, not much which was extracted from the mines; on which account Duris the
 Samian says that Philip, the father of the great king Alexander, as he was
 possessed of one flagon of gold, always put it under his pillow when he went to
 bed. And Herodorus of Heraclea says, that the Golden Lamb of Atreus, which was the
 pregnant cause of many eclipses of the sun, and changes of kings, and which was,
 moreover, the subject of a great many tragedies, was a golden flagon, having in
 the centre a figure of a golden lamb. And Anaximenes of Lampsacus, in the first of
 those works of his, called Histories, says that the necklace of Eriphyle was so
 notorious because gold at that time was so rare among the Greeks; for that a
 golden goblet was at that time a most unusual thing to see; but that after the
 taking of Delphi by the Phocians, then all such things began to be more abundant.
 But formerly even those men who were accounted exceedingly rich used to drink out
 of brazen goblets, and the repositories where they put them away they called
 χαλκόθηκαι. 
 
 And Herodotus says that the Egyptian priests drink out of brazen goblets; and he
 affirms that silver flagons could not be found to be given to all the kings, even
 when they sacrificed in public; and, accordingly, that Psammetichus, who was later
 than the other kings, performed his libations with a brazen flagon, while the rest
 made their offerings with silver ones. But after the temple at Delphi had been
 plundered by the tyrants of Phocis, then gold became common among the Greeks, and
 silver became actually abundant; and afterwards, when the great Alexander had
 brought into Greece all the treasures from out of Asia, then there really did
 shine forth what Pindar calls wealth predominating far and wide.

And the silver and gold offerings which were at Delphi were offered originally by
 Gyges the king of the Lydians. For before the reign of this monarch Apollo had no
 silver, and still less had he gold, as Phanias the Eresian
 tells us, and Theopompus, too, in the fortieth book of his History of the
 Transactions of the Reign of Philip. For these writers relate that the Pythian
 temple was adorned by Gyges, and by Crœsus who succeeded him; and after them by
 Gelo and Hiero, the tyrants of Syracuse: the first of whom offered up a tripod and
 a statue of Victory, both made of gold, about the time that Xerxes was making his
 expedition against Greece; and Hiero made similar offerings. And Theopompus uses
 the following language— For anciently the temple was adorned with brazen
 offerings: I do not mean statues, but caldrons and tripods made of brass. The
 Lacedæmonians, therefore, wishing to gild the face of the Apollo that was at
 Amyclæ, and not finding any gold in Greece, having sent to the oracle of the
 god, asked the god from whom they could buy gold; and he answered them that
 they should go to Crœsus the Lydian, and buy it of him. And they went and
 bought the gold of Crœsus. But Hiero the Syracusan, wishing to offer to the god
 a tripod and a statue of Victory of unalloyed gold, and being in want of the
 gold for a long time, afterwards sent men to Greece to seek for it; who, coming
 after a time to Corinth, and tracing it out, found some in the possession of
 Architeles the Corinthian, who had been a long time buying it up by little and
 little, and so had no inconsiderable quantity of it; and he sold it to the
 emissaries of Hiero in what quantity they required. And after that, having
 filled his hand with it he made them a present of all that he could hold in his
 hand, in return for which Hiero sent a vessel full of corn, and many other
 gifts to him from Sicily.

And Phanias relates the same circumstances in his history of the Tyrants in
 Sicily, saying that the ancient offerings had been brass, both tripods, and
 caldrons, and daggers; and that on one of them there was the following
 inscription— 
 Look on me well; for I was once a part 
 Of the wide tower which defended Troy 
 When Greeks and Trojans fought for fair-hair'd Helen; 
 And Helicon, brave Antenor's son, 
 Brought me from thence, and placed me here, to be 
 An ornament to Phœbus' holy shrine. 
 And in the tripod, which was one of the prizes offered at the funeral
 games in honour of Patroclus, there was the inscription— 
 
 I am a brazen tripod, and I lie 
 Here as an ornament of Delphi's shrine. 
 The swift Achilles gave me as a prize 
 What time he placed Patroclus on the pile, 
 And Tydeus' mighty son, brave Diomede, 
 Offer'd me here, won by his speedy coursers 
 In the swift race by Helle's spacious wave.

And Ephorus, or Demophilus, his son, in the thirtieth book of his Histories,
 speaking of the temple of Delphi, says, "But Onomarchus and Phayllus and Phalæcus
 not only carried off all the treasures of the god, but at last their wives carried
 off also the ornaments of Eriphyle, which Alcmæon consecrated at Delphi by the
 command of the god and also the necklace of Helen, which had been given by
 Menelaus. For the god had given each of them oracles: he had said to Alcmæon, when
 he asked him how he could be cured of his madness— 
 You ask a precious gift, relief from madness'; 
 Give me a precious gift yourself; the chain 
 With which your mother buried, steeds and all, 
 Your sire, her husband, brave Amphiaraus. 
 And he replied to Menelaus, who consulted him as to how he might avenge
 himself on Paris— 
 Bring me the golden ornament of the neck 
 Of your false wife; which Venus once did give 
 A welcome gift to Helen; and then Paris 
 Shall glut your direst vengeance by his fall. 
 And it so fell out that a violent quarrel arose among the women about
 these ornaments—which should take which. And when they had drawn lots for the
 choice, the one of them, who was very ugly and stern, got Eriphyle's necklace, but
 the one who was conspicuous for beauty and wanton got the ornaments of Helen; and
 she, being in love with a young man of Epirus, went away with him, but the other
 contrived to put her husband to death.

But the divine Plato, and Lycurgus the Lacedæmonian, not only forbad all costly
 ornaments to be introduced into their model states, but they would not permit even
 silver or gold to be brought into them, thinking that of the products of mines,
 iron and copper were sufficient, and banishing the other metals as injurious to
 those states which were in good order. But Zeno the Stoic, thinking everything
 unimportant except the legitimate and honest use of the precious metals, forbad either praying for or deprecating them; but still he
 recommended chiefly the use of those which were more commonly accessible and less
 superfluous; in order that men, having the dispositions of their minds formed so
 as neither to fear nor to admire anything which is not honourable on the one hand
 or discreditable on the other, should use only what is natural as much as
 possible, and yet should not fear what is of an opposite character, but abstain
 from such in obedience to reason and not to fear. For nature has not banished any
 of the above-mentioned things out of the world, but has made subterranean veins of
 these metals, the working of which is very laborious and difficult, in order that
 they who desire such things may arrive at the acquisition after toil and
 suffering; and that not only those men themselves who work in the mines, but those
 also who collect what has been extracted from the mines, may acquire this much
 wished for opulence at the expense of countless labours. 
 Therefore a little of these metals lies on the surface just to serve as a sample
 of the rest which is beneath, since in the remotest corners of the earth also
 there are rivers bearing down gold-dust in their waters; and women and men
 destitute of bodily strength scratching among the sand, detach these particles
 from the sand, and then they wash them and bring them to the smelting-pot, as my
 countryman Posidonius says is done among the Helvetians, and among others of the
 Celtic tribes. And the mountains which used formerly to be called the Rhipeean
 mountains, and which were subsequently named the Olbian (as if happy), and which
 are now called the Alps, (they are mountains in Gaul,) when once the woods upon
 them had caught fire spontaneously, ran with liquid silver. The greater quantity
 of this metal, however, is found by mining operations carried on at a great depth,
 and attended by great hardship, according to the statement of Demetrius Phalereus,
 in consequence of the desire of avarice to draw Pluto himself out of the recesses
 of the earth; and, accordingly, he says facetiously that— Men having often
 abandoned what was visible for the sake of what was uncertain, have not got
 what they expected, and have lost what they had, being unfortunate by an
 enigmatical sort of calamity.

But the Lacedæmonians being hindered by their national institutions from
 introducing silver or gold into Sparta, as the same
 Posidonius relates, or from possessing any in private, did possess it
 nevertheless, but then they deposited it among their neighbours the Arcadians. But
 subsequently the Arcadians became enemies to them instead of friends, as they had
 been; picking a quarrel with them with the express view of seizing on this deposit
 without being called to account for it, by reason of the enmity now subsisting.
 Therefore it is said that the gold and silver which had formerly been at Lacedæmon
 was consecrated at Delphi to Apollo; and that when Lysander brought gold publicly
 into the city he was the cause of many evils to the state by so doing. And it is
 said that Gylippus, who delivered the Syracusans, was put to death by starvation,
 having been condemned by the Ephori, because he had embezzled some of the money
 sent to Sparta by Lysander. But that which had been devoted to the god and been
 granted to the people as a public ornament and public property, it was not decent
 for any mortal to treat with contempt.

But that tribe of Gauls which is called the Cordistæ, does not introduce gold into
 their country either, still they are not the less ready to plunder the territories
 of their neighbours, and to commit injustice; and that nation is a remnant of the
 Gauls who formed the army of Brennus when he made his expedition against the
 temple of Delphi. And a certain Bathanatius, acting as their leader, settled them
 as a colony in the districts around the Ister, from whom they call the road by
 which they returned the Bathanatian road, and even to this day they call his
 posterity the Bathanati. And these men proscribe gold, and do not introduce it
 into their territories, as a thing on account of which they have suffered many
 calamities; but they do use silver, and for the sake of that they commit the most
 enormous atrocities. Although the proper course would be, not to banish the whole
 class of the thing of which they were formerly plundered, but the impiety which
 could perpetrate such a sacrilege. And even if they did not introduce silver into
 their country, still they would commit excesses in the pursuit of copper and iron;
 and even if they had not these things, still they would continue to rage in war
 against other nations for the sake of meat and drink, and other necessaries.

When Pontianus had delivered his opinion in these terms, and
 while most of the guests were endeavouring to solve the questions proposed by
 Ulpian, Plutarch, being one of those who was attending to the other subjects of
 discussion, said,—The name parasite was in former days a respectable and a holy
 name. At all events, Polemo (whether he was a Samian or a Sicyonian, or whether he
 prefers the name of an Athenian, which Heraclides the Mopseatian gives him, who
 also speaks of him as being claimed by other cities; and he was also called
 Stelocopas, as Herodicus the Cratetian has told us,) writing about parasites,
 speaks as follows— The name of parasite is now a disreputable one; but among
 the ancients we find the word parasite used as something sacred, and nearly
 equivalent to the title Messmate. Accordingly, at Cynosarges, in the temple of
 Hercules, there is a pillar on which is engraven a decree of Alcibiades; the
 clerk who drew it up being Stephanus the son of Thucydides; and in it mention
 is made of this name in the following terms—' Let the priest perform the
 monthly sacrifices with the parasites; and let the parasites select one
 bastard, and one of the sons of the same, according to the usual national
 customs; and whoever is unwilling to take the place of a parasite, let the
 priest report him to the tribunal.' And in the tables of the laws concerning
 the Deliastæ it is written—' And let two heralds, of the family of the heralds,
 of that branch of it which is occupied about the sacred mysteries, be chosen;
 and let them be parasites in the temple of Delos for a year.' And in Pallenis
 this inscription is engraved on the offerings there found—' The Archons and
 parasites made these offerings, who, in the archonship of Pythodorus, were
 crowned with a golden crown; and the parasites were, in the
 archonship of Lycostratus, Gargettius; in the archonship of Pericletus,
 Pericles Pitheus; in that of Demochares, Charinus.' And in the laws of the
 king, we find the following words—' That the parasites of the Acharnensians
 shall sacrifice to Apollo.' But Clearchus the Solensian, and he was one of the
 disciples of Aristotle, in the first book of his Lives, writes thus-'But now
 they call a parasite. a man who is ready for anything; but in former times he
 was a man picked out as a companion.' Accordingly, in the ancient laws,
 most cities mention parasites among the most honourable of their officers; and, indeed, they do so to this day. And Clidemus
 says in his Attic Women— 
 And then they chose some parasites for Hercules. 
 And Themiso, in his Pallenis, says— That the king, who from time to
 time fills that office, and the parasites, whom they appoint from the main body
 of the people, and the old men, and the women who still have their first
 husbands, shall take care of such and such things.

And from this you perceive, my good friend Ulpian, that you may raise another
 question, who the women are who still have their first husbands? But (for we are
 still speaking about the parasites) there is also an inscription on a pillar in
 the Anaceum to the following effect— Of the best bulls which are selected,
 one-third is to be appropriated to the games; and of the remaining two-thirds,
 one is to go to the priest, and the other to the parasites. But Crates,
 in the second book of his treatise on the Attic Dialect, says— And the word
 parasite is now used in a disreputable sense; but formerly those people were
 called parasites who were selected to collect the sacred corn, and there was a
 regular Hall of the parasites; on which account the following expressions occur
 in the law of the king— That the king shall take care of the Archons
 that they are properly appointed, and that they shall select the parasites from
 the different boroughs, according to the statutes enacted with reference to that
 subject. And that the parasites shall, without any evasion or fraud, select from
 their own share a sixth part of a bushel of barley, on which all who are citizens
 of Athens shall feast in the temple, according to the national laws and customs.
 And that the parasites of the Acharnensians shall give a sixth part of a bushel
 from their collection of barley to the guild of priests of Apollo. And that there
 was a regular Hall for the parasites is shown by the following expressions in the
 same law— For the repairs of the temple, and of the magistrates' hall, and
 of the hall of parasites, and of the sacred house, they shall pay whatever sums
 of money the contractors appointed by the priests think necessary. From
 this it is evident that the place in which the parasites laid up the first-fruits
 of the consecrated corn was called the Parasitium, or the Hall of the
 parasites. 
 
 And Philochorus gives the same account in his book entitled the Tetrapolis, where
 he mentions the parasites who were elected for the temple of Hercules; and
 Diodorus of Sinope, a comic poet, in his Heir, (from which I will cite some
 testimonies presently,) says the same. And Aristotle, in his treatise on the
 Constitution of the Methoneans, says— Parasites were two in number for each
 of the archons, and one for the polemarchs. And they received a fixed allowance
 from others, and they also took dishes of fish from the fishermen.

But the meaning which is now given to the name parasite is one which Carystius of
 Pergamus, in his treatise on the Didascali$e, says was first invented by Alexis,
 forgetting that Epicharmus, in his Hope or Plutus, has introduced one in a
 drinking party, where he says— 
 But here another stands at this man's feet, 
 * * * * * * 
 Seeking for food which shall not cost him anything, 
 And he will drink up an entire cask, 
 As if it were a cupfull. 
 And he introduces the parasite himself, making the following speech to
 some one who questioned him— 
 I sup with any one who likes, if he 
 Has only got the good sense to invite me; 
 And with each man who makes a marriage feast, 
 Whether I'm asked or not, there I am witty; 
 There I make others laugh, and there I praise 
 The host, who gives the feast. And if by chance 
 Any one dares to say a word against him, 
 I arm myself for contest, and o'erwhelm him. 
 Then eating much and drinking plentifully, 
 I leave the house. No link-boy doth attend me; 
 But I do pick my way with stumbling steps, 
 Both dark and desolate; and if sometimes 
 I do the watchmen meet, I swear to them 
 By all the gods that I have done no wrong; 
 But still they set on me. At last, well beaten, 
 I reach my home, and go to sleep on the ground, 
 And for a while forget my blows and bruises, 
 While the strong wine retains its sway and lulls me.

And the parasite of Epicharmus makes a second speech of the same kind. And a
 parasite of Diphilus speaks thus— 
 When a rich man who gives a dinner asks me, 
 I look not at the ceiling or the cornices, 
 Nor do I criticise Corinthian chasings, 
 But keep my eyes fixed on the kitchen smoke, 
 
 And if it goes up strong and straight to heaven, 
 I joy and triumph, and I clap my wings; 
 But it be but thin and moving sidewise, 
 Then I perceive my feast too will be thin. 
 But Homer is the first person, as some say, who introduced the character
 of a parasite, saying of Podes that he was a beloved guest of Hector— 
 There stood a Trojan, not unknown to fame, 
 Eetion's son, and Podes was his name,— 
 With riches honour'd, and with courage blest, 
 By Hector loved, his comrade and his guest. 
 
 For the word εἰλαπίνη comes to the same
 thing as δεῖπνον, on which account he makes him
 wounded by Menelaus in the belly, as Demetrius the Scepsian says; as also he
 represents Pandarus as wounded in the tongue, because of his having perjured
 himself; and it is a Spartan who wounds him, one of a nation very much devoted to
 temperance.

But the ancient poets called parasites flatterers; from whom also Eupolis gave
 this title to his play, where he represents a chorus of flatterers speaking thus—
 
 But we will tell you now 
 The mode of life adopted 
 By the whole flattering band, 
 And listen ye, and learn 
 How well-bred we all are. 
 For first of all a boy, 
 Another person's slave, 
 Attends us; and we are 
 Content with very little. 
 I have two well-made garments, 
 And always have one on; 
 I hie me to the forum, 
 And when I see a man, 
 A foolish man but rich, 
 I make my way to him, 
 And if he says a word 
 I praise his wit and laugh, 
 Delighted at his jests. 
 And then we go to supper, 
 My friends and I, pursuing 
 Each different game so long 
 As we can save our money. 
 And then the parasite 
 Must show his wit and manners, 
 Or out of doors be turned. 
 And one there was, Acestor, 
 
 A branded slave, if I 
 Am bound to tell the truth, 
 And he was treated so. 
 For not one single joke 
 Did he ope his lips to utter, 
 And so the slaves expell'd 
 And pilloried the knave, 
 And gave him up to Œneus.

And Araros, in his Hymenæus, uses the word parasite, where he says— 
 Why you must be a parasite, my friend; 
 And 'tis Ischomachus who does support you. 
 And the word is constantly used among the later writers. And the verb
 παρασιτέω, to be a parasite, occurs in Plato
 the comic writer, in his Laches. For he says— 
 See how these youths do play the parasite. 
 And Alexis says that there are two kinds of parasites, in his Pilot,
 where we find this passage— 
 
 A. There are two kinds of parasites, Nausinicos: 
 The one the common one, much jested on 
 By comic writers, we, the blackfaced men 
 
 N. What is the other kind? 
 
 A. Satraps of parasites; 
 Illustrious leaders of the band; a troop 
 Whom you may call the venerable parasites; 
 Men who act well throughout their lives; 
 Knit their brows gravely, win estates and legacies. 
 Know'st thou the kind of men, and these their manners? 
 
 N. Indeed I do. 
 
 A. Each of these men have one 
 Fix'd method of proceeding, flattery; 
 And as in life, fortune makes some men great, 
 And bids the rest content themselves with little; 
 So some of us do thrive, and some do fail. 
 Do I not make the matter plain to you 
 
 N. Why if I praise you, you will ask for more.

And Timocles, in his Dracontius, hits off the parasite very neatly, and describes
 his character thus— 
 Shall I then let a man abuse the parasites? 
 No, surely, for there is no race of men 
 More useful in such matters. And if company 
 Be one of the things which makes life pass agreeably, 
 Surely a parasite does this most constantly. 
 Are you in love? he, at the shortest notice, 
 Feels the same passion. Have you any business 
 His business is at once the same as yours; 
 And he's at hand to help you as you wish; 
 Thinking that only fair to him that feeds him. 
 'Tis marvellous how he doth praise his friends— 
 
 He loves a feast where he is ask'd for nothing. 
 What man, what hero, or what god exists, 
 Who does not scorn such habits and such principles? 
 But that I mayn't detain you all the day, 
 I think that I can give you one clear proof 
 In what respect men hold a parasite; 
 For they receive the same rewards as those 
 Who at Olympia bear the palm of victory— 
 They both are fed for nothing for their virtues; 
 And wheresoe'er there is no contribution, 
 That place we ought to call the Prytaneum.

And Antiphanes, in his Twins, says— 
 For look, the parasite, if you judge aright, 
 Shares both the life and fortune of his friends. 
 There is no parasite who'd wish his friends 
 To be unfortunate; but on the contrary 
 His constant prayer will be, that all may prosper. 
 Has any one a fortune? he don't envy him; 
 He'd rather always be at hand to share it. 
 He is a genuine friend, and eke a safe one, 
 Not quarrelsome, ill-humour'd, peevish, sulky, 
 But skill'd to keep his temper. Do you mock him? 
 He laughs himself; he's amorous or mirthful, 
 Just as his friend is i' th' humour. He's a general, 
 Or valiant soldier, only let his pay 
 Be a good dinner, and he'll ask no more.

And Aristophon, in his Physician, says— 
 I wish now to inform him 
 What is my disposition. 
 If any one gives a dinner, 
 I'm always to be found, 
 So that the young men scoffing 
 Because I come in first 
 Do call me gravy soup. 
 Then if there be occasion 
 To check a drunken guest, 
 Or turn him out by force, 
 You'd think I were Antæus; 
 Or must a door be forced? 
 I butt like any ram; 
 Or would you scale a ladder? 
 I'm Capaneus, and eager 
 To climb like him to heaven. 
 Are blows to be endured? 
 A very anvil I; 
 Or Telamon or Ajax, 
 If wounds are to be given; 
 While as a beauty-hunter 
 E'en smoke itself can't beat me. 
 
 
 And in his Pythagorean he says— 
 For being hungry, and yet eating nothing, 
 He is a Tithymallus or Philippides; 
 For water-drinking he's a regular frog; 
 For eating thyme and cabbages, a snail; 
 For hating washing he's a pig; for living 
 Out in the open air, a perfect blackbird; 
 For standing cold and chattering all the day, 
 A second grasshopper; in hating oil 
 He's dust; for walking barefoot in the morning, 
 A crane; for passing sleepless nights, a bat.

And Antiphanes says in his Ancestors— 
 You know my ways; 
 That there's no pride in me, but I am just 
 Like this among my friends: a mass of iron 
 To bear their blows, a thunderbolt to give them; 
 Lightning to blind a man, the wind to move one; 
 A very halter, if one needs be choked; 
 An earthquake to heave doors from off their hinges; 
 A flea to leap quick in; a fly to come 
 And feast without a formal invitation; 
 Not to depart too soon, a perfect well. 
 I'm ready when I'm wanted, whether it be 
 To choke a man or kill him, or to prove 
 A case against him. All that others say, 
 Those things I am prepared at once to do. 
 And young men, mocking me on this account, 
 Do call me whirlwind—but for me, I care not 
 For such light jests. For to my friends I prove 
 A friend in deeds, and not in words alone. 
 But Diphilus in his Parasite, when a wedding-feast is about to take
 place, represents the parasite as speaking thus— 
 Do you not know that in the form of curse 
 These words are found, If any one do fail 
 To point the right road to a traveller, 
 To quench a fire; or if any one spoil 
 The water of a spring or well, or hinders 
 A guest upon his way when going to supper? 
 And Eubulus says in his Œdipus— 
 The man who first devised the plan of feasting 
 At other folk's expense, must sure have been 
 A gentleman of very popular manners; 
 But he who ask'd a friend or any stranger 
 To dinner, and then made him bear his share, 
 May he be banish'd, and his goods all seized.

And Diodorus of Sinope, in his Orphan Heiress, has these expressions, when
 speaking of a parasite, and they are not devoid of elegance— 
 
 I wish to show and prove beyond a doubt 
 How reputable, and how usual too, 
 This practice is; a most divine contrivance. 
 Other arts needed not the gods to teach them; 
 Wise men invented them; but Jove himself 
 Did teach his friends to live as parasites, 
 And he confessedly is king o' the gods. 
 For he does often to men's houses come, 
 And cares not whether they be rich or poor; 
 And wheresoe'er he sees a well-laid couch, 
 And well-spread table near, supplied with all 
 That's good or delicate, he sits him down, 
 And asks himself to dinner, eats and drinks, 
 And then goes home again, and pays no share. 
 And I now do the same. For when I see 
 Couches prepared, and handsome tables loaded, 
 And the door open to receive the guests, 
 I enter in at once, and make no noise, 
 But trim myself, behaving quietly, 
 To give no great annoyance to my neighbour, 
 And then, when I have well enjoy'd the whole 
 That's set before me, and when I have drunk 
 Of delicate wines enough, I home return, 
 Like friendly Jupiter. And that such a line 
 Was always thought respectable and honest, 
 I now will give you a sufficient proof. 
 This city honours Hercules exceedingly, 
 And sacrifices to him in all the boroughs, 
 And at these sacred rites it ne'er admits 
 The common men, or parasites, or beggars; 
 But out of all the citizens it picks 
 Twelve men of all the noblest families, 
 All men of property and character; 
 And then some rich men, imitating Hercules, 
 Select some parasites, not choosing those 
 Who are the wittiest men, but who know best 
 How to conciliate men's hearts with flattery; 
 So that if any one should eat a radish, 
 Or stinking shad, they'd take their oaths at once 
 That he had eaten lilies, roses, violets; 
 And that if any odious smell should rise, 
 They'd ask where you did get such lovely scents. 
 So that because these men behave so basely, 
 That which was used to be accounted honourable, 
 Is now accounted base.

And Axionicus, in his Chalcidian, says—] 
 When first I wish'd to play the parasite 
 With that Philoxenus, while youth did still 
 Raise down upon my cheeks, I learnt to bear 
 Hard blows from fists, and cups and dishes too, 
 
 And bones, so great that oftentimes I was 
 All over wounds; but still it paid me well, 
 For still the pleasure did exceed the pain. 
 And even in some sort I did esteem 
 The whole affair desirable for me. 
 Is a man quarrelsome, and eager too 
 To fight with me? I turn myself to him; 
 And all the blame which he does heap upon me, 
 I own to be deserved; and am not hurt. 
 Does any wicked man call himself good? 
 I praise that man, and earn his gratitude. 
 To day if I should eat some boiled fish 
 I do not mind eating the rest to-morrow. 
 Such is my nature and my principle. 
 But Antidotus, in his play which is entitled Protochorus, introduces a
 man resembling those who in the Museum of Claudius still practise their
 sophistries; whom it is not even creditable to remember; and he represents him
 speaking thus— 
 Stand each one in your place, and listen to me, 
 Before I write my name, and take my cloak. 
 If any question should arise to day 
 About those men who live as parasites, 
 I have at all times much esteem'd their art, 
 And from my childhood have inclined to learn it.

And among the parasites these men are commemorated by name: Tithymallus, who is
 mentioned by Alexis in his Milesian Woman, and in his Ulysses the Weaver. And in
 his Olynthians he says— 
 This is your poor man, O my darling woman; 
 This is the only class, as men do say, 
 Who can put death to flight. Accordingly 
 This Tithymallus does immortal live. 
 And Dromon in his P???altria says— 
 
 A. I was above all things ashamed when I 
 Found that I was again to have a supper 
 For which I was to give no contribution. 
 
 B. A shameful thing, indeed. Still you may see 
 Our Tithymallus on his way, more red 
 Than saffron or vermilion; and he blushes, 
 As you may guess, because he nothing pays. 
 And Timocles, in his Centaur or Dexamenus, says— 
 Calling, him Tithymallus, parasite. 
 And in his Caunians he says— 
 
 A. Will any other thing appear? Be quick, 
 For Tithymallus has return'd to life, 
 
 Who was quite dead, now that he well has boil'd 
 Eightpennyworth of lupin seed. 
 
 B. For he 
 Could not persist in starving himself, but only 
 In drinking wine at other men's expense. 
 And in his Epistles he says— 
 Alas me, how I am in love! ye gods! 
 Not Tithymallus did so long to eat, 
 Nor Cormus ever to steal another's cloak, 
 Nor Nilus to eat cakes, nor Corydus 
 To exercise his teeth at other's cost. 
 And Antiphanes says in his Etrurian— 
 
 A. For he will not assist his friends for
 nothing. 
 
 B. You say that Tithymallus will be rich, 
 For as I understand you, he will get 
 Sufficient pay, and a collection suitable 
 From those within whose doors he freely sups.

Corydus also was one of the most notorious parasites. And he is mentioned by
 Timocles, in his The Man who Rejoices at Misfortunes of others, thus— 
 To see a well-stock'd market is a treat 
 To a rich man, but torture to a poor one. 
 Accordingly once Corydus, when he 
 Had got no invitation for the day, 
 Went to buy something to take home with him. 
 And who can cease to laugh at what befel him?— 
 The man had only fourpence in his purse; 
 Gazing on tunnies, eels, crabs, rays, anchovies, 
 He bit his lips till the blood came in vain; 
 Then going round, How much is this? said he— 
 Then frighten'd at the price, he bought red herrings. 
 And Alexis, in Demetrius or Philetærus, says— 
 I fear to look at Corydus in the face, 
 Seeming so glad to dine with any one; 
 But I will not deny it; he's the same, 
 And never yet refused an invitation. 
 And in his Nurse he says— 
 This Corydus who has so often practised 
 His jokes and witticisms, wishes now 
 To be Blepæus, and he's not far wrong, 
 For mighty are the riches of Blepæus. 
 And Cratinus the younger in his Titans says— 
 Beware of Corydus the wary brassfounder; 
 Unless you make your mind up long before 
 To leave him nothing. And I warn you now 
 
 Never to eat your fish with such a man 
 As Corydus; for he's a powerful hand, 
 Brazen, unwearied, strong as fire itself. 
 But that Corydus used to cut jokes, and was fond of being laughed at for
 them, the same Alexis tells to in his Poets— 
 I have a great desire to raise a laugh, 
 And to say witty things, and gain a fame 
 Second alone to that of Corydus. 
 And Lynceus the Samian repeats several of his sayings, and asserts that
 his proper name was Eucrates. And he writes thus concerning him— Eucrates,
 who was called Corydus, when he was once feasting with some one whose house was
 in a very shabby condition, said, 'A man who sups here ought to hold up the
 house with his left hand like the Caryatides.

But Philoxenus, who was surnamed Pternocopis, when it happened to be mentioned
 that thrushes were very dear, and that too while Corydus was present, who was said
 formerly to have prostituted himself— I, said he, can
 recollect when a lark ( κόρυδος ) only cost an
 obol. (And Philoxenus too was a parasite, as Axionicus has stated in
 his Chalcidian. But the statement is thoroughly proved.) Menander too mentions him
 in his Cecryphalus, calling him Pternocopis only. And Machon the comic writer
 mentions him.—But Machon was either a Corinthian or Sicyonian by birth, living,
 however, in my own city of Alexandria; and he was the tutor of Aristophanes the
 grammarian, as far as comedy went. And he died in Alexandria, and an inscription
 to the following effect is placed upon his tomb— 
 Bring, O light dust, the conqueror's ivy wreath 
 To Machon, who shall live beyond the tomb, 
 Machon the comic poet; for you hold 
 No dirty drone, but you embrace at last 
 A worthy relic of antique renown 
 These words from the old bard himself might flow, 
 City of Cecrops; even by the Nile 
 Is found at times a plant to all the Muses dear. 
 And surely this is equivalent to a statement that he was an Alexandrian
 by birth. However that may be, Machon mentions Corydus in these terms— 
 A messmate once ask'd Eucrates (Corydus) 
 On what terms he and Ptolemy did stand. 
 I'm sure, said he, I cannot tell myself: 
 For oft he drenches me like any doctor; 
 But never gives me solid food to eat. 
 
 And Lynceus, in the second book of his treatise on Menander,
 says the men who got a reputation for saying witty things were Euclides the son of
 Smicrinus, and Philoxenus called Pternocopis. And of them Euclides did at times
 say apophthegms not unworthy of being written down and recollected but in all
 other matters he was cold and disagreeable. Bt Philoxenus did not particularly
 excel in short curt sayings, but still whatever he said, whether in the way of
 gossip, or of a bitter attack on any of his companions, or of relation of
 occurrences, was full of pleasant and witty conversation. And yet it happened that
 Euclides was not very popular, but that Philoxenus was loved and respected by
 every one.

But Alexis, in his Trophonius, mentions a certain Moschion, a parasite, calling
 him a messmate of every one, and saying— 
 Then comes Moschion, 
 Who bears the name of messmate in the world. 
 And in his Pancratiast, Alexis, giving a regular catalogue of the dinner
 hunters, says— 
 
 A. First then there was Callimedon the crab; 
 Then Cobion, and Corydus, and Cyrebion, 
 Scombrus and Semidalis. 
 
 B. Hercules! 
 This is a list of dishes, not of guests. 
 
 But Epicrates was nicknamed Cyrebion, and he was the son-in-law of
 Aeschines the orator, as Demosthenes tells us in the oration about the False
 Embassy. And Anaxandrides, in his Ulysses, mentions such epithets as these, which
 the Athenians used to affix to people out of joke; saying— 
 For ye are always mocking one another; 
 I know it well. And if a man be handsome 
 You call him Holy Marriage . . . . 
 If a man be a perfect dwarf, a mannikin, 
 You call him Drop. Is any one a dandy? 
 He is called Ololus; you know an instance. 
 Does a man walk about all fat and heavy, 
 Like Democles? you call him Gravy Soup. 
 Does any one love dirt? his name is Dust. 
 Does any one bedaub his friends with flattery? 
 
 They call him Dingey. Does one want a supper? 
 He is the fasting Cestrinus; and if 
 One casts one's eye upon a handsome youth, 
 They dub one Ceenus, or The Manager. 
 Does one in joke convey a lamb away? 
 They call one Atreus: or a ram? then Phrixus: 
 Or if you take a fleece, they name you Jason.

And he mentions Chærephon the parasite in the passage which precedes this. But
 Menander mentions him likewise in the Cecryphalus: and in his Anger he says—
 
 The man does not differ the least from Chærephon, 
 Whoever he may be. He once was ask'd to supper 
 At four o'clock, and so he early rose, 
 And measuring the shadow on the dial 
 By the moon's light, he started off and came 
 To eat his supper at the break of day. 
 And in his Drunkenness he says— 
 That witty fellow Chærephon delay'd me, 
 Saying that he should make a marriage feast 
 The twenty-second of the month, that then 
 He might dine with his friends the twenty-fourth, 
 For that the goddess's affairs were prospering. 
 And he mentions him also in his Man-woman, or the Cretan. But Timocles in
 his Letters mentions him especially as having attached himself as a parasite to
 Demotion, who was an intemperate man— 
 But Demotion was one who spared for nothing, 
 Thinking his money never could run dry, 
 But dinners gave to all who liked to come. 
 And Chærephon, that wretchedest of men, 
 Treated his house as though it were his own. 
 And yet is not this a most shameful thing, 
 To take a branded slave for a parasite 
 For he's a perfect clown, and not in want. 
 And Antiphanes says in his Scythian— 
 Let us go now to sup, just as we are, 
 Bearing our torches and our garlands with us; 
 'Twas thus that Chærephon, when supperless, 
 Used to manœuvre for an invitation. 
 And Timotheus says in his Puppy— 
 Let us start off to go to supper now, 
 'Tis one of twenty covers as he told me; 
 Though Chærephon perhaps may add himself.

And Apollodorus the Carystian, in his Priestess, says— 
 They say that Chærephon all uninvited 
 Came to the wedding feast of Ophelas, 
 
 Thrusting himself in in unheard-of fashion. 
 For carrying a basket and a garland 
 When it was dark, he said that he had come 
 By order of the bride, bringing some birds, 
 And on this pretext he did get his supper. 
 And in his Murdered Woman he says— 
 I Mars invoke, and mighty Victory, 
 To favour this my expedition. 
 I also call on Chærephon—but then 
 He's sure to come, e'en if I call him not. 
 And Machon the comic writer says— 
 Once Chærephon a lengthen'd journey took 
 Out of the city to a wedding feast, 
 And on his way met Diphilus the poet, 
 Who greeted him—"Take my advice, O Cheerephon, 
 And fasten four stout nails to your two cheeks; 
 Lest, while you shake your head in your long journey, 
 You should put both your jaws quite out of joint. 
 And in another place he says— 
 Chærephon once was purchasing some meat, 
 And when the butcher was by chance, he says, 
 Cutting him out a joint with too much bone, 
 He said, O butcher, don't weigh me that bone. 
 Says he, The meat is sweet, indeed men say 
 The meat is always sweetest near the bone. 
 But Chærephon replied, It may be sweet, 
 But still it weighs much heavier than I like. 
 And Callimachus attributes to Chærephon a certain treatise, in the list
 which he gives entitled, A Catalogue of all sorts of Things. And he writes
 thus:— Those who have written about feasts:—Chærephon in his
 Cyrebion; and then he quotes the first sentence— Since you have
 often written to me; and says that the work consisted of three hundred
 and seventy-five lines. And that Cyrebion was a parasite has been already
 mentioned.

Machon also mentions Archephon the parasie, and says— 
 There was a parasite named Archephon, 
 Who, having sail'd from Attica to Egypt, 
 Was ask'd by Ptolemy the king to supper. 
 Then many kinds of fish which cling to rocks 
 Were served up, genuine crabs, and dainty limpets; 
 And last of all appear'd a large round dish 
 With three boil'd tench of mighty size, at which 
 The guests all marvell'd; and this Archephon 
 Ate of the char, and mackerel, and mullets, 
 
 Till he could eat no longer; when he never 
 Had tasted anything before more tender 
 Than sprats and worthless smelts from the Phalerum; 
 But from the tench he carefully abstain'd. 
 And this did seem a most amazing thing, 
 So that the king inquired of Alcenor, 
 Whether the man had overlook'd the tench. 
 The hunchback said; No, quite the contrary, 
 He was the first to see them, Ptolemy, 
 But still he will not touch them, for this fish 
 Is one he holds in awe; and he's afraid 
 And thinks it quite against his country's rules 
 That he, while bringing nothing to the feast, 
 Should dare to eat a fish which has a vote.

And Alexis in his Wine-Bibber introduces Stratius the parasite as grumbling at the
 man who gives him his dinner, and speaking thus— 
 I'd better be a parasite of Pegasus, 
 Or the Boreade, or whoever else 
 Is faster still, than thus to Demeas 
 Eteobutades, the son of Laches, 
 For he is not content to walk, but flies. 
 And a little afterwards he says— 
 
 A. Oh Stratius, dost thou love me? 
 
 B. Aye, I do 
 More than my father, for he does not feed me; 
 But you do give the best of dinners daily. 
 
 A. And do you pray the gods that I may live 
 
 B. No doubt I do; for how should I myself 
 Live if misfortune happen'd unto you? 
 And Axionicus the comic poet, in his Etrurian, mentions Gryllion the
 parasite in these words— 
 They cannot now make the excuse of wine, 
 As Gryllion was always used to do. 
 And Aristodemus, in the second book of his Memoranda or Laughable Things,
 gives the following list of parasites— Sostratus the parasite of Antiochus the
 king, Evagoras the Hunchback, parasite of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and Phormio
 parasite of Seleucus. And Lynceus the Samian, in his Apophthegms, says—"Silanus
 the Athenian, when Gryllion the parasite of Menander the satrap was passing by in
 a superb robe, and accompanied by a great number of attendants, being asked who he
 was, said, He is a jaw worthy of Menander. But Chærephon the
 parasite, coming once to a wedding feast without being
 invited, and sitting down the last of all, when the gynæconomi had counted those
 who were invited, and desired him to depart as having made the number of guests to
 exceed the legitimate number of thirty, said, 'Count us over again, and begin with
 me.'

And that it was a custom for the officers called gynæconomi to superintend the banquets, and to examine into the
 number of those who had been invited, and see whether it was in accordance with
 the law, we may learn from Timocles in his Litigious Man, where he says— 
 Open the doors at once, that we may be 
 More in the light against the gynæconomus 
 Shall enter and begin to count the guests, 
 As he is bound to do by this new law, 
 A marvellous statute. It were better far 
 That he should ask who are without a dinner. 
 And Menander says in his Cecryphalus— 
 Knowing that by some new law lately passed, 
 The cooks who minister at marriage feasts 
 Have given in their names and are enroll'd 
 In the books of the gynæconomi, 
 So that they may the number learn of those 
 Who are invited, lest a man should feast 
 More than the legal number. 
 And Philochorus, in the seventh book of his history of the Affairs of
 Attica, says—The gynæconomi used, in conjunction with the judges of the Areopagus,
 to examine the parties in private houses, and at marriage feasts, and at all other
 festivals and sacrifices.

And Lynceus records the following sayings of Corydus:— Once when a courtesan
 whose name was Gnome was supping with Corydus, the wine ran short, on which he
 desired every one to contribute two obols; and said that Gnome should
 contribute whatever the people thought fit. And once when Polyctor the
 harp-player was eating lentil porridge, and had got a stone between his teeth,
 ' O you unhappy man!' said Corydus, 'even a lentil strikes you. ' 
 And perhaps he is the same person whom Machon mentions; for
 he says— 
 It seems that once a wretched harp-player, 
 Being about to build himself a house, 
 Begg'd of a friend to lend him a few stones; 
 And many more will I repay, he said, 
 When I've display'd my art to all the people. 
 And once, when somebody said to Corydus that he sometimes kissed the
 neck, and the breasts, and even the navel ( ὀμφαλὸς ) of his wife, That is very wrong, said he;
 for even Hercules went from Omphale to Hebe. And when
 Phyromachus dipped a piece of bread into some lentil porridge, and upset the dish,
 he said that it was right that he should be fined, because he did not know how to
 eat properly, though he professed to. And once, at Ptolemy's table, when a ragout
 was carried round to the guests, but was finished before it came to him— O
 Ptolemy, said he, am I drunk, or am I right in thinking that
 these dishes are carried round And when Chærephon the parasite said
 that he was unable to stand much wine, he rejoined, No, nor stand what is
 put into the wine either. And once, when at some entertainment
 Chærephon rose up from supper quite naked— O Chærephon, said he,
 you are just like a bottle, so that we can see how nearly full you
 are. And when Demosthenes received that goblet from
 Harpalus— This man, said he, who calls other men hard
 drinkers, has himself swallowed a large cup. And, as he was in the
 habit of bringing dirty loaves to supper, once, when somebody else brought some
 which were blacker still, he said, that he had not brought loaves, but the
 shades of loaves.

And Philoxenus the parasite, who was surnamed Pternocopis, once was dining with
 Python, and olives ( ἐλάαι ) were put on the table,
 and after a little while a dish of fish was brought; and he, striking the dish,
 said— 
 
 μάστιξεν δʼ ἐλαᾷν. 
 
 And once, at supper, when the man who had invited him had set loaves of
 black bread before him, he said, Do not give me too many, lest you should
 darken the room. And Pausimachus said of a certain parasite who was
 maintained by an old woman, That the man who lived with the old woman fared
 in exactly the contrary manner to the old woman her- self;
 for that he was always large. And he is the man of whom Machon writes
 in this manner:– 
 They say that Moschion the water drinker 
 Once, when he was with friends in the Lyceum, 
 Seeing a parasite who was used to live 
 Upon a rich old woman, said to him, 
 "My friend, your fate is truly marvellous; 
 For your old dame does give you a big belly." 
 And the same man, hearing of a parasite who was maintained by an old
 woman, and who lived in habits of daily intimacy with her, said— 
 Nothing is strange henceforth, she brings forth nothing, 
 But the man daily doth become big-bellied. 
 And Ptolemy, the son of Agesarchus, a native of Megalopolis, in the
 second book of his history of Philopator, says that men to dine with the king were
 collected from every city, and that they were called jesters.

And Posidonius of Apamea, in the twenty-third book of his histories, says, "The
 Celtæ, even when they make war, take about with them companions to dine with them,
 whom they call parasites. And these men celebrate their praises before large
 companies assembled together, and also to private individuals who are willing to
 listen to them: they have also a description of people called Bards, who make them
 music; and these are poets, who recite their praises with songs. And in his
 thirty-fourth book, the same writer speaks of a man whose name was Apollonius, as
 having been the parasite of Antiochus surnamed Grypus, king of Syria. And
 Aristodemus relates that Bithys, the parasite of king Lysimachus, once, when
 Lysimachus threw a wooden figure of a scorpion on his cloak, leaped up in a great
 fright; but presently, when he perceived the truth, he said, I, too, will
 frighten you, O king!—give me a talent. For Lysiachus was very stingy.
 And Agatharchides the Cnidian, in the twenty-second book of his history of Europe,
 says that Anthemocritus the pancratiast was the parasite of Aristomachus, the
 tyrant of the Argives.

And Timocles has spoken in general terms of parasites in his Boxer, when he calls
 them ἐπισίτιοι, in these words— 
 You will find here some of the parasites ( ἐπισίτιοι ) 
 Who eat at other men's tables till they burst, 
 That you might say they give themselves to athletes 
 To act as quintain sacks. 
 
 And Pherecrates, in his Old Women, says— 
 
 A. But you, my friend Smicythion, will not 
 Get your food ( ἐπισιτίζομαι ) quicker. 
 
 B. Who, I pray, is this? 
 
 A. I bring this greedy stranger everywhere, 
 As if he were my hired slave or soldier. 
 For those men are properly called ἐπισίτιοι who do any service for their keep. Plato says, in the
 fourth book of his treatise on Politics, And the ἐπισίτιοι do these things, who do not, as others do, receive any
 wages in addition to their food. And Aristophanes says, in his Storks—
 
 For if you prosecute one wicked man, 
 Twelve ἐπισίτιοι will come against you, 
 And so defeat you by their evidence. 
 And Eubulus says, in his Dædalus— 
 He wishes to remain an ἐπισίτιος 
 
 Among them, and will never ask for wages.

And Diphilus, in his Synoris (and Synoris is the name of a courtesan), mentioning
 Euripides (and Euripides is the name given to a particular throw on the dice), and
 punning on the name of the poet, says this at the same time about parasites:—
 
 
 A. You have escaped well from such a throw. 
 
 S. You are right witty. 
 
 A. Well, lay down your drachma. 
 
 S. That has been done: how shall I throw
 Euripides? 
 
 A. Euripides will never save a woman. 
 See you not how he hates them in his tragedies? 
 But he has always fancied parasites, 
 And thus he speaks, you'll easily find the place: 
 "For every rich man who does not feed 
 At least three men who give no contribution, 
 Exile deserves and everlasting ruin." 
 
 S. Where is that passage? 
 
 A. What is that to you 
 'Tis not the play, but the intent that signifies. 
 And in the amended edition of the same play, speaking of a parasite in a
 passion, he says— 
 Is then the parasite angry? is he furious? 
 Not he; he only smears with gall the table, 
 And weans himself like any child from milk. 
 And immediately afterwards he adds— 
 
 A. Then you may eat, O parasite. 
 
 B. Just see 
 
 How he disparages that useful skill. 
 
 A. Well, know you not that all men rank a
 parasite 
 Below a harp-player 
 And in the play, which is entitled The Parasite, he says— 
 A surly man should never be a parasite.

And Menander, in his Passion, speaking of a friend who had refused an invitation
 to a marriage feast, says— 
 This is to be a real friend; not one 
 Who asks, What time is dinner? as the rest do. 
 And, Why should we not all at once sit down? 
 And fishes for another invitation 
 To-morrow and next day, and then again 
 Asks if there's not a funeral feast to follow. 
 And Alexis in his Orestes, Nicostratus in his Plutus, Menander in his
 Drunkenness, and in his Lawgiver, speak in the same way; and Philonides, in his
 Buskins, says— 
 I being abstinent cannot endure 
 Such things as these. 
 
 
 But there are many other kindred nouns to the noun παράσιτος : there is ἐπίσιτος, which
 has already been mentioned; and οἰκόσιτος, and
 σιτόκουρος, and αὐτόσιτος ; and besides these, there is κακόσιτος and ὀλιγόσιτος : and
 Anaxandrides uses the word οἰκόσιτος in his
 Huntsmen— 
 A son who feeds at home ( οἰκόσιτος ) is a
 great comfort. 
 And a man is called οἰκόσιτος who serves
 the city, not for hire, but gratis. Antiphanes, in his Scythian, says— 
 The οἰκόσιτος quickly doth become 
 A regular attendant at th' assembly. 
 And Menander says, in his Ring— 
 We found a bridegroom willing to keep house ( οἰκόσιτος ) 
 At his own charges, for no dowry seeking. 
 And in his Harp-player he says— 
 You do not get your hearers there for nothing ( οἰκοσίτους ). 
 
 
 Crates uses the word ἐπισίτιος in his Deeds of
 Daring, saying— 
 He feeds his messmate ( ἐπισίτιον ) while he
 shivers thus 
 In Megabyzus' house, and he will have 
 Food for his wages. 
 And he also uses the word in a peculiar sense in his Women dining
 together, where he says— 
 It is a well-bred custom not to assemble 
 A crowd of women, nor to feast a multitude; 
 But to make a domestic ( οἰκοσίτους ) wedding
 feast. 
 
 And the word σιτόκουρος is
 used by Alexis, in his Woman sitting up all Night or the Weavers— 
 You will be but a walking bread-devourer ( σιτόκουρος ) 
 And Menander calls a man who is useless, and who lives to no purpose,
 σιτόκουρος, in his Thrasyleon, saying— 
 A lazy ever-procrastinating fellow, 
 A σιτόκουρος, miserable, useless, 
 Owning himself a burden on the earth. 
 And in his Venal People he says— 
 Wretch, you were standing at the door the while, 
 Having laid down your burden; while, for us, 
 We took the wretched σιτόκουρος in. 
 And Crobylus used the word αὐτόσιτος 
 (bringing one's own provisions), in The Man hanged— 
 A parasite αὐτόσιτος, feeding himself, 
 You do contribute much to aid your master. 
 And Eubulus has the word κακόσιτος 
 (eating badly, having no appetite), in his Ganymede— 
 Sleep nourishes him since he's no appetite ( κακόσιτος ). 
 And the word ὀλιγόσιτος (a sparing eater)
 occurs in Phrynichus, in his The solitary Man— 
 What does that sparing eater ( ὀλιγόσιτος )
 Hercules there? 
 And Pherecrates, or Strattis, in his Good Men— 
 How sparingly you eat, who in one day 
 Swallow the food of an entire trireme.

When Plutarch had said all this about parasites, Democritus, taking up the
 discourse, said, And I myself, 'like wood well-glued to wood,' as the Theban poet
 has it, will say a word about flatterers. 
 For of all men the flatterer fares best, 
 as the excellent Menander says. And there is no great difference between
 calling a man a flatterer and a parasite. Accordingly, Lynceus the Samian, in his
 Commentaries, gives the name of parasite to Cleisophus, the man who is universally
 described as the flatterer of Philip, the king of the Macedonians (but he was an
 Athenian by birth, as Satyrus the Peripatetic affirms, in his Life of Philip). And
 Lynceus says— Cleisophus, the parasite of Philip, when Philip rebuked him
 for being continually asking for something, replied, 'I am very forgetful.'
 Afterwards, when Philip had given him a wounded horse, he sold him; and when,
 after a time, the king asked him what had become of him,
 he answered, ' He was sold by that wound of his.' And when Philip laughed at
 him, and took it good-humouredly, he said, 'Is it not then worth my while to
 keep you?' And Hegesander the Delphian, in his Commentaries, makes this
 mention of Cleisophus:— When Philip the king said that writings had been
 brought to him from Cotys, king of Thrace, Cleisophus, who was present, said,
 'It is well, by the gods.' And when Philip said, But what do you know of the
 subjects mentioned in these writings?' he said, 'By the great Jupiter, you have
 reproved me with admirable judgment.'

But Satyrus, in his Life of Philip, says, When Philip lost his eye,
 Cleisophus came forth with him, with bandages on the same eye as the king; and
 again, when his leg was hurt, he came out limping, along with the king. And if
 ever Philip ate any harsh or sour food, he would contract his features, as if
 he, too, had the same taste in his mouth. But in the country of the Arabs they
 used to do these things, not out of flattery, but in obedience to some law; so
 that whenever the king had anything the matter with any one of his limbs, the
 courtiers pretended to be suffering the same inconvenience: for they think it
 ridiculous to be willing to be buried with him when he dies, but not to pay him
 the compliment of appearing to be subject to the same sufferings as he is while
 alive, if he sustains any injury. But Nicolaus of Damascus,—and he was
 one of the Peripatetic school,—in his very voluminous history (for it consisted of
 a hundred and forty-four books), in the hundred and eleventh book says, that
 Adiatomus the king of the Sotiani (and that is a Celtic tribe) had six hundred
 picked men about him, who were called by the Gauls, in their national language,
 Siloduri—which word means in Greek, Bound under a vow. And the king has
 them as companions, to live with him and to die with him; as that is the vow
 which they all take. In return for which, they also share his power, and wear
 the same dress, and eat the same food; and they die when he dies, as a matter
 of absolute necessity, if the king dies of any disease; or if he dies in war,
 or in any other manner. And no one can even say that any of them has shown any
 fear of death, or has in the least sought to evade it when the king is
 dead.

But Theopompus says, in the forty-fourth book of his 
 Histories, that Philip appointed Thrasydæus the Thessalian tyrant over all those
 of his nation, though a man who had but little intellect, but who was an egregious
 flatterer. But Arcadion the Achæan was not a flatterer, who is mentioned by the
 same Theopompus, and also by Duris in the fifth book of his History of Macedonian
 Affairs. Now this Arcadion hated Philip, and on account of this hatred voluntarily
 banished himself from his country. And he was a man of the most admirable natural
 abilities, and numbers of clever sayings of his are related. It happened then
 once, when Philip was sojourning at Delphi, that Arcadion also was there; and the
 Macedonian beheld him and called him to him, and said, How much further, O
 Arcadion, do you mean to go by way of banishment? And he replied— 
 Until I meet with men who know not Philip. 
 But Phylarchus, in the twenty-first book of his History, says that Philip
 laughed at this, and invited Arcadion to supper, and that in that way he got rid
 of his enmity. But of Nicesias the flatterer of Alexander, Hegesander gives the
 following account:— When Alexander complained of being bitten by the flies
 and was eagerly brushing them off, a man of the name of Nicesias, one of his
 flatterers who happened to be present, said, —Beyond all doubt those flies will
 be far superior to all other flies, now that they have tasted your
 blood. And the same man says that Cheirisophus also, the flatterer of
 Dionysius, when he saw Dionysius laughing with some of his acquaintances, (but he
 was some way off himself, so that he could not hear what they were laughing at,)
 laughed also. And when Dionysius asked him on what account he, who could not
 possibly hear what was said, laughed, said—I feel that confidence in you that I am
 quite sure that what has been said is worth laughing at.

His son also, the second Dionysius, had numerous flatterers, who were called by
 the common people Dionysiocolaces. And they, because Dionysius himself was not
 very sharp sighted, used to pretend while at supper not to be able to see very
 far, but they would touch whatever was near them as if they could not see it,
 until Dionysius himself guided their hands to the dishes. And when Dionysius spat,
 they would often put out their own faces for him to spit upon: and then licking off the spittle and even his vomit, they declared that
 it was sweeter than honey. And Timæus, in their twenty-second book of his
 Histories, says that Democles the flatterer of the younger Dionysius, as it was
 customary in Sicily to make a sacrifice from house to house in honour of the
 nymphs, and for men to spend the night around their statues when quite drunk, and
 to dance around the goddesses—Democles neglecting the nymphs, and saying that
 there was no use in attending to lifeless deities, went and danced before
 Dionysius. And at a subsequent time being once sent on an embassy with some
 colleagues to Dion, when they were all proceeding in a trireme, he being accused
 by the rest of behaving in a seditious manner in respect of this journey, and of
 having injured the general interests of Dionysius, when Dionysius was very
 indignant, he said that differences had arisen between himself and his colleagues,
 because after supper they took a pæan of Phrynichus or Stesichorus, and some of
 them took one of Pindar's and sang it; but he, with those who agreed with him,
 went entirely through the hymns which had been composed by Dionysius himself. And
 he undertook to bring forward undeniable proof of this assertion. For that his
 accusers were not acquainted with the modulation of those songs, but that he on
 the contrary was ready to sing them all through one after the other. And so, when
 Dionysius was pacified, Democles continued, and said, But you would do me a
 great favour, O Dionysius, if you were to order any one of those who knows it
 to teach me the paean which you composed in honour of Aesculapius; for I hear
 that you have taken great pains with that. 
 
 And once, when some friends were invited to supper by Dionysius, Dionysius coming
 into the room, said, O, my friends, letters have been sent to us from the
 generals who have been despatched to Naples; and Democles interrpting
 him, said, By the gods, they have done well, O Dionysius. And he,
 looking upon him, said, But how do you know whether what they have written
 is in accordance with my expectation or the contrary? And Democles
 replied, By the gods, you have properly rebuked me, O Dionysius. 
 Timæus also affirms that there was a man named Satyrus, who was a flatterer of
 both the Dionysii.

And Hegesander relates that Hiero the tyrant was also rather
 weak in his eyes; and that his friends who supped with him made mistakes in the
 dishes on purpose, in order to let him set them right, and to give him an
 opportunity of appearing clearer-sighted than the rest. And Hegesander says that
 Euclides, who was surnamed Seutlus, (and he too was a parasite,) once when a great
 quantity of sow-thistles ( σόγκος ) was set before
 him at a banquet, said, "Capaneus, who is introduced by Euripides in his Suppliant
 Women, was a very witty man— 
 Detesting tables where there was too much pride ( ὄγκος ). 
 But those who were the leaders of the people at Athens, says he, in the
 Chrernonidean war, flattered the Athenians, and said, that everything else
 was common to all the Greeks; but that the Athenians were the only men who knew
 the road which leads to heaven. And Satyrus, in his Lives, says that
 Anaxarchus, the Eudæmonical philosopher, was one of the flatterers of Alexander;
 and that he once, when on a journey in company with the king, when a violent and
 terrible thunderstorm took place, so as to frighten everybody, said— Was it
 you, O Alexander, son of Jupiter, who caused this? And that he laughed
 and said— Not I; for I do not wish to be formidable, as you make me out; you
 also desire me to have brought to me at supper the heads of satraps and
 kings. And Aristobulus of Cassandria says that Dioxippus the Athenian,
 a pancratiast, once when Alexander was wounded and when the blood flowed, said—
 
 'Tis ichor, such as flows from the blessed gods.

And Epicrates the Athenian, having gone on an embassy to the king, according to
 the statement of Hegesander, and having received many presents from him, was not
 ashamed to flatter the king openly and boldly, so as even to say that the best way
 was not to choose nine archons every year, but nine ambassadors to the king. But I
 wonder at the Athenians, how they allowed him to make such a speech without
 bringing him to trial, and yet fined Demades ten talents, because he thought
 Alexander a god; and they put Evagoras to death, because when he went as
 ambassador to the king he adored him. And Timon the Phliasian, in the third book
 of his Silli, says that Ariston the Chian, an acquaintance and pupil of Zeno the
 Citiean, was a flatterer of Persæus the philosopher, because
 he was a companion of Antigonus the king. But Phylarchus, in the sixth book of his
 Histories, says that Nicesias the flatterer of Alexender, when he saw the king in
 convulsions from some medicine which he had taken, said— O king, what must
 we do when even you gods suffer in this manner? and that Alexender,
 scarcely looking up, said— What sort of gods? I a afraid rather we are hated
 by the gods. And in his twenty eighth book the same Phylarchus says
 that Apollophanes was a flatterer of Antigonus who was surnamed Epitropu, who took
 Lacedæmon, and who used to say that the forte of Antigonus Alexandrized.

But Euphantus, in the fourth book of his Histories, says that Callicrates was a
 flatterer of Ptolemy, the third king of Egypt, who was so subtle a flatterer that
 he not only bore an image of Ulysses on his seal, but that he also gave his
 children the names of Telegonus and Anticlea. And Polybius, in the thirteenth book
 of his Histories says that Heraclides the Tarentine was a flatterer of the Philip
 whose power was destroyed by the Romans; and that, it was he who overturned his
 whole kingdom. And in his fourteenth book, he says that Philo was a flatterer of
 Agathocles the son of Œnanthe, and the companion of the king Ptolemy Philopator.
 And Baton of Sinope relates, in his book bout the tyranny of Hieronymus, that
 Thraso, who was surnamed Carcharus, was the flatterer of Hieronymus the tyrant of
 Syracuse, saying that he every day used to drink a great quantity of unmixed wine.
 But another flatterer, by name Osis, caused Thraso to be put to death by
 Hieronymus; ad he persuaded Hieronymus himself to assume the diadem, and the
 purple and all the rest of the royal apparel, which Dionysius the tyrant was
 accustomed to wear. And Agatharchides, in the thirtieth book of his Histories,
 says—"Hæresippus the Spartanwas a man of no moderate iniquity, not even putting on
 any appearance of goodness; but having very persuasive flattering language, and
 being a very clever man at paying court to the rich as long as their fortune
 lasted. Such also was Heraclides the Maronite, the flatterer of Seuthes the king
 of the Thracians, who is mentioned by Xenophon in the seventh book of the
 Anabasis.

But Theopompus, in the eighteenth book of his Histories, speaking of Nicostratus
 the Argive, and saying how he flattered the Persian king,
 writes as follows—"But how can we think Nicostratus the Argive anything but a
 wicked man? who, when he was president of the city of Argos, and when he had
 received all the distinctions of family, and riches, and large estates from his
 ancestors, surpassed all men in his flatteries and attentions to the king,
 outrunning not only those who bore a part in that expedition, but even all who had
 lived before; for in the first place, he was so anxious for honours from the
 barbarian, that, wishing to please him more and to be more trusted by him, he
 brought his son to the king, a thing which no one else will ever be found to have
 done. And then, every day when he was about to go to supper he had a table set
 apart, to which he gave the name of the Table of the King's Deity, loading it with
 meat and all other requisites; hearing that those who live at the doors of the
 royal palace among the Persians do the same thing, and thinking that by this
 courtier-like attention he should get more from the king. For he was exceedingly
 covetous, and not scrupulous as to the means he employed forgetting money, so that
 indeed no one was ever less so. And Lysimachus was a flatterer and the tutor of
 Attalus the king, a man whom Callimachus sets down as a Theodorean, but Hermippus
 sets him down in the list of the disciples of Theophrastus. And this man wrote
 books also about the education of Attalus, full of every kind of adulation
 imaginable. But Polybius, in the eighth book of his Histories, says,
 Cavarus the Gaul, who was in other respects a good man, was depraved by
 Sostratus the flatterer, who was a Chalcedonian by birth.

Nicolaus, in the hundred and fourteenth book of his Histories, says that
 Andromachus of Carrhæ was a flatterer of Licinius Crassus, who commanded the
 expedition against the Parthians; and that Crassus communicated all his designs to
 him, and was, in consequence, betrayed to the Parthians by him, and so destroyed.
 But Andromachus was not allowed by the deity to escape unpunished. For having
 obtained, as the reward of his conduct, the sovereignty over his native place
 Carrhæ, he behaved with such cruelty and violence that he was burnt with his whole
 family by the Carrhans. And Posidonius the Apamean, who was afterwards surnamed
 Rhodius, in the fourth book of his Histories, says that Hierax of Antioch, who
 used formerly to accompany the singers called Lysiodi on the
 flute, afterwards became a terrible flatterer of Ptolemy, seventh king of Egypt of
 that name, who was also surnamed Euergetes; and that h had the very greatest
 influence over him, as also he had with Ptolemy Philometor, though he was
 afterwards put to death by him. And Nicolaus the Peripatetic states that Sosipater
 was a flatterer of Mithridates, a man who was by trade a conjurer. And Theopompus,
 in the ninth book of his History of Grecian Affairs, says that Athenæus the
 Eretrian was a flatterer and servant of Sisyphus the tyrant of Pharsalus.

The whole populace of the Athenians, too, was very notorious for the height to
 which it pushed its flattery; accordingly, Demochares the cousin of Demosthenes
 the orator, in the twentieth book of his Histories, speaking of the flattery
 practised by the Athenians towards Demetrius Poliorcetes, and saying that he
 himself did not at all like it, writes as follows— And some of these things
 annoyed him greatly, as they well might. And, indeed, other parts of their
 conduct were utterly mean and disgraceful. They consecrated temples to Leæna
 Venus and Lamia Venus, and they erected altars and shrines as if to heroes, and
 instituted libations in honour of Burichus, and Adeimantus, and Oxythemis, his
 flatterers. And poems were sung in honour of all these people, so that even
 Demetrius himself was astonished at what they did, and said that in his time
 there was not one Athenian of a great or vigorous mind. The Thebans
 also flattered Demetrius, as Polemo relates in the treatise on the Ornamented
 Portico at Sicyon; and they, too, erected a temple to Lamia Venus. But she was one
 of Demetrius's mistresses, as also was Leæna. So that why should we wonder at the
 Athenians, who stooped even to become flatterers of flatterers, singing pæans and
 hymns to Demetrius himself? 
 Accordingly Demochares, in the twenty-first book of his Histories, says— And
 the Athenians received Demetrius when he came from Leucadia and Corcyra to
 Athens, not only with frankincense, and crowns, and libations of wine, but they
 even went out to meet him with hymns, and choruses, and ithyphalli, and dancing
 and singing, and they stood in front of him in multitudes, dancing and singing,
 and saying that he was the only true god, and that all the rest of the gods
 were either asleep, or gone away to a distance, or were no god at all. And they called him the son of Neptune and Venus, for
 he was eminent for beauty, and affable to all men with a natural courtesy and
 gentleness of manner. And they fell at his feet and addressed supplications and
 prayers to him.

Demochares, then, has said all this about the adulatory spirit and conduct of the
 Athenians. And Duris the Samian, in the twenty-second book of his Histories, has
 given the very ithyphallic hymn which they addressed to him— 
 Behold the greatest of the gods and dearest 
 Are come to this city, 
 For here Demeter and Demetrius are 
 Present in season. 
 She indeed comes to duly celebrate 
 The sacred mysteries 
 Of her most holy daughter—he is present 
 Joyful and beautiful, 
 As a god ought to be, with smiling face 
 Showering his blessings round. 
 How noble doth he look! his friends around, 
 Himself the centre. 
 His friends resemble the bright lesser stars, 
 Himself is Phœbus. 
 Hail, ever-mighty Neptune's mightier son; 
 Hail, son of Venus. 
 For other gods do at a distance keep, 
 Or have no ears, 
 Or no existence; and they heed not us— 
 But you are present, 
 Not made of wood or stone, a genuine god. 
 We pray to thee. 
 First of all give us peace, O dearest god— 
 For you are lord of peace— 
 And crush for us yourself, for you've the power, 
 'This odious Sphinx; 
 Which now destroys not Thebes alone, but Greece— 
 The whole of Greece— 
 I mean th' Aetolian, who, like her of old, 
 Sits on a rock, 
 And tears and crushes all our wretched bodies. 
 Nor can we him resist. 
 For all th' Aetolians plunder all their neighbours; 
 And now they stretch afar 
 Their lion hands; but crush them, mighty lord, 
 Or send some Œdipus 
 Who shall this Sphinx hurl down from off his precipice, 
 Or starve him justly.

This is what was sung by the nation which once fought at Marathon, and they sang
 it not only in public, but in their private houses-men who had once put a man to
 death for offering adoration to the king of Persia, ad who had slain countless
 myriads of barbarians. Therefore, Alexis, in his Apothecary or Cratevas,
 introduces a person pledging one of the guests in a cup of wine, and represents
 him as saying— 
 Boy, give a larger cup, and pour therein 
 Four cyathi of strong and friendly drink, 
 In honour of all present. Then you shall add 
 Three more for love; one for the victory, 
 The glorious victory of King Antigonus, 
 Another for the young Demetrius. 
 * * * * And presently he adds— 
 Bring a third cup in honour now of Venus, 
 The lovely Venus. Hail, my friends and guests; 
 I drink this cup to the success of all of you.

Such were the Athenians at that time, after flattery, that worst of wild beasts,
 had inspired their city with frenzy, that city which once the Pythia entitled the
 Hearth of Greece, and which Theopompus, who hated them, called the Prytaneum of
 Greece; he who said in other places that Athens was full of drunken flatterers,
 and sailors, and pickpockets, and also of false witnesses, sycophants, and false
 accusers. And it is my opinion that it was they who introduced all the flattery
 which we have been speaking of, like a storm, or other infliction, sent on men by
 the gods; concerning which Diogenes said, very elegantly— That it was much
 better to go ἐς κόρακας than ἐς κόλακας, who eat up all the good men while they
 are still alive; and, accordingly, Anaxilas says, in his Young Woman—
 
 The flatterers are worms which prey upon 
 All who have money; for they make an entrance 
 Into the heart of a good guileless man, 
 And take their seat there, and devour it, 
 Till they have drain'd it like the husk of wheat, 
 And leave the shell; and then attack some other. 
 And Plato says, in his Phædrus— Nature has mingled some pleasure
 which is not entirely inelegant in its character of a flatterer, though he is
 an odious beast, and a great injury to a state. And Theophrastus, in
 his treatise on Flattery, says that Myrtis the priest, the
 Argive, taking by the ear Cleonymus (who was a dancer and also a flatterer, and
 who often used to come and sit by him and his fellow-judges, and who was anxious
 to be seen in company with those who were thought of consideration in the city),
 and dragging him out of-the assembly, said to him in the hearing of many people,
 You shall not dance here, and you shall not hear us. And Diphilus, in his
 Marriage, says— 
 A flatterer destroys 
 By his pernicious speeches 
 Both general and prince, 
 Both private friends and states; 
 He pleases for a while, 
 But causes lasting ruin. 
 And now this evil habit 
 Has spread among the people, 
 Our courts are all diseased, 
 And all is done by favour. 
 So that the Thessalians did well who razed the city which was called
 Colaceia (Flattery), which the Melians used to inhabit, as Theopompus relates in
 the thirtieth book of his History.

But Phylarchus says, that those Athenians who settled in Lemnos were great
 flatterers, mentioning them as such in the thirteenth book of his History. For
 that they, wishing to display their gratitude to the descendants of Seleucus and
 Antiochus, because Seleucus not only delivered them when they were severely
 oppressed by Lysimachus, but also restored both their cities to them,—they, I say,
 the Athenians in Lemnos, not only erected temples to Seleucus, but also to his son
 Antiochus; and they have given to the cup, which at their feasts is offered at the
 end of the banquet, the name of the cup of Seleucus the Saviour. 
 Now some people, perverting the proper name, call this flattery ἀρέσκεια, complaisance; as Anaxandrides does in his
 Samian, where he says— 
 For flattery is now complaisance call'd. 
 But those who devote themselves to flattery are not aware that that art
 is one which flourishes only a short time. Accordingly, Alexis says in his Liar—
 
 A flatterer's life but a brief space endures, 
 For no one likes a hoary parasite. 
 
 And Clearchus the Solensian, in the first book of his Amatory
 treatises, says— No flatterer is constant in his friendship. For time
 destroys the falsehood of his pretences, and a lover is only a flatterer and a
 pretended friend on account of youth or beauty. One of the flatterers
 of Demetrius the king was Adeimantus of Lampsacus, who having built a temple in
 Thriæ, and placed statues in it, called it the temple of Phila Venus, and called
 the place itself Philæum, from Phila the mother of Demetrius; as we are told by
 Dionysius the son of Tryphon, in the tenth book of his treatise on Names.

But Clearchus the Solensian, in his book which is inscribed Gergithius, tells us
 whence the origin of the name flatterer is derived; and mentioning Gergithius
 himself, from whom the treatise has its name, he says that he was one of
 Alexander's flatterers; and he tells the story thus— That flattery debases
 the characters of the flatterers, making them apt to despise whoever they
 associate with; and a proof of this is, that they endure everything, well
 knowing what they dare do. And those who are flattered by them, being puffed up
 by their adulation, they make foolish and empty-headed, and cause them to
 believe that they, and everything belonging to them, are of a higher order than
 other people. And ten proceeding to mention a certain young man, a
 Paphian by birth, but a king by the caprice of fortune, he says—"This young man
 (and he does not mention his name) used out of his preposterous luxury to lie on a
 couch with silver feet, with a smooth Sardian carpet spread under it of the most
 expensive description. And over him was thrown a piece of purple cloth, edged with
 a scarlet fringe; and he had three pillows under his head made of the finest
 linen, and of purple colour, by which he kept himself cool. And under his feet he
 had two pillows of the kind called Dorian, of a bright crimson colour; and on all
 this he lay himself, clad in a white robe.

"And all the monarchs who have at any time reigned in Cyprus have encouraged a
 race of nobly-born flatterers as useful to them; for they are a possession very
 appropriate to tyrants. And no one ever knows them (any more the they do the
 judges of the Areopagus), either how many they are, or who they are, except that
 perhaps some of the most eminent may be known or suspected.
 And the flatterers at Salamis are divided into two classes with reference to their
 families; and it is from the flatterers in Salamis that all the rest of the
 flatterers in the other parts of Cyprus are derived; and one of these two classes
 is called the Gergini, and the other the Promalanges. Of which, the Gergini mingle
 with the people in the city, and go about as eavesdroppers and spies in the
 workshops and the market-places; and whatever they hear, they report every day to
 those who are called their Principals. But the Promalanges, being a sort of
 superior investigators, inquire more particularly into all that is reported by the
 Gergini which appears worthy of being investigated; and the way in which they
 conduct themselves to- wards every one is so artificial and gentle, that, as it
 seems to me, and as they themselves allege, the very seed of notable flatterers
 has been spread by them over all the places at a distance. Nor do they pride
 themselves slightly on their skill, because they are greatly honoured by the
 kings; but they say that one of the Gergini, being a descendant of those Trojans
 whom Teucer took as slaves, having selected them from the captives, and then
 brought and settled in Cyprus, going along-the sea-coast with a few companions,
 sailed towards Aeolis, in order to seek out and re-establish the country of his
 ancestors; and that he, taking some Mysians to himself, inhabited a city near the
 Trojan Ida, which was formerly called Gergina, from the name of the inhabitants,
 but is now called Gergitha. For some of the party being, as it seems, separated
 from this expedition, stopped in Cymæa, being by birth a Cretan race, and not from
 the Thessalian Tricca, as some have affirmed,—men whose ignorance I take to be
 beyond the skill of all the descendants of Aesculapius to cure.

There were also in this country, in the time of Glutus the Carian, women
 attaching themselves to the Queens, who were called flatterers; and a few of
 them who were left crossed the sea, and were sent for to the wives of Artabazus
 and Mentor, and instead of κολακίδες were
 called κλιμακίδες from this circumstance. By
 way of making themselves agreeable to those who had sent for them, they made a
 ladder ( κλίμακια ) of themselves, in such a
 manner that there was a way of ascending over their backs, and also a way of
 descending, for their mistresses when they drove out in chariots: to such a pitch of luxury, not to say of miserable helplessness, did
 they bring those silly women by their contrivance therefore, they themselves,
 when they were compelled by fortune to quit that very luxurious way of living,
 lived with great hardship in their old age. And the others who had received
 these habits from us, when they were deprived of their authority came to
 Macedonia; and the customs which they taught to the wives and princesses of the
 great men in that country by their association with them, it is not decent even
 to mention farther than this, that practising magic arts themselves, and being
 the objects of them when practised by others, they did not spare even the
 places of the greatest resort, but they became complete vagabonds, and the very
 scum of the streets, polluted with all sorts of abominations. Such and so great
 are the evils which seem to be engendered by flattery in the case of all people
 who admit from their own inclination and predisposition to be
 flattered.

And a little further Clearchus goes on as follows:— "But still a man may have a
 right to find fault with that young man for the way in which he used those things,
 as I have said before. For his slaves stood in short tunics a little behind the
 couch: and as there are now three men on whose account all this discussion has
 been originated, and as all these men are men who have separate names among us,
 the one sat on the couch close to his feet, letting the feet of the young man rest
 upon his knees, and covering them with a thin cloth; and what he did further is
 plain enough, even if I do not mention it. And this servant is called by the
 natives Parabystus, because he works his way into the company of those men even
 who do not willingly receive him, by the very skilful character of his flatteries.
 The second was one sitting on a certain chair which was placed close to the couch;
 and he, holding by the hand of the young mar, as he let it almost drop, and
 clinging to it, kept on rubbing it, and taking each of his fingers in turn he
 rubbed it and stretched it, so that the man appeared to have said a very with
 thing who first gave that officer the name of Sicya. The third, however,
 was the most noble of all, and was called Theer (or the wild beast), who was
 indeed the principal person of the whole body, and who stood at his master's head,
 and shared his linen pillows, lying upon them in a most
 friendly manner, And with his left hand he kept smoothing the hair of the young
 man, and with his right hand he kept moving up and down a Phocæan fan, so as to
 please him while waving it, without force enough to brush anything away. On which
 account, it appears to me, that some high-born god must have been angry with him
 and have sent a fly to attack the young man, a fly like that with whose audacity
 Homer says that Minerva inspired Menelaus, so vigorous and fearless was it in
 disposition. 
 
 So when the young man was stung, this man uttered such a loud scream in his
 behalf, and was so indignant, that on account of his hatred to one fly he
 banished the whole tribe of flies from his house: from which it is quite plain
 that he appointed this servant for this especial purpose.

But Leucon, the tyrant of Pontus, was a different kind of man, who when he knew
 that many of his friends had been plundered by one of the flatterers whom he had
 about him, perceiving that the man was calumniating some one of his remaining
 friends, said, I swear by the gods that I would kill you if a tyrannical
 government did not stand in need of bad men. And Antiphanes the comic
 writer, in his Soldier, gives a similar account of the luxury of the kings in
 Cyprus. And he represents one of them as asking a soldier these questions— 
 
 A. Tell me now, you had lived some time in
 Cyprus 
 Say you not so? 
 
 B. Yes, all the time of the war. 
 
 A. In what part most especially? tell me that. 
 
 B. In Paphos, where you should have seen the
 luxury 
 That did exist, or you could not believe it. 
 
 A. What kind of luxury? 
 
 B. The king was fann'd 
 While at his supper by young turtle-doves 
 And by nought else. 
 
 A. How mean you? never mind 
 My own affairs, but let me ask you this. 
 B. He was anointed with a luscious ointment 
 Brought up from Syria, made of some rich fruit 
 Which they do say doves love to feed upon. 
 They were attracted by the scent and flew 
 Around the royal temples; and had dared 
 To seat themselves upon the monarch's head, 
 But that the boys who sat around with sticks 
 Did keep them at a slight and easy distance. 
 
 And so they did not perch, but hover'd round, 
 Neither too far nor yet too near, still fluttering, 
 So that they raised a gentle breeze to blow 
 Not harshly on the forehead of the king.

The flatterer ( κόλαξ ) of that young man whom we
 have been speaking of must have been a μαλακοκόλαξ, (a soft flatterer,) as Clearchus says. For besides
 flattering such a man as that, he invents a regular gait and dress harmonizing
 with that of those who receive the flattery, folding his arms and wrapping himself
 up in a small cloak; on which account some men call him Paranconistes, and some
 call him a Repository of Attitudes. For really a flatterer does seem to be the
 very same person with Proteus himself. Accordingly he changes into nearly every
 sort of person, not only in form, but also in his discourse, so very varied in
 voice he is. 
 But Androcydes the physician said that flattery had its name ( κολάκεια ) from becoming glued ( ἀπὸ
 τοῦ προσκολλᾶσθαι ) to men's acquaintance. But it appears to me that
 they were named from their facility; because a flatterer will undergo anything,
 like a person who stoops down to carry another on his back, by reason of his
 natural disposition, not being annoyed at anything, however disgraceful it may
 be. 
 And a man will not be much out who calls the life of that young Cyprian a wet one.
 And Alexis says that there were many tutors and teachers of that kind of life at
 Athens, speaking thus in his Pyraunus— 
 I wish'd to try another style of life, 
 Which all men are accustom'd to call wet. 
 So walking three days in the Ceramicus, 
 I found it may be thirty skilful teachers 
 Of the aforesaid life, from one single school. 
 And Crobylus says in his Female Deserter— 
 The wetness of your life amazes me, 
 For men do call intemperance now wetness.

And Antiphanes, in his Lemnian Women, lays it down that flattery is a kind of art,
 where he says— 
 Is there, or can there be an art more pleasing, 
 Or any source of gain more sure and gainful 
 Than well-judged flattery? Why does the painter 
 Take so much pains and get so out of temper? 
 Why does the farmer undergo such risks? 
 Indeed all men are full of care and trouble. 
 But life for us is full of fun and laughter. 
 
 For where the greatest business is amusement, 
 To laugh and joke and drink full cups of wine, 
 Is not that pleasant't How can one deny? 
 'Tis the next thing to being rich oneself. 
 
 
 But Menander, in his play called the Flatterer, has given us the character of one
 as carefully and faithfully as it was possible to manage it: as also Diphilus has
 of a parasite in his Telesias. And Alexis, in his Liar, has introduced a flatterer
 speaking in the following manner— 
 By the Olympian Jove and by Minerva 
 I am a happy man. And not alone 
 Because I'm going to a wedding dinner, 
 But because I shall burst, an it please God. 
 And would that I might meet with such a death. 
 And it seems to me, my friends, that that fine epicure would not have
 scrupled to quote from the Omphale of Ion the tragedian, and to say— 
 For I must speak of a yearly feast 
 As if it came round every day.

But Hippias the Erythræan, in the second book of his Histories of his own Country,
 relating how the kingdom of Cnopus was subverted by the conduct of his flatterers,
 says this—"When Cnopus consulted the oracle about his safety, the god, in his
 answer, enjoined him to sacrifice to the crafty Mercury. And when, after that, he
 went to Delphi, they who were anxious to put an end to his kingly power in order
 to establish an oligarchy instead of it, (and those who wished this were Ortyges,
 and Irus, and Echarus, who, because they were most conspicuous in paying court to
 the princes, were called adorers and flatterers,) they, I say, being on a voyage
 in company with Cnopus, when they were at a distance from land, bound Cnopus and
 threw him into the sea; and then they sailed to Chios, and getting a force from
 the tyrants there, Amphiclus and Polytechnus, they sailed by night to Erythræ, and
 just at the same time the corpse of Cnopus was washed up on the sea-shore at
 Erythræ, at a place which is now called Leopodon. And while Cleonice, the wife of
 Cnopus, was busied about the offices due to the corpse, (and it was the time of
 the festival and assembly instituted in honour of Diana Stophea,) on a sudden
 there is heard the noise of a trumpet; and the city is taken by Ortyges and his
 troops, and many of the friends of Cnopus are put to death; and Cleonice, hearing
 what had happened, fled to Colophon.

But Ortyges and his companions, establishing themselves as tyrants, and
 having possessed themselves of the supreme power in Chios, destroyed all who
 opposed their proceedings, and they subverted the laws, and themselves managed
 the whole of the affairs of the state, admitting none of the popular party
 within the walls. And they established a court of justice outside the walls,
 before the gates; and there they tried all actions, sitting as judges, clothed
 in purple cloaks, and in tunics with purple borders, and they wore sandals with
 many slits in them during the hot weather; but in winter they always walked
 about in women's shoes; and they let their hair grow, and took great care of it
 so as to have ringlets, dividing it on the top of their head with fillets of
 yellow and purple. And they wore ornaments of solid gold, like women, and they
 compelled some of the citizens to carry their litters, and some to act as
 lictors to them, and some to sweep the roads. And they sent for the sons of
 some of the citizens to their parties when they supped together; and some they
 ordered to bring their own wives and daughters within. And on those who
 disobeyed they inflicted the most extreme punishment. And if any one of their
 companions died, then collecting the citizens with their wives and children,
 they compelled them by violence to utter lamentations over the dead, and to
 beat their breasts, and to cry out shrilly and loudly with their voices, a man
 with a scourge standing over them, who compelled them to do so—until Hippotes,
 the brother of Cnopus, coming to Erythræ with an army at the time of a
 festival, the people of Erythræ assisting him, set upon the tyrants, and having
 punished a great many of their companions, slew Ortyges in his flight, and all
 who were with him, and treated their wives and children with the very extremity
 of ill-usage, and delivered his country.

Now from all this we may understand, my friends, of how many evils flattery is the
 cause in human life. For Theopompus, in the nineteenth book of his history of the
 Transactions of Philip, says, Agathocles was a slave, and one of the
 Penestee in Thessaly, and as he had great influence with Philip by reason of
 his flattery of him, and because he was constantly at his entertainments
 dancing and making him laugh, Philip sent him to destroy the Perrhæbi, and to
 govern all that part of the country. And the Macedonian constantly had this kind of people about him, with whom he associated
 the greater part of his time, because of their fondness for drinking and
 buffoonery, and in their company he used to deliberate on the most important
 affairs. And Hegesander the Delphian gives a similar account of him,
 and relates how he sent a large sum of money to the men who are assembled at
 Athens at the temple of Hercules in Diomea, and who say laughable things; and he
 ordered some men to write down all that was said by them, and to send it to him.
 And Theopompus, in the twenty-sixth book of his History, says that Philip
 knowing that the Thessalians were an intemperate race, and very profligate in
 their way of living, prepared some entertainments for them, and endeavoured in
 every possible manner to make himself agreeable to them. For he danced and
 revelled, and practised every kind of intemperance and debauchery. And he was
 by nature a buffoon, and got drunk every day, and he delighted in those
 occupations which are consistent with such practices, and with those who are
 called witty men, who say and do things to provoke laughter. And he attached
 numbers of the Thessalians who were intimate with him to himself, still more by
 his entertainments than by his presents. And Dionysius the Sicilian
 used to do very nearly the same thing, as Eubulus the comic poet tells us in his
 play entitled Dionysius;— 
 But he is harsh and rigorous to the solemn, 
 But most good-humour'd to all flatterers, 
 And all who jest with freedom. For he thinks 
 Those men alone are free, though slaves they be.

And indeed Dionysius was not the only person who encouraged and received those who
 had squandered their estates on drunkenness and gambling and all such debauchery
 as that, for Philip also did the same. And Theopompus speaks of such of them in
 the forty-ninth book of his History, where he writes as follows:— Philip
 kept at a distance all men who were well regulated in their conduct and who
 took care of their property; but the extravagant and those who lived in
 gambling and drunkenness he praised and honoured. And therefore he not only
 took care that they should always have such amusements, but he encouraged them
 to devote themselves to all sorts of injustice and debauchery besides. For what
 disgraceful or iniquitous practices were there to which 
 these men were strangers, or what virtuous or respectable habits were there
 which they did not shun? Did they not at all times go about shaven and
 carefully made smooth, though they were men? And did not they endeavour to
 misuse one another though they had beards? And they used to go about attended
 by two or three lovers at a time; and they expected no complaisance from others
 which they were not prepared to exhibit themselves. On which account a man
 might very reasonably have thought them not ἑταῖροι but ἑταῖραι, and one
 might have called them not soldiers, but prostitutes. For though they were
 ἀνδροφόνοι by profession, they were ἀνδρόπορνοι by practice. And in addition to all this,
 instead of loving sobriety, they loved drunkenness; and instead of living
 respectably they sought every opportunity of robbing and murdering; and as for
 speaking the truth, and adhering to their agreements, they thought that conduct
 quite inconsistent with their characters; but to perjure themselves and cheat,
 they thought the most venerable behaviour possible. And they disregarded what
 they had, but they longed for what they had not; and this too, though a great
 part of Europe belonged to them. For I think that the companions of Philip, who
 did not at that time amount to a greater number than eight hundred, had
 possession so far as to enjoy the fruits of more land than any ten thousand
 Greeks, who had the most fertile and large estates. And he makes a very
 similar statement about Dionysius, in his twenty-first book, when he says,
 Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily encouraged above all others those who
 squandered their property in drunkenness and gambling and intemperance of that
 sort. For he wished every one to become ruined and ready for any iniquity, and
 all such people he treated with favour and distinction.

And Demetrius Poliorcetes was a man very fond of mirth, as Phylarchus relates in
 the tenth book of his History. But in the fourteenth book he writes as
 follows:— Demetrius used to allow men to flatter him at his banquets, and
 to pour libations in his honour, calling him Demetrius the only king, and
 Ptolemy only the prefect of the flee, and Lysimachus only a steward, and
 Seleucus only a superintendent of elephants, and in this way he incurred no
 small amount of hatred. And Herodotus states that Amasis the king of the Egyptians was always a man full of tricks, and one
 who was used to turn his fellow feasters into ridicule; and when he was a private
 man he says he was very fond of feasting and of jesting, and he was not at all a
 serious man. And Nicolaus, in the twenty-seventh book of his History, says that
 Sylla the Roman general was so fond of mimics and buffoons, being a man very much
 addicted to amusement, that he gave such men several portions of the public land.
 And the satyric comedies which he wrote himself in his native language, show of
 how merry and jovial a temperament he was in this way.

And Theophrastus, in his treatise on Comedy, tells us that the Tirynthians, being
 people addicted to amusement, and utterly useless for all serious business, betook
 themselves once to the oracle at Delphi in hopes to be relieved from some calamity
 or other. And that the God answered them, That if they sacrificed a bull to
 Neptune and threw it into the sea without once laughing, the evil would
 cease. And they, fearing lest they should make a blunder in obeying the
 oracle, forbade any of the boys to be present at the sacrifice; however, one boy,
 hearing of what was going to be done, mingled with the crowd, and then when they
 hooted him and drove him away, Why, said he, are you afraid
 lest I should spoil your sacrifice? and when they laughed at this
 question of his, they perceived that the god meant to show them by a fact that an
 inveterate custom cannot be remedied. And Sosicrates, in the first book of his
 History of Crete, says that the Phæstians have a certain peculiarity, for that
 they seem to practise saying ridiculous things from their earliest childhood; on
 which account it has often happened to them to say very reasonable and witty
 things because of their early habituation: and therefore all the Cretans attribute
 to them preeminence in the accomplishment of raising a laugh.

But after flattery, Anaxandrides the comic poet gives the next place to
 ostentation, in his Apothecary Prophet, speaking thus— 
 Do you reproach me that I'm ostentatious? 
 Why should you do so? for this quality 
 Is far beyond all others, only flattery 
 Excepted: that indeed is best of all. 
 
 And Antiphanes speaks of what he calls a psomocolax, a
 flatterer for morsels of bread, in his Gerytades, when he says— 
 You are call'd a whisperer and psomocolax. 
 And Sannyrion says— 
 What will become of you, you cursed psomocolaces. 
 And Philemon says in his Woman made young again— 
 The man is a psomocolax. 
 And Philippides says in his Renovation— 
 Always contending and ψωμοκολακεύων. 
 
 But the word κόλαξ especially applies to
 these parasitical flatterers; for κόλον means
 food, from which come the words βουκόλος, and
 δύσκολος, which means difficult to be pleased
 and squeamish. And the word κοιλία means that part
 of the body which receives the food, that is to say, the stomach. Diphilus also
 uses the word ψωμοκόλαφος in his Theseus, saying—
 
 They call you a runaway ψωμοκόλαφος.

When Democritus had made this speech, and had asked for some drink in a
 narrow-necked sabrias, Ulpian said, And what is this sabrias? And just as
 Democritus was beginning to treat us all to a number of interminable stories, in
 came a troop of servants bringing in everything requisite for eating. Concerning
 whom Democritus, continuing his discourse, spoke as follows:—I have always, O my
 friends, marvelled at the race of slaves, considering how abstemious they are,
 though placed in the middle of such numbers of dainties; for they pass them by,
 not only out of fear, but also because they are taught to do so; I do not mean
 being taught in the Slave-teacher of Pherecrates, but by early habituation; and
 without its being necessary to utter any express prohibition respecting such
 matters to them, as in the island of Cos, when the citizens sacrifice to Juno. For
 Macareus says, in his third book of his treatise on Coan Affairs, that, when the
 Coans sacrifice to Juno, no slave is allowed to enter the temple, nor does any
 slave taste any one of the things which are prepared for the sacrifice. And
 Antiphanes, in his Dyspratus, says— 
 
 'Tis hard to see around one savoury cakes, 
 And delicate birds half eaten; yet the slaves 
 Are not allow'd to eat the fragments even, 
 As say the women. 
 And Epicrates, in his Dyspratus, introduces a servant expressing his
 indignation, and saying— 
 What can be worse than, while the guests are drinking, 
 To hear the constant cry of, Here, boy, here! 
 And this that one may bear a chamberpot 
 To some vain beardless youth; and see around 
 Half eaten savoury cakes, and delicate birds, 
 Whose very fragments are forbidden strictly 
 To all the slaves—at least the women say so; 
 And him who drinks a cup men call a belly-god; 
 And if he tastes a mouthful of solid food 
 They call him greedy glutton: 
 from the comparison of which iambics, it is very plain that Epicrates
 borrowed Antiphanes's lines, and transferred them to his own play.

And Dieuchidas says, in his history of the Affairs of Megara— Around the
 islands called Arææ (and they are between Cnidos and Syme) a difference arose,
 after the death of Triopas, among those who had set out with him on his
 expedition, and some returned home, and others remained with Phorbas, and came
 to Ialysus, and others proceeded with Periergus, and occupied the district of
 Cameris. And on this it is said that Periergus uttered curses against Phorbas,
 and on this account the islands were called Arææ. But Phorbas having met with
 shipwreck, he and Parthenia, the sister of Phorbas and Periergus, swam ashore
 to Ialysus, at the point called Schedia. And Thamneus met with them, as he
 happened to be hunting near Schedia, and took them to his own house, intending
 to receive them hospitably, and sent on a servant as a messenger to tell his
 wife to prepare everything necessary, as he was bringing home strangers. But
 when he came to his house and found nothing prepared, he himself put corn into
 a mill, and everything else that was requisite, and then ground it himself and
 feasted them. And Phorbas was so delighted with this hospitality, that when he
 was dying himself he charged his friends to take care that his funeral rites
 should be performed by free men. And so this custom continued to prevail in the
 sacrifice of Phorbas, for 
 none but free men minister at this sacrifice. And it is
 accounted profanation for any slave to approach it

And since among the different questions proposed by Ulpian, there is this one
 about the slaves, let us now ourselves recapitulate a few things which we have to
 say on the subject, remembering what we have in former times read about it. For
 Pherecrates, in his Boors, says— 
 For no one then had any Manes, no, 
 Nor home-born slaves; but the free women themselves 
 Did work at everything within the house. 
 And so at morn they ground the corn for bread, 
 Till all the streets resounded with the mills. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Anchises, says— 
 There is not anywhere, my friend, a state 
 Of none but slaves; but fortune regulates 
 And changes at its will th' estates of men. 
 Many there are who are not free to day, 
 But will to-morrow free-men be of Sunium, 
 And the day after public orators; 
 For so the deity guides each man's helm.

And Posidonius, the stoic philosopher, says in the eleventh book of his History,
 "That many men, who are unable to govern themselves, by reason of the weakness of
 their intellect, give themselves up to the guidance of those who are wiser than
 themselves, in order that receiving from them care and advice, and assistance in
 necessary matters, they may in their turn requite them with such services as they
 are able to render. And in this manner the Mariandyni became subject to the people
 of Heraclea, promising to act as their subjects for ever, if they would supply
 them with what they stood in need of; having made an agreement beforehand, that
 none of them would sell anything out of the territory of Heraclea, but that they
 would sell in that district alone. And perhaps it is on this account that
 Euphorion the epic poet called the Mariandyni Bringers of Gifts, saying— 
 And they may well be call'd Bringers of Gifts, 
 Fearing the stern dominion of their kings. 
 And Callistratus the Aristophanean says that "they called the Mariandyni
 δωροφόροι, by that appellation tang away
 whatever there is bitter in the name of servants, just as the 
 Spartans did in respect of the Helots, the Thessalians in the case of the Penestæ,
 and the Cretans with the Clarotæ. But the Cretans call those servants who are in
 their houses Chrysoneti, and
 those whose work lies in the fields Amphamiotæ, being natives of the country, but
 people who have been enslaved by the chance of war; but they also call the same
 people Clarotæ, because they have been distributed among their masters by lot. 
 And Ephorus, in the third book of his Histories, The Cretans call their
 slaves Clarotæ, because lots have been drawn for them; and these slaves have
 some regularly recurring festivals in Cydonia, during which no freemen enter
 the city, but the slaves are the masters of everything, and have the right even
 to scourge the freemen. But Sosicrates, in the second book of his
 History of Cretan Affairs, says, "The Cretans call public servitude μνοία, but the private slaves they call aphamiotæ; and
 the periœci, or people who live in the adjacent districts, they call subjects. And
 Dosiadas gives a very similar account in the fourth book of his history of Cretan
 Affairs.

But the Thessalians call those Penestæ who were not born slaves, but who have been
 taken prisoners in war. And Theopompus the comic poet, misapplying the word, says—
 
 The wrinkled counsellors of a Penestan master. 
 And Philocrates, in the second book of his history of the Affairs of
 Thessaly, if at least the work attributed to him is genuine, says that the Penestæ
 are also called Thessalœcetæ, or servants of the Thessalians. And Archemachus, in
 the third book of his history of the Affairs of Eubœa, says, "When the Bœotians
 had founded Arnæa, those of them who did not return to Bœotia, but who took a
 fancy to their new country, gave themselves up to the Thessalians by agreement, to
 be their slaves; on condition that they should not take them out of the country,
 nor put them to death, but that they should cultivate the country for them, and
 pay them a yearly revenue for it. These men, therefore, abiding by their
 agreement, and giving themselves up to the Thessalians, were called at that time
 Menestæ; but now they are called Penestæ; and many of them
 are richer than their masters. And Euri- pides, in his Phrixus, calls them
 latriæ, in these words— 
 
 λάτρις πενέστης ἁμὸς ἀρχαίων δόμων.

And Timæus of Tauromenium, in the ninth book of his Histories, says, It was
 not a national custom among the Greeks in former times to be waited on by
 purchased slaves; and he proceeds to say, And altogether they
 accused totle of having departed from the Locrian customs; said that it was not
 customary among the Locrians, nor among the Phocians, touse either
 maid-servants or house- servants till very lately. But the wife of Philomelus,
 who took Delphi, was the first woman who had two maids to follow her. And in a
 similar manner Mnason, the com- panion of Aristotle, was much reproached among
 the Pho- cians, for having purchased a thousand slaves; for they said that he
 was depriving that number of citizens of their neces- sary subsistence: for
 that it was a custom in their houses for the younger men to minister to the
 elder.

And Plato, in the sixth book of the Laws, says,—"The whole question about servants
 is full of difficulty; for of all the Greeks, the system of the Helots among the
 Lacedæ- monians causes the greatest perplexity and dispute, some people affirming
 that it is a wise institution, and some con- sidering it as of a very opposite
 character. But the system of slavery among the people of Heraclea would cause less
 dis- pute than the subject condition of the Mariandyni; and so too would the
 condition of the Thessalian Penestæ. And if we con- sider all these things, what
 ought we to do with respect to the acquisition of servants? For there is nothing
 sound in the feelings of slaves; nor ought a prudent man to trust them in anything
 of importance. And the wisest of all poets says— 
 Jove fix'd it certain that whatever day 
 Makes man a slave, takes half his worth away. 
 And it has been frequently shown by facts, that a slave in an
 objectionable and perilous possession; especially in the fre- quent revolts of the
 Messenians, and in the case of those cities which have many slaves, speaking
 different languages, in which many evils arise from that circumstance. And also we
 may come to the same conclusion from the exploits and sufferings of all sorts of
 robbers, who infest the Italian coasts as piratical
 vagabonds. And if any one considers all these cir- cumstances, he may well doubt
 what course ought to be pursued with respect to all these people. Two remedies now
 are left to us—either never to allow, for the future, any person's slaves to be
 one another's fellow-countrymen, and, as far as possible, to prevent their even
 speaking the same language: and he should also keep them well, not only for their
 sake, but still more for his own; and he should behave towards them with as little
 insolence as possible. But it is right to chastise them with justice; not
 admonishing them as if they were free men, so as to make them arrogant: and every
 word which we address to slaves ought to be, in some sort, a command. And a man
 ought never to play at all with his slaves, or jest with them, whether they be
 male or female. And as to the very foolish way in which many people treat their
 slaves, allowing them great indulgence and great licence, they only make
 everything more difficult for both parties: they make obedience harder for the one
 to practise, and authority harder for the others to exercise.

Now of all the Greeks, I conceive that the Chians were the first people who used
 slaves purchased with money, as is related by Theopompus, in the seventeenth book
 of his Histories; where he says,— The Chians were the first of the Greeks,
 after the Thessalians and Lacedæmonians, who used slaves. But they did not
 acquire them in the same manner as those others did; for the Lacedæmonians and
 the Thessalians will be found to have derived their slaves from Greek tribes,
 who formerly inhabited the country which they now possess: the one having
 Achean slaves, but the Thessalians having Perrhæbian and Magnesian slaves; and
 the one nation called their slaves Helots, and the others called them Penestæ.
 But the Chians have barbarian slaves, and they have bought them at a
 price. Theopompus, then, has given this account. But I think that, on
 this account, the Deity was angry with the Chians; for at a subsequent period they
 were subdued by their slaves. Accordingly, Nymphodorus the Syracusan, in his
 Voyage along the Coast of Asia, gives this account of them:—"The slaves of the
 Chians deserted them, and escaped to the mountains; and then, collecting in great
 numbers, ravaged the country-houses about; for the island is very rugged, and much
 overgrown with trees. But, a little before our time, the
 Chians themselves relate, that one of their slaves deserted, and took up his
 habitation in the mountains; and, being a man of great courage and very prosperus
 in his warlike undertakings, he assumed the command o the runaway slaves, as a
 king would take the command of an army; and though the Chians often made
 expeditions against him, they were able to effect nothing. And when Drimacus (for
 that was the name of this runaway slave) found that they were being destroyed,
 without being able to effect anything, he addressed them in this language: 'O
 Chians! you who are the masters, this treatment which you are now receiving from
 your servants will never cease; for how should it cease, when it is God who causes
 it, in accordance with the prediction of the oracle? But if you will be guided by
 me, and if you will leave us in peace, then I will be the originator of much good
 fortune to you.'

"Accordingly, the Chians, having entered into a treaty with him, and having made a
 truce for a certain time, Drimacus prepares measures and weights, and a private
 seal for himself; and, throwing it to the Chians, he said, Whatever I take from
 any one of you, I shall take according to these measures and these weights; and
 when I have taken enough, I will then leave the storehouses, having sealed them up
 with this seal. And as to all the slaves who desert from you, I will inquire what
 cause of complaint they have; and if they seem to me to have been really subject
 to any incurable oppression, which has been the reason of their running away, I
 will retain them with me; but if they have no sufficient or reasonable ground to
 allege, I will send them back to their masters.' Accordingly, the rest of the
 slaves, seeing that the Chians agreed to this state of things, very
 good-humouredly did not desert nearly so much for the future, fearing the judgment
 which Drimacus might pass upon them And the runaways who were with him feared him
 a great deal more than they did their own masters, and did everything that he
 required, obeying him as their general; for he punished the refractory with great
 severity: and he permitted no one to ravage the land, nor to commit any other
 crime of any sort, without his consent. And at the time of festivals, he went
 about, and took from the fields wine, and such animals for victims as were in good
 condition, and whatever else the masters were inclined or
 able to give him; and if he per- ceived that any one was intriguing against him,
 or laying any plot to injure him or overthrow his power, he chastised him.

Then (for the city had made a proclamation, that it would give a great
 reward to any one who took him prisoner, or who brought in his head,) this
 Drimacus, as he became older, calling one of his most intimate friends into a
 certain place, says to him, 'You know that I have loved you above all men, and
 you are to me as my child and my son, and as everything else. I now have lived
 long enough, but you are young and just in the prime of life. What, then, are
 we to do? You must show yourself a wise and brave man; for, since the city of
 the Chians offers a great reward to any one who shall kill me, and also
 promises him his freedom, you must cut off my head, and carry it to Chios, and
 receive the money which they offer, and so be prosperous.' But when the young
 man refused, he at last persuaded him to do so; and so he cut off his head, and
 took it to the Chians, and received from them the rewards which they had
 offered by proclamation: and, having buried the corpse of Drimacus, he departed
 to his own country. And the Chians, being again injured and plundered by their
 slaves, remembering the moderation of him who was dead, erected a Heroum in
 their country, and called it the shrine of the GENTLE HERO. And even now the
 runaway slaves bring to that shrine the first-fruits of all the plunder they
 get; and they say that Drimacus still appears to many of the Chians in their
 sleep, and informs them beforehand of the stratagems of their slaves who are
 plotting against them: and to whomsoever he appears, they come to that place,
 and sacrifice to him, where this shrine is.

Nymphodorus, then, has given this account; but in many copies of his history, I
 have found that Drimachus is not mentioned by name. But I do not imagine that any
 one of you is ignorant, either of what the prince of all historians, Herodotus,
 has related of the Chian Panionium, and of what he justly suffered who castrated
 free boys and sold them. But Nicolaus the Peripatetic, and Posidonius the Stoic,
 in their Histories, both state that the Chians were enslaved by Mithridates, the
 tyrant of Cappadocia; and were given up by him, bound, to their own slaves, for
 the purpose of being transported into the land of the
 Colchians,—so really angry with them was the Deity, as being the first people who
 used purchased slaves, while most other nations provided for themselves by their
 own industry. And, perhaps, this s what the proverb originated in, A Chian
 bought a master, which is used by Eupolis, in his Friends.

But the Athenians, having a prudent regard to the condition of their slaves, made
 a law that there should be a γραφὴ ὕβρεως, even
 against men who ill treated their slaves. Accordingly, Hyperides, the orator, in
 his speech against Mnesitheus, on a charge of αἰκία, says, They made these laws not only for the protection
 of freemen, but they enacted also, that even if any one personally ill treated
 a slave, there should be a power of preferring an indictment against him who
 had done so. And Lycurgus made a similar statement, in his first speech
 against Lycophron; and so did Demosthenes, in his oration against Midias. And
 Malacus, in his Annals of the Siphnians, relates that some slaves of the Samians
 colonized Ephesus, being a thousand men in number; who in the first instance
 revolted against their masters, and fled to the mountain which is in the island,
 and from thence did great injury to the Samians. But, in the sixth year after
 these occurrences, the Samians, by the advice of an oracle, made a treaty with the
 slaves, on certain agreements; and the slaves were allowed to depart uninjured
 from the island; and, sailing away, they occupied Ephesus, and the Ephesians are
 descended from these ancestors.

But Chrysippus says that there is a difference between a δοῦλος and οἰκέτης ; and he draws the
 distinction in the second book of his treatise on Similarity of Meaning, because
 he says that those who have been emancipated are still δοῦλοι, but that the term οἰκέτης is
 confined to those who are not discharged from servitude; for the οἰκέτης, says he is a δοῦλος, being actually at the time the property of a mast the
 following are called δοῦλοι, as Clitarchus
 treatise on Dialects: ἄζοι, 
 and θεράποντες, 
 and ἀκόλουθοι, 
 
 and διάκονοι, 
 and ὑπήρετα 
 and also πάλμονες and λάτρεις. 
 And Amerias says, that the slaves who are employed about the
 fields are called ἕρκιται. And Hermon, in his
 treatise on the Cretan Dialects, says that slaves of noble birth are called
 μνῶτες. And Seleucus says, that both men and
 maid servants are called ἄζοι ; and that a female
 slave is often called ἀποφράση and βολίζη ; and that a slave who is the son of a slave is
 called σίνδρων ; and that ἀμφιπόλος is a name properly belonging to a female slave who is
 about her mistress's person, and that a πρόπολος 
 is one who walks before her mistress. 
 But Proxenus, in the second book of his treatise on the Lacedæmonian Constitution,
 says that female servants are called among the Lacedæmonians, Chalcides. But Ion
 of Chios, in his Laertes, uses the word οἰκέτης as
 synonymous with δοῦλος, and says— 
 Alas, O servant, go on wings and close 
 The house lest any man should enter in. 
 And Achæus, in his Omphale, speaking of the Satyr, says— 
 How rich in slaves ( εὔδουλος ) and how well
 housed he was ( εὔοικος ); 
 using, however, in my opinion, the words εὔδουλος and εὔοικος in a peculiar
 sense, as meaning rather, good to his slaves and servants, taking εὔοικος from οἰκέτης. 
 And it is generally understood that an οἰκέτης is
 a servant whose business is confined to the house, and that it is possible he may
 be a freeborn man.

But the poets of the old comedy, speaking of the old-fashioned way of life, and
 asserting that in olden time there was no great use of slaves, speak in this way.
 Cratinus, in his Pluti, says— 
 As for those men, those heroes old, 
 Who lived in Saturn's time, 
 When men did play at dice with loaves, 
 And Aeginetan cakes 
 Of barley well and brownly baked 
 Were roll'd down before men 
 Who did in the palæstra toil, 
 Full of hard lumps of dough . . . . 
 
 And Crates says, in his Beasts— 
 
 A. Then no one shall possess or own 
 One male or female slave, 
 But shall himself, though ne'er so old, 
 Labour for all his needs. 
 
 B. Not so, for I will quickly make 
 These matters all come right. 
 
 A. And what will your plans do for us? 
 
 B. Why everything you call for 
 Should of its own accord come forth, 
 As if now you should say, 
 O table, lay yourself for dinner, 
 And spread a cloth upon you. 
 You kneading-trough, prepare some dough; 
 You cyathus, pour forth wine; 
 Where is the cup? come hither, cup, 
 And empt and wash yourself. 
 Come up, O cake. You sir, you dish, 
 Here, bring me up some beetroot. 
 Come hither, fish. "I can't, for I 
 Am raw on t' other side." 
 Well, turn round then and baste yourself 
 With oil and melted butter. 
 And immediately after this the man who takes up the opposite side of the
 argument says— 
 But argue thus: I on the other hand 
 Shall first of all bring water for the hot baths 
 On columns raised as through the Pæonium 
 
 Down to the sea, so that the stream shall flow 
 Direct to every private person's bath. 
 Then he shall speak and check the flowing water. 
 Then too an alabaster box of ointment 
 Shall of its own accord approach the bather, 
 And sponges suitable, and also slippers.

And Teleclides puts it better than the man whom I have just quoted, in his
 Amphictyons, where he says— 
 I will tell you now the life 
 Which I have prepared for men. 
 First of all the lovely Peace 
 Everywhere was always by, 
 Like spring water which is poured 
 O'er the hands of feasted guests. 
 The earth produced no cause for fear, 
 No pains and no diseases. 
 
 And everything a man could want 
 Came forth unask'd for to him. 
 The streams all ran with rosy wine, 
 And barley-cakes did fight 
 With wheaten loaves which first could reach 
 A hungry man's open mouth. 
 And each entreated to be eaten; 
 If men loved dainty whiteness. 
 Fish too came straight unto men's doors, 
 And fried themselves all ready, 
 Dish'd themselves up, and stood before 
 The guests upon the tables. 
 A stream of soup did flow along 
 In front of all the couches, 
 Rolling down lumps of smoking meat; 
 And rivulets of white sauce 
 Brought to all such as chose to eat 
 The sweetest forced-meat balls. 
 So that there was no lack, but all 
 Did eat whate'er they wanted. 
 Dishes there were of boil'd meat too, 
 And sausages likewise and pasties; 
 And roasted thrushes and rissoles 
 Flew down men's throats spontaneously. 
 Then there were sounds of cheesecakes too 
 Crush'd in men's hungry jaws: 
 While the boys play'd with dainty bits 
 Of tripe, and paunch, and liver. 
 No wonder men did on such fare 
 Get stout and strong as giants.

And in the name of Ceres, my companions, if these things went on in this way, I
 should like to know what need we should have of servants. But the ancients,
 accustoming us to provide for ourselves, instructed us by their actions while they
 feasted us in words. But I, in order to show you in what manner succeeding poets
 (since the most admirable Cratinus brandished the before-cited verses like a
 torch) imitated and amplified them, have quoted these plays in the order in which
 they were exhibited. And if I do not annoy you, (for as for the Cynics I do not
 care the least bit for them,) I will quote to you some sentences from the other
 poets, taking them also in regular order; one of which is that strictest Atticist
 of all, namely, Pherecrates; who in his Miners says— 
 
 A. But all those things were heap'd in confusion 
 By o'ergrown wealth, abounding altogether 
 
 In every kind of luxury. There were rivers 
 With tender pulse and blackest soup o'erflowing, 
 Which ran down brawling through the narrow dishes, 
 Bearing the crusts and spoons away in the flood. 
 Then there were dainty closely kneaded cakes; 
 So that the food, both luscious and abundant, 
 Descended to the gullets of the dead. 
 There were black-puddings and large boiling slices 
 Of well-mix'd sausages, which hiss'd within 
 The smoking streamlet in the stead of oysters. 
 There too were cutlets of broil'd fish well season'd 
 With sauce of every kind, and cook, and country. 
 There were huge legs of pork, most tender meat, 
 Loading enormous platters; and boil'd pettitoes 
 Sending a savoury steam; and paunch of ox; 
 And well-cured chine oporker, red with salt, 
 A dainty dish, on fried meat balls upraised. 
 There too were cakes of groats well steep'd in milk, 
 In large flat dishes, and rich plates of beestings. 
 
 B. Alas, you will destroy me. Why do you 
 Remain here longer, when you thus may dive 
 Just as you are beneath deep Tartarus? 
 
 A. What will you say then when you hear the
 rest? 
 For roasted thrushes nicely brown'd and hot 
 Flew to the mouths o' the guests, entreating them 
 To deign to swallow them, besprinkled o'er 
 With myrtle leaves and flowers of anemone, 
 And plates of loveliest apples hung around 
 Above our heads, hanging in air as it seem'd. 
 And maidens in the most transparent robes, 
 Just come to womanhood, and crowned with roses, 
 Did through a strainer pour red mantling cups 
 Of fragrant wine for all who wish'd to drink. 
 And whatsoe'er each guest did eat or drink 
 Straight reappear'd in twofold quantity.

And in his Persians he says— 
 But what need, I pray you now, 
 Have we of all you ploughmen, 
 Or carters, mowers, reapers too, 
 Or coopers, or brass-founders? 
 What need we seed, or furrow's line? 
 For of their own accord 
 Rivers do flow down every road 
 (Though half choked up with comfits) 
 Of rich black soup, which rolls along 
 Within its greasy flood 
 Achilles's fat barley-cake, 
 And streams of sauce which flow 
 Straight down from Plutus's own springs, 
 For all the guests to relish. 
 
 Meantime Jove rains down fragrant wine, 
 As if it were a bath, 
 And from the roof red strings of grapes 
 Hang down, with well made cakes, 
 Water'd the while with smoking soup, 
 And mix'd with savoury omelets. 
 E'en all the trees upon the hills 
 Will put forth leaves of paunches, 
 Kids' paunches, and young cuttle-fish, 
 And smoking roasted thrushes.

And why need I quote in addition to this the passages from the Tagenistæ of the
 incomparable Aristophanes? And as to the passage in the Acharnenses, you are all
 of you full of it. And when I have just repeated the passage out of the
 Thurio-Persse of Metagenes I will say no more, and discard all notice of the
 Sirens of Nicophon, in which we find the following lines— 
 Let it now snow white cakes of pulse; 
 Let loaves arise like dew; let it rain soup; 
 Let gravy roll down lumps of meat i' the roads, 
 And cheese-cakes beg the wayfarer to eat them. 
 But Metagenes says this— 
 The river Crathis bears down unto us 
 Huge barley-cakes, self-kneaded and self-baked. 
 The other river, called the Sybaris, 
 Rolls on large waves of meat and sausages, 
 And boiled rays all wriggling the same way. 
 And all these lesser streamlets flow along 
 With roasted cuttle-fish, and crabs, and lobsters; 
 And, on the other side, with rich black-puddings 
 And forced-meat stuffings; on the other side 
 Are herbs and lettuces, and fried bits of pastry. 
 Above, fish cut in slices and self-boil'd 
 Rush to the mouth; some fall before one's feet, 
 And dainty cheese-cakes swim around us everywhere. 
 And I know too that the Thurio-Persæ and the play of Nicophon were never
 exhibited at all; on which account I mentioned them last.

Democritus now having gone through this statement distinctly and intelligently,
 all the guests praised him; but Cynulcus said,—O messmates, I was exceedingly
 hungry, and Democritus has given me no unpleasant feast; carrying me across rivers
 of ambrosia and nectar. And I, having my mind watered by them, have now become
 still more exceedingly hungry, having hitherto swallowed nothing but words; so
 that now it is time to desist from this interminable discussion, and, as the Pæanian orator says, to take some of these things,
 which if they do not put strength into a man, at all events prevent his
 dying — 
 For in an empty stomach there's no room 
 For love of beauteous objects, since fair Venus 
 Is always hostile to a hungry man; 
 as Achæus says in Aethon, a satyric drama. An it was borrowing from him
 that the wise Euripides wrote— 
 Venus abides in fulness, and avoids 
 The hungry stomach. 
 And Ulpian, who was always fond of contradicting him, said in reply to
 this,—But still, 
 The market is of herbs and loaves too full. 
 But you, you dog, are always hungry, and do not allow us to partake of,
 or I should rather say devour, good discussion in sufficient plenty: for good and
 wise conversation is the food of the mind. And then turning to the servant he
 said, —O Leucus, if you have any remnants of bread, give them to the dogs. And
 Cynulcus rejoined,—If I had been invited here only to listen to discussions, I
 should have taken care to come when the forum was full; 
 for that is the time which one of the wise men mentioned to me as the hour for
 declamations, and the common people on that account have called it πληθαγόρα : 
 But if we are to bathe and sup on words, 
 Then I my share contribute as a listener; 
 as Menander says; on which account I give you leave, you glutton, to eat
 your fill of this kind of food— 
 But barley dearer is to hungry men 
 Than gold or Libyan ivory; 
 as Achæus the Eretrian says in his Cycnus.

And when Cynulcus had said this, he was on the point of rising up to depart; but
 turning round and seeing a quantity of fish, and a large provision of all sorts of
 other eatables being brought in, beating the pillow with his hand, he shouted
 out,— 
 Gird thyself up, O poverty, and bear 
 A little longer with these foolish babblers, 
 For copious food and hunger sharp subdues thee. 
 
 But I now, by reason of my needy condition, do not speak
 dithyrambic poems, as Socrates says, but even epic poems too. For, reciting poems
 is very hungry work. For, accord ing to Ameipsias, who said in his Sling, where he
 utters a prediction about you, O Laurentius,— 
 There are none of the rich men 
 In the least like you, by Vulcan, 
 Who enjoy a dainty table, 
 And who every day can eat 
 All delicacies that you wish. 
 For now, I see a thing beyond belief— 
 A prodigy; all sorts of kinds of fish 
 Sporting around this cape-tenches and char, 
 White and red mullet, rays, and perch, and eels, 
 Tunnies, and blacktails, and cuttle-fish, and pipe-fish, 
 And hake, and cod, and lobsters, crabs and scorpions; 
 as Heniochus says in his Busybody; I must, therefore, as the comic poet
 Metagenes says— 
 Without a sign his knife the hungry draws, 
 And asks no omen but his supper's cause— 
 endure and listen to what more you have all got to say.

And when he was silent, Masyrius said,—But since some things have still been left
 unsaid in our discussion on servants, I will myself also contribute some
 melody on love to the wise and much loved Democritus. Philippus
 of Theangela, in his treatise on the Carians and Leleges, having made mention of
 the Helots of the Lacedæmonians and of the Thessalian Penestæ, says, The
 Carians also, both in former times, and down to the present day, use the
 Leleges as slaves. But Phylarchus, in the sixth book of his History,
 says that the Byzantians used the Bithynians in the same manner, just as the
 Lacedæmonians do the Helots. But respecting those who among the Lacedæmonians are
 called Epeunacti, and they also are slaves, Theopompus gives a very clear account
 in the thirty-second book of his History, speaking as follows:— When many of
 the Lacedæmonians had been slain in the war against the Messenians, those who
 were left being afraid lest their enemies should become aware of their desolate
 condition, put some of the Helots into the beds of those who were dead; and
 afterwards they made those men citizens, and called them Epeunacti, because
 they had been put into the beds of those who were dead instead of
 them. And the same writer also tells us, in the
 thirty-third book of his History, that among the Sicyonians there are some slaves
 who are called Catonacophori, being very similar to the Epeunacti. And Menæchmus
 gives a similar account in his History of the affairs of Sicyon, and says that
 there are some slaves called Catonacophori, who very much resemble the Epeunacti.
 And again, Theopompus, in the second book of his Philippics, says that the
 Arcadians had three hundred thousand slaves, whom they called Prospelatæ, like the
 Helots.

But the class called Mothaces among the Lacedæmonians are freemen, but still not
 citizens of Lacedæmon. And Phylarchus speaks of them thus, in the twenty-fifth
 book of his History— But the Mothaces are foster-brothers of Lacedæmonian
 citizens. For each of the sons of the citizens has one or two, or even more
 foster-brothers, according as their circumstances admit. The Mothaces are
 freemen then, but still not Lacedæmonian citizens; but they shard all the
 education which is given to the free citizens; and they say that Lysander, who
 defeated the Athenians in the naval battle, was one of that class, having been
 made a citizen on account of his preeminent valour. And Myron of
 Priene, in the second book of his history of the Affairs of Messene, says,
 The Lacedæmonians often emancipated their slaves, and some of them when
 emancipated they called Aphetæ, and some they called
 Adespoti, and some they called Erycteres, and others they called
 Desposionaute, whom they put on board their fleets, and some they called
 Neodamodes, but all these were different people from the Helots. 
 And Theopompus, in the seventh book of his history of the Affairs of Greece,
 speaking of the Helots that they were also called Eleatæ, writes as follows:—"But
 the nation of the Helote is altogether a fierce and cruel race. For they are
 people who have been enslaved a long time ago by the Spar- tans, some of them
 being Messenians, and some Eleatæ, who formerly dwelt in that part of Laconia
 called Helos.

But Timæus of Tauromenium, forgetting himself, (and Polybius the Megalopolitan
 attacks him for the assertion, in the twelfth book of his
 Histories,) says that it is not usual for the Greeks to possess slaves. But the
 same man, writing under the name of Epitimæus, (and this is what Ister the pupil
 of Callimachus calls him in the treatise which he wrote against him,) says that
 Mnason the Phocian had more than a thousand slaves. And in the third book of his
 History, Epitimæus said that the city of the Corinthians was so flourishing that
 it possessed four hundred and sixty thousand slaves. On which account I imagine it
 was that the Pythian priestess called them The People who measured with a Chœnix.
 But Ctesicles, in the third book of his Chronicles, says that in the hundred and
 fifteenth Olympiad, there was an investigation at Athens conducted by Demetrius
 Phalereus into the number of the inhabitants of Attica, and the Athenians were
 found to amount, to twenty-one thousand, and the Metics to ten thousand, and the
 slaves to four hundred thousand. But Nicias the son of Niceratus, as that
 admirable writer Xenophon has said in his book on Revenues, when he had a thousand
 servants, let them out to Sosias the Thracian to work in the silver mines, on
 condition of his paying him an obol a day for every one of them. And Aristotle, in
 his history of the Constitution of the Aeginetæ, says that the Aeginetans had four
 hundred and seventy thousand slaves. But Agatharchides the Cnidian, in the
 thirty-eighth book of his history of the Affairs of Europe, says that the
 Dardanians had great numbers of slaves, some of them having a thousand, and some
 even more; and that in time of peace they were all employed in the cultivation of
 the land; but that in time of war they were all divided into regiments, each set
 of slaves having their own master for their commander.

After all these statements, Laurentius rose up and said,—But each of the Romans
 (and this is a fact with which you are well acquainted, my friend Masyrius) had a
 great many slaves. For many of them had ten thousand or twenty thousand, or even a
 greater number, not for the purposes of income, as the rich Nicias had among the
 Greeks; but the greater part of the Romans when they go forth have a large retinue
 of slaves accompanying them. And out of the myriads of Attic slaves, the greater
 part worked in the mines, being kept in chains: at all events Posidonius, whom you
 are often quoting, the philosopher I mean, says that once 
 they revolted and put to death the guards of the mines; and that they seized on
 the Acropolis on Sunium, and that for a very long time they ravaged Attica. And
 this was the time when the second revolt of the slaves took place in Sicily. And
 there were many revolts of the slaves, and more than a million of slaves were
 destroyed in them. And Cæcilius, the orator from Cale Acte, wrote a treatise on
 the Servile Wars. And Spartacus the gladiator, having escaped from Capua, a city
 of Italy, about the time of the Mithridatic war, prevailed on a great body of
 slaves to join him in the revolt, (and he himself was a slave, being a Thracian by
 birth,) and overran the whole of Italy for a considerable time, great numbers of
 slaves thronging daily to his standard. And if he had not died in a battle fought
 against Licinius Crassus, he would have caused no ordinary trouble to our
 countrymen, as Eunus did in Sicily.

But the ancient Romans were prudent citizens, and eminent for all kinds of good
 qualities. Accordingly Scipio, surnamed Africanus, being sent out by the Senate to
 arrange all the kingdoms of the world, in order that they might be put into the
 hands of those to whom they properly belonged, took with him only five slaves, as
 we are informed by Polybius and Posidonius. And when one of them died on the
 journey, he sent to his agents at home to bring him another instead of him, and to
 send him to him. And Julius Cæsar, the first man who ever crossed over to the
 British isles with a thousand vessels, had with him only three servants
 altogether, as Cotta, who at that time acted as his lieutenant-general, relates in
 his treatise on the History and Constitution of the Romans, which is written in
 our national language. But Smindyrides the Sybarite was a very different sort of
 man, my Greek friends, who, when he went forth to marry Agaroste, the daughter of
 Cleisthenes, carried his luxury and ostentation to such a height, that he took
 with him a thousand slaves, fishermen, bird-catchers, and cooks. But this man,
 wishing to display how magnificently he was used to live, according to the account
 given to us by Chamæleon of Pontus, in his book on Pleasure, (but the same book is
 also attribute to Theophrastus,) said that for twenty years he had never seen the
 sun rise or set; and this he considered a great and marvellous proof of his wealth
 and happiness. For he, as it seems, used to go to bed early
 in the morning, and to get up in the even- ing, being in my opinion a miserable
 man in both particulars. But Histiæus of Pontus boasted, and it was an honourable
 boast, that he had never once seen the sun rise or set, because he had been at all
 times intent upon study, as we are told by Nicias of Nicæa in his Successions.

What then are we to think? Had not Scipio and Caesar any slaves? To be sure they
 had, but they abided by the laws of their country, and lived with moderation,
 preserving the habits sanctioned by the constitution. For it is the conduct of
 prudent men to abide by those ancient institutions under which they and their
 ancestors have lived, and made war upon and subdued the rest of the world; and
 yet, at the same time, if there were any useful or honourable institutions among
 the people whom they have subdued, those they take for their imitation at the same
 time that they take the prisoners. And this was the conduct of the Romans in olden
 time; for they, maintaining their national customs, at the same time introduced
 from the nations whom they had subdued every relic of desirable practices which
 they found, leaving what was useless to them, so that they should never be able to
 regain what they had lost. Accordingly they learnt from the Greeks the use of all
 machines and engines for conducting sieges; and with those engines they subdued
 the very people of whom they had learnt them. And when the Phœnicians had made
 many discoveries in nautical science, the Romans availed themselves of these very
 discoveries to subdue them. And from the Tyrrhenians they derived the practice of
 the entire army advancing to battle in close phalanx; and from the Samnites they
 learnt the use of the shield, and from the Iberians the use of the javelin. And
 learning different things from different people, they improved upon them: and
 imitating in everything the constitution of the Lacedæmonians, they preserved it
 better than the Lacedæmonians themselves; but now, having selected whatever was
 useful from the practices of their enemies, they have at the same time turned
 aside to imitate them in what is vicious and mischievous.

For, as Posidonius tells us, their national mode of life was originally temperate
 and simple, and they used everything which they possessed in an unpretending and
 unosten- tatious manner. Moreover they displayed wonderful
 piety towards the Deity, and great justice, and great care to behave equitably
 towards all men, and great diligence in cultivating the earth. And we may see this
 from the national sacrifices which we celebrate. For we proceed by ways regularly
 settled and defined. So that we bear regularly appointed offerings, and we utter
 regular petitions in our prayers, an we perform stated acts in all our sacred
 ceremonies. They are also simple and plain. And we do all this without being
 either clothed or attired as to our persons in any extraordinary manner, and
 without indulging in any extraordinary pomp when offering the first-fruits. But we
 wear simple garments and shoes, and on our heads we have rough hats made of the
 skins of sheep, and we carry vessels to minister in of earthenware and brass. And
 in these vessels we carry those meats and liquors which are procured with the
 least trouble, thinking it absurd to send offerings to the gods in accordance with
 our national customs, but to provide for ourselves according to foreign customs.
 And, therefore, all the things which are expended upon ourselves are measured by
 their use; but what we offer. to the gods are a sort of first- fruits of them.

Now Mucius Scævola was one of the three men in Rome who were particular in their
 observance of the Fannian law; Quintus Aelius Tubero and Rutilius Rufus being the
 other two, the latter of whom is the man who wrote the History of his country.
 Which law enjoined men not to entertain more than three people besides those in
 the house; but on market-days a man might entertain five. And these market-days
 happened three times in the month. The law also forbade any one to spend in
 provisions more than two drachmæ and a half. And they were allowed to spend
 fifteen talents a-year on cured meat and whatever vegetables the earth produces,
 and on boiled pulse. But as this allowance was insufficient, men gradually
 (because those who transgressed the law and spent money lavishly raised the price
 of whatever was to be bought) advanced to a more liberal style of living without
 violating the law. For Tubero used to buy birds at a drachma a-piece from the men
 who lived on his own farms. And Rutilius used to buy fish from his own slaves who
 worked as fishermen for three obols for a pound of fish; 
 especially when he could get what is called the Thurian; and that is a part of the
 sea-dog which goes by that name. But Mucius agreed with those who were benefited
 by him to pay for all he bought at a similar valuation. Out of so many myriads of
 men then these were the only ones who kept the law with a due regard to their
 oaths; and who never received even the least present; but they gave large presents
 to others, and especially to those who had been brought up at the same school with
 them. For they all clung to the doctrines of the Stoic school.

But of the extravagance which prevails at the present time Lucullus was the first
 oiiginator, he who subdued Mithridates, as Nicolaus the Peripatetic relates. For
 he, coming to Rome after the defeat of Mithridates, and also after that of
 Tigranes, the king of Armenia, and having triumphed, and having given in an
 account of his exploits in war, proceeded to an extravagant way of living from his
 former simplicity, and was the first teacher of luxury to the Romans, having
 amassed the wealth of the two before-mentioned kings. But the famous Cato, as
 Polybius tells us in the thirty-fourth book of his History, was very indignant,
 and cried out, that some men had introduced foreign luxury into Rome, having
 bought an earthen jar of pickled fish from Pontus for three hundred drachmæ, and
 some beautiful boys at a higher price than a man might buy a field. 
 
 But in former times the inhabitants of Italy were so easily contented, that
 even now, says Posidonius, those who are in very easy
 circumstances are used to accustom their sons to drink as much water as
 possible, and to eat whatever they can get. And very often, says he,
 the father or mother asks their son whether he chooses to have pears or
 nuts for his supper; and then he, eating some of these things, is contented and
 goes to bed. But now, as Theopompus tells us in the first book of his
 history of the Actions of Philip, there is no one of those who are even tolerably
 well off who does not provide a most sumptuous table, and who has not cooks and a
 great many more attendants, and who does not spend more on his daily living than
 formerly men used to spend on their festivals and sacrifices. 
 And since now this present discussion has gone far enough, let us end this book at
 this point.

AND when the Banquet was now finished, the cynics, thinking that the festival of
 the Phagesia was being celebrated, were delighted above all things, and Cynulcus
 said, —While we are supping, O Ulpian, since it is on words that you are feasting
 us, I propose to you this question,—In what author do you find any mention of the
 festivals called Phagesia, and Phagesiposia? And he, hesitating, and bidding the
 slaves desist from carrying the dishes round, though it was now evening, said,—I
 do not recollect, you very wise man, so that you may tell us yourself, in order
 that you may sup more abundantly and more pleasantly. And he rejoined, —If you
 will promise to thank me when I have told you, I will tell you. And as he agreed
 to thank him, he continued; —Clearchus, the pupil of Aristotle, but a Solensian by
 birth, in the first book of his treatise on Pictures, (for I recollect his very
 expressions, because I took a great fancy to them,) speaks as
 follows:— Phagesia—but some call the festival Phagesiposia—but this
 festival has ceased, as also has that of the Rhapsodists, which they celebrated
 about the time of the Dionysiac festival, in which every one as they passed by
 sang a hymn to the god by way of doing him honour. This is what
 Clearchus wrote. And if you doubt it, my friend, I, who have got the book, will
 not mind lending it to you. And you may learn a good deal from it, and get a great
 many questions to ask us out of it. For he relates that Calias the Athenian
 composed a Grammatical Tragedy, from which Euripides in his Medea, and Sophocles
 in his Œdipus derived their choruses and the arrangement of their plot.

And when all the guests marvelled at the literary accomplishments of Cynulcus,
 Plutarch said,—In like manner there used to be celebrated in my own Alexandria a
 Flagon-bearing festival, which is mentioned by Eratosthenes in his treatise
 entitled Arsinoe. And he speaks as follows:— When Ptolemy was instituting a
 festival and all kinds of sacrifices, and especially those
 which relate to Bacchus, Arsinoe asked the man who bore the branches, what day
 he was celebrating now, and what festival it was. And when he replied, 'It is
 called the Lagynophoria; and the guests lie down on beds and so eat all that
 they have brought with them, and every one drinks out of his own flagon which
 he has brought from home;' and when he had departed, she, looking towards us,
 said, 'It seems a very dirty kind of party; for it is quite evident that it
 must be an assembly of a mixed multitude, all putting down stale food and such
 as is altogether unseasonable and unbecoming.' But if the kind of feast had
 pleased her, then the queen would not have objected to preparing the very same
 things herself, as is done at the festival called Choes. For there every one
 feasts separately, and the inviter only supplies the materials for the
 feast.

But one of the Grammarians who were present, looking on the preparation of the
 feast, said,—In the next place, how shall we ever be able to eat so large a
 supper? Perhaps we are to go on during the night, as that witty
 writer Aristophanes says in his Aeolosicon, where however his expression is
 during the whole night. And, indeed, Homer uses the preposition
 διὰ in the same way, for he says— 
 He lay within the cave stretch'd o'er the sheep ( διὰ
 μήλων ); 
 where διὰ μήλων means over all the sheep, indicating the size of the giant.
 And Daphnus the physician answered him; Meals taken late at night, my friend, are
 more advantageous for everybody. For the influence of the moon is well adapted to
 promote the digestion of food, since the moon has putrefying properties; and
 digestion depends upon putrefaction. Accordingly victims slain at night are more
 digestible; and wood which is cut down by moonlight decays more rapidly. And also
 the greater proportion of fruits ripen by moonlight.

But since there were great many sorts of fish, and those very different both as to
 size and beauty, which had been served up and which were still being constantly
 served up for the guests, Myrtilus said,—Although all the different dishes which
 we eat, besides the regular meal, are properly called by one generic name,
 ὄψον, still it is very deservedly that on
 account of its delicious taste fish has prevailed over everything else, and has
 appropriated the name to itself; because men are so
 exceedingly enamoured of this kind of food. Accordingly we speak of men as
 ὀψοφάγοι, not meaning people who eat beef (such
 as Hercules was, who ate beef and green figs mixed together); nor do we mean by
 such a term a man who is fond of figs; as was Plato the philosopher, according to
 the account given of him by Phanocritus in his treatise on the Glorious: and he
 tells us in the same book that Arcesilas was fond of grapes: but we mean by the
 term only those people who haunt the fish-market. And Philip of Macedon was fond
 of apples, and so was his son Alexander, as Dorotheus tells us in the sixth book
 of his history of the Life and Actions of Alexander. But Chares of Mitylene
 relates that Alexander, having found the finest apples which he had ever seen in
 the country around Babylon, filled boats with them, and had a battle of apples
 from the vessels, so as to present a most beautiful spectacle. And I am not
 ignorant that, properly speaking, whatever is prepared for being eaten by the
 agency of fire is called ὄψον. For indeed the word
 is either identical with ἐψὸν, or else perhaps it
 is derived from ὀπτάω, to roast.

Since then there are a great many different kinds of fish which we eat at
 different seasons, my most admirable Timocrates, (for, as Sophocles says— 
 A chorus too of voiceless fish rush'd on, 
 Making a noise with their quick moving tails. 
 The tails not fawning on their mistress, but beating against the dish.
 And as Achæus says in his Fates— 
 There was a mighty mass of the sea-born herd— 
 A spectacle which fill'd the wat'ry waste, 
 Breaking the silence with their rapid tails;) 
 I will now recapitulate to you what the Deipnosophists said about each:
 for each of them brought to the discussion of the subject some contribution of
 quotation from books; though I will not mention the names of all who took part in
 the conversation, they were so numerous. 
 Amphis says in his Leucas— 
 Whoever buys some ὄψον for his supper, 
 And, when he might get real genuine fish, 
 Contents himself with radishes, is mad. 
 And that you may find it easy to remember what was said, I will arrange
 the names in alphabetical order For as Sophocles, in his Ajax
 Mastigophorus, called fish ἐλλοὶ, saying— 
 He gave him to the ἐλλοὶ ἰχθύες to eat; 
 one of the company asked whether any one before Sophocles ever used this
 word; to whom Zoilus replied,—But I, who am not a person ὀψοφαγίστατος [exceedingly fond of fish], (for that is a word which
 Xenophon has used in his Memorabilia, where he writes, He is ὀψοφαγίστατος and the greatest fool
 possible, ) am well aware that the man who wrote the poem Titanomachia [or
 the Battle of the Giants], whether he be Eumelus the Corinthian, or Arctinus, or
 whatever else his name may chance to have been, in the second book of his poem
 speaks thus— 
 In it did swim the gold-faced ἐλλοὶ ἰχθύες, 
 
 And sported in the sea's ambrosial depths. 
 And Sophocles was very fond of the Epic Cycle, so that he composed even
 entire plays in which he has followed the stories told in their fables.

Presently when the tunnies called Amiæ were put on the table, some one
 said,—Aristotle speaks of this fish, and says that they have gills out of sight,
 and that they have very sharp teeth, and that they belong to the gregarious and
 carnivorous class of fishes: and that they have a gall of equal extent with their
 whole intestines, and a spleen of corresponding proportions. It is said also that
 when they are hooked, they leap up towards the fisherman, and bite through the
 line and so escape. And Archippus mentions them in his play entitled the Fishes,
 where he says— 
 But when you were eating the fat amiæ. 
 And Epicharmus in his Sirens says— 
 
 A. In the morning early, at the break of day, 
 We roasted plump anchovies, 
 Cutlets of well-fed pork, and polypi; 
 And then we drank sweet wine. 
 
 B. Alack! alack! my silly wife detain'd me, 
 Chattering near the monument. 
 
 A. I'm sorry for you. Then, too, there were
 mullets 
 And large plump amiæ— 
 A noble pair i' the middle of the table, 
 And eke a pair of pigeons, 
 A scorpion and a lobster. 
 And Aristotle, inquiring into the etymology of the name, says that they
 were called amiæ, παρὰ τὸ ἅμα ἰέναι ταῖς παρα- 
 
 πλησίαις (from their going in shoals with their
 companions of the same kind). But Icesius, in his treatise on the Materials of
 Food, says that they are full of a wholesome juice, and tender, but only of
 moderate excellency as far as their digestible properties go, and not very
 nutritious.

But Archestratus,—that writer so curious in all that relates to cookery,—in his
 Gastrology (for that is the title of the book as it is given by Lycophron, in his
 treatise on Comedy, just as the work of Cleostratus of Tenedos is called
 Astrology), speaks thus of the amia:— 
 But towards the end of autumn, when the Pleiad 
 Has hidden its light, then dress the amiæ 
 Whatever way you please. Why need I teach you? 
 For then you cannot spoil it, if you wish. 
 But if you should desire, Moschus my friend, 
 To know by what recipe you best may dress it; 
 Take the green leaves of fig-trees, and some marjoram, 
 But not too much; no cheese or other nonsense, 
 But merely wrap it up in the fig leaves, 
 And tie it round with a small piece of string, 
 Then bury it beneath the glowing ashes, 
 Judging by instinct of the time it takes 
 To be completely done without being burnt. 
 And if you wish to have the best o' their kind, 
 Take care to get them from Byzantium; 
 Or if they come from any sea near that 
 They'll not be bad: but if you go down lower, 
 And pass the straits into the Aegæan sea, 
 They're quite a different thing, in flavour worse 
 As well as size, and merit far less praise.

But this Archestratus was so devoted to luxury, that he travelled over every
 country and every sea, with great diligence, wishing, as it seems to me, to seek
 out very carefully whatever related to his stomach; and, as men do who write
 Itineraries and Books of Voyages, so he wishes to relate everything with the
 greatest accuracy, and to tell where every kind of eatable is to be got in the
 greatest perfection; for this is what he professes himself, in the preface to his
 admirable Book of Precepts, which he addresses to his companions, Moschus and
 Cleander; enjoining them, as the Pythian priestess says, to seek 
 A horse from Thessaly, a wife from Sparta, 
 And men who drink at Arethusa's fount. 
 And Chrysippus, a man who was a genuine philosopher, and a thorough man
 at all points, says that he was the teacher of Epicurus, and
 of all those who follow his rules, in everything which belongs to pleasure, which
 is the ruin of everything. For Epicurus says, without any concealment, but
 speaking with a loud voice, as it were, For I am not able to distinguish
 what is good if you once take away the pleasure arising from sweet flavours,
 and if you also take away amatory pleasures. For this wise man thinks
 that even the life of the intemperate man is an unimpeachable one, if he enjoys an
 immunity from fear, and also mirth. On which account also the comic poets, running
 down the Epicureans, attack them as mere servants and ministers of pleasure and
 intemperance.

Plato, in his Joint Deceiver, representing a father as indignant with his son's
 tutor, makes him say— 
 
 A. You've taken this my son, and ruin'd him, 
 You scoundrel; you've persuaded him to choose 
 A mode of life quite foreign to his nature 
 And disposition; taught by your example, 
 He drinks i' the morning, which he ne'er was used to do. 
 
 B. Do you blame me, master, that your son 
 Has learnt to live? 
 
 A. But do you call that living? 
 
 B. Wise men do call it so. And Epicurus 
 Tells us that pleasure is the only good. 
 
 A. Indeed; I never heard that rule before. 
 Does pleasure come then from no other source? 
 Is not a virtuous life a pleasure now? 
 Will you not grant me that?—Tell me, I pray you, 
 Did you e'er see a grave philosopher 
 Drunk, or devoted to these joys you speak of? 
 
 B. Yes; all of them.-All those who raise their
 brows, 
 Who walk about the streets for wise men seeking, 
 As if they had escaped their eyes and hid: 
 Still when a turbot once is set before them, 
 Know how to help themselves the daintiest bits. 
 They seek the head and most substantial parts, 
 As if they were an argument dissecting, 
 So that men marvel at their nicety. 
 And in his play entitled the Homicide, the same Plato, laughing at one of
 those gentle philosophers, says— 
 The man who has a chance to pay his court 
 To a fair woman, and at eve to drink 
 Two bottles full of richest Lesbian wine, 
 Must be a wise man; these are real goods. 
 These things I speak of are what Epicurus 
 Tells us are real joys; and if the world 
 All lived the happy life I live myself, 
 There would not be one wicked man on earth. 
 
 And Hegesippus, in his Philetairi, says— 
 That wisest Epicurus, when a man 
 Once ask'd him what was the most perfect good 
 Which men should constantly be seeking for, 
 Said pleasure is that good. Wisest and best 
 Of mortal men, full truly didst thou speak: 
 For there is nothing better than a dinner, 
 And every good consists in every pleasure.

But the Epicureans are not the only men who are addicted to pleasure; but those
 philosophers are so too who belong to what are called the Cyrenaic and the
 Mnesistratean sects; for these men delight to live luxuriously, as Posidonius
 tells us. And Speusippus did not much differ from them, though he was a pupil and
 a relation of Plato's. At all events, Dionysius the tyrant, in his letters to him,
 enumerating all the instances of his devotion to pleasure, and also of his
 covetousness, and reproaching him with having levied contributions on numbers of
 people, attacks him also on account of his love for Lasthenea, the Arcadian
 courtesan. And, at the end of all, he says this— Whom do you charge with
 covetousness, when you yourself omit no opportunity of amassing base gain? For
 what is there that you have been ashamed to do? Are you not now attempting to
 collect contributions, after having paid yourself for Hermeas all that he
 owed?

And about Epicurus, Timon, in the third book of his Silli, speaks as follows:—
 
 Seeking at all times to indulge his stomach, 
 Than which there's no more greedy thing on earth. 
 For, on account of his stomach, and of the rest of his sensual pleasures,
 the man was always flattering Idomeneus and Metrodorus. And Metrodorus himself,
 not at all disguising this admirable principle of his, says, somewhere or other,
 The fact is, Timocrates, my natural philosopher, that every
 investigation which is guided by principles of nature, fixes its ultimate aim
 entirely on gratifying the stomach. For Epicurus was the tutor of all
 these men; who said, shouting it out, as I may say, The fountain and root
 of every good is the pleasure of the stomach: and all wise rules, and all
 superfluous rules, are measured alike by this standard. And in his
 treatise on the Chief Good, he speaks nearly as follows: For I am not able
 to understand what is good, if I leave out of consideration the pleasures which
 arise from delicately-flavoured food, and if I also leave
 out the pleasures which arise from amatory indulgences; and if I also omit
 those which arise from music, and those, too, which are derived from the
 contemplation of beauty and the gratification of the eyesight. And,
 proceeding a little further, he says, "All that is beautiful is naturally to be
 honoured; and so is virtue, and everything of that sort, if it assists in
 producing or causing pleasure. But if it does not contribute to that end, then it
 may be disregarded.

And before Epicurus, Sophocles, the tragic poet, in his Antigone, had uttered
 these sentiments respecting pleasure— 
 For when a man contemns and ceases thus 
 To seek for pleasure, I do not esteem 
 That such an one doth live; I only deem him 
 A breathing corpse:—he may, indeed, perhaps 
 Have store of wealth within his joyless house; 
 He may keep up a kingly pomp and state; 
 But if these things be not with joy attended, 
 They are mere smoke and shadow, and contribute, 
 No, not one jot, to make life enviable. 
 And Philetærus says, in his Huntress,— 
 For what, I pray you, should a mortal do, 
 But seek for all appliances and means. 
 To make his life from day to day pass happily? 
 This should be all our object and our aim, 
 Reflecting on the chance of human life. 
 And never let us think about to-morrow, 
 Whether it will arrive at all or not. 
 It is a foolish trouble to lay up 
 Money which may become stale and useless. 
 And the same poet says, in his Œnopion,— 
 But every man who lives but sparingly, 
 Having sufficient means, I call and think 
 Of all men the most truly miserable. 
 For when you're dead, you cannot then eat eels; 
 No wedding feasts are cook'd in Pluto's realms.

And Apollodorus the Carystian, in his Stirrer-up of Law-suits, says— 
 O men, whoe'er you are, why do you now 
 Scorn pleasant living, and turn all your thoughts 
 To do each other mischief in fierce war? 
 In God's name, tell me, does some odious fate, 
 Rude and unlettered, destitute of all 
 That can be knowledge call'd, or education, 
 Ignorant of what is bad and what is good, 
 Guide all your destiny?—a fate which settles 
 
 All your affairs at random by mere chance? 
 I think it must be so: for else, what deity 
 Who bears a Grecian heart, would ever choose 
 To see Greeks by each other thus despoil'd, 
 And falling dead in ghastly heaps of corpses, 
 When she might see them sportive, gay, and jesting, 
 Drinking full cups, and singing to the flute? 
 Tell me, my friend, I pray, and put to shame 
 This most unpolish'd clownish fortune. 
 And, presently afterwards, he says— 
 Does not a life like this deserve the name 
 Of godlike?—Think how far more pleasant all 
 Affairs would be in all the towns of Greece 
 Than now they are, if we were but to change 
 Our fashions, and our habits, and our principles 
 One little bit. Why should we not proclaim, 
 "Whoe'er is more than thirty years of age, 
 Let him come forth and drink. Let all the cavalry 
 Go to a feast at Corinth, for ten days, 
 Crown'd with chaplets, and perfumed most sweetly. 
 Let all who radishes have got to sell 
 Come in the morning here from Megara. 
 Bid all th' allies now hasten to the bath, 
 And mix in cups the rich Eubœan wine? "— 
 Sure this is real luxury and life, 
 But we are slaves to a most clownish fortune.

The poets say that that ancient hero, Tantalus, was also greatly devoted to
 pleasure. At all events, the author of the book called The Return of the Atridæ
 says that he, when he had arrived among the gods, and had begun to live
 among them, had leave given him by Jupiter to ask for whatever he wished; and
 that he, being a man quite insatiable in the gratification of his appetites,
 asked that it might be granted to him to indulge them to their full extent, and
 to live in the same manner as the gods. And that Jupiter was indignant at this
 request, and, according to his promise, fulfilled his prayer; but still, that
 he might not enjoy what he had before him, but be everlastingly tormented, he
 hung a stone over his head, on account of which he should be unable to get at
 any of the things which he had before him. Some of the Stoics also were
 addicted to this kind of pleasure At all events, Eratosthenes the Cyrenean, who
 was a pupil of Ariston the Chian, who was one of the sect of the Stoics, in his
 treatise which is entitled Ariston, represents his master as subsequently being
 much addicted to luxury, speaking a follows: 
 And before now, I have at times discovered him breaking down, as it were,
 the partition wall between pleasure and virtue, and appearing on the side of
 pleasure. And Apollophanes (and he was an acquaintance of Ariston), in
 his Ariston (for he also wrote a book with that title), shows the way in which his
 master was addicted to pleasure. And why need we mention Dionysius of Heraclea?
 who openly discarded his covering of virtue, and put on a robe embroidered with
 flowers, and assumed the name of The altered Man; and, although he was an old man,
 he apostatized from the doctrines of the Stoics, and passed over to the school of
 Epicurus; and, in consequence, Timon said of him, not without some point and
 felicity— 
 When it is time to set ( δύνειν ), he now
 begins 
 To sit at table ( ἡδύνεσθαι ). But there is a
 time 
 To love, a time to wed, a time to cease.

Apollodorus the Athenian, in the third book of his treatise on a Modest and
 Prudent Man, which is addressed to those whom he calls Male Buffoons, having first
 used the expression, more libidinous than the very Inventors themselves
 ( ἄλφησται ), says, there are some
 fish called ἄλφησται, being all of a tawny colour,
 though they have a purple hue in some parts. And they say that they are usually
 caught in couples, and that one is always found following at the tail of the
 other; and therefore, from the fact of one following close on the tail of the
 other, some of the ancients call men who are intemperate and libidinous by the
 same name. But Aristotle, in his work on Animals, says that this fish, which he
 calls alphesticus, has but a single spine, and is of a tawny colour. And Numenius
 of Heraclea mentions it, in his treatise on Fishing, speaking as follows:— 
 The fish that lives in seaweed, the alphestes, 
 The scorpion also with its rosy meat. 
 And Epicharmus, in his Marriage of Hebe, says— 
 Mussels, alphetæ, and the girl-like fish, 
 The dainty coracinus. 
 Mithæcus also mentions it in his Culinary Art.

There is another fish called Anthias, or Callicthys; and this also is mentioned by
 Epicharmus, in his Marriage or Hebe:— 
 
 The sword-fish and the chromius too, 
 Who, as Ananius tells us, 
 Is far the best of all in spring; 
 But th' anthias in the winter. 
 And Ananius speaks as follows:— 
 For spring the chromius is best; 
 The anthias in winter: 
 But of all fish the daintiest 
 Is a young shrimp in fig leaves. 
 In autumn there's a dainty dish, 
 The meat of the she-goat; 
 And when they pick and press the grapes, 
 Young pigs are dainty eating. 
 Then, too, young puppies you may eat, 
 And hares, and also foxes. 
 But when the grasshopper does sing, 
 Just at the height of summer, 
 Is the best time for mutton fat; 
 Then, too, the sea-born tunny 
 Will many a savoury dish afford, 
 And beats his compeers all 
 With garlic seasoning richly drest; 
 Then, too, the fatted ox 
 Is sweet to eat both late at night, 
 And at a noon-day feast. 
 And I have quoted this piece of Ananius at length, thinking that it might
 give some suggestions to the present race of Epicures.

But Aristotle, in his treatise on the Habits of Animals, says— They say that
 wherever the anthias is found, there there is no beast or fish of prey ever
 seen; and accordingly the collectors of sponge use him as a guide, and dive
 boldly wherever he is found, and call him the sacred fish. And Dorion
 also mentions him in his book on Fishes, saying, Some call the anthias by
 the name of callicthys, and also by that of callionymus and ellops. And
 Icesius, in his treatise on Materials, says that he is called wolf by some
 authors, and by others callionymus: and that he is a fish of very solid meat, and
 full of delicious juice, and easy of digestion; but not very good for the stomach.
 But Aristotle says that the callicthys is a fish with serrated teeth, carnivorous
 and gregarious. And Epicharmus, in his Muses, enumerates the ellops among the
 fishes, but passes over the the callicthys or callionymus in silence as being
 identical with it; and of the ellops he speaks thus,— 
 And then the high-priced ellops. 
 
 And the same poet says, subsequently— 
 He was the fish of which great Jupiter 
 Once bought a pair for money, and enjoin'd 
 His slaves to give him one, and Juno t'other. 
 But Dorion, in his treatise on Fish, says that the anthias and the
 callicthys are different fish; and also that the callionymus is not the same as
 the ellops.

But what is the fish which is called the Sacred fish? The author of the Telchinian
 History, whether it was Epimenides the Cretan, or Teleclides, or any one else,
 says,— What are called the sacred fish, are dolphins and pompili. 
 But the pompilus is a very amorous animal; as being sprung himself, at the same
 time with Venus, from heavenly blood. And Nicander, in the second book of his
 Œtaica, says— 
 The pompilus, who points the safest road 
 To anxious mariners who burn with love, 
 And without speaking warns them against danger. 
 And Alexander the Aetolian, in his Crica, if indeed it is a genuine poem,
 says— 
 Still did the pompilus direct the helm, 
 Swimming behind, and guide it down the gulf, 
 The minister of the gods, the sacred pompilus. 
 And Pancrates the Arcadian, in his work entitled Works of the
 Sea, having first said— 
 The pompilus, whom all sea-faring men 
 Do call the sacred fish; 
 proceeds to say, that the pompilus is not held in great esteem by
 Neptune only, but also by those gods who occupy Samothrace. At all events that
 some old fisherman once threatened to punish this fish, when the golden age
 still flourished among men; and his name was Epopeus, and he belonged to the
 island of Icarus. He therefore was one day fishing with his son, and they had
 no luck in their fishing, and caught nothing but pompili, and so did not
 abstain from eating them, but he and his son ate every one of them, and not
 long afterwards they suffered for their impiety; for a whale attacked the ship,
 and ate up Epopeus in the sight of his son. And Pancrates states, "that
 the pompilus is an enemy to the dolphin; and even the dolphin does not escape with
 impunity when he has eaten a pompilus, for he becomes unable to exert himself and
 tremulous when he has eaten him; and so he gets cast on
 shore, and is eaten himself by the gulls and cormorants; and he is sometimes, when
 in this state, caught by men who give themselves up to hunting such large fish.
 And Timachides the Rhodian mentions the pom- pili in the ninth book of his
 Banquet, and says— 
 The tench o' the sea, and then the pompili, 
 The holiest of fish. 
 And Erinna, or whoever it was who composed the poet which is attributed
 to her, says— 
 O pompilus, thou fish who dost bestow 
 A prosp'rous voyage on the hardy sailor, 
 Conduct ( πομπεύσαις ) my dear companion
 safely home.

And Apollonius the Rhodian or Naucratian, in his History of the foundation of
 Naucratis, says, "Pompilus was originally a man; and he was changed into a fish,
 on account of some love affair of Apollo's. For the river Imbrasus flows by the
 city of the Samians,— 
 And join'd to him, the fairest of the nymphs, 
 The young and noble Chesias, bore a daughter, 
 The lovely maid Ocyrhoe—her whose beauty 
 Was the kind Hours' heaven-descended gift. 
 They say then that Apollo fell in love with her and endeavored to ravish
 her; and that she having crossed over to Miletus at the time of some festival of
 Diana, when the endeavour was about to be made to carry her off, being afraid of
 such an attempt being made, and being on her guard, entreated Pompilus, who was a
 seafaring man and a friend of her father, to conduct her safe back again to her
 own country, saying this,— 
 O Pompilus, to whose wise breast are known 
 The rapid depths of the hoarse roaring sea, 
 Show that your mind doth recollect my sire, 
 Who was your friend, and save his daughter now. 
 And they say that he led her down to the shore, and conducted her safely
 across the sea: and that Apollo appeared and carried off the maiden, and sunk the
 ship with stones, and metamorphosed Pompilus into a fish of the same name, and
 that he made 
 The Pompilus an everlasting slave 
 Of ships that swiftly pass along the sea.

But Theocritus the Syracusan, in his poem entitled Berenice,
 calls the fish which is called leucus the sacred fish, speaking thus— 
 And if a mortal seeks the gods with prayer 
 For a successful hunt, or plenteous gold, 
 A man who lives by the sea, whose nets he makes 
 His ploughs to raise his crops; then let him come, 
 And just at nightfall sacrifice with prayer 
 To this same goddess the most sacred fish, 
 Which men call leucus, (loveliest he of fish,) 
 Then let him bend his nets; and soon he shall 
 Draw them back from the waters full of prey. 
 But Dionysius, who was surnamed the Iambic, in his treatise on Dialects,
 writes thus— We have heard accordingly an Eretrian fisherman, and many other
 fishermen, too, of other countries, call the pompilus the sacred fish. Now the
 pompilus is a sea fish, and is very commonly seen around ships, being something
 like the tunny called pelamys. However, some one spoken of by the poet catches
 this fish;— 
 Sitting upon a high projecting rock 
 He caught the sacred fish. 
 Unless, indeed, there be any other kind which is likewise called the
 sacred fish. But Callimachus in his Galatea calls the chrysophrys the sacred
 fish, where he says— 
 Or shall I rather say the gold-brow'd fish, 
 That sacred fish, or perch, or all the rest 
 Which swim beneath the vast unfathom'd sea. 
 But in his Epigrams the same poet says— 
 The sacred sacred hyca. 
 But some understand by the term sacred fish, one let go and dedicated
 to the god, just as people give the same name to a consecrated ox. But others
 consider that sacred is here only equivalent to great, as Homer speaks of
 
 The sacred might of Alcinous. 
 And some think that it is only called ἱερὸς as ἱέμενος πρὸς τὸν ῥοῦν 
 (going down stream).

But Clitarchus, in the seventh book of his treatise on Dialects, says— The
 nautical people call the pompilus the sacred fish, because it conducts ships
 out of the open sea into harbour, on which account it is called πόμπιλος from πέμπω, 
 being the same fish as the chrysophrys. And Eratosthenes in his Mercury
 says— 
 
 They left a share of all their booty there; 
 Still living centipedes, the bearded mullet, 
 The sea-thrush, with dark spots embroider'd o'er, 
 Or the swift sacred fish with golden brows. 
 Now after all this discussion of ours about fish, the excellent Ulpian
 may ask why Archestratus, speaking in those excellent suggestions of his of the
 cured fish on the Bosphoru, says— 
 Those which do come from the Bosphoric seas 
 Are whitest; only let there be no sample 
 Of the hard meat o' the fish which grow around 
 The Lake Mæotis; not in verse can I 
 That fish correctly name. 
 What is the fish, which he says it is not proper to mention in
 poetry?

Anchovies must be next considered. And, indeed, Aristonymus uses the word in the
 singular number, in his Shivering Sun— So that there really is not one anchovy.
 But of the anchovies there are many kinds, and the one which is called
 aphritis is not produced from roe, as Aristotle says,
 but from a foam which floats upon the surface of the water, and which collects in
 quantities when there have been heavy rains. There is also another kind called
 cobitis, and that is produced from some little worthless gudgeons which are
 generated in the sand; and from this anchovy itself another kind is produced,
 which is called the encrasicholus. There is also another anchovy which is the
 offspring of the sprat; and another which comes from the membras; and another
 still which comes from the small cestris, which is engendered in the sand and
 slime. But of all these kinds the aphritis is the best. But Dorion, in his
 treatise on Fishes, speaks of a fish called the cobites, as good boiled, and also
 of the spawn of the atherina; and atherina is the name of a fish; and some also
 call the triglitis an anchovy. But Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Marriage, enumerates
 the anchovies among the shrimps or membrades; making a distinction between this
 and what is called the seed. And Icesius says, Of the anchovy, there is one
 sort which is white and very thin and frothy, which some people also call the
 cobitis. And there is another which is not so clean as that, and which is
 larger; but the clean and thin one is the better of the
 two. And Archestratus the contriver of delicate dishes, says,— 
 Use all anchovies for manure, except 
 The Attic fish; I mean that useful seed 
 Which the Ionians do call the foam; 
 And take it fresh; just caught within the bays, 
 The sacred bays of beautiful Phalerum. 
 Good is it too, when by the sea-girt isle 
 Of Rhodes you eat it, if it's not imported. 
 And if you wish to taste it in perfection, 
 Boil nettles with it—nettles whose green leaves 
 On both sides crown the stem; put these in the dish 
 Around the fish, then fry them in one pan, 
 And mix in fragrant herbs well steep'd in oil.

But Clearchus the Peripatetic, in his treatise on Proverbs, speaks of the anchovy,
 and says— Because they want very little fire for the frying-pan,
 Archestratus recommends people to put them into a pan which is already hot, and
 to take them off as soon as they hiss. And they are done, and begin to hiss in
 a moment, like oil; on which account it is said, 'Anchovy, look at the
 fire.' And Chrysippus the philosopher, in his treatise on the Things
 which deserve to be sought for their own Sakes, says, The anchovy which is
 found in the sea at Athens, men despise on account of its abundance, and say
 that it is a poor man's fish; but in other cities they prize it above
 everything, even where it is far inferior to the Attic anchovy. Moreover some
 people, says he, endeavour to rear the Adriatic fowls in this
 place, which are much less useful than our own kinds, inasmuch as they are
 smaller. But the people in the Adriatic, on the contrary, send for our breed
 from hence. Hermippus, too, uses the word ἀφύη in the singular number, in his Demotæ, where he says,— 
 You seem not now to move even an anchovy. 
 And Calcias, in his Cyclops, says— 
 In preference to the best anchovy. 
 And Aristonymus, in his Shivering Sun, says— 
 So that there is not really one anchovy. 
 But Aristophanes uses the diminutive form, and calls them ἀφύδια in his Friers, saying— 
 Nor these little Phaleric ἀφύδια.

But Lynceus the Samian, in his letter to Diagoras, praising
 the Rhodian anchovies, and comparing many of the productions of Attica to those of
 Rhodes, says— We may compare to the anchovies of Phalerum those which are
 called the Aeniatides, and you may compare the ellops and the orphus with the
 glauciscus; and with the Eleusinian plaice and turbot, and whatever other fish
 there may be among them enjoying a reputation higher than that of Cecrops,
 Rhodes has the fox fish to compare. But the author of the Delight of
 Life, exhorts the man who is unable to purchase enough to satisfy his appetite, to
 get fish to eat by robbery, rather than go without it. But Lynceus calls
 Archestratus an epicure, who in that much celebrated poem of his speaks thus of
 the shark:— 
 Are you at Rhodes? e'en if about to die, 
 Still, if a man would sell you a fox shark, 
 The fish the Syracusans call the dog, 
 Seize on it eagerly; at least, if fat: 
 And then compose yourself to meet your fate 
 With brow serene and mind well satisfied.

The acharnus is mentioned by Callias in his Cyclops— 
 A harp-fish roast, besides a ray, 
 The head too of a tunny, 
 And eel, some crabs, and this acharnus, 
 The great Aenean dainty.

The ray, roach, or sea frog may also be mentioned. They are mentioned under the
 two former names by Aristotle in his treatise on Animals, where he classes them
 under the head of cartilaginous fish. And Eupolis, in his Flatterers, says— 
 At Callias's house there is much pleasure, 
 For he has crabs for dinner, rays besides, 
 And hares, and women with light twinkling feet. 
 And Epicharmus says, in his Marriage of Hebe— 
 And there were rays and sea-frogs, sawfish, sharks, 
 Camitæ, roach, and lobsters with hard shells. 
 And in his Megarian Woman he writes— 
 Its sides were like a ray, 
 Its back was altogether like a roach, 
 Its head was long, far more like a stag's, 
 Its flanks were like a scorpion's, son of the sea. 
 And Sannyrion says, in his Laughter— 
 O rays, O dainty grayling. 
 And Aristotle in the fifth book of his treatise on the Parts of Animals, says that the following are cartilaginous fish; the
 ray, the turtle, the sea cow, the lamprey, the sea eagle, the sea frog, and the
 whole of the shark tribe. But Sophron in his Farces, gives one fish the name of
 botis, saying, The cestres eat the botis, though it is possible
 that he may be speaking of some herb. But with respect to the sea frog, the wise
 Archestratus gives us the following advice in his Apophthegms— 
 Whenever you behold a frog, why roast him 
 * * * * 
 And . . . . prepare his stomach. 
 And concerning the ray, he says— 
 A boiled ray is good about midwinter. 
 Eat it with cheese and assafœtida; 
 But all the sons o' the sea whose flesh is lean 
 Should, as a rule, be dress'd in such a fashion; 
 And thus I recommend you now again. 
 And Ephippus the comic poet, in his play called Philyra, (now Philyra is
 the name of a courtesan), says— 
 
 A. Shall I first cut a ray in slender slices 
 And boil it? aye? or like the cooks in Sicily 
 Shall I prefer to roast it? 
 
 B. Copy Sicily.

There are also fish called boaxes. Aristotle, in his treatise entitled Concerning
 Animals or Fish, says, The following animals are marked on the back; the
 boax and others—the following are marked transversely, the kind of tunny fish
 called colias. And Epicharmus in his Marriage of Hebe, speaks thus—
 
 And in addition to all these the boax, 
 The smarides, anchovies, crabs and lobsters. 
 And Numenius, in his Art of Fishing, calls them boeces, saying— 
 The white synodons, the boeces, and trinchi. 
 But Speusippus and the rest of the Attic writers call them boaces.
 Aristophanes in his play called The Women who occupy Tents, says— 
 But having had a bellyful of boaces, 
 I turn'd my steps towards home. 
 And they derived their name from the noise ( βοὴ ) which they make, on which account it used to be said that the
 fish was sacred to Mercury, as the harp fish was to Apollo. But Pherecrates in his Ant-Men, saying— They say that there is no other fish
 whatever, which has any voice at all; ads afterwards,— By Castor
 and Pollux, there is at least no other fish except the boax. And
 Aristophanes the Byzantian says— That we are wrong to call the fish boax,
 when we ought to call it boops, since, though it is but a little fish, it as
 very large eyes, so that it might be called boops, having bulls' eyes. 
 But we may reply to him, If we are wrong in naming him as we do, why do we say
 coracinus, not corocinus? For he derives his name from moving the pupils of his
 eyes ( ἀπὸ τοῦ τὰς κόρας κινεῖν ). And so too, why
 do we not call the fish σείουρος instead of
 σίλουροσ? for he has his name from continually
 shaking his tail ( ἀπὸ τοῦ σείειν τὴν οὐράν )?

With respect to the small kind of anchovy called membras, Phrynicus, in his
 Tragedians, says— 
 O golden-headed membrades, sons of the sea. 
 But Epicharmus in his Hebe's Wedding, calls them bambradones, and says—
 
 Bambradones and sea-thrushes, and hares, 
 And furious dragons. 
 And Sophron in his Manly Qualities, says— The bambradon, and the
 needle fish. And Numenius says, in his Treatise on Fishing, 
 Or a small sprat, or it may be a bembras, 
 Kept in a well; you recollect these baits. 
 And Dorion in his book on Fishes, says—"Having taken off the head of a
 bembras, if it be one of a tolerable size, and having washed it with water, and a
 small quantity of salt, then boil it in the same manner as you do a mullet; and
 the bembras is the only kind of anchovy from which is derived the condiment called
 bembraphya; which is mentioned by Aristonymus in the Sun Shivering— 
 The carcinobates of Sicily 
 Resembles the bembraphya. 
 Still the Attic writers often call them bembrades. Aristomenes says in
 his Jugglers— 
 Bringing some bembrades purchased for an obol. 
 And Aristonymus in his Sun Shivering, says— 
 The large anchovy plainly is not now, 
 Nor e'en the bembras, quite unfortunate. 
 
 And Aristophanes says in his Old Age— 
 Fed on the hoary bembrades. 
 And Plato in his Old Men, says— 
 O Hercules, do just survey these bembrades. 
 But in the Goats of Eupolis we may find the word written also with a
 μ (not βεμβρὰς 
 but μεμβρὰς ). And Antiphanes says, in his
 Cnœsthis;— 
 They do proclaim within the fishmarket 
 The most absurd of proclamations, 
 For just now one did shout with all his voice' 
 That he had got some bembrades sweet as honey; 
 But if this be the case, then what should hinder 
 The honey-sellers crying out and saying, 
 That they have honey stinking like a bembras? 
 And Alexis in his Woman leading the Chorus, writes the word with a
 μ — 
 Who to the young folks making merry, then 
 Put forth but lately pulse and membrades, 
 And well-press'd grapes to eat. 
 And in his Protochorus he says— 
 No poorer meal, by Bacchus now I swear, 
 Have I e'er tasted since I first became 
 A parasite; I'd rather sup on membrades 
 With any one who could speak Attic Greek; 
 It would be better for me.

There is also a fish called the blennus, and it is mentioned by Sophron, in his
 play entitled The Fisherman and the Countryman, and he calls it the fat blennus.
 It is something like the tench in shape. But Epicharmus in his Hebe's Wedding
 speaks of a fish which he calls baiones, where he says— 
 Come now and bring me high-backed mullets, 
 And the ungrateful baiones. 
 And among the Attic writers there is a proverb, No baion for me;
 he is a poor fish.

There is also a shell-fish called buglossus. And Archestratus, the Pythagorean,
 says, because of his temperate habits, 
 Then we may take a turbot plump, or e'en 
 A rough buglossus in the summer time, 
 If one is near the famous Chalcis. 
 And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 There were buglossi and the harp-fish there. 
 
 But the fish called cynoglossus differs from the buglossus.
 And of them too Epicharmus speaks— 
 There were the variegated plotides, 
 And cynoglossi, and sciathides. 
 But the Attic writers call the buglossus the psetta.

There are also fish called congers. Icesius says that these are coarser than the
 common eels; and that their flesh is less firm and less nutritious, and that they
 are very deficient in palatable juice; but still, that they are good for the
 stomach. But Nicander, the epic poet, in the third book of his Treatise on
 Dialects, says that they are also called grylli. But Eudoxus, in the sixth book of
 his Circuit of the Earth, says that there are numbers of congers caught off
 Sicyon, each large enough to be a load for a man; and some of them even big enough
 to be a load for a cart. And Philemon, the comic poet, himself mentioning the
 extraordinary congers at Sicyon, represents a cook as priding himself on his
 skill, and saying in the play entitled the Soldier,—

How great a wish has now come over me 
 To tell to heaven and earth the way in which 
 I did prepare that supper. Aye, by Pallas, 
 How sweet it is when everything goes right! 
 How tender was my fish! and how I dress'd it! 
 Not done with cheese, or powder'd o'er with dyes, 
 But looking as he did in life, though roasted. 
 So mild and gentle was the fire which I 
 Did to the fish apply, you'd scarce believe it. 
 It was as when a hen does seize some food, 
 And carries it away to eat at leisure: 
 She runs all round with care; another sees her, 
 And straightway follows her to take it from her. 
 So here, the man who first found out the pleasure 
 Of dainty eating, sprang up high and ran 
 All round and round, with his dish in his hand. 
 The rest pursued him—it was fine to see them: 
 Some got a little, some got nothing, some 
 Got all they wanted. Well, as I was saying, 
 I took some river fish, eaters of mud. 
 What if I'd had a scare, or blue-back'd fish 
 From Attic waters, O thou saving Jupiter! 
 Or boar from Argive woods, or noble conger 
 From Sicyon's bay, the conger which the god 
 Of the deep sea doth bear aloft to heaven, 
 Fit banquet for his brethren. Then no doubt 
 The guests who ate would all have seem'd like gods; 
 I should have been immortal, since the dead 
 By the mere smell of my meat I bring to life again.

I swear by Minerva that Menecrates the Syracusan himself would not have made such
 a boast as that, he who was nick-named Jupiter—a man who gave himself airs as
 being, by his skill in medicine, the only person who could cause man to live.
 Accordingly he compelled all who came to be cured by him of what is called the
 sacred disease, to enter into a written agreement that if they recovered they
 would be his slaves. And they followed him, one wearing the dress of Hercules, and
 being called Hercules, (and the man who was so called was Nicostratus, an Argive,
 who had been cured of the sacred disease, and he is mentioned by Ephippus, in his
 Peltast, where he says— 
 Did not Menecrates call himself a god, 
 And Nicostratus of Argos a second Hercules?) 
 and another followed him in the dress of Mercury, having on a cloak and
 bearing a caduceus, and wings besides. As Nicagoras of Zelia did, who also became
 afterwards the tyrant of his country, as Baton relates in the history of the
 Tyrants at Ephesus. And Hegesander says that he called Astycreon, who had been
 cured by him, Apollo. And another of those who had been cured by him, went about
 with him to his cost, wearing the dress of Aesculapius. But Jupiter Menecrates
 himself, clad in purple, and having a golden crown upon his head, and holding a
 sceptre, and being shod with slippers, went about with his chorus of gods. And
 once, writing to Philip the king, he began his letter thus—

"Menecrates Jupiter to Philip greeting. 
 
 You, indeed, are king of Macedonia, but I am king of medicine; and you are
 able, when you please, to put men to death, who are in health.; but I am able
 to save those who are sick, and to cause those who are in good health, if they
 only follow my advice, to live to old age without being attacked by disease.
 Therefore the Macedonians attend you as body-guards; but all who wish to live
 attend me; for I, Jupiter, give them life. 
 
 And so Philip wrote back to him as to a man out of his senses,— Philip
 wishes Menecrates soundness. And he wrote in similar style to
 Archidemus, also the king of the Lacedæmonians, and to every one else to whom he
 wrote at all; never omitting to give himself the name of Jupiter. And once Philip
 invited him and all his gods to supper, and placed them all
 on the centre couch, which was adorned in the loftiest and most holy-looking and
 beautiful manner. And he had a table placed before them on which there was an
 altar and first-fruits of the different productions of the earth. And whenever
 eatables were placed before the other guests, the slaves placed incense before
 Menecrates, and poured libations in his honour. And at last, the new Jupiter, with
 all his subordinate gods, being laughed at by every one, ran away and fled from
 the banquet, as Hegesander relates. And Alexis also makes mention of Menecrates in
 his Minos.

And Themiso the Cyprian, the friend of Antiochus the king as Pythermus the
 Ephesian relates in the eighth book of his History, not only used to have his name
 proclaimed in the public assemblies, Themiso, the Macedonian, the Hercules
 of Antiochus the king; but all the people of that country used to
 sacrifice to him, addressing him as Hercules Themiso; and he himself would come
 when any of the nobles celebrated a sacrifice, and would sit down, having a couch
 to himself, and being clad in a lion's skin, and he used also to bear a Scythian
 bow, and in his hand he carried a club. Menecrates then himself, though he was
 such as we have said, never made such a preposterous boast as the cook we have
 been speaking of,— 
 I am immortal, for I bring the dead, 
 By the mere smell of my meat, to life again.

But the whole tribe of cooks are conceited and arrogant, as Hegesander says in his
 Brothers. For he introduces a cook, saying— 
 
 A. My friend, a great deal has been said already 
 By many men on the art of cookery, 
 So either tell me something new yourself, 
 Unknown to former cooks, or spare my ears. 
 
 B. I'll not fatigue you; know that I alone 
 Of present men have sounded all the depths 
 Of culinary science and invention; 
 For I have not been just a short two years 
 Learning my art with snow-white apron girt, 
 But all my life I have devoted anxiously 
 To the investigation of each point 
 Of moment; I have inquired into all 
 The different kinds of herbs and vegetables; 
 I know the habits of the bembrades, 
 I know the lentils in their various sorts; 
 In short, this I can say—Whene'er I am 
 
 At a funereal feast as minister, 
 As soon as men come back from the funeral, 
 Clad in dark garments, I take off the lids 
 Of all my saucepans, and the weeping guests 
 I clothe with smiling faces in a moment; 
 And such a joy runs through each heart and frame 
 As if they were a marriage feast attending. 
 
 A. What! serving up lentils and bembrades? 
 
 B. These are some accidental dishes only; 
 But when I've got my necessary tools, 
 And once have properly arranged my kitchen, 
 That which in old time happen'd with the Sirens 
 You shall again behold repeated now. 
 For such shall be the savoury smell, that none 
 Shall bring themselves to pass this narrow passage; 
 And every one who passes by the door 
 Shall stand agape, fix'd to the spot, and mute, 
 Till some one of his friends, who's got a cold 
 And lost his smell, drags him away by force. 
 
 A. You're a great artist. 
 
 B. Do not you then know 
 To whom you speak? I do declare to you 
 I have known many of the guests, who have, 
 For my sake, eaten up their whole estates. 
 Now, I beg you, tell me, in the name of all the gods at once, in what
 respect this man appears to you to differ from the Celedones in Pindar, who, in
 the same manner as the Sirens of old, caused those who listened to them to forget
 their food through delight, and so to waste away?

But Nicomachus, in his Ilithyia, himself also introduces a cook, who in arrogance
 and conceit goes far beyond the artists on the stage. This cook then speaks to the
 man who has hired him in this way,— 
 
 A. You do display a gentlemanlike taste 
 And kind; but one thing still you have omitted. 
 
 B. How so? 
 
 A. You never have inquired it seems 
 How great a man I am. Or had you heard it 
 From some one else who was acquainted with me, 
 And so was that the reason you engaged me? 
 
 B. By Jove I never heard or thought about it. 
 
 A. Perhaps you do not know how great the
 difference 
 Is that exists between one cook and another? 
 
 B. Not I, but I shall know now, if you tell me. 
 
 A. To take some meat that some one else has
 bought, 
 And then to dress it tolerably, is 
 What any cook can do. 
 
 B. O Hercules! 
 
 
 A. A perfect cook is quite another thing. 
 For there are many admirable arts, 
 All of which he must master thoroughly 
 Who would excel in this. He first must have 
 A smattering of painting; and indeed 
 Many the sciences are which he must learn 
 Before he's fit to begin learning cookery,— 
 And you should know them ere you talk to me,— 
 Astrology, and Medicine, and Geometry. 
 For by these arts you'll know the qualities 
 And excellences of the various fish. 
 You'll learn to guide your dishes by the seasons; 
 And when this fish is in, and this is out, 
 For there is great variety in the pleasures 
 That from the table spring. Sometimes, for instance, 
 A boax will be better than a tunny. 
 
 B. Perhaps; but what on earth has that to do 
 With your geometry 
 
 A. Why this. We say 
 The kitchen is a sphere; this we divide, 
 And take one portion, as may suit our art, 
 Borrowing the principles of mensuration. 
 
 B. I understand; that's quite enough of that. 
 Where does your medical skill display itself? 
 
 A. Know there are meats hard, indigestible, 
 Pregnant with flatulence, causing only torture 
 To the unhappy eater, and no nourishment. 
 Yet those who sup at other folks' expense 
 Are always greedy and not temperate. 
 For these and similar viands, remedies 
 Must come from the resources of our art; 
 And how to marshal everything in order 
 With wisdom and propriety, we learn 
 By borrowing from the science of the General. 
 To count the guests requires arithmetic. 
 And no one else has all these parts of knowledge 
 Except myself. 
 
 B. Now in your turn, awhile 
 Listen to me. 
 
 A. Say on. 
 
 B. Give no more trouble 
 To me nor to yourself: but just keep quiet, 
 And rest yourself all day for all I care.

And the cook in the Younger Philemon wishes to be a sort of tutor, and speaks in
 this fashion— 
 There, let things be as they are. Only take care 
 The fire may not too small be or too slow 
 To roast the joints. (As a fire like that 
 Makes meat not roast but sodden.) Nor too fierce. 
 (For that again does burn whate'er it catches, 
 
 And yet is far from cooking the meat through.) 
 It is not every one who has a spoon 
 And knife about him that we call a cook, 
 Nor every one who puts his fish in a pan; 
 There is more wit and reason in the business.

And the cook in Diphilus's Painter tells us also to whom he thinks it worth his
 while to hire himself, saying— 
 
 A. I will not use your meat, nor give my aid 
 Unless I'm sure that I shall have all means 
 Which needful are to make a proper show; 
 Nor do I e'er go anywhere till first 
 I know who 'tis who makes the sacrifice, 
 Or what the cause may be which prompts the banquet, 
 ,Or who the guests are who have been invited. 
 For I have got a regular list at home 
 Of where I choose to go, and where I don't. 
 As first, to speak of the commercial class; 
 Some captain of a ship may take a sacrifice 
 Just to discharge some vow, made when he lost 
 His mast, pr broke the rudder of his vessel, 
 Or, having sprung a leak, threw overboard 
 His cargo. I'll have nought to do with him: 
 For he does nothing willingly, but only 
 Just so much as he thinks he cannot help. 
 And every time a cup is fill'd with wine, 
 He makes a calculation of the sum 
 Which he can charge his owners or his passengers, 
 And thinks that what his guests do eat and drink 
 Is his own flesh and blood. Another came, 
 But three days since, from the Byzantine port, 
 Safe and successful; joyful in a profit 
 Of ten or twelve per cent; talking of nothing 
 But freight and interest, spending all his love 
 On worn-out panders. Soon as he did quit 
 The ship and set his foot upon the land, 
 I blew my nose, gave him my hand, and utter'd 
 Audible thanks to saving Jupiter, 
 And hasten'd forth to wait on him. For this 
 Is always my way; and I find it answer. 
 Again, an amorous youth will feast and squander 
 His sire's estate; to him I go at call. 
 But those who feast in shares, and throw together 
 Into one dish their petty contributions, 
 Though they may tear their clothes, and cry aloud, 
 
 Come, who will cook us our new-purchased supper. 
 
 I let bawl on. For if you go to them, 
 First there is language hard and blows to bear; 
 Secondly, one must slave the livelong night; 
 And when at last you ask them for your pay, 
 
 First bring the pot, say they. "There was no vinegar 
 
 In all that salad." Ask again. "Aye, you 
 Shall be the first to be well beaten here." 
 I could recount ten thousand facts like this. 
 
 B. But where I take now is a rich brothel, 
 Where a rich courtesan with other friends 
 Desires to celebrate with great abundance 
 A joyous feast in honour of Adonis, 
 And where you may enjoy yourself in style.

And Archedicus, in his Treasure, another philosophical cookling, speaks in this
 way— 
 In the first place the guests invited came 
 While still the fish lay on the dresser raw. 
 
 Give me some water. 
 Bring the fish up quick. 
 
 Then placing all my pans upon the fire, 
 I soak'd the ashes well with oil, and raise 
 A rapid heat. Meantime the fragrant herbs 
 And pleasant sharpness of the seasonings 
 Delight my master. Quickly I serve up 
 Some fish exactly boiled; retaining all 
 His juice, and all his unextracted flavour; 
 A dish which any free-born man must know 
 How to appreciate rightly. In this manner 
 At the expense of one small pot of oil 
 I gain employment at full fifty banquets. 
 And Philostephanus, in his Delian, gives a catalogue of the names of some
 celebrated cooks in these lines, and those which follow them— 
 In my opinion you, O Dædalus, 
 Surpass all cooks in skill and genius, 
 Save the Athenian Thimbron, call'd the Top. 
 So here I've come to beg your services, 
 Bringing the wages which I know you ask.

And Sotades, not the Maronite poet, who composed Ionian songs, but the poet of the
 middle comedy, in the play entitled The Shut-up Women, (for that was the name
 which he gave to it,) introduces a cook making the following speech,— 
 First I did take some squills, and fried them all; 
 Then a large shark I cut in slices large, 
 Roasting the middle parts, and the remainder 
 I boil'd and stuff'd with half-ripe mulberries. 
 Then I take two large heads of dainty grayling, 
 And in a large dish place them, adding simply 
 Herbs, cummin, salt, some water, and some oil. 
 Then after this I bought a splendid pike, 
 To boil in pickle with all sorts of herbs. 
 Avoiding all such roasts as want a spit, 
 
 I bought too some fine mullet, and young thrushes, 
 And put them on the coals just as they were, 
 Adding a little brine and marjoram. 
 To these I added cuttle-fish and squills. 
 A fine dish is the squill when carefully cook'd. 
 But the rich cuttle-fish is eaten plain, 
 Though I did stuff them all with a rich forced meat 
 Of almost every kind of herb and flower. 
 Then there were several dishes of boil'd meats, 
 And sauce-boats full of oil and vinegar. 
 Besides all this a conger fine and fat 
 I bought, and buried in a fragrant pickle; 
 Likewise some tench, and clinging to the rocks 
 Some limpets. All their heads I tore away, 
 And cover'd them with flour and bread crumbs over, 
 And then prepared them as I dress'd the squills. 
 There was a widow'd amia too, a noble 
 And dainty fish. That did I wrap in fig-leaves, 
 And soak'd it through with oil, and over all 
 With swaddling clothes of marjoram did I fold it, 
 And hid it like a torch beneath the ashes. 
 With it I took anchovies from Phalerum, 
 And pour'd on them one cruet full of water. 
 Then shredding herbs quite fine, I add more oil, 
 More than two cotylee in quantity. 
 What next? That's all. This sir is what I do, 
 Not learning from recipes or books of cookery.

However, this is enough about cooks. But we must say something about the conger.
 For Archestratus, in his Gastronomy, tells us how every part of it should be
 treated, saying— 
 In Sicyon my friend you best can get 
 A mighty head of conger, fat, and strong, 
 And large; and also take his entrails whole, 
 Then boil him a long time, well-soak'd in brine. 
 And after this he goes through the whole country of Italy, saying where
 the congers are best, describing them like a regular writer of an Itinerary, and
 he says— 
 There too fine congers may be caught, and they 
 Are to all other fish as far superior 
 As a fat tunny is to coracini. 
 And Alexis, in his Seven against Thebes, says— 
 And all the parts of a fine conger eel 
 Well hash'd together, overlaid with fat. 
 
 
 And Archedicus, in his Treasure, introduces a cook speaking of some fish which he
 has been buying in the following terms— 
 
 Then for three drachmas I agrayling bought. 
 Five more I gave for a large conger's head 
 And shoulders. (Oh, how hard a thing is life!) 
 Another drachma for the neck. I swear 
 By Phoebus, if I knew where I could get 
 Or buy another neck myself, at once 
 I'd choke the one which now is on my shoulders, 
 Rather than bring these dishes to this place. 
 For no one ever had a harder job 
 To buy so many things at such a price; 
 And yet if I have bought a thing worth buying 
 May I be hang'd. They will devour me. 
 What I now say is what concerns myself. 
 And then, such wine they spit out on the ground! 
 Alas! Alas!

There is a kind of shark called γαλεὸς, which is
 eaten. And Icesius, in his treatise on Materials, says that the best and tenderest
 kind of galei are those called asteriæ. But Aristotle says that there are many
 kinds of them—the thorny, the smooth, the spotted, the young galeus, the fox
 shark, and the file shark. But Dorion, in his Book on Fishes, says that the fox
 shark has only one fin towards his tail, but has none along the ridge of his back.
 But Aristotle, in the fifth book of his Parts of Animals, says that the centrines
 is also a kind of shark, and also the notidanus. But Epænetus, in his Cookery
 Book, calls the latter the enotideus, and says that the centrines is very
 inferior to him, and that it has a bad smell; and that the one may be
 distinguished from the other by the fact of the centrines having a sort of spur
 on his first fin, while the rest of the kinds have not got such a
 thing. 
 And he says that these fishes have no fat or suet in them, because they are
 cartilaginous. 
 
 And the acanthias, or thorny shark, has this peculiarity, that his heart is
 five-cornered. And the galeus has three young at most; and it receives its young
 into his mouth, and immediately ejects them again; and the variegated galeus is
 especially fond of doing this, and so is the fox shark. But the other kinds do not
 do so, because of the roughness of the skins of the young ones.

But Archestratus, the man who lived the life of Sardanapalus, speaking of the
 galeus as he is found at Rhodes, says that it is the same fish as that which,
 among the Romans, is brought on the table to the music of flutes, and accompanied
 with crowns, the slaves also who carry it being crowned, and
 that it is called by the Romans accipesius. But the accipesius, the same as the
 acipenser, or sturgeon, is but a small fish in comparison, and has a longer nose,
 and is more triangular than the galeus in his shape. And the very smallest and
 cheapest galeus is not sold at a lower price than a thousand Attic drachmæ. But Appian, the grammarian, in his essay on the Luxury of Apicius, says
 that the accipesius is the fish called the ellops by the Greeks. But Archestratus,
 speaking of the Rhodian galeus, counselling his companions in a fatherly sort of
 way, says— 
 Are you at Rhodese'en if about to die, 
 Still, if a man would sell you a fox shark, 
 The fish the Syracusans call the dog, 
 Seize on it eagerly; at least, if fat: 
 And then compose yourself to meet your fate 
 With brow serene and mind well satisfied. 
 Lynceus, the Samian, also quotes these verses in his letter to Diagoras,
 and says that the poet is quite right in advising the man who cannot afford the
 price for one, to gratify his appetite by robbery rather than go without it. For
 he says that Theseus; who I take to have been some very good-looking man, offered
 to indulge Thepolemus in anything if he would only give him one of these fish. And
 Timocles, in his play called The Ring, says— 
 Galei and rays, and all the fish besides 
 Which cooks do dress with sauce and vinegar.

There is also the sea-grayling. Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 There is the variegated scorpion, 
 The lizard, and the fat sea-grayling too. 
 And Numenius, in his Treatise on Fishing, says— 
 The hycca, the callicthys, and the chromis, 
 The orphus, the sea-grayling too, who haunts 
 The places where seaweed and moss abound. 
 And Archestratus, praising the head of the glaucus, says— 
 If you're at Megara or at Olynthus, 
 Dress me a grayling's head. For in the shallows 
 Around those towns he's taken in perfection. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Shepherd, says— 
 Bœotian eels, and mussels too from Pontus, 
 Graylings from Megara, from Carystus shrimps, 
 Eretrian phagri, and the Scyrian crabs. 
 
 And the same writer, in his Philotis, speaks thus— 
 
 A. What shall be done with the grayling? 
 
 B. Why 
 Now, as at other times, boil him in brine. 
 
 A. What with the pike? 
 
 B. Why roast him whole, and dish h m. 
 
 A. What with the galeus? 
 
 B. Do him up with stuffing, 
 And serve him hot. 
 
 A. How will you have the eels!? 
 
 B. Cook them with salt, and marjoram, and water. 
 
 A. The conger? 
 
 B. Do the same. 
 
 A. The ray? 
 
 B. Take herbs 
 And season him with them. 
 
 A. There is besides 
 Half a large tunny. 
 
 B. Roast it. 
 
 A. Some goat's venison. 
 
 B. Roast that. 
 
 A. How will you have the rest o' the meat? 
 
 B. All boil'd. 
 
 A. The spleen? 
 
 B. Stuff that. 
 
 A. The paunch and trail?

And Eubulus says, in his Campylion,— 
 There was a beautiful dish of the sea-grayling, 
 And a boil'd pike served up i' savoury pickle. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Nereus, says— 
 The man who first discover'd all the good 
 Of the most precious head of a large grayling, 
 And then how dainty was the tunny's meat, 
 Caught where the waves are by no tempests tost, 
 How good in short is the whole race of fish, 
 Nereus his name, dwells in this place for ever. 
 And Amphis, in his Seven against Thebes, says— 
 Whole graylings, and large slices of the head. 
 And in his Philetærus, he says— 
 Take a small eel, and a fine grayling's head, 
 And slices of a pike fresh from the sea. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Cyclops, out-heroding even the epicure
 Archestratus, says— 
 Give me an Hymettian mullet, 
 And a ray just caught, a perch 
 Split open, and a cuttle-fish, 
 And a well-roasted synodon; 
 
 A slice of grayling, and a head 
 Of mighty conger, luscious food; 
 A frog's inside, a tunny's flank, 
 A ray's sharp back, a cestra's loin, 
 Sea-sparrows, and sea-thrushes too, 
 Sprats, and anchovies, let me not 
 Complain of any want.

And Nausicrates says, in his Captains of Ships,— 
 
 A. They say there are two kinds of fish most
 tender 
 And beautiful to see, which oft appear 
 To sailors wandering o'er the spacious plains 
 Of ocean. And they say that one foretells 
 To mortals all the evils which hang o'er them. 
 
 B. You mean the grayling. 
 
 A. You are right, I do. 
 And Theolytus, the Methymnæan, in his Bacchic Odes, says that Glaucus the
 deity of the sea became enamoured of Ariadne, when she was carried off by Bacchus
 in the island of Dia; and that he, attempting to offer violence to her, was bound
 by Bacchus in fetters made of vine-twigs; but that when he begged for mercy he was
 released, saying— 
 There is a place, Anthedon is its name, 
 On the seaside, against th' Eubœan isle, 
 Near to the stream of the still vext Euripus— 
 Thence is my race; and Copeus was my sire. 
 And Promathides of Heraclea, in his Half Iambics, traces the pedigree of
 Glaucus as being the son of Polybus, the son of Mercury, and of Eubœa, the
 daughter of Larymnus. But Mnaseas, in the third book of his history of the Affairs
 of Europe, calls him the son of Anthedon and Alcyone; and says that he was a
 sailor and an excellent diver, and that he was surnamed Pontius; and that having
 ravished Syme, the daughter of Ialemus and Dotis, he sailed away to Asia, and
 colonised a desert island near Caria, and called that Syme, from the name of his
 wife. But Euanthes, the epic poet, in his Hymn to Glaucus, says that he was the
 son of Neptune and the nymph Nais; and that he was in love with Ariadne, in the
 island of Dia, and was favoured by her after she had been left there by Theseus.
 But Aristotle, in his Constitution of the Delians, says that he settled in Delos
 with the Nereids, and gave oracles to all who wished for them. But Possis, the
 Magnesian, in the third book of his Amazonis, says that Glaucus was the builder of
 the Argo, and that he was her pilot when Jason fought the
 Etrurians, and was the only person unwounded in that naval battle; and that by he
 will of Jupiter he appeared in the depths of the sea, and so became a sea deity,
 but was seen by Jason alone. But Nicanor the Cyrenæan, in his Changes of Names,
 says that Melicerta changed his name and assumed the name of Glaucus.

Alexander the Aetolian also mentions him in his poem entitled the Fisherman,
 saying that he 
 First tasted grass, 
 (and then was immersed in the sea and drowned,) 
 The herb which in the islands of the blest, 
 When first the spring doth beam upon the earth, 
 The untill'd land shows to the genial sun. 
 And the sun gives it to his weary steeds, 
 A most refreshing food, raised in the shade. 
 So that they come in vigour back renew'd 
 Unto their daily task, and no fatigue 
 Or pain can stop their course. 
 But Aeschrion the Samian, in some one of his Iambic poems, says that
 Glaucus the sea-deity was in love with Hydna, the daughter of Scyllus, the diver
 of Scione. And he makes particular mention of this herb, namely, that any one who
 eats of it becomes immortal, saying— 
 And you found too th' agrostis of the gods, 
 The sacred plant which ancient Saturn sow'd. 
 And Nicander, in the third book of his Europe, says that Glaucus was
 beloved by Nereus. And the same Nicander, in the first book of his history of the
 Affairs of Aetolia, says that Apollo learnt the art of divination from Glaucus;
 and that Glaucus when he was hunting near Orea, (and that is a lofty mountain in
 Aetolia,) hunted a hare, which was knocked up by the length of the chance, and got
 under a certain fountain, and when just on the point of dying, rolled itself on
 the herbage that was growing around; and, as it recovered its strength by means of
 the herbage, Glaucus too perceived the virtues of this herb, and ate some himself.
 And becoming a god in consequence, when a storm came, he, in accordance with the
 will of Jupiter, threw himself into the sea. But Hedylus, whether he was a Samian
 or an Athenian I know not, says that Glaucus was enamoured of Melicert, and threw
 himself into the sea after him. But Hedyl, the mother of this poet, and daughter
 of Moschine of Atica, a poetess who composed Iambics, in her
 poem which is entitled Scylla, relates that Glaucus being in love with Scylla came
 to her cave— 
 Bearing a gift of love, a mazy shell, 
 Fresh from the Erythrean rock, and with it too 
 The offspring, yet unfledged, of Alcyon, 
 To win th' obdurate maid. He gave in vain. 
 Even the lone Siren on the neighbouring isle 
 Pitied the lover's tears. For as it chanced, 
 He swam towards the shore which she did haunt, 
 Nigh to th' unquiet caves of Aetna.

There is also a fish called the fuller. Dorion, in his treatise on Fish, says that
 the juice which proceeds from the boiling of a fuller will take out every kind of
 stain; and Epænetus also mentions it in his Cookery Book.

The eel is well known: and Epicharmus mentions sea-eels in his Muses; but Dorion,
 in his treatise on Fishes, mentioning those which come from the lake Copais,
 extols the Copaic eels highly; and they grow to a great size. At all events,
 Agatharchides, in the sixth book of his history of the Affairs of Europe, says
 that the largest eels from lake Copais are sacrificed to the gods by the Bœotians,
 who crown them like victims, and offer prayers over them, sprinkling them with
 meal; and that once, when a foreigner was astonished at the singular kind of
 victim and sacrifice, and asked a Bœotian whence it originated, the Bœotian
 answered, That he only knew one thing; that it was right to maintain the customs
 of one's ancestors, and that it was not right to make any excuses for them to
 foreigners. But we need not wonder if eels are sacrificed as victims, since
 Antigonus the Carystian, in his treatise on Language, says that the fishermen
 celebrate a festival in honour of Neptune when the tunnies come in season, and
 they are successful in their pursuit of them; and that they sacrifice to the god
 the first tunny that is caught; and that this sacrificial festival is called the
 Thunnæum.

But among the people of Phaselis, even salt-fish are offered in sacrifice. At all
 events, Heropythus, in his Annals of the Colophonians, speaking of the original
 settlement of Phaselis, says that Lacius, having conducted the colony, gave
 as the price of the ground to Cylabras, a shepherd who fed sheep there, some
 salt-fish, as that was what he asked for. For when Lacius had proposed to him
 to take as a price for the soil either barley-cakes, or
 wheat-cakes, or salt-fish, Cyla- bras chose the salt-fish. And, on this
 account, the people of Phaselis every year, even to this day, sacrifice
 salt-fish to Cylabras. But Philostephanus, in the first book of his
 treatise on the Cities of Asia, writes thus:— That Lacius the Argive, being
 one of the men who had come with Mopsus, whom some say was a Lindian, and the
 brother of Antiphemus who colonized Gela, was sent to Phaselis by Mopsus with
 some men, in accordance with some directions given by Manto the mother of
 Mopsus, when the sterns of their ships came in collision off the Chelidoniæ,
 and were much broken, as Lacius and the vessels with him ran into them in the
 night, in consequence of their arriving later. And it is said that he purchased
 the land where the city now stands, in obedience to the prophetic directions of
 Manto, from a man of the name of Cylabras, giving him some salt-fish for it;
 for that was what he had selected from all the ships contained. On which
 account, the people of Phaselis sacrifice salt-fish to Cylabras every year,
 honouring him as their hero.

But concerning eels, Icesius, in his treatise on Materials, says that eels have a
 better juice in them than any other fish; and in the quality of being good for the
 stomach, they are superior to most, for they are very satisfying and very
 nutritious: though he classes the Macedonian eels among the salt-fish. But
 Aristotle says that eels are fond of the very purest water; on which account, the
 people who feed eels pour clean water over them; for they get choked in muddy
 water. For which reason, those who hunt for them make the water muddy, in order
 that the eels may be choked; for, having very small gills, their pores are almost
 immediately stopped up by any mud or disturbance in the water: on which account,
 also, they are often choked during storms, when the water is disturbed by heavy
 gales. But they propagate their species being entwined together, and then they
 discharge a sort of viscous fluid from their bodies, which lies in the mud and
 generates living creatures. And the people who feed eels say that they feed by
 night, but that during the day they remain motionless in the mud; and they live
 about eight years at most. But in other places, Aristotle ells us again, that they
 are produced without either their progenitors laying eggs or bringing forth living
 offspring, and also that they are not generated by any
 copulation, but that they are propagated by the putrefaction which takes place in
 the mud and slime—as it is said of those things which are called the entrails of
 the earth. From which circumstance, he says that Homer distinguishes between their
 nature and that of other fish; and says— 
 The eels and fish within the briny deep, 
 Were startled at the blaze.

But a certain Epicurean, who was one of our party, when an eel was served up, said,—Here is the
 Helen of the feast; I therefore will be the Paris! And, before any one else could
 stretch out a hand towards it, he seized hold of it and split it up, tearing off
 one side down to the backbone. And the same man, when presently a hot cheese-cake
 was set before him, and when all refused it, cried out, 
 I will attack it were it hot as fire; 
 and then, rushing upon it eagerly, and swallowing it, he was carried out
 severely scalded. And Cynulcus said,—The cormorant is carried out from his battle
 of the throat! 
 Moreover, Archestratus thus speaks of the eel:— 
 I praise all kinds of eels; but far the best 
 Is that which fishermen do take in the sea 
 Opposite to the strait of Rhegium. 
 Where you, Messenius, who daily put 
 This food within your mouth, surpass all mortals 
 In real pleasure. Though none can deny 
 That great the virtue and the glory is 
 Of the Strymonian and Copaic eels. 
 For they are large, and wonderfully fat; 
 And I do think in short that of all fish 
 The best in flavour is the noble eel, 
 Although he cannot propagate his species.

But, as Homer has said, 
 The eels and fish were startled, 
 Archilochus has also said, in a manner not inconsistent with that— 
 And you received full many sightless eels. 
 But the Athenians, as Tryphon says, form all the cases in the singular
 number with the υ, but do not make the cases in
 the plural in a similar manner. Accordingly, Aristophanes, in
 his Acharnensians, says— 
 Behold, O boys, the noble eel ( ἔγχελυν ); 
 and, in his Lemnian Women, he says— 
 
 ῎ἔγχελυν βοιωτίαν : 
 but he uses the nominative case in his Daitaleis— 
 And smooth too ὥσπερ ἔγχελυς. 
 
 And Cratinus, in his Pluti, says— 
 The tunny, orphus, grayling, eel, and sea-dog. 
 But the Attic writers do not form the cases in the plural number as Homer
 does. Aristophanes says, in his Knights- For you have fared like men who're
 hunting eels ( ἐγχέλεις ); and, in his second
 edition of the Clouds, he says— 
 Imitating my images of the eels ( ἐγχελέων ); 
 and in his Wasps we find the dative case— 
 I don't delight in rays nor in ἐγχέλεσιν 
 
 And Strattis, in his Potamii, said— 
 A cousin of the eels ( ἐγχελέων ). 
 Simonides, too, in his Iambics, writes— 
 Like an eel ( ἔγχελυς ) complaining of being
 slippery. 
 He also uses it in the accusative— 
 A kite was eating a Mæandrian eel ( ἔγχελυν ), 
 But a heron saw him and deprived him of it. 
 But Aristotle, in his treatise on Animals, writes the word with an
 ι, ἔγχελις. But when Aristophanes, in his
 Knights, says— 
 Your fate resembles that of those who hunt 
 For mud-fed eels. For when the lake is still 
 Their labour is in vain. But if they stir 
 The mud all up and down, they catch much fish. 
 And so you gain by stirring up the city; 
 he shows plainly enough that the eel is caught in the mud, ( ἐκ τῆς ἴλυος, ) and it is from this word ἴλυς that the name ἔγχελυς ends in υς. The Poet,
 therefore, wishing to show that the violent effect of the fire reached even to the
 bottom of the river, spoke thus-The eels and fish were troubled; speaking of the
 eels separately and specially, in order to show the very great depth to which the
 water was influenced by the fire.

But Antiphanes, in his Lycon, jesting on the Egyptians after the manner of the
 comic poets, says— 
 
 They say in other things the Egyptian race 
 Is clever also, since they think the eel 
 On a level with the gods; or I may say 
 By far more valuable. For, as to the gods,— 
 Those we gain over by our prayers alone; 
 But as for eels, without you spend at least 
 Twelve drachmas you can scarce get leave to smell them. 
 So it is altogether a holy beast. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Cities, directing what he says to the Egyptians,
 speaks as follows— 
 I never could myself your comrade be, 
 For neither do'our manners nor our laws 
 Agree with yours, but they are wholly different. 
 You do adore an ox; I sacrifice him 
 To the great Gods of heaven. You do think 
 An eel the mightiest of deities; 
 But we do eat him as the best of fish. 
 You eat no pork; I like it above all things. 
 You do adore a dog; but I do beat him 
 If e'er I catch him stealing any meat. 
 Then our laws enjoin the priests to be 
 Most perfect men; but yours are mutilated. 
 If you do see a cat in any grief 
 You weep; but I first kill him and then skin him. 
 You have a great opinion of the shrew-mouse; 
 But I have none at all. 
 And Timocles, in his Egyptians, says— 
 How can an ibis or a dog be able 
 To save a man? For where with impious hearts 
 Men sin against the all-acknowledged Gods, 
 And yet escape unpunish'd, who can think 
 The altar of a cat will be more holy, 
 Or prompter to avenge itself, than they?

But that men used to wrap eels up in beet, and then eat them, is a fact constantly
 alluded to in the poets of the old comedy; and Eubulus says in his Echo— 
 The nymph who never knew the joys of marriage, 
 Clothed with rosy beet will now appear, 
 The white-flesh'd eel. Hail, brilliant luminary, 
 Great in my taste, and in your own good qualities. 
 And in his Ionian he says— 
 And after this were served up the rich 
 Entrails of roasted tunnies; then there came 
 Those natives of the lake, the holy eels, 
 Bœotian goddesses; all clothed in beet. 
 And in his Medea he says— 
 
 The sweet Bœotian Copaic virgin; 
 For I do fear to name the Goddess. 
 And that the eels of the river Strymon were also celebrated, Antiphanes
 tells us in his Thamyras, saying— 
 And then your namesake river, far renown'd 
 In all the mouths of men, the mighty Strymon, 
 Who waters the rich warlike plains of Thrace, 
 Breeds mighty eels. 
 And Demetrius the Scepsian, in the sixteenth book of his Trojan Array,
 says that there were eels of surpassing excellence produced in the neighbourhood
 of the river Euleus (and this river is mentioned by Antimachus in his work
 entitled The Tablets, where he says— 
 Arriving at the springs 
 Where Euleus with his rapid eddies rises).

With respect to the ellops, some mention has already been made of him. But
 Archestratus also speaks in this way of him— 
 The best of ellopes which you can eat 
 Come from the bay of famous Syracuse. 
 Those eat whene'er you can. For that's the place 
 Whence this great fish originally came. 
 But those which are around the islands caught, 
 Or any other land, or nigh to Crete, 
 Too long have battled with the eddying currents, 
 And so are thin and harder to the taste.

The erythrinus, or red mullet, has been mentioned too. Aristotle, in his book on
 Animals, and Speusippus both say that the fishes called erythrinus, phagrus, and
 hepatus are all very nearly alike. And Dorion has said much the same in his
 treatise on Fish. But the Cyrenæans give the name of erythrinus to the hyca; as
 Clitarchus tells us in his Dialects.

The encrasicholi are also mentioned by Aristotle as fish of small size, in his
 treatise on What relates to Animals. But Dorion, in his book on Fishes, speaks of
 the encrasicholi among those which are best boiled, speaking in the following
 terms— One ought to boil the encrasicholi, and the iopes, and the
 atherinæ, and the tench, and the smaller mullet, and the cuttle-fish, and the
 squid, and the different kinds of crab or craw-fish.

The hepsetus, or boiled fish, is a name given to several small fish. Aristophanes,
 in his Anagyrus, says— 
 There is not one dish of hepseti. 
 
 And Archippus says in his Fishes— 
 An hepsetus fell in with an anchovy 
 And quick devour'd him. 
 And Eupolis, in his Goats, says— 
 Ye graces who do love the hepseti. 
 And Eubulus, in his Prosusia or Cycnus, says— 
 Contented if just once in each twelve days 
 He sees an hepsetus well boil'd in beet. 
 And Alexis, in his Apeglaucomenos, says— 
 There were some hepseti besides served up 
 In a dædalean manner. For they call 
 All clever works by the name of Dædalus; 
 and presently afterwards he continues— 
 Will you not now then try the coracini? 
 Nor trichides, nor any hepseti? 
 But this word is always used in the plural, ἑψητοὶ, because they are only served up in numbers. Aristophanes, in
 his Dramata or Niobus, says— 
 I will say nothing of a dish of hepseti. 
 And Menander, in his Perinthian Woman, says— 
 The boy came in bringing some hepseti. 
 But Nicostratus uses the word in the singular number, in his Hesiod—
 
 A bembras, an anchovy, and a hepsetus. 
 And Posidippus, in his Woman shut up, says— 
 She's gone to buy a hepsetus. 
 But in my country Naucratis, what they call hepseti are little fish left
 in the drains or ditches, when the Nile ceases its overflowing.

The hepatus or lebias is the next fish to be noticed. Diodes affirms that this is
 one of those fish which stick to the rocks; but Speusippus says that the hepatus
 is the same as the phagrus. But it is a solitary fish, as Aristotle declares,
 carnivorous, and with serrated teeth; black as to its flesh, and having eyes
 large, out of all proportion to the rest of its size; and its heart is triangular
 and white. But Archestratus, the marshal of banquets, says— 
 Remember that the lebias is best, 
 As also is the hepatus, in the waves 
 Which wash the Delian and the Tenian shores.

Then come the elacatenes, or spindle fish. Mnesima- chus, in his Horsebreeder,
 classes together in one line— 
 The turbot, tunny, tench, elacatene. 
 But they are a cetaceous fish, very good for curing in his Colons, says—
 
 The tench, th' elacatene, and the tail-fin of 
 The sea-dog are the best for pickling. 
 And Mnaseas of Patra says, "Of Ichthys and Hesychia, his sister, were
 born the galene, the lamprey, and the elacatene.

The tunny must also not be forgotten. Aristotle says this fish swims into the
 Black Sea, always keeping the land on the right; but that he sails out again,
 keeping the land on the left. For that he can see much best with his right eye,
 but that he is rather blind with his left eye. And under his fins he has a sort of
 gadfly; he delights in heat, on which account he comes wherever there is sand; and
 he is most eatable at the season when he gets rid of that fly. But he propagates
 his species after his time of torpor is over, as we are told by Theophrastus; and
 as long as his offspring are little, he is very difficult to catch, but when they
 get larger, then he is easily caught, because of the gadfly. But the tunny lies in
 holes, although he is a fish with a great deal of blood. And Archestratus says—
 
 Around the sacred and the spacious isle 
 Of Samos you may see large tunnies caught. 
 The Samians call them horcyes, and others 
 Do name them cetus. These 'tis well to buy, 
 Fit offering for the Gods; and do it quickly, 
 Nor stop to haggle or bargain for the price. 
 Good too are those which fair Byzantium, 
 Or the Carystian marble rocks do breed. 
 And in the famous isle of Sicily, 
 The Cephalcedian and Tyndarian shores 
 Send forth fish richer still. And if you come 
 To sacred Italy, where Hipponium's cape 
 Frowns on the waves which lave the Bruttian coast 
 Those are the best of all. The tunnies there 
 Have gain'd the height of fame and palm of victory. 
 Still those which there you find have wander'd far, 
 Cross'd many seas, and many a roaring strait, 
 So that we often catch them out of season.

But this fish was called the tunny ( θύννος ) from
 rushing ( ἀπὸ τοῦ θύειν ), and moving rapidly. For
 it s an impetuous fish, from, at a particular season, having a gadfly in its head; by which Aristotle says that it is driven about, writing
 thus— But the tunny fish and the sword fish are driven to frenzy about
 the time of the rising of the dogstar; for both of them at that season have
 under their fins something like a small worm, which is called oestrus,
 resembling a scorpion, and in size something similar to a spider, and this
 makes them leap about in leaps as. large as those of the dolphin. And
 Theodoridas says,— 
 The tunnies bend their furious course to Gades. 
 But Polybius of Megalopolis, in the thirty-fourth book of his History,
 speaking of the Lusitanian district in Iberia, says, That in the sea, in
 these parts, acorn-bearing oaks grow, on the fruit of which the tunnies feed,
 and grow fat; so that a person who called the tunny the pig of the sea would
 not err, for the tunnies, like the pigs, grow to a great size on these
 acorns.

And the intestines of this fish are highly extolled, as Eubulus also tells us, in
 his Ionian,— 
 And after this the luscious intestines 
 Of roasted tunnies sail'd upon the table. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Lemnian Woman, says— 
 Despise not thou the fat Bœotian eel, 
 Nor grayling, nor the entrails of the tunny. 
 And Strattis, in his Atalanta, says— 
 Next buy the entrails of a tunny, and 
 Some pettitoes of pigs, to cost a drachma. 
 And the same poet says in his Macedonians— 
 And the sweet entrails of the tunny fish. 
 And Eriphus says in his Melibœa— 
 These things poor men cannot afford to buy, 
 The entrails of the tunny or the head 
 Of greedy pike, or conger, or cuttle-fish, 
 Which I don't think the gods above despise. 
 But when Theopompus, in his Callæschrus, says, 
 The ὑπογάστριον of fish, O Ceres, 
 we must take notice that the writers of his time apply the term ὑπογάστριον to fish, but very seldom to pigs or other
 animals; but it is uncertain what animals Antiphanes is speaking of, when he makes
 use of the term ὑπογάστριον in his Ponticus, where
 he says— 
 
 Whoever has by chance bought dainty food 
 For these accursed and abandon'd women, 
 Such as ὑπογάστρια, which may Neptune 
 Confound for ever; and who seeks to place 
 Beside them now a dainty loin of meat . . . 
 And Alexis, in his Ulysses weaving, praises the head of the tunny; and
 says— 
 
 A. And I will throw the fishers headlong down 
 Into the pit. They only catch for me 
 Food fit for freed men; trichides and squids, 
 And partly fried fish. 
 
 B. But not long ago, 
 This man, if he could get a tunny's head, 
 Thought he was eating tunnies whole, and eels. 
 They praised also that part of the tunny which they called the
 key, as Aristophon does, in his Peirithus:— 
 
 A. But now the dinner is all spoilt entirely. 
 
 B. Here are two roasted keys quite fit to eat. 
 
 A. What, keys to open doors? 
 
 B. No, tunny keys; 
 A dainty dish. 
 
 A. There is the Spartan key too.

But Antigonus the Carystian, in his treatise on Language, says that the tunny is
 sacrificed to Neptune, as we have already mentioned. But Heracleon the Ephesian
 says that the Attic writers call the tunny the orcynus. And Sostratus, in the
 second book of his treatise on Animals, says that the pelamys is called the
 thunnis, or female tunny-fish; but that when it becomes larger, it is called
 thunnus; and when it gets to a larger size still, it is called the orcynus; and
 that when it has grown to a size which is quite enormous, then it is called cetus.
 And Aeschylus likewise mentions the tunny, saying— 
 I bid you take up hammers now, and beat 
 The fiery mass of iron, which will utter 
 No groan, but bear in silence like the tunny. 
 And in another place he says— 
 Turning his eye aside, just like the tunny; 
 because the tunny cannot see well out of his left eye, as Aristotle has
 said. Menander, in his Fishermen, says— 
 And the disturbed and muddy sea which breeds 
 The largest tunnies. 
 And in Sophron we find the word θυννοθήρας (a hunter of tunnies); but the same
 fish which is usually called θύννος, the Attic
 writers call θυννίς.

But as to the thunnis, Aristotle says that this is the female, differing from the
 male thunnus in having a fin under the belly, the name of which fin is the
 ather. But in his treatise on the Parts of Animals, he again
 distinguishes the thunnis from the thunnus; saying, that in the summer,
 about the month Hecatombæon, it drops something like a bag, in which there are
 a great number of small eggs. And Speusippus, in the second book of his
 Similitudes, distin- guishes the thunnis from the thunnus; and so does Epichar-
 mus, in his Muses. But Cratinus, in his Pluti, says— 
 For I'm a thunnis, a melænas, or 
 A thunnus, orphos, grayling, eel, or sea-dog. 
 And Aristotle, in his treatise on Fishes, says that the thunnis is a
 gregarious fish, and also a migratory one. But Archestratus, who is so fond of
 petty details, says— 
 And then the thunna's tail, which I call thunnis, 
 That mighty fish, whose home's Byzantium. 
 Cut it in slices, and then roast it all 
 With accurate care, strewing on nought but salt, 
 Most thinly spread; then sprinkle a little oil; 
 Then eat it hot, first dipping it in brine. 
 Or if you like to eat them dry they're good; 
 Like the immortal gods in character, 
 And figure too; but if you once forget, 
 And vinegar add to them, then you spoil them. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Pæderastes, says— 
 And the middle slices take 
 Of the choice Byzantian tunny, 
 And let them be neatly hidden 
 Under leaves from beet-root torn. 
 Antiphanes also praises the tail of the thunnis, in his Couris, where he
 says— 
 
 A. The man who's country bred likes not to eat 
 Food from the sea extracted; unless indeed 
 It comes quite close in shore. Such as some conger, 
 Some ray, or tunny's . . . 
 
 B. Which part of the tunny? 
 
 A. The lower part. 
 
 B. Well, you may eat that safely. 
 
 A. All other fish I reckon cannibals. 
 
 B. Do not you eat those fish with the ugly
 backs? 
 
 A. Which? 
 
 B. The fat eels which haunt Copais' lake. 
 
 
 A. Aye, like a ploughman. For indeed I have 
 A farm not far from that most dainty lake. 
 But I impeach the eels now of desertion, 
 For none at all were there the other day. 
 And some of these iambics may be found in the Acestria, and also in the
 Countryman, or Butalion. And Hiponax, as Lysanias quotes him in his treatise on
 the Iambic Poets, says— 
 For one of them with rapid extravagance 
 Feasting each day on tunnies and on cheese-cakes,, 
 Like any eunuch of rich Lampsacus, 
 Ate up his whole estate. So that he now 
 Is forced to work and dig among the rocks,' 
 Eating poor figs, and small stale loaves of barley, 
 Food fit for slaves. 
 And Strattis also mentions the thunnis, in his Callipides.

There is also a fish called the hippurus, or horsetail. Aristotle, in the fifth
 book of his treatise on the Parts of Animals, says that the hippuri lay eggs, and
 that these are small at first, but come to a great size, like those of the lam-
 prey; and that they bring forth their young in the spring. But Dorion, in his book
 upon Fish, says that the hippurus is also called the coryphæna. But Icesius calls
 it the hippuris; and Epicharmas also mentions them in his Hebe's Wedding, saying—
 
 The sharp-nosed needle-fish, 
 And the hippurus, and bright chrysophrys. 
 But Numenius, in his treatise on the Art of Fishing, speaking of the
 nature of the fish, says that it keeps continually leaping out of the water; on
 which account it is also called the Tumbler. And he uses the following expressions
 about it:— 
 Or the great synodons, or tumbler hippurus. 
 And Archestratus says— 
 Th' hippurus of Carystus is the best, 
 And indeed all Carystian fish are good. 
 And Epænetus, in his Cookery Book, says that it is called also the
 coryphoena.

There is another fish called the horse; and perhaps it is the same which
 Epicharmus calls the hippidion, or little horse, when he says— 
 The coracinus colour'd like a crow, 
 Fat, well-fed fish; the smooth hippidion, 
 The phycæ and the tender squill . . . 
 
 And Numenius, in his Art, of Fishing, says— 
 The char, the mighty tench of size enormous, 
 The channus, and the eel; and he who roves 
 By night, the wary pitynus; the mussel, 
 The horse-fish, or the sea-green corydulis. 
 And Antimachus the Colophonian mentions it in his Thebais, where he says—
 
 The hyca, or the horse-fish, or the one 
 Which they do call the thrush.

There is a fish, too, called the ioulis, concerning which Dorion says, in his
 treatise on Fishes, Recollect that if you boil the ioulis, you must do it
 in brine; and if you roast them, you must roast them with marjoram. And
 Numenius says— 
 And ne'er neglect the medicine which keeps off 
 To a great degree the greedy fish ioulis, 
 And scolopendrus that doth poison dart. 
 But the same writer calls them ioulus, and the entrails of the earth, in
 the following lines:— 
 Moreover do not then the bait forget, 
 Which on the highest hills that fringe the shore 
 Shall soon be found. And they are called iouli, 
 Black, eating earth-the entrails of the earth; 
 Or the long-footed grasshopper, what time 
 The sandy rocks are sprinkled with the foam 
 Of the high-rising tide. Then dig them up, 
 And stow them carefully within your bag.

There are also fish called κίχλη, the sea-thrush,
 and κόσσυφος, the sea-blackbird. The Attic writers
 call the first κίχλη, with an η; and the reason is as follows:—All the feminine nouns
 which end in λα have another λ before the λα; as σκύλλα, σκίλλα, κόλλα, βδέλλα, ἅμιλλα, ἅμαλλα : but those
 which end in λη do not require a λ to precede the λη; as
 ὁμίχλη, φύτλη, γενέθλη, αἴγλη, τρώγλη, and, in
 like manner, τρίγλη. Cratinus says— 
 Suppose a man had eaten a red mullet ( τρίγλην ), 
 Would that alone prove him an epicure? 
 And Diocles, in the first book of his treatise on Wholesomes, says,
 Those fish which are called rocky fish have tender flesh; such as the
 sea-blackbird, the sea-thrush, the perch, the tench, the phyca, the
 alphesticus. But Numenius says, in his treatise on Fishing— 
 
 The sea-born race of grayling or of orphus, 
 The black-flesh'd blackbird, or the dainty sea-thrush 
 Sporting beneath the waves. 
 And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 Bambradones, sea-thrushes, and sea-hares; 
 And the bold dragon fish. 
 And Aristotle, in his treatise on What concerns Animals, says, And
 the fishes with black spots, like the sea-blackbird; and the fishes with
 variegated spots, like the sea-thrush. But Pancrates the Arcadian, in
 his Works of the Sea, says that the sea-thrush is called by many names:— 
 Add now to these the sea-thrush red, which they 
 Who seek to snare the wary fish with bait 
 Do call the saurus, and th' æolias, 
 Add too th' orphiscus with his large fat head. 
 And Nicander, in the fourth book of his Transformed People, says— 
 The scarus or the thrush with many names.

There is also the sea-boar and the cremys. Aristotle, in his treatise on Animals,
 says, But some fish have no teeth and smooth skins, like the needle-fish;
 and some have stony heads, like the cremys; and some are harsher, with rough
 skins, like the sea-boar; and some are marked down the back with two lines,
 like the seserinus; and some are marked with many lines and with red spots,
 like the salpe. And both Dorion and Epænatus mention the sea-boar; and
 Archestratus says— 
 But when you go to Acta's favour'd land, 
 If you by chance should see a rich sea-boar, 
 Buy it at once, and let it not escape you, 
 Not if you buy it at its weight in gold; 
 Else will the indignation of the gods 
 O'erpower you; for 'tis the flower of nectar. 
 But 'tis not all men who can be allow'd 
 To eat this dainty, no, nor e'en to see it; 
 Unless they take a strongly-woven mesh 
 Of marsh-bred rush, and hold it in their hands, 
 Well used to ply the floats with rapid mind. 
 And with these dainties you must offer up, 
 Thrown on the ground, some gifts of lamb and mutton.

There is also the harp-fish. Aristotle, in his treatise on Animals, or on Fish,
 says, The harp-fish has serrated teeth, is a fish of solitary habits, he
 lives on seaweed; he has a very loose tongue, and a white
 and broad heart. Pherecrates, in his Slave-Tutor, says— 
 The harp-fish is a good fish; be you sure 
 To buy him when you can. He really is good; 
 But, I by Phœbus swear, this does perplex me 
 Exceedingly which men do say, my friend, 
 That there is secret harm within this harp-fish. 
 Epicharmus says, in his Marriage of Hebe— 
 There were hyænides, 
 And fine buglossi, and the harp-fish too 
 And Apollodorus has said that, on account of his name, he was considered
 to be sacred to Apollo. And Callias, or Diodes, whichever was the author of the
 play, says in the Cyclops— 
 A roasted harp-fish, and a ray, 
 And the head of a well-fed tunny. 
 And Archestratus, in his Luxurious Way of Living, says— 
 I counsel you always to boil a harp-fish 
 If he is white and full of firmish meat; 
 But if he's red and also no great size, 
 Then it were best, when you have prick'd him o'er 
 With a new sharpen'd knife, to roast him gently. 
 Sprinkle him then with oil and plenteous cheese, 
 For he does like to see men liberal, 
 And is himself intemperate.

There is also the cordylus. Aristotle calls this fish an amphibious animal, and
 says that it dies if it is dried by the sun. But Numenius, in his book on the Art
 of Fishing, calls it the courylus:— 
 All things are ready. First I strip the thighs 
 Of courylus, or pirene, and treat too 
 In the same way the marine grasshopper. 
 He also speaks of the fish called the cordylis, in these lines— 
 Mussels, sea-horses, or the sea-green cordylis.

There is also a fish called cammorus. Epicharmus, in his Marriage of Hebe, says—
 
 Then after this there are boaces and 
 Smarides, anchovies, also cammori. 
 And Sophron, in his Female Farces, mentions them. But they are a species
 of squill, and this name was given them by the Romans.

There is also a fish called the carcharias. Numenius of Heraclea, in his Art of
 Fishing, says— 
 
 At times you may too a carcharias catch, 
 At times a psamathis who loves the surf. 
 And Sophron, in his Tunny-hunter, says, But if your stomach
 happens to have swallowed a carcharias. But Nicander the Colophonian,
 in his essay on Dialects, says that the carcharias is also called the lamias and
 the squill.

There is also the cestreus. Icesius says, if the fish which are called by
 one general name of leucisci there are many sorts; for some are called cephali,
 and some cestres, and some chellones, and some myxini. But the cephali are the
 best both in flavour and juiciness; the next to them are those called the
 cestres; the myxini are inferior to either. But the worst of all are the
 chellones, which are called bacchi; and they are all full of wholesome juice,
 not very nutritious, but very digestible. And Dorion, in his essay on
 Fish, mentions the sea cestreus, but does not approve of the river one. And the
 sea cestreus he subdivides into two species—the cephalus and the nestis. But the
 cestreus, which is like the sea-urchin about the head, he calls sphondylus. And he
 says that the cephalinus differs from the cephalus, and that this last is
 also called the blepsias. But Aristotle says, in the fifth book of his
 treatise on the Parts of Animals, But of the different kinds of cestreus,
 the chellones begin to be pregnant in the month Poseideon; so does the sargus
 and the fish called the myxus; and so does the cephalus: and they go thirty
 days with young. But some of the cestres are not generated by copulation, but
 are produced by the slime and the sand. 
 
 And in other places Aristotle says, The cestreus is a fish with serrated
 teeth, but he does not eat other fishes; and, indeed, he is in no respect
 carnivorous. But of these fish there are several kinds—the cephalus, the
 chellon, and the pheræus. And the chellon feeds close to land, but the pheræus
 does not; and they use the following food—the pheræus uses the mucus which
 proceeds from itself, and the chellon eats slime and sand. It is said, also,
 that the spawn of the cestreus is not eaten by any other fish, just as the
 cestreus also eats no other fish. But Euthydemus the Athenian, in his
 treatise on Cured Fish, says that the spheneus and the dactyleus are both
 different species of cestres; and also that there is a species which are called
 cephali, because they have very large heads. And those which are called
 spheneus, are called so because 
 they are thin and four-cornered; and the dactyleis are not so thick as two
 fingers. But the most excellent of the cestres are those which are caught near
 Abdera, as Archestratus has told us; and the second-best are those which come from
 Sinope.

But the cestres are called by some writers plotes, as Polemo says, in his treatise
 on the Rivers in Sicily. And Epicharmus, in his Muses, gives them this name—
 
 Aeolians, and plotes, and cynoglossi. 
 There also were sciathides. 
 And Aristotle, in his treatise on the Dispositions and Way of Living of
 Animals, says that the cestres live even if they are deprived of their
 tails. But the cestreus is eaten by the pike, and the conger is eaten by the
 turbot. And there is an often-quoted proverb, The cestreus is
 fasting, which is applied to men who live with strict regard to
 justice, because the cestreus is never carnivorous. Anaxilas, in his Morose Man,
 attacking Maton the Sophist for his gluttony, says— 
 Maton seized hold of a large cestreus' head, 
 And ate it all. But I am quite undone. 
 And that beautiful writer, Archestratus, says— 
 Buy if you can a cestreus which has come 
 From the sea-girt Aegina; then you shall 
 For well-bred men be fitting company. 
 Diocles, in his Sea, says— 
 The cestreus leaps for joy.

But that the nestes are a kind of cestreus, Archippus tells us, in his Hercules
 Marrying:— 
 Nestes cestres, cephali. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Lampon, says— 
 But all the other soldiers which you have 
 Are hungry ( νήστεις ) cestres. 
 And Alexis, in his Phrygian, says— 
 So I a nestis cestreus now run home. 
 Ameipsias says, in his Men playing at the Cottabus— 
 
 A. And I will seek the forum, there to find 
 Some one to take my work. 
 
 B. I wish you would, 
 You would all have less time to follow me, 
 Like any hungry ( νῆστις ) cestreus. 
 And Euphron says, in his Ugly Woman— 
 Midas then is a cestreus-see, he walks 
 Along the city fasting ( νῆστις ). 
 
 And Philemon says, in his Men dying together— 
 I bought me now a nestis cestreus roasted 
 Of no great size. 
 Aristophanes, in his Gerytades, says— 
 Is there within a colony of man cestres? 
 For that they all are νήστιδες you know. 
 Anaxandrides says, in his Ulysses— 
 He usually goes supperless about, 
 Like a cestrinus nestis. 
 And Eubulus, in his Nausicaa, says— 
 Who has been drown'd 'tis now four days ago, 
 Leading the life of a sad nestis cestreus.

When all this had been said about this nice dish of fish, one of the cynics coming
 late in the evening said, "My friends, are we, too, keeping a fast, as if this
 were the middle day of the Thesmophoria, since we are now fasting like cestres
 For, as Diphilus says, in his Lemnian Women— 
 These men have supp'd, but I, wretch that I am, 
 Shall be a cestreus through th' extreme of fasting. 
 And Myrtilus answering, said— 
 But stand in order— 
 as the Hedychares of Theopompus says— 
 hungry band of cestres, 
 You who are fed, like geese, on vegetables. 
 For you shall not take a share of any of these things before either you,
 or your fellow-pupil Ulpian, tell me why the cestreus is the only fish which is
 called the faster. And Ulpian said,—It is because he never takes any living bait;
 and when he is caught, it is neither effected by any meat nor by any living
 animal; as Aristotle tells us, when he says perhaps his being hungry makes
 him lazy; and also that when he is frightened he hides his head,
 as if by so doing he concealed his whole body. But Plato, in his
 Holidays, says— 
 As I was going out I met a fisherman, 
 And he was bringing me some cestres, and 
 He brought me all those worthless starving fish. 
 But do you tell me, O you Thessalian wrestler, Myrtilus! why it is that
 fish are called by the poets ἔλλοπεσ? And he
 said,—It is because they are voiceless; but some insist upon it that, by strict
 analogy, the word ought to be ἴλλοπες, because
 they are deprived of voice: for the verb ἴλλεσθαι 
 means to be deprived, and ὄψ 
 means voice. And are you ignorant of this, when you are an ἔλλοψ yourself? But I, as the wise Epicharmus says, when this dog
 makes me no answer,— 
 Am by myself enough well to reply 
 To what two men have lately said before me. 
 And I say that they are called ἔλλοπες 
 from being covered with scales, [the word coming from the same root, and being
 equivalent to λεπιδωτός]. But I will tell you
 (though that is not a question which has been asked) why the Pythagoreans, who do
 touch other living creatures, though sparingly, and who allow themselves even to
 sacrifice some, absolutely abstain altogether from fish alone. Is it because of
 their silence for they think silence a very divine quality. Since, then, you, O
 you Molossian dogs, are always silent, but are still not Pythagoreans, we will now
 go on to the rest of the discussion about fish.

There is a fish called the coracinus. The coracini, which are caught at sea, says
 Icesius, contain but little nourishment; but they are easily secreted, and have a
 moderate supply of good juice. But Aristotle, in the fifth book of his Parts of
 Animals, says that it happens to nearly all fish to have a rapid growth,
 and this is the case, in no small degree, with the coracinus; and he lays his
 eggs close to the land, in places full of weeds and moss. But
 Speusippus, in the second book of his treatise on Similitudes, says that the
 blacktail and the coracinus are much alike. But Numenius, in his Treatise on the
 Art of Fishing, says— 
 It easily would attract the spotted coracinus. 
 And perhaps the æoliæ mentioned by Epicharmus, in his Muses, may be the
 same as coracini. For Epicharmus says— 
 Aeoliæ, plotes, cynoglossi too. 
 But, in his Hebe's Marriage, he speaks of the æoliæ as a different fish;
 for he says— 
 There there were mussels, and the alphastic fish, 
 And coracini like to coriander seed, 
 Aeoliæ, plotes too, and the cynoglossi. 
 But Euthydemus, in his essay on Cured Fish, says that the coracinus is by
 many people called the saperda. And Hera- cleon the Ephesian
 has said much the same thing; and so has Philotimus, in his Cookery Book. But that
 the saperdas and the coracinus are both called the platistacus is affirmed by
 Parmeno the Rhodian, in the first book of his Culinary Doctrine. But Aristophanes,
 in his Telmessians, uses the expression black-finned coracini. 
 
 Pherecrates also uses the word in its diminutive form, in his Forgetful Man, where
 he says— 
 Being with your κορακινίδια and μαινίδια. 
 
 And Amphis says, in his Ialemus— 
 Whoever eats a sea-born coracinus 
 When he may have a grayling, is a fool. 
 But the coracini of the Nile are very sweet and delicious in their flesh,
 as those who have tried them know; and they have got their name from continually
 moving their eyes ( διὰ τὸ τὰς κόρας κινεῖν ), and
 never ceasing. But the Alexandrians call them plataces, which is, more correctly
 speaking, the name of the whole genus.

There is also a fish called the cyprinus, or carp. He also, as Aristotle tells us,
 is a carnivorous and gregarious fish; and he has his tongue, not in the lower part
 of the mouth, but in the upper part. But Dorion, mentioning him in his list among
 the lake and river fish, writes thus: A scaly fish, whom some people call
 the cyprinus.

There is also the tench. The tench is very juicy, as Icesius says,
 exceedingly attractive to the palate, very easily secreted, not very
 nutritious, nor is the juice which they give very wholesome. But, in delicacy
 of flavour, the white kind is superior to the black. But the flesh of the green
 tench is more dry, and devoid of fat; and they give a much smaller quantity of
 juice, and what they do give is thinner. Still they are more nutritious, on
 account of their size. Diodes says that those which are found in rocky
 situations are very tender. But Numenius, in his treatise on Fishing, calls them,
 not κώβιοι, but κῶθοι. 
 
 A char or tench ( κῶθος ) of mighty size and
 bold. 
 
 
 And Sophron, in his Countryman, speaks of The cothons, who bathe in
 mud; and perhaps it was from the name of this fish that he called the
 son of his Tunny-catcher, in the play, Cothonias. But it is the Sicilians who call
 the tench κώθων, as Nicander the Colophonian tells
 us, in his book on Dialects; and Apollodorus confirms the
 statement, in his treatise on the Modest and Temperate Man. But Epicharmus, in his
 Hebe's Marriage, names the tench, calling it κώβιος :— 
 The turtle with their sting behind, and then the tender tench. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Timon, praising the tench, tells us in what places
 they are to be found in the greatest perfection, in these lines:— 
 I come, but I have been to great expense 
 In buying viands for this marriage feast. 
 I've bought a pennyworth of frankincense 
 To offer to the gods and all the goddesses, 
 And to the heroes I will offer cakes. 
 But when I bid that rascally house-breaking 
 Seller of fish to add a dainty dish, 
 
 I'll throw you in, says he, "the borough itself, 
 For they are all Phalericans." The rest 
 I do believe were selling our Otrynicans. 
 
 Menander, in his Ephesians, says— 
 
 A. There was a fishmonger not long ago, 
 Who asked four whole drachmas for his tench. 
 
 B. A mighty price indeed. 
 And Dorion mentions river tench also, in his book on Fishes.

There is also a fish called the cuckoo-fish. Epicharmus says— 
 And the beauteous cuckoos 
 Which we split in twain, 
 Then we roast and season them, 
 And then with pleasure eat them. 
 And Dorion says that one ought to roast them, first having split them
 down the back; and, having seasoned them with herbs, and cheese, and spice, and
 assafœtida, and oil, then one ought to turn them round, and oil them on the other
 side, and then to sprinkle them with a little salt; and, when one has taken them
 from the fire, to moisten them with vinegar. But Numenius gives it the epithet of
 red, from the facts of the case, saying— 
 Eating sometimes the cuckoo red, sometimes 
 A few pempherides, or else a lizard.

There is also a fish called the carcharias (or sharp- toothed
 dog). And Archestratus, whom we may call the Hesiod or Theognis of Epicures,
 speaks of this fish; for Theognis himself was not indifferent to luxury, as he
 admits, speaking of himself in these words:— 
 But when the sun, driving his coursers fleet 
 With solid hoofs along the heavenly road, 
 Guides them at mid-day in the centre path, 
 Then let us eat whate'er our heart may prompt, 
 And gratify our appetite with dainties. 
 Then let a Spartan maid with rosy hands, 
 Bring water, and fresh garlands for our brows. 
 Nor indeed was that wise man indifferent to the charms of boys; at all
 events, he speaks thus on the subject:— 
 O Academus, would you now but sing 
 A tuneful hymn, while in the midst should stand 
 A beauteous boy, in flower of his youth, 
 A prize for you and me to combat for, 
 Then you should know how far the mule excels the ass. 
 And Archestratus, in these beautiful suggestions of his, exhorts his
 friends in this way— 
 In fair Torone's town 'tis best to cook 
 The hollow entrails of the sharp-tooth'd dog. 
 Then strew the fish with cummin, sparing be 
 Of salt, then roast him, and add nothing else 
 Saving some sea-green oil. Then when 'tis done, 
 Serve him up with some little seasoning. 
 And if you boil a part of it within 
 The hollow of some flat dish, then add 
 No water, add no wine-made vinegar, 
 But pour on oil alone, and cummin dry, 
 And add what fragrant herbs the garden gives. 
 Then put the saucepan on the ashes hot, 
 And boil it; let no flame too quickly burn, 
 And stir it often lest the meat should catch, 
 And spoil your dinner so, before you know it. 
 'Tis but few mortals know this wondrous food; 
 And those who have thick stupid heavy souls,, 
 Refuse to taste it, but are all alarm'd, 
 Because they say this dog's a cannibal, 
 And feeds on human flesh. But there is not 
 A fish that swims which does not like man's flesh 
 If he can only chance to come across it. 
 There is a part of this fish which the Romans cal thursio, and which is
 very delicious, and much sought for as an article of luxury.

There is also the pike. These, as Aristotle reports, are a solitary and
 carnivorous fish; and they have a bony tongue, adhering to
 the mouth, and a triangular heart. But, in the fifth book of his Parts of Animals,
 he says that they bring forth their young, like the cestres and chrysophryes do,
 chiefly in those places where rivers fall into the sea; and they bring forth in
 winter, and they also bring forth twice in the season. But Icesius says that the
 pike is very juicy, and not very nutritious; and that it is also not very easily
 secreted; but for delicacy of flavour it is accounted the very first of fish. And
 this fish has his name, λάβραξ, from his voracity
 ( λαβρότης ). It is said, also, that in
 shrewdness he is superior to other fish, being very ingenious at devising means to
 save himself; on which account, Aristophanes the comic poet says— 
 The pike, the wisest of all fish that swim. 
 And Alcæus the lyric poet says that he swims very high in the water. But
 the wise Archestratus says— 
 Take the large cestris cephalus from Gæson, 
 When you do come to fair Miletus' city. 
 Take too the pike, the offspring of the gods. 
 For in those waters both these fish are best. 
 Such is the natural character of the place. 
 But there are many places where they grow 
 More fat and large; in famous Calydon, 
 And in the opulent Ambracia, 
 And at the Bolbe lake; but there they want 
 The fragrant fat which here surrounds their belly; 
 Nor have they such a pungent taste, my friend. 
 Those which I speak of are most admirable. 
 Take them and roast them without scaling them, 
 Soften with salt, and serve them up with brine. 
 And let no Syracusan, no Italian 
 Break in upon you while you dress this dish: 
 For they have no idea of dressing fish, 
 But spoil them all by seasoning them with cheese, 
 By sprinkling them with too much vinegar, 
 And strongly scented assafœtida. 
 They are good cooks enough to dress the vile 
 Fish which they take while clinging to the rocks; 
 And there are many kinds of season'd dishes 
 Which they can dress quite well enough; but they 
 Have no idea of dressing good fish plain.

And Aristophanes, in his Knights, speaks of the pike taken in the neighbourhood of
 Miletus as surpassingly good, when he speaks thus:— 
 But you shall not disturb me thus 
 Feasting on Milesian pike. 
 
 And in his Lemnian Women he says— 
 He would not buy a pike's head, nor a locust: 
 speaking because the brain of the pike is a great delicacy, as is also
 that of the sea-grayling. And Eubulus, in his Muses, says— 
 Do not be too expensive, still not mean, 
 Whate'er you do; not for decency's sake. 
 Get some small cuttle-fish, or squids, some nestis, 
 Some small fry of the polypus, some tripe, 
 And beestings and black-puddings; get besides 
 A noble head of the Milesian pike. 
 But the Gæson, which is mentioned by Archestratus, means the lake
 Gæsonis, which is between Priene and Miletus, con- nected with the sea, as
 Neanthes of Cyzicus tells us in the sixth book of his Hellenics. But Ephorus, in
 his fifth book, says that the Gæson is a river near Priene, which flows into the
 lake Gæsonis, And Archippus, in his Fishes, mentioning the pike, says— 
 Hermes th' Egyptian is the greatest rogue 
 Of all the fishmongers; he skins by force 
 The sharks and rhinos, and takes out the entrails 
 Of the Milesian pikes, before he sells them.

There is also a fish called the latus; and Archestratus says that the best fish of
 this kind is that which is taken off the coast of Italy, and he speaks thus
 concerning them:— 
 Near the well-treed Italia's verdant shores, 
 Fierce Scylla's strait the famous latus breeds, 
 Most marvellous of dainties. 
 But the lati which are found in the river Nile grow to such a size that
 they weigh more than two hundred pounds; and this fish is exceedingly white, and
 very delicious, dress it whatever way you choose. And it is like the fish called
 the glanis, which is found in the Danube. The Nile produces also many other kinds
 of fish, and they are all very delicious; but especially does it produce all the
 different coracini (for the are many different kinds of this fish). It also
 produces the fish called the mæotes, which are mentioned by Archippus, in his
 Fishes, in these words:— 
 Mæotæ, and saperdæ, likewise glanides. 
 And this fish is found in great numbers in Pontus; and they derive their
 name from the Palus Mæotis. But the following, as far as I can recollect, from
 having been a long time absent from the country, are the
 names of the chief fish found in the Nile. The sweetest of all is the ray; then
 there is the sea-pig, the snub-nose, the phagrus, the oxyrhynchus, the allabes,
 the silurus, the synodontis, the elecoris, the eel, the thrissa, the abramis, the
 blind-fish, the scaly-fish, the bellows-fish, and the cestreus. And there are also
 a great number of others.

There is also a kind of shark, called the leiobatus, whose other name is the
 rhine; and he is a white-fleshed fish, as Epænetus tells us in his Cookery Book.
 Plato says, in his Sophists— 
 The galeus, the leiobatus, the eel.

There is also the lamprey. Theophrastus, in the fifth book of his treatise on
 those Animals which can live on dry Land, says that the eel and the lamprey can
 exist for a long time out of the water, because they have very small gills, and so
 receive but very little moisture into their system. But Icesius affirms that they
 are not less nutritious than the eel, nor even, perhaps, than the conger. And
 Aristotle, in his treatise on the Parts of Animals, says that from the time that
 they are little they grow very rapidly, and that they have sharp serrated teeth;
 and that they keep on laying small-sized eggs every season of the year. But
 Epicharmus, in his Muses, calls them not σμύραινα, 
 but μύραινα, without the ς; speaking in this way of them:— 
 No congers fat were wanting, and no lampreys ( μύραιναι ). 
 And Sophron, too, spells the word in the same manner. But Plato or
 Cantharus, in his Alliance, spells the word with the ς, saying— 
 The ray, the lamprey ( σμύραινα ) too, is
 here. 
 Dorion, in his treatise on Fishes, says that the river lampreys have only
 one spine, like the kind of cod which is called gallarias. But Andreas, in his
 treatise on Poisonous Animals, says that those lampreys which are produced by a
 cross with the viper have a poisonous bite, and that that kind is less round than
 the other, and is variegated. But Nicander, in his Theriacus, says— 
 That is a terrible deed the lamprey does, 
 When oft its teeth it gnashes and pursues 
 Th' unhappy fishermen, and drives them headlong 
 Out of their boats in haste, when issuing forth 
 From the deep hole in which it long has lain: 
 
 If that the tale is true that it admits 
 The poisonous viper's love, when it deserts 
 Its pastures 'neath the sea, for food on land. 
 But Andreas, in his treatise on Things which are believed erroneously,
 says that it is quite a mistake to suppose that the lamprey ever breeds with the
 viper when it comes on marshy ground; for that vipers do not themselves feed in
 marshes, as they are fond rather of sandy and desert places. But Sostratus, in his
 books on Animals (and there are two books of his on this subject, and with this
 title), agrees with those who assert that the lamprey and the viper do breed
 together.

There is another kind of eel also, called the myrus. But the myrus, as Aristotle
 says, in the fifth book of his treatise on the Parts of Animals, differs from the
 lamprey; this latter being a variegated fish, and less powerful than the other;
 while the myrus is a fish of one uniform colour, and strong, and its whole colour
 is like that of the wryneck, and it has teeth both within and without. And Dorion
 says, that the myrus has no small bones running through its flesh, but that it is
 in every part eatable, and exceedingly soft; and that there are two kinds of it,
 for some are black, and some are of rather a fiery colour, but those which are
 dark are best. And Archestratus, the voluptuary philosopher, say— 
 Between th' Italian and Sicilian shore, 
 Where the strait parts them with its narrow waves, 
 Whenever that most dainty fish is caught 
 Which men the lamprey call, be sure to buy it; 
 For in those waters'tis the best of food.

There is a fish, too, called the mænis, or sprat; and Icesius says that they are
 more juicy than the tench, but that they are inferior in delicacy of flavour, and
 also in the extent to which they facilitate the secretions of the stomach. But
 Speusippus, in the second book of his treatise on Things similar to one another,
 says that both the boax and the smaris resemble the sprat; and these two fishes,
 are mentioned by Epicharmus, in his Earth and Sea, in the following manner:—
 
 When you see many boaces and smarides. 
 And Epænetus, in his Cookery Book, says, The smaris, which some
 people call cynoseuna. But Antiphanes, in his Coun- tryman, or
 Butalion, calls the sprats the food of Hecate, on account of
 their diminutive size; and the following is the passage:— 
 
 A. Why, I did think that all these monstrous
 fish 
 Were cannibals. 
 
 B. What can you mean, my friend? 
 
 A. Why, cannibals: so how would any man eat
 them? 
 
 B. That's true. But these are food of Hecate, 
 Which he is speaking of, just sprats and mullets. 
 There is also one kind which is called the leucomænis, or white sprat,
 which some people call the boax. Poliochus, in his Corinthiastes, says— 
 Let no man, in God's name I beg, persuade you, 
 Come when he will or whence, so to mistake 
 As to call leucomænides boaces.

There is also the melanurus, or black-tail; and concerning this fish Numenius
 says, in his Art of Fishing:— 
 The scorpion or melanurus black, 
 The guide and leader of the perch, 
 But Icesius says that he is very like the sargus, but that he is inferior
 to the latter in the quantity and quality of his juice, and also in delicacy of
 flavour; but that he is rather exciting food, and very nutritious. And Epicharmus
 mentions him in his Hebe's Marriage:— 
 There were sargini, there were melanuri. 
 Aristotle too, in his treatise on Animals, writes thus: "There are some
 fish which have barred or spotted tails, among which are the melanuri, and the
 sargi or sardine; and they have many lines on their skin, dark lines. But
 Speusippus affirms, in the second book of his treatise on Things similar to one
 another, that the fish called psyrus resembles the melanurus; but Numenius calls
 the psyrus, psorus, with an o, saying— 
 The psorus, or the salpe, or the dragon-fish 
 Which haunts the shore.

There is also a fish called the mormyrus, a most nutritious fish, as Icesius says.
 But Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Marriage, calls it the myrmes, unless, at least, he
 means a different fish by this name. But his expression is— 
 The sea-swallow, the myrmes too, 
 And they are larger than the colias tunny. 
 But Dorion, in his book upon Fishes, calls them mormylus, with a λ. But Lynceus of Samos, in his treatise on the Art of
 buying Fish, which he addressed to some friend of his, who 
 was very difficult to please when making his purchases, says, "But it is not a
 useless plan, with reference to men who are obstinate, and who will not abate
 their price, when you are standing by to disparage their fish, quoting Archstratus
 (who wrote the book called The voluptuous Life), or some other poet, and repeating
 this verse:— 
 The mormyrus that haunts the pebbly shore, 
 Is a bad, good-for-nothing, worthless fish. 
 And again you may quote— 
 Buy an amia in the autumn . . . . 
 'But now 'tis spring.' And again you may proceed, if it should be the
 proper season— 
 How good the cestreus is when winter comes. 
 'But now,' you will say, ' it is summer.' And you will go on in this way
 for some time; and in this way you will drive away a good many of those who are
 standing about, and who might become purchasers. So when you have done this, you
 will by this means compel the man to take whatever price you choose to give."

There is also the torpedo. Plato, or Cantharus, says, in the Alliance— 
 A boil'd torpedo is delicious food. 
 But Plato the Philosopher says, in the Meno, You seem very much to
 resemble the sea-torpedo; for that fish causes any one who comes near it to
 become torpid. And an allusion to the name occurs also in Homer, where
 he says— 
 His hand was torpid ( νάρκησε ) at the
 wrist. 
 But Menander, in his Phanus, uses the termination a, and says— 
 A certain torpor ( νάρκα ) creeps o'er all my
 skin; 
 though no one of the ancient writers ever used this form of the word. But
 Icesius says that it is a fish without much nutriment or much juice in it, but
 that it has some cartilaginous sort of substance diffused all over it, very good
 for the stomach. And Theophrastus, in his book on Animals which live in Holes,
 says that the torpedo works its way underground because of the cold. But in his
 treatise on Poisonous Animals, and on Animals which sting, he says that the
 torpedo can send the power which proceeds from it through wood, and through
 harpoons, so as to produce torpor in those who have them in
 their hands. But Clearchus the Solensian has explained the cause of this in his
 treatise on Torpor; but, since his explanation is rather a long one, I do not
 recollect his exact words, but will refer you to the treatise itself. 
 But the torpedo, says Aristotle, is one of the cartilaginous and viviparous fish;
 and, to provide itself with food, it hunts after little fish, touching them, and
 causing them all to become torpid and motionless. And Diphilus of Laodicea, in his
 essay on the Theriaca of Nicander, says that it is not every part of the animal
 which produces this torpor, but only some particular parts of it; and he says that
 he has arrived at this fact by a long series of experiments. But Archestratus
 speaks of– 
 A bold torpedo done in oil and wine, 
 And fragrant herbs, and some thin grated cheese. 
 Alexis, in his Galatea, says— 
 I counsel you to season well and stuff 
 Torpedos whole, and then to roast them thoroughly. 
 And in his Demetrius he says— 
 Then I took a torpedo, calculating 
 If my wife touch'd it with her tender fingers 
 That they would get no hurt from its backbone.

There is also the sword-fish. Aristotle says that this fish has its lower jaw
 short, but its upper one bony, long, and in fact as large as all the rest of the
 body of the fish; and this upper jaw is what is called the sword; but that this
 fish has no teeth. And Archestratus says— 
 But take a slice of sword-fish when you go 
 To fair Byzantium, and take the vertebrae 
 Which bend his tail. He's a delicious fish, 
 Both there and where the sharp Pelorian cape 
 Juts out towards the sea. 
 Now, who is then so great a general, or so great a critic in dishes and
 banquets, as this poet from Gela (or, I should rather say, from Catagela), who, for the sake of his
 epicurism, sailed through those straits; and who also, for the sake of the same
 epicurism, investigated the different qualities and juices of each separate part
 of every fish, as if he had been laying the foundation of some science which was
 useful to human life?

There is also a fish called the orphos ( ὄρφως );
 but the word is also spelt with an ο ( ὄρφος ), as Pamphilus tells us. But Aristotle, in the
 fifth book of his Parts of Animals, where he says that the growth of most fish is
 very rapid, says, “The orphos also grows to a large fish from a little one with
 great rapidity; but he is a carnivorous fish, with serrated teeth, and of a
 solitary disposition. And there is this peculirity in him, that it cannot be
 ascertained what means he has of propagating his species, and that he can live a
 long time after he has been cut in pieces. He is also one of those fish which bury
 themselves in holes during the winter season, and he is fond of keeping close to
 the land, rather than of going into the deep sea; but he does not live more than
 two years. And Numenius, speaking of this fish, says— 
 Now with such baits as these it is not hard 
 To draw the lengthy scorpion from his bed, 
 Or the rough orphus: for they're easily caught. 
 And in another place he says— 
 The grayling, or the sea-born race of orphi, 
 Or the dark flesh'd sea-blackbird. 
 But Dorion says that the young orphus is called by some the orphacines.
 And Archippus says, in his Fishes,— 
 The orphus came to them, the priest o' the god. 
 And Cratinus says, in his Ulysses,— 
 A hot slice of the newly taken orphus. 
 And Plato, in his Cleophon, says— 
 For he has brought you here, old dame, to dwell, 
 A rotten food for orphi and for phagri, 
 And other gristly boneless fish around. 
 
 
 And Aristophanes, in his Wasps, says— 
 If a man be inclined to purchase orphi, 
 And likes to leave alone the membrades. 
 Now this word ὀρφὼς, in the nominative
 case singular, is accented with an acute on the ultima by the Attic writers; so
 Archippus writes the word, in his Fishes, in the lines which I have already
 quoted; and Cratinus also, in his Uysses, as I have above quoted it, writes—
 
 
 τέμαχος ὀρφὼ χλιαρόν.

There is also a fish called orcynus. Dorion, in his treatise on Fishes, says that
 the orcyni come from the sea near the Pillars of Hercules to the: waters on our
 costs; on which account, a great number are taken in the
 Iberian and Tyrrhenian seas; and that from thence they are dispersed over the rest
 of the sea. But Icesius says that those which are caught near Cadiz are the
 fattest, and next to them those which are taken near Sicily. But that those which
 are taken at any great distance from the Pillars of Hercules have very little fat
 on them, because they have swum a very great distance. Accordingly, at Cadiz, it
 is only the shoulders by themselves which are dried and cured; as also it is only
 the jaws and palate of the sturgeon, and that part which is called the melandryas,
 which is cured. But Icesius says that the entrails are very rich, and very
 different in flavour from the other parts; and that the parts about the shoulders
 are superior even to these.

There is also the cod and the hake. The cod, says Aristotle, in his work on Living
 Animals, has a large wide mouth like the shark, and he is not a gregarious fish;
 and he is the only fish which has his heart in his stomach, and in his brain he
 has stones like millstones. And he is the only fish who buries himself in a hole
 in the hot weather, when the Dog-star rages; for all others take to their holes in
 the winter season. And these fish are mentioned by Epicharmus, in his Hebe's
 Wedding:— 
 And there are channel with their large wide mouths, 
 And cod with their huge bellies. 
 But the cod is different from the hake, as Dorion tells us, in his work
 upon Fish, where he writes thus: The ὄνος 
 (cod), which some call γάδος. 
 There is also the gallerides, which some call a hake, and some a maxinus.
 But Euthydemus, in his work on Cured Fish, says, Some call this fish the
 bacchus, and some call it the gelaria, and some call it the hake. But
 Archestratus says— 
 Anthedon's famous for its cod, which some 
 Do call gallerias; there its size is great, 
 But the flesh spongy, and in many respects 
 I do not think it good, though others praise it. 
 But this man likes one thing, and that another.

There is the polypus, declined πολύπους,
 πολύποδος; at least this is the way the Attic writers use the word,
 and so does Homer:— 
 As when a polypus ( πουλύποδος in the
 genitive) is dragged from out his lair: 
 
 keeping the analogy to the noun ποὺς, from which it is de- rived. But in the accusative case we find
 the form πολύπουν, just as we ʼἀλκίνουν and οἰδίπουν. 
 Aeschylus, too, has the form τρίπουν, as an
 epithet of a caldron, in his Athamas, from ποὺς, 
 as if it were a simple noun like νοῦς. But the
 form πώλυπος is Aeolic. For the Attics always say
 πολύπους. Aristophanes, in his Dædalus, says—
 
 When then I had this polypus ( πουλύπους ) and
 cuttle-fish. 
 And in another place he says— 
 He put before me a polypus ( πουλύπουν ). 
 And in another place he has— 
 They are the blows of a polypus press'd tight. 
 And Alcæus says, in his Adulterous Sisters,— 
 The man's a fool and has the mind of a polypus ( πουλύποδος ). 
 But Ameipsias, in his Glutton, says— 
 I want, it seems, a heap of polypi ( πουλύπων ). 
 And Plato, in his Boy, writes— 
 First of all you like the polypodes ( τοὺς
 πουλύποδας ). 
 Alcæus in another passage says— 
 I myself eat like any polypus ( πουλύπους ). 
 But others use the accusative case πολύποδα, in strict analogy with ποὺς, ποδὸς,
 ποδὶ, πόδα. Eupolis, in his Demi, has— 
 The man's a fellow-citizen of mine, 
 A very polypus in disposition.

Diocles, in the first book of his treatise on Wholesome Things, says— The
 molluscous fish are calculated to give pleasure, and to excite the amorous
 propensities; especially the polypi ( οἱ
 πολύποδες ). And Aristotle relates that the polypus has
 eight feet, of which the two highest and the two lowest are the smallest, and
 those in the middle are the largest; and they have also two feelers, with which
 they bring their food to their mouth. And they have their eyes placed above their
 two upper feet; and their mouth and teeth are between their feet. And when the
 polypus is dissected, he has a brain divided into two parts; and what is called
 his ink is not black, like the cuttle-fish, but of a reddish colour, in that part
 of him which is called the poppy; but the poppy lies above the stomach, like a
 bladder: and it has no intestines, like other fish. But for food it uses at times
 the flesh of small shell-fish, and casts the shells outside its body; by which the
 hunters know where to find it. And it propagates its
 species by becoming intertwined with the female, and is a long time about it,
 because it is destitute of blood: and it ejects its young through the orifice
 which is called the spiracle, which is the only passage for its body; and it lays
 eggs in clusters, like bunches of grapes.

They say, also, that the polypus, when it is in want of food, will eat even
 itself. And among those who relate this fact is Pherecrates the comic poet; for
 he, in the play entitled The Countryman, says— 
 They live on green anthrysca, and on bracana, 
 And snails and slugs. And when they're very hungry, 
 Then, like the polypus, they e'en at night 
 Nibble their fingers. 
 And Diphilus, in his Merchant, says— 
 A polypus with all his feelers 
 And limbs unhurt; whose wicked tooth 
 Has not devour'd himself, my friend, 
 Is ready for our supper. 
 But all this is a mistake; for the fact is, that he is pursued by the
 congers, and has his feet hurt in that manner. And it is said that if any one
 strews salt over his hole, he immediately comes out. It is also affirmed, that
 when he flies in alarm, he changes his colour, and becomes like the places in
 which he conceals himself. As also Theognis of Megara says, in his Elegies— 
 Remark the tricks of that most wary polypus, 
 Who always seems of the same colour and hue 
 As is the rock near which he lies. 
 And Clearchus makes a similar statement in the second book of his
 treatise on Proverbs, where he quotes the following lines, without saying from
 whose writings they come— 
 My son, my excellent Amphilochus, 
 Copy the shrewd device o' the polypus, 
 And make yourself as like as possible 
 To those whose land you chance to visit.

And the same Clearchus says that, in olden time, about Trœzen, it was considered
 impious to try to catch either the polypus, which was called sacred, or that one
 which was called the rower. And it was contrary to law to eat either that or the
 sea-tortoise. But the polypus is a fish very apt to decay, and also very stupid;
 for it goes towards the hand of the people who are pursuing it: and sometimes even
 when it is pursued, it does not attempt to get out of the
 way. Their females waste away after laying their eggs, and get powerless; by
 reason of which they are easily taken. And sometimes they have been seen leaving
 the sea, and going on dry land, especially towards any rough or rugged ground; for
 they shun smooth places: and of all plants they especially delight in the olive,
 and they are often found embracing the trunk of an olive with their feelers. They
 have also been discovered clinging to such fig-trees as grow near the seashore,
 and eating the figs, as Clearchus tells us, in his treatise on those Animals which
 live in the Water. And this also is a proof that they are fond of the olive,—that
 if any one drops a branch of this tree down into the sea, in a place where there
 are polypi, and holds it there a little time, he without any trouble draws up as
 many polypi as he pleases, clinging to the branch. And all their other parts are
 exceedingly strong, but their neck is weak.

It is also said that the male has something corresponding to the parts of
 generation of one of his arms, in which there are his two large feelers; and that
 it is a limb full of nerves, sticking to the arm all along as far as the middle.
 But, in the fifth book of his treatise on the Parts of Animals, Aristotle
 says— The polypus propagates his species in the winter, and brings forth
 in the spring; and it lies in its hole for about two months: and it is a very
 prolific animal. But the male differs from the female, both in having a longer
 head, and also in having what the fishermen call its parts of generation in one
 of its feelers. And when it brings forth, it sits on its eggs, on which account
 it is worse to eat at that season; and the polypus lays its eggs either in its
 bed, or in any potsherd, or hollow place or vessel of that sort. And after
 fifty days, the little polypi come forth out of the egg in immense numbers,
 like young spiders. But the female polypus sometimes sits upon the eggs, and
 sometimes clings to the mouth of the bed, holding on with one of its
 feelers. Theophrastus, in his treatise on those Animals which change
 their Colour, says that the polypus generally becomes like only to those places
 which are rocky, doing this both out of fear and for the sake of protecting
 itself. But, in his book on those Animals which live on dry Land, he says that the
 polypi are not fond of sea-water. But, in his treatise on those Things which are
 different according to the Differences of their Situation,
 Theophrastus says that there are no polypi about the Hellespont; for that that sea
 is cold, and not very salt, and that both these circumstances are unfavourable to
 the polypus.

But the fish called the nautilus, says Aristotle, is not a
 polypus, though it resembles a polypus in its feelers. And the back of the
 nautilus is covered with a shell; and it rises up out of the bottom of the sea,
 having its shell upon its back, in order that it may not catch the water. But
 when it has turned round, then it sails on, putting up two of its feelers,
 which have a thin membrane growing between them, just as the feet of some birds
 are which have a membrane of skin between their toes. And their other two
 feelers they let down into the sea, instead of rudders; but when they see
 anything coming towards them, then out of fear they draw in those feet, and
 fill themselves with salt water, and so descend to the bottom as rapidly as
 possible. But, in his treatise on Animals and Fishes, he says— Of
 the polypi there are two sorts; one, that which changes its colour, the other
 the nautilus.

Now, on this nautilus there is an epigram quoted of Callimachus of Cyrene, which
 runs thus:— 
 I was a shell, O Venus Zephyritis, 
 
 Now I'm the pious offering of Selena, 
 The gentle nautilus. When balmy winds 
 Breathe soft along the sea, I hold my course, 
 Stretching my sails on their congenial yards. 
 Should calm, the placid goddess, still the waves, 
 I row myself along with nimble feet, 
 So that my name suits rightly with my acts. 
 Now have I fallen on the Iulian shore, 
 To be a pleasant sport to Arsinoe. 
 No more shall Halcyons' dew-besprinkled eggs, 
 My dainty meal, lie thick within my bed 
 As formerly they did, since here I lie. 
 But give to Cleinias's daughter worthy thanks; 
 For she does shape her conduct honestly, 
 And from Aeolian Smyrna doth she come. 
 Posidippus also wrote this epigram on the same Venus which is worshipped
 in Zephyrium:— 
 Oh, all ye men who traffic on the streams, 
 Or on the land who hold a safer way, 
 
 Worship this shrine of Philadelphus' wife, 
 Venus Arsinoe, whom Callicrates, 
 The naval leader, first did firmly place 
 On this most beautiful Zephyrian shore. 
 And she will on your pious voyage smile, 
 And amid storms will for her votaries 
 Smooth the vex'd surface of the wide-spread sea. 
 Ion the tragedian also mentions the polypus, in his Phœnix, saying,—
 
 I hate the colour-changing polypus, 
 Clinging with bloodless feelers to the rocks.

Now the different species of polypus are these: the eledone, the polypodine, the
 bolbotine, the osmylus; as both Aristotle and Speusippus teach us. But, in his
 book on Animals and their Properties, Aristotle says that the polypus, the
 osmylus, the eledone, the cuttle-fish, and the squid, are all molluscous.
 Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 A polypus, a cuttle-fish, and quickly-moving squid, 
 A foul-smelling bolbitine, and chattering old woman. 
 And Archestratus says— 
 The Carian and the Thasian polypi 
 Are far the best; Corcyra too can breed 
 Fish of large size and very numerous. 
 But the Dorians spell the word with an ω,
 πωλύπους; as, for instance, Epicharmus. Simonides too has the
 expression, πώλυπον διζήμενος. But the Attics
 spell the word πολύπους, with an o: and it is a
 cartilaginous fish; for χονδρώδης and σελαχώδης have the same meaning;— 
 The polypodes and the dog-shark. 
 Moreover, all the fish belonging to the species of the cuttlefish are
 called molluscous. But the whole tribe of . . . is cartilaginous.

There is also a fish called the pagurus; and it is mentioned by Timocles or
 Xenarchus, in his Purple, thus— 
 But I, as being a skilful fisherman, 
 Have carefully devised all sorts of arts 
 To catch those vile paguri, enemies 
 To all the gods and all the little fishes. 
 And shall I not without delay beguile 
 An old buglossus? That would be well done.

There is also the pelamys. Phrynichus mentions it in his Muses; and Aristotle, in
 the fifth book of his treatise on the Parts of Animals, says the pelamydes and the
 tunnies breed in the Black Sea, but not anywhere else.
 Sophocles also mentions them, in his Shepherds:— 
 There, too, the foreign pelamys does winter, 
 The stranger from the Hellespont. For she 
 Doth come with many of her kind in summer 
 To these cool waters of the Bosphorus.

Then there is the perch. He also is mentioned by Diodes; and Speusippus, in the
 second book of his treatise on Things Resembling one another, says that the perch,
 the canna, and the phycis are all nearly alike. And Epicharmus says— 
 The comaris, the sea-dog, and the cestra 
 And variegated perch. 
 And Numenius, in his treatise on the Art of Fishing, says— 
 At one time perch, and at another strophades, 
 Which keep around the rocks. The phycis too, 
 Th' alphestes, and the red-flesh'd scorpion. 
 There is also the phycis. This also is mentioned by Epichar- mus, in his
 Hebe's Wedding; and by Speusippus, in the second book of his treatise on Things
 Resembling one another; and by Numenius: all whose testimonies are at hand.
 Aristotle, in his book upon Animals and their Properties, says that the phycis is
 surrounded with prickles and spotted. But the perch is marked with lines, and with
 bars running in an oblique direction. And there is a proverb also, The
 perch follows the black-tail.

We have also the needle-fish. This also is mentioned by Epicharmus, who says—
 
 The oxyrhynchi, and the needle-fish, 
 And the hippuri. 
 But Dorion, in his work on Fish, says— The belone, which they also
 call the needle-fish. Aristotle too, in the fifth book of his Parts of
 Animals, calls this fish the belone. But, in his book on Animals and their
 Properties, or else in his work on Fishes, he calls it the needle-fish; and says
 that it has no teeth. And Speusippus calls it the belone.

There is also the rhine. Dorion, in his book on Fishes, says that the rhinos are
 best at Smyrna; and that all the cartilaginous fish are especially good in the
 gulf of Smyrna. And Archestratus says— 
 And the far-famed Miletus does produce 
 All cartilauginous fish in high perfection, 
 
 But first of all one ought to take account 
 Both of the rhina and leiobatus, 
 Known for his spacious back. Still before all 
 Give me a roasted crocodile to eat, 
 Fresh from the oven, a most dainty dish 
 For all the children of Ionia.

There is next the scarus, or char. Aristotle says that this fish has serrated
 teeth, and is a solitary fish, and carnivorous; and that it has a small mouth, and
 a tongue which does not adhere closely to the mouth, and a triangular heart of a
 whitish colour and with three lobes; and that its gall and spleen are black, and
 that of its gills one is double and one single; and that it alone of all fish
 chews the cud. And that it delights in seaweed for food, on which account the
 fishermen use seaweed as a bait to catch it with. And it is in season in the
 summer. And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 We fish for spari, and for scari too, 
 Whose very dung may not be thrown away. 
 But Seleucus of Tarsus, in his treatise on Fishing, says that the scarus
 is the only fish which never sleeps; by reason of which it is not easily caught,
 even by night. But this may be the case on account of its timid nature. And
 Archestratus says, in his Gastronomy,— 
 Seek now a scarus, fresh from Ephesus, 
 And in the winter season eat a mullet 
 Caught in the waves of sandy Teichioussa, 
 A village of Miletus, near the Carians, 
 The crooked-footed Carians. 
 And in another part he says— 
 Wash and then roast the mighty scarus which 
 Comes from the sea that laves Chalcedon's walls: 
 That too is good which near Byzantium swims, 
 With back as broad as a large oval shield. 
 Take him and cook him whole as I shall tell you. 
 Sprinkle him o'er with oil and grated cheese, 
 Then place him in the oven hanging up, 
 So as to escape the bottom, and then roast him, 
 And sprinkle him with salt and cummin seed 
 Well mix'd together; and again with oil, 
 Pouring out of your hand the holy stream. 
 Nicander of Thyatira says that there are two kids of scari; and that one
 is called the onias, and the other the ælous.

Then there is the sparus. Icesius says that this is a more juicy fish than the
 sprat, and more nutritious than most other fish. And Epicharmus says, in his
 Hebe's Wedding,— 
 Neptune then arives himself 
 Laden with most beauteous nets 
 In the boats of fair Phœnicia, 
 Then we all do spari catch, 
 And scari too, that sacred fish, 
 Whose very dung may not be thrown away. 
 And Numenius says, in his treatise on Fishing,— 
 The sparus or the hycas fond of company. 
 And Dorion mentions this fish, in his treatise on Fishes.

There is also the scorpion. Diodes, in the first book of his treatise on Wholesome
 Things, addressed to Plistarchus, says— Of fresh fish, the following have
 drier meat: the scorpions, the sea-cuckoo, the sea-sparrow, the sargi, and the
 rough-tail. But the mullet is not so dry as these are; for all fish which keep
 near the rocks have softer flesh. And Icesius says— There are two
 kinds of scorpion; one of which lives in the sea, and the other in marshes. And
 the one which lives in the sea is red, but the other is rather black. But the
 sea-mullet is superior to the other, both in taste and in nutritious qualities.
 But the scorpions have purging qualities, are easy of secretion, very juicy,
 and very nutritious; for they are a cartilaginous fish. The scorpion
 brings forth its young twice a-year, as Aristotle tells us, in the fifth book of
 his Parts of Animals. But Numenius says, in his treatise on Fishing,— 
 The phycides, the alphestes, and besides 
 The red-flesh'd scorpion, and the black-tail quick, 
 Which guides the perch all through the stormy sea. 
 But that he is a fish which has the power of stinging, Aristotle tells
 us, in his book about Fishes or Animals. And Epicharmus, in his Muses, says that
 the scorpion is a variegated fish:— 
 The variegated scorpion, the grayling, 
 The fat and well-fed lizards. 
 The scorpion is a solitary fish, and feeds on seaweed. But, in the fifth
 book of his Parts of Animals, Aristotle speaks of scorpions and scorpides in
 different places; but it is uncertain whether he means the same fish; because we
 ourselves have often eaten the scorpæna and the scorpion, and there is no one who does not know that both their juice and their meat are
 quite different. But Archestratus, that skilful cook, in his Golden Words, tells
 us— 
 When you're at Thasos buy a scorpion, 
 But let him not be longer than one cubit; 
 Avoid the larger sizes.

Then there is the scombrus, or tunny, which is mentioned by this name by
 Aristophanes, in his Gerytades. Icesius says that that species of tunny called
 scombrus is smaller in size, but more nutritious, than the species called colias;
 and also more juicy, though not more easily digested. Epicharmus, in his Hebe's
 Wedding, mentions them thus:— 
 Sea-swallows, and mormyri, both of which 
 Are larger than the coliæ and the scombri, 
 But less than those whose name is thynnides.

The sargus is another fish. He (as Icesius tells us) is a fish of very exciting
 and astringent properties, and more nutritious than the melanurus, or blacktail.
 But Numenius, in his treatise on Fishing, says that the sargus is a very cunning
 fish as respects the catching him:— 
 The rich sea-blackbird, or the thrush who sports 
 Beneath the waves; the sargus too who rushes 
 Now here with sudden movement, and now there, 
 The greatest enemy to the fisher's nets. 
 And Aristotle, in the fifth book of his treatise on the Parts of Animals,
 says that the sargus brings forth its young twice in the year; once in the spring
 and once in the autumn. And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 The sargus, and the chalcis, and the . . . 
 But he speaks of the sarginus, or sargus, as an excellent fish, in the
 following lines— 
 There the sarginus was, the melanurus, 
 And the dear tænia, thin but delicious. 
 And in a similar manner Dorion, in his treatise on Fishes, speaks,
 calling them sargini and chalcides, on this very account. But the wise
 Archestratus says— 
 Now when the bright Orion's star doth set, 
 And the fair mother of the vinous grape 
 Doth shed her hair, then take a roasted sargus, 
 Well sprinkled o'er with cheese, of mighty size, 
 Smoking, and soften'd with sharp vinegar. 
 For he is hard by nature. And remember 
 This is the way all hard fish should be cook'd. 
 
 But those whose meat is good and soft by nature, 
 It is enough to sprinkle well with salt, 
 And lightly to anoint with oil. For they 
 Have virtue and delights within themselves.

There is the salpe, too. Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 The aon, and the phagrus, and the pike, 
 And the dung-eating, bloated, dirty salpe, 
 Which still have a sweet flavour in the summer. 
 And Aristotle, in the fifth book of his Parts of Animals, says that the
 salpe has young once a-year only, in the autumn; and that his skin is covered with
 numerous red lines. Moreover, he has serrated teeth, and is a solitary fish. And
 he says that it is stated by the fishermen that he may be caught with a cucumber,
 being very fond of that kind of food. And Archestratus says— 
 I always do account the fish call'd salpe 
 A worthless fish. But it is least tasteless 
 When the wheat ripens. And the choicest kinds 
 Are caught at Mitylene. 
 And Pancrates, in his Works of the Sea, says— 
 There is the salpe too, of the same size, 
 Which the seafaring fishermen do call 
 The ox, because he grinds within his teeth 
 The stout seaweed with which he fills his belly. 
 He also is a spotted or variegated fish; on which account his friends
 used to nickname Mnaseas the Locrian (or, as some call him, the Colophonian),—the
 man who wrote the poem called The Sports,—Salpe, on account of the variety of
 things in his collection. But Nymphodorus the Syracusan, in his Voyage round Asia,
 says that it was a Lesbian woman, named Salpe, who wrote the book called The
 Sports. But Alcimus, in his Affairs of Sicily, says that in Messene, in Sicily,
 there was a man named Botrys, who was the author of some Sports 
 very like those which are attributed to Salpe. But Archippus uses the word in the
 masculine form, Salpes, saying— 
 The ceryx shouted out, 
 The salpes trumpeted and fetch'd seven obols. 
 And there is a similar fish produced in the Red Sea, which is called the
 stromateus; and it has gold-coloured lines running along the whole of his body, as
 Philo tells us, in his book on Mines.

There is also the synodon and the synagris. They also are mentioned by Epicharmus,
 when he says— 
 Synagrides, and mazi, and the synodons, 
 With red spots variegated. 
 And Numenius, in his treatise on Fishing, writes the word with an
 υ, συνόδους; and says— 
 Then the white synodon, and boax, and triccus. 
 And in another place he says— 
 Fish with these baits then, if you wish to eat 
 The mighty synodon, or diving horsetail. 
 But Dorion writes the word σινόδους, with
 an ι; and so does Archestratus, in the following
 lines:— 
 But try to catch a well-fed sinodon, 
 And you will find the best in narrow straits. 
 All this advice to Cyrus I have given, 
 And now to you, Cleænus, I impart it. 
 And Antiphanes says, in his Archistrata,— 
 But who would eat an eel, or sinodon's head.

There is also the saurus, or lizard. Alexis mentions this fish, in his Leuce. It
 is a cook who is speaking:— 
 
 A. Do you know how you ought to dress a lizard? 
 
 B. I shall, when you have taught me. 
 
 A. First of all 
 Take off the gills, then wash him, then cut off 
 The spines all round, and split him open neatly; 
 Then when you've laid him flat, anoint him well 
 And thoroughly with assafœetida; 
 Sprinkle him then with cheese, and salt, and marjoram. 
 And Ephippus, in his Cydon, gives a list of many other fishes, and among
 them he mentions the lizard, in the following lines:— 
 Slices of tunny, and of glanis, 
 Of shark, and rhine, and of conger, 
 Cephalus, perch, and lizard too, 
 And phycis, brinchus, also mullet, 
 Sea-cuckoo, phagrus, myllus, sparus, 
 Lebias, æolias, and sea-swallow, 
 Thritta, and squid, and cuttle-fish, 
 Sea-sparrow, and dracænides. 
 The polypus, the squid, and orphus, 
 The tench, th' anchovy, and the cestres, 
 And last of all the needle-fish. 
 And Innesimachus, in his Horse-breeder, says— 
 Of fish with teeth serrated, you may eat 
 The grim torpedo, the sea-frog, the perch, 
 The lizard, and the trichias, and the phycis, 
 The brinchus, and the mullet, and sea-cuckoo. 
 
 There is also the scepinus; and this fish is mentioned by
 Dorion, in his treatise on Fish; and he says that it is also called the
 attageinus, or sea-woodcock.

There is also the sciæna. Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 Aeoliæ were there, and plotes too, 
 And cynoglossi and sciathides. 
 But Numenius calls this fish the Sciadeus, saying— 
 Use then this bait, and you perhaps may catch, 
 If such your wish, a mighty synodon, 
 Or the quick leaping hippurus, or the phagrus 
 Proud with his high-raised crest, or in a shoal 
 Of trusty comrades, the fresh sciadeus. 
 There is also the syagris; and this fish is mentioned by Epicharmus, in
 his Hebe's Wedding, and also in his Earth and Sea.

Then there is the sphuræna, or hammer-fish; and these fish, Icesius says, are more
 nutritious than the congers, but very unpleasant and unpalatable to the taste;
 and, as to their juicy qualities, they are tolerable. But Dorion says— The
 sphuræna, which they call the cestra. And Epicharmus, in his Muses,
 having named the cestra, does not after that mention the sphuræna, thinking them
 the same fish— 
 The chalcides, the sea-dog, and the cestra, 
 And perch with variegated back. 
 And Sophron, in his Male Farces, says— The cestræ, which cat the
 botis. But Speusippus, in the second book of his treatise on Things
 which resemble one another, puts down the cestra, the needle-fish, and the
 sea-lizard as very nearly like one another. And the Attic writers in general call
 the sphuræna the cestra, and do not so often use the name of sphuræna.
 Accordingly, Strattis, in his Macedonians, when some Athenian asks the question,
 as being ignorant of the name, and saying, 
 But what is the sphuræna? 
 The other replies, 
 You, O Athenians, do call it the cestra. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Euthydicus, says— 
 
 A. The sphuræna is a common fish. 
 
 B. You should say cestra, in strict Attic Greek. 
 And Nicophon, in his Pandora, says— 
 The cestra and the pike. 
 
 And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 The cestra and the variegated perch.

The cuttle-fish is often mentioned. Aristophanes says, in his Danaides,— 
 And when I have the cuttle-fish and polypus. 
 And the penultima of this word has the acute accent like that in the word
 αἰτία, as Philemon tells us; like these words,
 παιδία, ταινία, οἰκία. But Aristotle says that
 the cuttle-fish has eight feet, of which the two lowest are the largest; and that
 it has two proboscises, and between them it has its eyes and mouth placed. And it
 has two teeth, one above and one below; and what is called a shell on its back.
 And the ink is contained in what is called the mutis, which answers to the liver;
 and it lies near its mouth, being something like a bladder. Its belly is wide and
 smooth, like the paunch of an ox. And the little cuttle-fish feed on small fish,
 extending their proboscises like fishermen's lines, and catching their prey with
 them. It is said, too, that when a storm comes, they seize hold of the rocks with
 their proboscises, as if they were anchors, and so fix themselves firm. And when
 the cuttle-fish is pursued, it discharges its ink, and is hidden in it, making it
 appear as if it were flying forwards. And it is also said, that when the female is
 struck by a harpoon, the male fish come to its assistance, dragging it on; but if
 the male fish be taken, the female fish flees away. But the cuttlefish does not
 live more than a year, as neither does the polypus. But, in the fifth book of his
 Parts of Animals, Aristotle says— The cuttle-fish and the squids swim
 together, being united together at the mouths, and also touching one another
 with their feelers, so as to join in that manner; and they also join proboscis
 to proboscis. But of all the molluscous fish, the cuttle-fish is the earliest
 in the spring to bring forth its young; and they do not bring forth at every
 season. But they go with young fifteen days; and when they lay their eggs, the
 male follows the female, and breathes upon the eggs and makes them firm. And
 they move in pairs; and the male is more variegated than the female, and
 blacker on the back.

And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 The polypus, likewise the cuttle-fish, 
 And the swift-moving squid. 
 
 
 And we must also take notice of this, with reference to Speu- 
 sippus, who says that the cuttle-fish and the squid are the same fish. But when
 Hipponax, in his Iambics, uses the words σηπίης
 ὑπόσφαγμα, the interpreters have explained the expression as meaning
 the ink of the cuttle-fish. But the word ὑπόσφαγμα is, properly speaking, equivalent to ὑπότριμμα, a dish compounded of various ingredients, as Erasistratus
 tells us, in his Cookery Book. And he writes as follows— But ὑπόσφαγμα is made with roast meat and blood stirred
 up and compounded with cheese, and salt, and cummin, and assafœtida; but the
 meat may also be boiled. And Glaucus the Locrian, in his Cookery Book,
 writes as follows— 
 ʽὑπόσφαγμα is blood boiled, and assafœtida, and
 boiled lees of wine; or sometimes honey and vinegar, and milk and cheese, and
 sweet-smelling herbs are shred and mixed together in it. And
 Archestratus, that man of the most varied learning, says— 
 The cuttle-fish of Abdera and the middle of Maronea. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Thesmophoriazuss, says— 
 Has any fish or cuttle-fish been bought? 
 And in the Danaides he says— 
 Osmulia, mœnidea, and cuttle-fish. 
 Theopompus, in his Aphrodite, says— 
 . . . But eat, my friend, 
 This cuttle-fish, and this small polypus. 
 But concerning the boiling of the small polypus, Alexis, in his Wicked
 Woman, introduces a cook speaking as follows— 
 Now these three cuttle-fish I have just bought 
 For one small drachma. And when I 've cut off 
 Their feelers and their fins, I then shall boil them. 
 And cutting up the main part of their meat 
 Into small dice, and rubbing in some salt, 
 After the guests already are sat down, 
 I then shall put them in the frying-pan, 
 And serve up hot towards the end of supper.

The next fish is the mullet; and τρίγλη is like
 κίχλη, ending in η. For the feminine nouns which end in λα require another λ before the
 λα; ; as σκύλλα,
 τελέσιλλα. But all the words which have γ united to λ end in η; as τρώγλη, αἴγλη, 
 ζεύγλη. But Aristotle, in the fifth book of his
 Parts of Animals, says that the mullet brings forth three times in the year; and
 states that the fishermen have adopted this opinion from the spawn being seen
 three times a-year in certain localities. And perhaps it is from the word τρὶς (three times) that it has its name; just as the
 fish called ἀμία has its name 
 from its being a fish which does not go about by itself, but in shoals ( ἅμα ). And the σκάρος is
 so called from σκαίρω (to leap); as also is the
 καρίς. And the ἀφύη is so named as being ἀφυὴς, 
 which is equivalent to δυσφυὴς, that is to say,
 slowly propagated. Then θύννος has its name from
 θύω (to rush), because it is an impetuous fish,
 from being driven about by its fly in the head at the time of the rising of the
 Dog-star. But it is a fish with serrated teeth, gregarious, and spotted all over,
 and also carnivorous: and when it has had young three times it becomes barren; for
 some little worms are engendered in its womb, which devour the young as soon as
 they are conceived. And from the actual facts, Epicharmus calls them hump-backed,
 in his Hebe's Wedding, where he says— 
 He brought the hump-back'd mullet too, 
 And the ungrateful bæones. 
 But Sophron, in his Male Farces, speaks of a fish which he calls τρίγολη, saying, 
 The trigola which cuts the navel string. 
 And in another place he says— 
 The trigola which loves calm weather. 
 And in his play called Pædica he says— 
 . . . trigola . . . . 
 But, in his Affairs of Women, he says— 
 The bearded mullet ( τρίγλη ). 
 But Diocles, in his books addressed to Plistarchus, says that the mullet
 is a fish of hard flesh; and Speusippus says that the sea-cuckoo, the sea-swallow,
 and the mullet are all alike; on which account Tryphon says, in his treatise on
 Animals, that some people think that the trigola is the sea-cuckoo, from its
 likeness to it, and from the dryness of its hindquarters; which Sophron indicates,
 when he says— 
 The fat mullets and the hinder parts of the trigola.

But Plato, in his Phaon, says— 
 The mullet is not wholesome for the nerves, 
 For it is sacred to the chaste Diana, 
 And all excitement hates. 
 But the mullet is attributed to Hecate as her fish, on account of the
 common derivation of their names; for Hecate is called τριοδῖτις, as presiding over places where three roads met, and
 τρίγληνος, as having three eyes; and also they
 provide her a banquet on the thirtieth day of each month ( ταῖς τριακάσι ). And, on similar principles,
 they assign to Apollo the fish κίθαρος, from
 κιθάρα (the harp); and the βόαξ to Mercury, from βοάω (to speak); and the κιττὸς to
 Bacchus, from κισσὸς (ivy); and the φάλαρις to Venus, as Aristophanes in his Birds says,
 from the similarity of its name to the word φαλλός. And so the bird called the νῆσσα (or duck), they call Neptune's bird; and the sea production
 which we call ἀφυὰ, and others ἀφρύα, and which is more generally called ἀφρὸς (foam), they also give to him; though they say
 that this also is very dear to Venus, because she herself was born of foam. But
 Apollodorus, in his books concerning the Gods, says that the mullet is sacrificed
 to Hecate on account of the resemblance of their names; for that the goddess is
 τρίμορφος, of a triple form. But Melanthus, in
 his treatise on the Eleusinian Mysteries, says that both the τρίγλη and the μαινὶς (or sprat),
 are sacred to Hecate, because Hecate is also a goddess of the sea. But Hegesander
 the Delphian says that the mullet is accustomed to be carried about in the
 Artemisia, because it is accustomed diligently to hunt out and destroy the
 sea-hares, which are poisonous animals; on which account, as it does this to the
 great benefit of mankind, the mullet as a huntress is considered sacred to the
 goddess who is also a huntress. And Sophron has called the mullet
 bearded, because those which have beards are better flavoured
 than those which have not. And there is a place at Athens called τρίγλα, and there there is a shrine to ʽἑκάτη τριγανθίνη; on which account Chariclides, in his
 Chain, says— 
 O mistress Hecate, Trioditis, 
 With three forms ( τρίμορφε ) and three faces
 ( τριπρόσωπε ), 
 Propitiated with mullets ( τρίγλαις ).

And if the mullet, while alive, be choked with wine, and then a man drinks the
 wine, he will no longer be able to indulge in the pleasures of Venus, as
 Terpsicles tells us in his book on Amatory Pleasures. And if a woman drinks this
 same wine, she never becomes pregnant. Birds, too, are affected in the same
 manner. But Archestratus, that very learned man, after he has praised the Milesian
 mullet which are found at Teichius, proceeds to say— 
 If you at Thasos are, then buy a mullet; 
 You ne'er will get a worse, unless indeed 
 You go to Tius; but even those are fair: 
 But at Erythræ they are caught in shore 
 And are most excellent. 
 
 And Cratinus, in his Trophonius, says— 
 And do not eat a red-flesh'd mullet hard, 
 Brought from Aexona; nor of any turtle, 
 Or mighty melanurus from those seas. 
 But Nausicrates, the comic poet, praises the mullets from Aexona, in his
 Captains of Ships, saying— 
 Those yellow fleshed fish, which the high wave 
 That beats Aexona brings towards the shore, 
 The best of fish; with which we venerate 
 The light-bestowing daughter of great Jove; 
 When sailors offer gifts of feasts to heaven. 
 
 B. You mean the mullet.

There is, too, the tænia; and this is mentioned by Epicharmus:— 
 The most belovèd tænia, which are thin, 
 But highly flavour'd, and need little fire. 
 And Mithæcus, in his Cookery Book, says— Having taken out the
 entrails of the tænia, and cut off its head, and washed it, and having cut it
 into slices, sprinkle over it cheese and oil. But this fish is found in
 the greatest number and in the finest condition off Canopus, which is near
 Alexandria; and also off Seleucia, which is close to Antioch. But when Eupolis, in
 his Prospaltii, says— 
 His mother was a Thracian woman, 
 A seller of tænie; 
 he then means by the word ταινία, not the
 fish, but those pieces of woven work and girdles with which women bind their
 waists.

Another fish is the trachurus, or rough-tail. Diodes mentions this as a dry fish.
 And Numenius, in his Art of Fishing, says— 
 The aconia and the wagtail too, 
 And the . . . trachurus. 
 
 
 There is also the taulopias. Concerning this fish, A chestratus says— 
 When it is summer buy a good-sized head 
 Of fresh taulopias, just when Phaethon 
 Is driving his last course. Dress it with speed. 
 Serve it up hot, and some good seasoning with it, 
 Then take its entrails, spit and roast them too.

There is also the τευθὶς, [which is a kind of
 cuttle-fish, different from the σηπίο.] Aristotle
 says that this also is a gregarious fish, and that it has a
 great many things in com- mon with the sepia; such as the same number of feet, and
 the two proboscises: but of this kind the lower feet are the smaller, and the
 upper feet the larger; and of the proboscises, that on the right side is the
 thickest: and the whole body is delicate, and of a more oblong shape than the
 sepia. And the teuthis also has ink in its mutis, which, however, is not black,
 but of a pale colour. And its shell is very small, and cartilaginous. 
 There is also the teuthus; and the only difference between the teuthus and the
 teuthis is in size: and the teuthus is of the size of three spans; and it is of a
 reddish colour. And of its two teeth, the lower one is the smallest, and the upper
 one is the largest; and both of them are black, and like a hawk's beak. And when
 it is slit open, it has a paunch like a pig's paunch. Aristotle, in the fifth book
 of his Parts of Animals, says that both the teuthus and the sepia are short-lived
 fish. And Archestratus, who travelled and sailed over the whole earth, for the
 sake of gratifying his greedy appetite, says,— 
 The best of all the teuthides are those 
 Caught near Pierian Dium, near the stream 
 Of Baphyras. And in Ambracia's port 
 You will see mighty shoals of this same fish. 
 And Alexis, in his Eretrian, introduces a cook speaking in this way—
 
 Teuthides, thornbacks, rays, and fat 
 Anchovies, lumps of meat, and paunches too. 
 I took the teuthides, cut off their fins, 
 Adding a little fat; I then did sprinkle 
 Some thin shred herbs o'er all for seasoning. 
 There is also a sort of cake or confectionary called τευθὶς, which is mentioned by Iatrocles, in his book on
 the Art of making Bread, as Pamphilus quotes.

Then there is the sea-pig. Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 There were hyænides, buglossi, 
 There was the harp-fish too in numbers. 
 And he also calls them not only ὑαινίδες, 
 but also ὕες in the following lines— 
 There were too chalcides and sea-pigs ( ὕες ), 
 And sea-hawks, and the fat sea-dog. 
 
 Unless, indeed, when he uses the word ὗς here, he means the same animal which is also called κάπρος, the sea-boa. But Numenius, in his Art of
 Fishing, enumerates plainly enough some sort of ὕαινα or plaice, when he says— 
 The cantharis, hyæna, and the mullet. 
 And Dionysius, in his Cookery Book, also speaks of the hyæna or plaice.
 And Archestratus, that prince of cooks and epicures says,— 
 At Aenus or at Potus buy the sea-pig, 
 Which some men call the digger of the sand, 
 Then boil his head, adding no seasoning, 
 But only water, stirring it full often, 
 And add some pounded hyssop; if you want 
 Anything more, pour on some pungent vinegar; 
 Steep it in that, then eat it with such haste 
 As if your object were to choke yourself. 
 But roast its neck, and all its other parts. 
 And perhaps it is the sea-pig which Numenius, in his Art of Fishing,
 calls the psamathis, or sand-fish, when he says— 
 Sometimes the fierce carcharias, and sometimes 
 The psamathis, delighting in the surf.

Then there is the hyces. Callimachus, in his epigrams, calls the hyces the sacred
 fish, in these lines— 
 And he does deem the sacred hyces god. 
 And Numenius, in his Art of Fishing, says— 
 The spar, or the gregarious hyces; 
 Or phagrus, ever wand'ring near the rocks. 
 And Timæus, in the thirteenth book of his Histories, speaking of the town
 in Sicily, (I mean the town of Hyccara,) says that this town derived its name from
 the circumstance of the first man who arrived at the place finding abundance of
 the fish called hyces, and those too in a breeding condition; and they, taking
 this for an omen, called the place Hyccarus. But Zenodotus says that the Cyrenæans
 call the hyces the erythrinus. But Hermippus of Smyrna, in his essay on Hipponax,
 when he speaks of the hyces, means the iulis; and says that it is very hard to
 catch; on which account Philetas says— 
 Nor was the hyces the last fish who fled.

There is also the phagrus. Speusippus, in the second book of his Things resembling
 one another, says that the phagrus, the erythrinus, and the hepatus, are very much
 alike. And Numenius also has mentioned it in the lines
 which have been quoted not long ago. But Aristotle says that he is a carnivorous
 and solitary fish; and that he has a heart of a triangular shape, and that he is
 in season in the spring. And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, speaks of the
 
 Aones, and the phagri, and the pikes. 
 And Metagenes also mentions them in his Thurio-Persæ. And Ameipsias says
 in his Connus— 
 A food for orphi and selachia, 
 And for the greedy phagri. 
 And Icesius says— The phagrus, and the chromis, and the anthias,
 and the acharnanes, and the orphi, and the synodons, and the synagrides, are
 all very nearly akin to one another; for they are sweet and astringent, and
 nutritious, but in the same proportion they are hard of digestion. And those of
 them which are fleshy, and which are caught nearer land, are the most
 nutritious, and those also which have the least fat. But Archestratus
 says— 
 'Tis when the dogstar rises in the sky 
 That you should eat the phagrus; specially 
 If you in Delos or Eretria are, 
 Or other favouring harbours of the sea; 
 But, if you can, purchase his head alone, 
 And tail; and bring no more within your doors. 
 Strattis also mentions the phagrus in his Lemnomeda— 
 Eating a number of large phagri. 
 And in his Philoctetes he says— 
 Then, going to the market, they will buy 
 A great abundance of large phagri, and 
 Slices of tender round Copaic eel. 
 There is also a kind of stone called the phagrus. For the whetstone is
 called so among the Cretans, as Simmias testifies.

There is also the channa. Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says— 
 The channa, with large mouth, and then the cod, 
 With deep and spacious belly. 
 Numenius, in his Art of Fishing, says— 
 The channas and the eel, and pitinus, 
 Who only roams by night. 
 Dorion also mentions him in his treatise on Fishes. But Aristotle, in his
 book on Animals, calls the channa a fish variegated with red
 and black; and he calls it also ποικιλόγραμμος, 
 because it is marked with black lines.

There is the chromis; this also is spoken of by Epicharmus, who says— 
 There is the sword-fish and the chromias, 
 Who, in the spring, as Ananius says, 
 Is of all fish the daintiest. 
 And Numenius, in his Art of Fishing, says— 
 The hyces, or the beautiful callicthys, 
 Or else the chromis, and sometimes the orphus. 
 And Archestratus says— 
 You may catch noble chromises in Pella, 
 And they are fat when it is midsummer; 
 And in Ambracia likewise they abound.

There is also the chrysophrys. Archippus says in his Fishes— 
 The chrysophrys, sacred to Cytherean Venus. 
 And Icesius says that these fish are the best of all fish in sweetness,
 and also in delicacy of flavour in other respects. They are also most nutritious.
 They produce their young, as Aristotle says, in a manner similar to the cestres,
 wherever there are flowing rivers. Epicharmus mentions them in his Muses; and
 Dorion also, in his book on Fishes. And Eupolis, in his Flatterers, says— 
 I spent a hundred drachmas upon fish, 
 And only got eight pike, and twelve chrysophryes. 
 But the wise Archestratus, in his Suggestions, says— 
 Pass not the chrysophrys from Ephesus 
 Unheeded by; which the Ephesians call 
 The ioniscus. Take him eagerly, 
 The produce of the venerable Selinus; 
 Wash him, and roast him whole, and serve him up, 
 Though he be ten full cubits long.

There is a fish, too, called the chalcis; and others which resemble it, namely,
 the thrissa, the trichis, and the eritimus. Icesius says, the fish called the
 chalcis, ad the sea-goat, and the needle-fish, and the thrissa, are like chaff
 destitute alike of fat and of juice. And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's Wedding, says—
 
 The chalcides, the sea-pig too, 
 The sea-hawk, and the fat sea-dog. 
 But Dorion calls it the chalcidice. And Numenius says,— 
 But you would thus harpoon, in the same way, 
 That chalcis and the little tiny sprat. 
 
 But the χαλκεὺς is different
 from the χαλκὶς; and the χαλκεὺς is mentioned by Heraclides, in his Cookery Book; and by
 Euthydemus, in his book on Cured Fish, who says that they are bred in the country
 of the Cyzicenes, being a round and circular fish. 
 But the thrissa is mentioned by Aristotle in his book on Animals and Fishes, in
 these words— The following are stationary fish: the thrissa, the
 encrasicholus, the membras anchovy, the coracinus, the erythrinus, and the
 trichis. And Eupolis mentions the trichis in his Flatterers;— 
 He was a stingy man, who once in his life 
 Before the war did buy some trichides; 
 But in the Samian war, a ha'p'orth of meat. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Knights, says— 
 If trichides were to be a penny a hundred. 
 But Dorion, in his treatise on Fishes, speaks also of the river Thrissa;
 and calls the trichis trichias. Nicochares, in his Lemnian Women, says— 
 The trichias, and the premas tunny too, 
 Placed in enormous quantities for supper. 
 (But there was a kind of tunny which they used to call premnas. Plato, in
 his Europa, has these lines— 
 He once, when fishing, saw one of such size 
 A man could scarcely carry it, in a shoal 
 Of premnades, and then he let it go, 
 Because it was a boax.) 
 And Aristotle, in the fifth book of his Parts of Animals, calls it a
 trichias also, but in the book which is entitled ζωϊκὸν, he calls it trichis. And it is said that this fish is
 delighted with dancing and singing, and that when it hears music it leaps up out
 of the sea. 
 Dorion also mentions the eritimi, saying, that they are much the same as the
 chalcides, and that they are very nice in forced meat. And Epænetus, in his book
 upon Fishes, says— The sea-weasel; the smaris, which some call the dog'sbed;
 the chalcides, which they also call sardini; the eritimi, the sea-hawk, and the
 sea-swallow. And Aristotle, in the fifth book of his Parts of Animals,
 calls them sardines. And Callimachus, in his Names used by different Nations,
 writes thus— The encrasicholus, the eritimus, are names used by the
 Chalcedonians; the trichidia, the chalcis, the ictar, the 
 atherina. And in another part, giving a list of the names of fishes, he
 says— The ozæna, the osmylnion, are names used by the Thurians; the
 iopes, the eritimi, are names used by the Athenians. And Nicander
 mentions the iopes in his Bœotian,— 
 But as when round a shoal of newly born 
 lopes, phagri, or fierce scopes roam, 
 Or the large orphus. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Ships of Burden, says— 
 O wretched fish, the first of trichides 
 To be immersed in pickle. 
 For they used to steep in pickle all the fish which were proper to be
 dressed on the coals. And they called pickle, Thasian brine; as also the same poet
 says in his Wasps,— 
 For before that it twice drank in the brine.

There is also a fish called the thratta. And since we have brought the discussion
 to this point, and have also discussed the thrissa; let us now examine what the
 thratta are, which are mentioned by Archippus, in his play called the Fishes. For
 in that play, in the treaty between the Fishes and the Athenians, he introduces
 the following sentences— 
 And it is agreed on further 
 That both the high contracting parties 
 Shall restore all they now do hold 
 Of each other's property. 
 We shall give up thus the Thrattæ, 
 And the flute-playing Atherina, 
 And Thyrsus's daughter Sepia, 
 And the mullet, and Euclides, 
 Who was archon t'other day, 
 And the coraciontes too, 
 Who from Anagyrus come; 
 And the offspring of the tench, 
 Who swims round sacred Salamis; 
 And the frog who's seated near, 
 From the marshes of Oreum. 
 Now in these lines, perhaps a man may ask what sort of thrattæ among the
 fishes are meant here, which the fish agree to give up to the men. And since I
 have got some private things written out on this subject, I will now recite to you
 that portion of them which bears most on the subject. 
 The thratta, then, is really a genuine sea-fish; and Mnesimachus, in his
 Horse-breeder, mentions it; and Mnesimachus is a poet of the middle comedy. And he
 speaks thus— 
 
 The mullet, and the lebias, and the sparus, 
 The bright æolias, and the thratta too, 
 The sea-swallow, the cars, and the cuttlefish. 
 But Dorotheus of Ascalon, in the hundred and eighth book of his
 collection of Words, writes this name θέττα, 
 either because he fell in with a copy of the drama with an incorrect text, or
 because, as he himself was unused to the word, he altered it so before he
 published it. But the name thetta does absolutely never occur in any Attic writer
 whatever. But that they were used to call a sea-fish by the name of thratta, that
 Anaxandrides establishes, speaking in this manner in his play called Lycurgus,—
 
 And sporting with the little coracini, 
 With little perches, and the little thrattæ. 
 And Antiphanes says in his Etrurian— 
 
 A. He is of the Halæa borough. This is all 
 That now is left me, to be abused unjustly. 
 
 B. Why so? 
 
 A. He will (you'll see) bestow on me 
 Some thratta. or sea-sparrow, or some lamprey, 
 Or some enormous other marine evil.

We come now to the sea-sparrow. Diodes enumerates this fish among the drier kinds.
 But Speusippus, in the second book of his Things resembling one another, says that
 the sea-sparrow and the buglossus and the tænia are very much alike. But
 Aristotle, in the fifth book of his Parts of Animals, writes— And in the
 same manner the greater number of the small fish have young once a year; such
 as those which are called chyti, which are surrounded by a net, namely, the
 chromis, the sea-sparrow, the tunny, the pelamys, the cestreus, the chalcis,
 and others of the same sort. And in his treatise on Animals he
 says— These fish are cartilaginous, the sea-cow, the turtle, the torpedo,
 the ray, the sea-frog, the buglossa, the sea-sparrow, the mussel. But
 Dorion, in his book on Fishes, says— But of flat fish there is the
 buglossus, the sea-sparrow, the escharus, which they also call the
 coris. The buglossi are mentioned also by Epicharmus in his Hebe's
 Wedding— 
 Hyænides, buglossi, and a citharus. 
 And Lynceus the Samian, in his Letters, says that the finest sea-sparrows
 are procured near Eleusis, in Attica. And Archestratus says— 
 
 Remember then to get a fine sea-sparrow, 
 And a rough-skinn'd buglossus, near the port 
 Of sacred Chalcis 
 But the Romans call the sea-sparrow rhombus; which, how- ever, is a Greek
 name. And Nausicrates, in his Sea Captains, having first mentioned the
 sea-grayling, proceeds in this manner— 
 
 A. Those yellow-fleshed fish, which the high
 wave 
 That beats Aexona brings towards the shore, 
 The best of fish; with which we venerate 
 The light-bestowing daughter of great Jove; 
 When sailors offer gifts of feasts to heaven. 
 
 B. You mean the muller, with its milky colour, 
 Which the Sicilian multitude calls rhombus.

So now, having given you, O Timocrates, the whole of the conversation which took
 place among the Deipnosophists on the subject of fish, we may conclude our book
 here; and unless you want some other kind of food, we will end by setting before
 you what Eubulus has said in his Lacedæmonians, or Leda;— 
 Besides all this you now shall have 
 A slice of tunny, a slice of pork, 
 Some paunch of kid, some liver of goat, 
 Some ram, the entrails of an ox, 
 A lamb's head, and a kid's intestines; 
 The belly of a hare, a pudding, 
 Some tripe, black-puddings, and a sausage. 
 Being sated, therefore, with all this, let us now take due care of our
 bodies, in order to be able to feed comfortably on what is coming next.

POLYBIUS the Megalopolitan, speaking of the great happiness which exists in
 Lusitania (and that is a district of Iberia, which the Romans now call Spania), O
 most excellent. Timocrates, in the thirty-fourth book of his Histories, says that
 in that country, on account of the excellent temperature of the air, both animals
 and men are exceedingly prolific; and the fruits, too, in that country never
 degenerate. For there are roses there, and white violets, and asparagus,
 and other flowers and fruits like them, which last nine months in the year; and
 as for sea-fish, both in abundance, and in excellence, and in beauty, it is
 very superior to that produced in our seas. And a siclus (this is equal to a
 medimnus) of barley costs only a drachma; and one of wheat costs nine
 Alexandrian obols; and a measure of wine costs a drachma; and a moderate-sized
 kid costs an obol, and so does a hare. And of lambs, the price is three or four
 obols; and a fat pig, weighing a hundred minæ, costs five drachmæ; and a sheep
 costs two. And a talent weight of figs costs three obols; and a calf costs five
 drachmæ, and a draught-ox ten. And the meat of wild animals is scarcely ever
 valued at any price at all but people throw that in to purchasers into the
 bargain, or as a present. But to us, whenever we sup with our excellent
 friend Laurentius, he makes Rome another Lusitania,—filling us with every sort of
 good thing every day, receiving us in a most princely manner with the greatest
 liberality, while we bring nothing from home as our contribution, except our
 arguments.

Now, as a long discussion had taken place about fish, it was plain that Cynulcus
 was annoyed at it; and so the excel- lent Democritus, anticipating him, said—But,
 O you men fish, as Archippus says, you have omitted (for I too must throw in a
 little contribution of my own) those which are called fossil fishes, which are
 produced at Heraclea, and near Tium, in Pontus, which is a colony of the
 Milesians, though Theophrastus gives us an account of them. And this very same
 philosopher has also told us about those that are congealed in ice the whole
 winter, so that they have no feeling whatever, and make not the slightest motion,
 until they are put into the saucepans and boiled. And these fish have this
 especial peculiarity, which also belongs in some degree to the fish which are
 called fossil fish in Paphlagonia. For it is said that ditches are dug in those
 places to an exceeding depth, where no overflow of rivers ever reaches, nor of any
 other waters whatever; and yet in those ditches there are found living fishes.

But Mnaseas of Patra, in his Periplus, says that the fish in the river Clitor are
 not dumb; though Aristotle has stated in writing that the only fishes which have
 any voice are the scarus and the river-hog. And Philostephanus, who was a Cyrenæan
 by birth, and a friend of Callimachus, in his treatise on Extraordinary Rivers,
 says that in the river Aroanius, which flows through Pheneum, there are fish which
 sing like thrushes, and that they are called the poiciliæ. And Nympho- dorus the
 Syracusan, in his Voyages, says that there are pike in the river Helorus, and
 large eels, so tame that they take bread out of the hands of any who bring it to
 them. And I myself, and very likely many of you too, have seen cestres tamed to
 the hand in the fountain of Arethusa, near Chalcis; and eels, having silver and
 golden earrings, taking food from any one who offered it to them, and entrails
 from the victims, and fresh cheese. And Semus says, in the sixth book of his
 Delias— They say that a boy once dipped a ewer into the well, and brought
 water to some Athenians who were sacri- ficing at Delos, to wash their hands
 with; and he brought up, as it happened, some fish in the ewer along with the
 water: and that on this the soothsayers of the Delians told them that they
 should become the lords of the sea.

And Polybius, in the thirty-fourth book of his Histories, 
 says that behind Pyrene, as far as the river Narbo, the whole country is a plain,
 through which the rivers Illiberis and Rhoscynus proceed, flowing through cities
 of the same name as themselves, which are inhabited by some of the Celtæ; and in
 this plain he says that the above-mentioned fossil fish are also found. And he
 says that the soil of that lain is light, and that a great quantity of the herb
 agrostis grows in it; and that beneath it, as the soil is sandy for a depth of two
 or three cubits, the water flows, which wanders away from these rivers; and so the
 fish, too, leaving the rivers, and proceeding underground, in the course of these
 erratic underflowings, in quest of food (for they are exceedingly fond of the root
 of the agrostis), have caused the whole plain to be full of subterranean fish,
 which people catch when they dig up the plain. And among the
 Indians, says Theophrastus, there are fish which go forth out of
 the rivers over the land, and then, leaping back, return again to the water,
 just like frogs; being in appearance very like the fish which are called
 maxini.

But I am not ignorant of what Clearchus, the Peripatetic philosopher, has said
 about what he calls the exoccetus fish, or fish which comes out of the water to
 sleep, which he mentions in his work entitled A Treatise on Aquatic Animals. For
 he has said, (and I think that I recollect his exact words, which are as follows,)
 The exoccetus fish, which some people call Adonis, has derived its name
 from constantly taking his rest out of the water. He is rather of a red colour,
 and from his gills down to his tail he has on each side of his body one white
 stripe reaching the whole length of his body. And he is round, but not being
 broad, he is equal in size to the cestrinisci which are found near the shore;
 and they are as near as may be about eight fingers in length. Altogether he is
 very like the fish called the sea-goat, except that the latter has a black
 place under his stomach, which they call the beard of the goat. And the
 exocœtus is one of the fish which keeps near to the rocks, and spends his life
 in rocky places. When it is calm weather he springs up with the waves and lies
 on the rocks for a considerable time, sleeping on the dry land, and turning
 himself so as to bask in the sun: and then, when he has had sufficient rest, he
 rolls towards the water again, until the wave, taking him 
 again, bears him with the reflux back into the sea. And when he is awake on the
 dry land then he is on his guard against those birds which are called
 pareudistæ, such as the halcyon, the sandpiper, and the helorius, which is a
 bird like the rail. For these birds in calm weather feed on the dry land, and
 often attack the exocœtus; but when he sees them at a distance he flies,
 leaping and panting, until he dives beneath the water.

Moreover, Clearchus says this also more plainly than Philostephanus the Cyrenæan,
 whom I have previously mentioned. There are some fish which, though they
 have no throats, can utter a sound. Such are those which are found near
 Cleitor, in Arcadia, in the river called Ladon. For they have a voice, and
 utter a very audible sound. And Nicolaus, of Damascus, in the hundred
 and fourth book of his History, says— In the country around Apamea, in
 Phrygia, at the time of the Mithridatic wars, there were some earthquakes,
 after which there appeared in that district some lakes which previously had no
 existence, and rivers, and other springs which had been opened by the
 earthquake. Many also which had previously existed disappeared. And such a
 quantity of additional water, which was brackish and of a seagreen colour,
 burst up in that district, though it is at a very great distance from the sea,
 that all the neighbouring country was filled with oysters and fish, and all
 other productions of the sea. I know also that it has very often rained
 fishes. At all events, Phænias, in the second book of his Eresian Magistrates,
 says that in the Chersonesus it once rained fish uninterruptedly for three days;
 and Phylarchus, in his fourth book, says that people had often seen it raining
 fish, and often also raining wheat, and that the same thing has happened with
 respect to frogs. At all events, Heraclides Lembus, in the twenty-first book of
 his History, says— In Pæonia and Dardania it has, they say, before now
 rained frogs; and so great has been the number of these frogs that the houses
 and the roads have been full of them; and at first, for some days, the
 inhabitants, endeavouring to kill them, and shutting up their houses, endured
 the pest; but when they did no good, but found that all their vessels were
 filled with them, and the frogs were found to be boiled up and roasted with
 everything they ate, and when besides all this, they could not make use of any
 water, nor put their feet on the ground for the heaps of
 frogs that were everywhere, and were annoyed also by the smell of those that
 died, they fled the country.

I am aware, too, that Posidonius the Stoic males this statement about the
 abundance of the fish:— When Tryphon of Apamea, who seized upon the kingdom
 of Syria, was attacked by Sarpedon, the general of Demetrius, near the city of
 Ptolemais, and when Sarpedon, being defeated, retired into the inland parts of
 the country with his own troops, but the army of Tryphon, having been
 victorious in the battle, were marching along the shore, on a sudden, a wave of
 the sea, rising to a great height, came over the land, and overwhelmed them
 all, and destroyed them beneath the waters, and the retreating wave also left
 an immense heap of fish with the corpses. And Sarpedon and his army heating of
 what had happened, came up, and were delighted at the sight of the corpses of
 their enemies, and carried away an enormous quantity of fish, and made a
 sacrifice to Neptune who puts armies to flight, near the suburbs of the
 city.

Nor will I pass over in silence the men who prophesy from fish in Lycia,
 concerning whom Polycharmus speaks, in the second book of his Affairs of Lycia;
 writing in this manner:— For when they have come to the sea, at a place
 where there is on the shore a grove sacred to Apollo, and where there is an
 eddy on the sand, the persons who are consulting the oracle come, bringing with
 them two wooden spits, having each of them ten pieces of roast meat on them.
 And the priest sits down by the side of the grove in silence; but he who is
 consulting the oracle throws the spits into the eddy, and looks on to see what
 happens. And after he has put the spits in, then the eddy becomes full of salt
 water, and there comes up such an enormous quantity of fish of such a
 description that he is amazed at the sight, and is even, as it were, alarmed at
 the magnitude of it. And when the prophet enumerates the different species of
 fish, the person who is consulting the oracle in this manner receives the
 prophecy from the priest respecting the matters about which he has prayed for
 information. And there appear in the eddy orphi, and sea-grayling, and
 sometimes some sorts of whales, such as the phalkena, or pristis, and a great
 many other fish which are rarely seen, and strange to the sight. 
 
 And Artemidorus, in the tenth book of his Geography, says
 that— It is said by the natives that a fountain springs up in that place
 of sweet water, to which it is owing that these eddies exist there; and that
 very large fish are produced in that eddying place. And those who are
 sacrificing throw to these fish the firstfruits of what they offer, piercing
 them through with wooden spits, being pieces of meat, roasted and boiled, and
 cakes of barley and loaves. And both the harbour and the place is called
 Dinus.

I know, too, that Phylarchus has spoken, somewhere or other, about large fish, and
 about fresh figs which were sent with them; saying that Patroclus, the general of
 Ptolemy, sent such a present to Antigonus the king, by way of a riddle, as the
 Scythians sent an enigmatical present to Darius, when he was invading their
 country. For they sent (as Herodotus relates) a bird, and an arrow, and a frog.
 But Patroclus (as Phylarchus tells us, in the third book of his Histories) sent
 the before-mentioned fishes and figs; and the king, at the time that they arrived,
 happened to be drinking with his friends, and when all the party were perplexed at
 the meaning of the gifts, Antigonus laughed, and said to his friends that he knew
 what was the meaning of the present; for, says he, Patroclus
 means that we must either be masters of the sea, or else be content to eat
 figs.

Nor am I unaware that all fishes are called by one generic name, camasenes, by
 Empedocles the natural philosopher, when he says— 
 How could the mighty trees and sea-born camasenes . . . 
 And the poet, too, who wrote the Cyprian poems (whether he was a Cyprian
 or a man of the name of Stasinus, or whatever else his name may have been,
 represents Nemesis as pursued by Jupiter, and metamorphosed into a fish, in the
 following lines:— 
 And after them she brought forth Helen third, 
 A marvel to all mortal men to see; 
 Her then the fair-hair'd Nemesis did bear, 
 Compell'd by Jove, the sovereign of the gods. 
 She indeed fled, nor sought to share the love 
 Of that great father, son of Saturn, Jove; 
 For too great awe did overpower her mind: 
 So Nemesis did flee o'er distant lands, 
 And o'er the black and barren waves o' the sea; 
 
 But Jove pursued her (and with eagerness 
 His soul desired her). In vain she took 
 The form of some large fish who bounds along, 
 Borne on the vast high-crested roaring wave; 
 Sometimes she fled along the ocean, where 
 The earth's most distant boundaries extend; 
 Sometimes she fled along the fertile land; 
 And took all shapes of every animal 
 Which the land bears, to flee from amorous Jove.

I know, also, what is related about the fish called apopyris, which is found in
 the lake Bolbe; concerning which Hegesander, in his Commentaries, speaks
 thus:— Around Apollonia of Chalcis two rivers flow, the Ammites and the
 Olynthiacus, and they both fall into the lake Bolbe. And on the river
 Olynthiacus there is a monument of Olynthus, the son of Hercules and Bolbe. And
 in the months Anthesterion and Elaphebolion, the natives say that Bolbe sends
 Apopyris to Olynthus; and that about this time a most enormous number of fish
 ascend out of the lake into the river Olynthiacus: and this is a shallow river,
 scarcely deep enough to wet a man's ankles; but for all that there does not the
 less come a great number of fish, so that all the people of the district get
 enough cured fish for their use for the year. And it is a wonderful fact that
 they never pass above the monument of Olynthus. They say, in explanation of
 this, that the people of Apollonia did formerly, in the month Elaphebolion,
 celebrate sacrifices to the dead, but that they do so now in the month
 Anthesterion; and that on this account this ascent is made by the fish in those
 months alone in which the natives are accustomed to pay honour to their
 national heroes.

And this is the state of the case, O men fish; for you, having collected together
 every kind of thing, have thrown us out to be food for fishes, instead of giving
 them as food for us,—making such long speeches as not even Ichthys, the phi-
 losopher of Megara, nor Ichthyon (and this also is a proper name), who is
 mentioned by Teleclides in his Amphicytons would make to us. And, on your account,
 I will give this advice to the servant, as it is said in the Ant Men of Phere-
 crates:— 
 Mind that you never, O Deucalion, 
 (Even if I bid you,) set a fish before me. 
 For in Delos, as we are told by Semus the Delian, in the second book of
 the Delias, when they sacrifice to Brizo,—and she is a deity
 who prophesies to people asleep (for the ancients used βρίζω as synonymous with καθεύδω, to
 sleep, saying— 
 Then sleeping ( ἀποβρίξαντες ) there we waited
 for the dawn)— 
 so, when the Delian women sacrifice to this deity, they bring her, as
 their offering, boats full of all kinds of good things, except fish; because they
 address prayers to her on every subject, and especially for the safety of their
 vessels.

But, my friends, though I admire Chrysippus, the leader of the sect of the Stoics,
 on many accounts, I also praise him especially for having always classed
 Archestratus, that man who is so famous for his treatise on Cookery, with
 Philenis, to whom that indelicate composition about Amatory Pleasures is
 attributed; which, however, Aeschrion, the iambic poet of Samos, says was written
 by Polycrates the sophist, and attributed to Philænis for the sake of calumniating
 her, when she was a most respectable woman. And the iambics, in which this is
 stated, run as follows:— 
 I am Philænis, famous among men; 
 And here I lie, o'erwhelm'd by long old age. 
 Do not, O foolish sailor, pass this cape 
 Laughing and scorning and reproaching me. 
 For. now I swear by Jove, and by the gods 
 Who reign below, I never lustful was, 
 I never made myself a sport to man. 
 But one Polycrates, of Attic race, 
 A trashy chatterer, and a false accuser, 
 Wrote what he wrote; I know not what it was. 
 Therefore that admirable Chrysippus, in the fifth book of his treatise on
 Honour and Pleasure, says— The books, too, of Philænis, and the Gastronomy
 of Archestratus, and all the drugs calculated to provoke appetite or sensual
 desires, and also all the servants who are skilled in such motions and such
 figures, and whose occupation it is to attend to these things. And
 again he says — That they learn such things, and get hold of the books
 written on such subjects by Philænis and Archestratus, and by those who have
 written similar works. And in his seventh book he says— Just as
 it would not be advisable to study the writings of Philænis or the Gastronomy
 of Archestratus, as tending to make a person live better.

But you, who are constantly making mention of this Archestratus, have made this
 entertainment full of intem- perance; for what of all the things which could
 unduly excite men has this fine epic poet omitted?—he, the
 only imitator of the life of Sardanapalus the son of Anacyndaraxes, who, Aristotle
 says, is made more obscure still by adding the name of his father; on whose tomb,
 Chrysippus says, the following inscription was engraved:— 
 Knowing that you are mortal, feed your soul 
 On banquets and delights; for in the grave 
 There's no enjoyment left. I now am dust 
 Who once was king of mighty Nineveh; 
 The things which I did eat, the joys of love, 
 The insolent thoughts with which my wealth did fill me, 
 Are all I now have left; for all my power 
 And all my happiness is gone for ever. 
 This is the only prudent rule of life, 
 I never shall forget it, let who will 
 Hoard boundless treasures of uncounted gold. 
 And the great poet has said of the Phæacians— 
 To dress, to dance, to sing, our sole delight, 
 The feast or bath by day, and love by night. 
 And another person, not unlike Sardanapalus in disposition, gives this
 advice and these rules to those who are deficient in wisdom:— 
 I to all mortals now give this advice: 
 Live for the day with pleasure; he who dies 
 Is nought; an empty shade beneath the earth: 
 Man lives but a short space, and therefore should, 
 While life remains, enjoy himself. 
 And Amphis the comic poet, in his Ialemus, says— 
 The man who knows that he is but a mortal, 
 And yet seeks not enjoyment while alive, 
 Leaving all other cares, is but a fool 
 In mine and all wise men's opinion, 
 And most unhappy in his destiny. 
 And, in his play entitled the Gynæcocracy, he say nearly the same— 
 Drink and play, our mortal life 
 On earth can but a brief space last; 
 Death alone will last for ever, 
 When once our too brief term is past. 
 And a man of the name of Bacchides, who lived on the same principles as
 Sardanapalus, after he was dead had the following inscription placed on his tomb:—
 
 Eat, drink, indulge thy soul with all delights, 
 This stone is all that now remains for Bacchides.

Alexis, in his Tutor of Intemperate Men—(as Sotion the Alexandrian says, in his
 Commentary on the Silli of Timon; for I myself have never met with the play,
 though I have read more than eight hundred plays of what is called the Middle
 Comedy, and have made extracts from them, but still I have never fallen in with
 the Tutor of Intemperate Men, nor do I recollect having seen any mention of it in
 any regular list of such plays; for Callimachus has not inserted it in his
 catalogue, nor has Aristophanes, nor even those scholars at Pergamus, who have
 handed down to us lists of plays,)how— ever, Sotion says that in that play a
 slave, named Xanthias, was represented as exhorting all his fellow-slaves to a
 life of luxury, and saying— 
 Why do you talk such stuff, why run about 
 To the Lyceum and the Academy, 
 To the Odeum's gates, hunting in vain 
 For all the sophists' nonsense? there's no good in it; 
 Let us drink, drink, I say. O Sicon, Sicon! 
 Let us amuse ourselves; while time allows us 
 To gratify our souls.—Enjoy yourself, 
 My good friend Manes! nothing is worth more 
 To you than your own stomach. That's your father; 
 That only is your mother;-as for virtues, 
 And embassies, and military commands, 
 They are but noisy boasts, vain empty dreams. 
 Fate at its destined hour will come to chill you; 
 Take all that you can get to eat and drink; 
 Pericles, Codrus, Cimon, are but dust.

But it would be better, says Chrysippus, if the lines inscribed on the tomb of
 Sardanapalus were altered thus— 
 Knowing that thou art mortal, feed thy soul 
 On wise discourse. There is no good in eating. 
 For I am now no good, who once did eat 
 All that I could, and sought all kinds of pleasure. 
 Now what I thought and learnt and heard of wisdom 
 Is all I now have left; my luxuries 
 And all my joys have long deserted me. 
 And Timon says, very beautifully,— 
 Of all bad things the chief is appetite.

But Clearchus, in his essay on Proverbs, says that Terpsion was the tutor of
 Archestratus, who was also the first person who wrote a book on Gastronomy; and he
 says that he gave precepts to his pupils as to what they ought to abstain from; and that Terpsion once extemporised the
 following line about a turtle:— 
 Eat now a turtle, or else leave it alone; 
 which, however, others read— 
 Eat now a turtle's flesh, or leave it alone.

But whence is it, O you wisest of men, that orion, who wrote a list of fish, has
 been mentioned as if he were the writer of some valuable history?—a fellow who, I
 know, has been named a musician and a fish-devourer, but certainly not a
 historian. Accordingly Machon, the comic poet, speaks of him as a musician,
 saying— 
 Dorion the musician once did come 
 To Mylon, all in vain; for he could find 
 No resting-place which he could hire at all; 
 So on some sacred ground he sat him down, 
 Which was by chance before the city gates, 
 And there he saw the keeper of the temple 
 Prepare a sacrifice.—"I pray thee, tell me, 
 In chaste Minerva's name, and all the gods', 
 What deity is it that owns this temple?" 
 The keeper thus replied: "This is, O stranger, 
 Of Jupiter-Neptune the sacred shrine." 
 
 How then, said Dorion, "could any man 
 Expect to find a lodging in a place 
 Which in one temple crowds a pair of gods?" 
 And Lynceus the Samian, the pupil of Theophrastus, and the brother of
 Duris, who wrote the Histories, and made himself tyrant of his country, writes
 thus in his Apophthegms— When a man once said to Dorion the flute-player,
 that the ray was a good fish, he said—' Yes, about as good as if a man were to
 eat a boiled cloak.' And once, when some one else praised the entrails of
 tunny-fish, he said—' You are quite right, but then a man must eat them as I
 eat them;' and when the man asked him how that was, he said—' How? why
 willingly.' And he said that crawfish had three good qualities,—exercise, good
 food, and contemplation. And once, at Cyprus, when he was supping with
 Nicocreon, he praised a goblet that there was there; and Nicocreon
 said—'Whatever there is here that you fancy, the artist will make you another
 like it.' 'Let him make that,' he replied, 'for you; but do you give me this
 one. ' And this was a clever speech of the flute-player; for there is
 an old saying that— 
 'Tis not that God denies a flutist sense, 
 But when he comes to blow it flies away.

And Hegesander, in his Commentaries, says this of him— Dorion, the great
 fish-eater, once, when his slave had neglected to buy fish, scourged him, and
 ordered him to tell him the names of the best fish; and when the boy had
 counted up the orphus, and the sea-grayling, and the conger, and others of this
 sort, he said—'I desired you to tell me the names of fishes, and not of
 gods.' The same Dorion, ridiculing the description of a tempest in the
 Nautilus of Timotheus, said that he had seen a more formidable storm in a boiling
 saucepan. And Aristodemus, in the second book of his Memorials of Laughable
 Circumstances and Sayings, says — Dorion the musician was club-footed; and
 once, in some entertainment, he lost the slipper of his lame foot; on which he
 said, 'I will not wish anything more to the thief than that the slipper may fit
 him.' But that this Dorion was notorious for his epicurism in fish, is
 plain from what Mnesimachus the comic poet says in his drama called Philip— 
 No, but all night Dorion the dish-piper 
 Does stay in-doors with us.

I know, too, the sportive sayings which Lasus of Hermione has uttered about
 fishes; which Chamæleon of Heraclea has recorded in writing, in his book on this
 very Lasus, where he says—' They say that Lasus called raw fish ὀπτὸς (which means roasted or visible); and when many
 people wondered why he did so, he thus began to prove what he had said; arguing
 thus: 'As whatever a person can hear ( ἀκοῦσαι ) is
 properly called ἀκουστὸν, and as whatever a person
 can understand by his intellect ( νοῆσαι ) is
 properly called νοητὸν, so whatever any one can
 see ( ὄπτεσθαι ) is clearly ὀπτόν; ; as therefore it was possible to see the fish, he evidently
 was ὀπτός.ʼ .' And once, in a joke, he stole a fish
 from a fisherman, and having taken it, he gave it to one of the bystanders; and
 when the fisherman put him to his oath, he swore that he had not got it himself,
 and that he had not seen any one else take it; because, in fact, he himself had
 taken it, but some one else had got it. And then he prompted the other man, on the
 other hand, to swear that he had not taken it himself, and that he was not
 acquainted with any one else who had it; for, in fact, Lasus had taken it, and he
 himself had it.” And Epicharmus jests in the same way; as, in his Logus and
 Logina,— 
 
 
 A. Jupiter 'tis who did invite me, giving 
 A feast ( γ̓ ἔρανον ) to Pelops. 
 
 B. 'Tis a sorry food, 
 That crane ( γέρανος ), to my mind. 
 
 A. But I did not say 
 A crane ( γέρανον ), but a feast ( ἔρανόν γε ), as you might well have heard.

And Alexis, in his Demetrius, ridicules, in his comic manner, a man of the name of
 Phayllus, as very fond of fish, in these lines:— 
 First of all, whether the wind blew north or south, 
 As long as it blew hard, it was not possible 
 For anybody to get fish to eat. 
 But now, besides that pair of stormy winds, 
 We've a third tempest risen in Phayllus; 
 For when this last storm bursts upon the market, 
 He buys up all the fish at all the stalls, 
 And bears it off; so that we are reduced 
 To squabble for the vegetables remaining. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Female Fisher, enumerating some people as
 exceedingly fond of fish, says— 
 Give me some cuttle-fish first. O Hercules! 
 They've dirtied every place with ink; here, take them 
 And throw them back again into the sea, 
 To wash them clean: or else they'll say, O Dorion, 
 That you have caught some rotten cuttle-fish: 
 And put this crawfish back beside the sprats. 
 He's a fine fish, by Jove. O mighty Jove, 
 O you Callimedon, who now will eat you? 
 No one who's not prepared to pay his share. 
 I've giv'n you your place here on the right, 
 You mullets, food of great Callisthenes; 
 Who eats his patrimony in one dish; 
 Next comes the mighty conger from Sinope, 
 With his stout spines; the first who comes shall have him; 
 For Misgolas has no great love for such. 
 But here's a citharus, and if he sees him 
 He never will keep off his hands from him; 
 For he, indeed, does secretly adhere 
 As close as wax to all the harp-players ( κιθαρῳδοῖς ). 
 I ought to send this best of fish, this tench, 
 Still all alive, and leaping in his dish, 
 To the fair Pythionica, he's so fine: 
 But still she will not taste him, as her heart 
 Is wholly set on cured fish.—Here I place 
 These thin anchovies and this dainty turtle 
 Apart for Theano, to counterbalance her.

And it is a very clever way in which Antiphanes thus jested upon Misgolas, as
 devoting all his attention to beautiful harp-players and
 lyre-players; for Aeschines the orator, in his speech against Timarchus, says this
 of him— Misgolas, the son of Naucrates, of Colyttus, O men of Athens, is a
 man in other respects brave and virtuous, and no one can find any fault with
 him in any particular; but he is known to be exceedingly devoted to this kind
 of business, and always to have about him some harp-players, and people who
 sing to the music of the harp. And I say this, not by way of disparaging him,
 but in order that you may be aware what sort of person he is. And
 Timocles, in his Sappho, says— 
 Misgolas is not seen to enter in, 
 Excited as he is by blooming youth. 
 And Alexis, in his Agonis, or the Little Horse, says— 
 O mother, do not threaten me, I pray, 
 With Misgolas, for I am not a harp-player.

But Antiphanes says that Pythionica is fond of cured fish, since she had for
 lovers the sons of Chærephilus, the seller of salt-fish; as Timocles says, in his
 Icarians,— 
 When that stout Anytus to Pythionica 
 Does come, to eat with her; for she invites him, 
 As people say, whenever she does get 
 Two noble tunnies from Chærephilus; 
 So fond is she of all things that are large. 
 And again he says— 
 And Pythionica will receive you gladly, 
 And very likely will devour the gifts 
 Which you have lately here received from us, 
 For she's insatiable. Still do you 
 Bid her give you a basket of cured fish; 
 For she has plenty; and she has indeed 
 A couple of saperdæ; ugly fish, 
 Ill salted, and broad nosed. 
 And before this she had a lover whose name was Cobius.

But with respect to Callimedon, the son of Carabus, Timocles, in his Busybody,
 tells us that he was fond of fish, and also that he squinted:— 
 Then up came Carabus Callimedon, 
 And looking on me, as it seem'd to me, 
 He kept on speaking to some other man. 
 And I, as it was likely, understanding 
 No word of what they said, did only nod. 
 But all the girls do keep on looking at him, 
 While they pretend to turn their eyes away. 
 
 And Alexis, in his Crateua, or the Apothecary, says— 
 
 A. I am now, these last four days, taking care
 of 
 These κόραι for Callimedon. 
 
 B. Had he then 
 Any κόραι (damsels) for daughters? 
 
 A. I mean κόραι, 
 
 The pupils of the eyes; which e'en Melampus, 
 Who could alone appease the raging Prœtides, 
 Would e'er be able to keep looking straight. 
 And he ridicules him in a similar manner in the play entitled The Men
 running together. But he also jests on him for his epicurism as to fish, in the
 Phædo, or Phædria, where he says— 
 
 A. You shall be ædile if the gods approve, 
 That you may stop Callimedon descending 
 Like any storm all day upon the fish. 
 
 B. You speak of work for tyrants, not for
 ædiles; 
 For the man's brave, and useful to the city. 
 And the very same iambics are repeated in the play entitled Into the
 Well; but, in his Woman who has taken Mandragora, he says— 
 If I love any strangers more than you, 
 I'll willingly be turn'd into an eel, 
 That Carabus Callimedon may buy me. 
 And in his Crateua he says— 
 And Carabus Callimedon with Orpheus. 
 And Antiphanes says, in his Gorgythus,— 
 'Twould harder be to make me change my mind 
 Than to induce Callimedon to pass 
 The head of a sea-grayling. 
 And Eubulus, in his Persons saved, says— 
 Others prostrating them before the gods, 
 Are found with Carabus, who alone of men 
 Can eat whole salt-fish out of boiling dishes 
 So wholly as to leave no single mouthful. 
 And Theophilus, in his Physician, ridiculing his coldness of expression,
 says— And the slave put before the young man himself with great eagerness
 a little eel: his father had a fine cuttle-fish before him. 'Father,' says he,
 ' what do you think of your crawfish ' 'It is cold,' says he; 'take it away, —I
 don't want to eat any orators.' 
 And when Philemon says, in his Canvasser,— 
 
 Agyrrius, when a crawfish was before him, 
 On seeing him exclaim'd, Hail, dear papa! 
 Still what did he do? He ate his dear papa! 
 And Herodicus the Cratetian, commenting on this in his Miscellaneous
 Commentaries, says that Agyrrius was the name of the son of Callimedon.

The following people, too, have all been great epicures about fish. Antagoras the
 poet would not allow his slave to touch his fish with oil, but made him wash it;
 as Hegesander tells us. And when in the army, he was once boiling a dish of
 congers, and had his clothes girt round him, Antigonus the king, who was standing
 by, said, Tell me, Antagoras, do you think that Homer, who celebrated the
 exploits of Agamemnon, ever boiled congers And it is said that he
 answered, not without wit, And do you think that Agamemnon, who performed
 those exploits, ever busied himself about inquiring who was cooking congers in
 his army? And once, when Antagoras was cooking a bird of some kind, he
 said that he would not go to the bath, because he was afraid that the slaves might
 come and suck up the gravy. And when Philocydes said that his mother would take
 care of that, Shall I, said he, entrust the gravy of game to
 my mother? And Androcydes of Cyzicus, the painter, being very fond of
 fish, as Polemo relates, carried his luxury to such a pitch that he even painted
 with great care the fish which are around Scylla.

But concerning Philoxenus of Cythera, the dithyrambic poet, Machon the comic poet
 writes thus:— 
 They say Philoxenus, the ancient poet 
 Of dithyrambics, was so wonderfully 
 Attach'd to fish, that once at Syracuse 
 He bought a polypus two cubits long, 
 Then dress'd it, and then ate it up himself, 
 All but the head-and afterwards fell sick, 
 Seized with a sharp attack of indigestion. 
 Then when some doctor came to him to see him, 
 Who saw that he was greatly out of order; 
 
 If, said the doctor, "you have any business 
 Not well arranged, do not delay to settle it, 
 For you will die before six hours are over." 
 Philoxenus replied, "All my affairs, 
 O doctor, are well ended and arranged, 
 Long, long ago By favour of the gods, 
 I leave my dithyrambics all full-grown, 
 And crown'd with many a prize of victory; 
 
 And I commit them to the guardianship 
 Of my dear foster-sisters, the Nine Muses, 
 And join to them both Bacchus and fair Venus. 
 This is my will. But now, since Charon gives 
 No time, but, as in the Niobe of Timotheus, 
 Keeps crying out, 'Now cross;' and deadly fate 
 Calls me away, who can't be disobey'd, 
 That I may go below with all my goods, 
 Bring me the relics of that polypus." 
 And in another part he says— 
 Philoxenus of Cythera, as men say, 
 Wished that he had a throat three cubits long; 
 
 That I might drink, said he, "as long as possible, 
 And that my food may all at once delight me." 
 And Diogenes the Cynic, having eaten a polypus raw, died of a swelling in
 the belly. But concerning Philoxenus, Sopater the parodist also speaks, saying—
 
 For, between two rich courses of fine fish, 
 He pleased himself by looking down the centre 
 Of Aetna's crater.

And Hyperides the orator was an epicure in fish; as Timocles the comic writer
 tells us, in his Delos, where he enumerates all the people who had taken bribes
 from Harpalus: and he writes thus— 
 
 A. Demosthenes has half-a-hundred talents. 
 
 B. A lucky man, if no one shares with him. 
 
 A. And Moerocles has got a mighty sum. 
 
 B. He was a fool who gave them; lucky he 
 Who got them. 
 
 A. Demon and Callisthenes 
 Have also got large sums. 
 
 B. Well, they were poor, 
 So that we well may pardon them for taking them. 
 
 A. And that great orator Hyperides. 
 
 B. Why, he will all our fishmongers enrich; 
 An epicure! Gulls are mere Syrians, 
 Compared to him. 
 And in the Icarians, the same poet says— 
 Then cross Hyperides, that fishy river, 
 Which with a gentle sound, bubbling with boasts 
 Of prudent speeches, with mild repetitions 
 * * * * * 
 And hired, bedews the plain of him who gave it. 
 And Philetærus, in his Aesculapius, says that Hyperides, besides being a
 glutton, was also a gambler. As also Axionicus, in his Lover of Euripides, says
 that Callias the orator was; and his words are— A man
 of the name of Glaucus came to this place, bringing from Pontus a kind of
 shark, a fish of extraordinary magnitude,—a great dainty for epicures in fish,
 and, in fact, for all men who are devoted to the pleasures of the table. And he
 brought it on his shoulders, and said, ' Whom shall I instruct how to dress it,
 and how shall it be dressed? Will you have it soaked in a sauce of green herbs,
 or shall I baste its body with basting of warm brine, and then dress it on a
 fierce fire?' And a man named Moschio, a great flute-player, cried out that he
 should like to eat it boiled in warm pickle-juice. And this was meant as a
 reproof for you, O Calaides! for you are very fond of figs and cured fish; and
 yet you will not taste a most exquisite fish which you have served up to you in
 pickle. Reproaching him with the figs as if he were a sycophant; and
 perhaps concealing under the mention of the cured fish, some intimation of his
 having been implicated in discreditable conduct. And Hermippus says, in the third
 book of his treatise on the Pupils of Isocrates, that Hyperides was in the habit
 of taking a walk, the first thing in the morning, in the fish-market.

And Timæus of Tauromenium says that Aristotle the philosopher was a great epicure
 in respect of fish. Matron the sophist, also, was a great fish-eater: and
 Antiphanes, in his Harp-player, intimates this; for that play begins thus— 
 He tells no lie . . . . 
 A man dug out his eye, as Matron does 
 The eyes of fish when he comes near to them. 
 And Anaxilas says, in his Morose Man,— 
 Matron has carried off and eaten up 
 A cestris' head; and I am quite undone. 
 It being the very extravagance of gluttony to carry a thing off while
 eating it, and such a thing too as the head of a cestris; unless, perhaps, you may
 suppose, that those who are skilful in such things are aware of there being some
 particular good qualities in the head of a cestris; and if so, it belonged to
 Archestratus's gluttony to explain that to us.

But Antiphanes, in his Rich Man, gives us a catalogue of epicures, in the
 following lines:— 
 Euthymus too was there, with sandals on, 
 A ring upon his finger, well perfumed, 
 Silently pondering on I know not what. 
 
 Phœnicides too, and my friend Taureas, 
 Such great inveterate epicures that they 
 Would swallow all the remnants in the market; 
 They at this sight seem'd almost like to die, 
 And bore the scarcity with small good humour; 
 But gather'd crowds and made this speech to them:— 
 "What an intolerable thing it is 
 That any of you men should claim the sea, 
 And spend much money in marine pursuits, 
 While not one fin of fish comes to this market! 
 What is the use of all our governors 
 Who sway the islands? We must make a law 
 That there should be copious importation 
 Of every kind of fish. But Matron now 
 Has carried off the fishermen; and then 
 There's Diogeiton, who, by Jove, has brought 
 The hucksters over to keep back for him 
 All the best fish; and he's not popular 
 For doing this, for there is mighty waste 
 In marriage feasts and youthful luxury." 
 But Euphron, in his Muses, says,— 
 But when at some fine banquet of young men 
 Phœnicides perceived a smoking dish 
 Full of the sons of Nereus, he held bach 
 His hands, with rage excited. Thus he spoke:— 
 "Who boasts himself a clever parasite 
 At eating at the public cost? who thinks 
 To filch the dainty dishes from the middle? 
 Where's Corydus, or Phyromachus, or Nillus? 
 Let them come here, they shall get nought of this."

But Melanthus the tragic poet was a person of the same sort; and he also wrote
 elegies. But Leucon, in his Men of the same Tribe, cuts his jokes upon him in the
 fashion of the comic writers, on account of his gluttony; and so does Aristophanes
 in the Peace, and Pherecrates in his Petale. But Archippus, in his play called The
 Fishes, having put him in chains as an epicure, gives him up to the fishes, to be
 eaten by them in retaliation. And, indeed, even Aristippus, the pupil of Socrates,
 was a great epicure,—a man who was once reproached by Plato for his gluttony, as
 Sotion ad Hegesander relate. And the Delphian writes thus:— Aristippus, when
 Plato reproached him for having bought a number of fish, said that he had
 bought them for two obols; and when Plato said, 'I myself would have bought
 them at th t price,' 'You see, then,' said he, '0 Plato! that it is not I who
 am an epicure, but you who are a miser.' And Antiphanes, in his Female Flute-player, or the Female Twins, laughing at a
 man named Phoinicides for his gluttony, says— 
 Menelaus warr'd for ten whole years against 
 The Trojan nation for one lovely woman. 
 Phoinicides, too, attacks Taureas 
 For one fine eel.

But Demosthenes the orator reproaches Pherecrates, because, with the gold which he
 received for his treason, he bought himself courtesans and fish, and charges him
 with debauchery and gluttony. But Diodes the epicure, as Hegesander says, when a
 man once asked him which of the two fish was the best, the conger or the pike,
 said— The one when it is boiled, and the other when it is
 roasted. And Leonteus the Argive also was an epicure: he was a
 tragedian, and a pupil of Athenion, and a slave of Juba, king of Mauritania; as
 Amarantus relates, in his treatise on the Stage, saying that Juba wrote this
 epigram on him, because he had acted the character of Hypsipyle very badly:—
 
 If you should wish to see the genius 
 Of that devoted artichoke-devourer 
 Leonteus the tragedian, don't regard 
 The sorrow-stricken heart of Hypsipyle. 
 I once was dear to Bacchus, and his taste 
 Is ne'er perverted by base bribes t' approve 
 Untuneful sounds. But now the pots and pans, 
 And well-fill'd dishes have destroyed my voice, 
 While I've been anxious to indulge my stomach.

And Hegesander tells us that Phoryscus, the fish-eater, once, when he was not able
 to take exactly as much fish as he wished, but when a greater part of it was
 following his hand, as he was helping himself, said,— 
 But what resists is utterly destroy'd, 
 and so ate up the whole fish. And Bion, when some one had been beforehand
 with him, and had already taken the upper part of the fish, having turned it round
 himself, and eating abundantly of it, said, after he had done,— 
 But Ino finish'd all the rest o' the business. 
 And Theocritus the Chian, when the wife of Diocles the epicure died, and
 when the widowed husband, while making a funeral feast for her, kept on eating
 delicacies and crying all the time, said— Stop crying, you wretched man; for
 you will not remedy your grief by eating all that fish. And when the same Diodes had also eaten up his land through gluttony,
 and was one day, while bolting down some hot fish, complaining that his palate
 ( οὐρανὸς ) was burnt, Theocritus, who was
 present, said to him— Then it only remains for you to drink up the sea, and
 then you will have got rid of the three greatest things in the world,—earth,
 and sea, and heaven ( οὐρανός ). And
 Clearchus, in his Lives, describing some person who was fond of fish,
 says— Technon, one of the old flute-players, when Charmus the
 flute-player died, (and he, too, was very fond of fish,) sacrificed to the dead
 man a large dish of every sort of fish on his tomb. Alexis the poet,
 also, was a great epicure in fish, as Lynceus the Samian tells us; and being once
 ridiculed by some chattering fellows on account of his epicurism, when they asked
 him what he liked most to eat, Alexis said, Roasted chatterers.

Hermippus mentions also Nothippus the tragic poet, in his Tales, thus— 
 But if such a race of men 
 Were to wage a present war 
 With those who now exist on earth, 
 And if a roast ray led them on, 
 Or a fine side of well-fed pork, 
 The rest might safely stay at home, 
 And trust Nothippus by himself, 
 For he alone would swallow up 
 The whole Peloponnesus:— 
 and that the man meant here was the poet, Teleclides shows plainly, in
 his Hesiods. 
 Myniscus, the tragic actor, is ridiculed by Plato, the comic writer, in his
 Syrphax, as an epicure in respect of fish; where he says— 
 
 A. Here is an Anagyrasian orphus for you, 
 Which e'en my friend Myniscus the Chalcidean 
 Could hardly finish. 
 
 B. Much obliged to you. 
 And for a similar reason, Callias, in his Pedetæ, and Lysippus, in his
 Bacchæ, ridicule Lampon the soothsayer. But Cratinus, in his Female Runaways,
 speaking of him, says— Lam- pon, whom nothing which men said of him could
 keep away from any banquet of his friends; and adds, But now
 again he is belching away; for he devours everything which he can see, and he
 would fight even for a mullet.

And Hedylus, in his Epigrams, giving a list of epicures in fish, mentions a man
 named Phaedo, in these lines:— 
 But Phædo, that great harpist, praises phyces, 
 And sausages, he's such an epicure. 
 And he mentions Agisoto, in these lines:— 
 The fish is boil'd, now firmly bar the doors, 
 Lest Agis, Proteus of the dishes, enter; 
 For he'll be fire, water,—what he likes; 
 But bar the door . . . . . . 
 For he, transform'd, like Jupiter, to gold 
 Will hasten to this rich Acrisian dish. 
 He also speaks of a woman named Clio, on a similar account, saying—
 
 Clio's an epicure. Let's shut our eyes. 
 I beg you, Clio, by yourself to feed. 
 This conger costs a drachma; leave a pledge, 
 A band, an earring, or some ornament. 
 But we cannot endure the sight of you; 
 You're our Medusa; and we're turn'd to stone, 
 Not by the Gorgon, but by that whole conger.

And Aristodemus, in his Catalogue of Laughable Sayings, says that Euphranor the
 epicure, having heard that another epicure in fish was dead from having eaten a
 hot slice of fish, cried out, What a sacrilegious death! And Cindon
 the fish-eater, and Demylus (and he also was an epicure in fish), when a
 sea-grayling was set before them, and nothing else, the former took one eye of the
 fish, and then Demylus seized hold of Cindon's eye, crying, Let his eye go,
 and I will let your's go. And once at a feast, when a fine dish of fish
 was served up, Demylus, not being able to contrive any way by which he might get
 the whole of it to himself, spat upon it. And Zeno the Cittiæan, the founder of
 the Stoic school, when he had lived a long time with a great epicure in fish, (as
 Antigonus the Carystian tells us, in his life of Zeno,) once, when a very large
 fish was by chance served up to them, and when no other food was provided, took
 the whole fish from the platter, pretending to be about to eat it all himself;
 and, when the other looked at him, said— What do you think, then, that those
 who live with you must suffer every day, if you cannot endure my being a
 glutton for a single day? And Ister says that Chœrilus the poet used to
 receive four minæ every day from Archelaus, and that he spent them all on fish, of
 which he was so exceedingly fond. 
 
 I am aware, also, that there have been boys who were great fish-eaters, who are
 mentioned by Clearchus, in his book on Sands; which says that Psammitichus, king
 of Egypt, bred up some boys to eat nothing but fish, when he was anxious to
 discover the source of the Nile; and that he accustomed others to endure a great
 degree of thirst, who were to be employed in exploring the sands in Libya; of
 whom, however, very few escaped in safety. I know, too, that the oxen around
 Mosynus, in Thrace, eat fish, which are given to them in their cribs. And
 Phœnicides, having set fish before men who had brought their contribution for a
 banquet, said that the sea was common, but that the fish in it belonged to those
 who bought them.

And, my friends, the noun ὀψοφάγος (an eater of
 fish), and the verb ὀψοφάγω (to eat fish), are
 both used. Aristophanes, in his second edition of the Clouds, says— 
 Not to eat fish ( ὀψοφάγειν ) nor to
 giggle. 
 And Cephisodorus, in his Pig, says— 
 Not a fish-eater ( ὀψοφάγος ) nor a
 chatterer. 
 Machon, in his Letter, says— 
 I am a fish-eater ( ὀψοφάγος ), and this is
 now 
 The whole foundation of the art we practise. 
 And he who wishes not to spoil the dishes 
 Served up to others, should be pleased himself. 
 For he who rightly cares for his own eating 
 Will not be a bad cook. And if you keep 
 Your organs, sense and taste, in proper order, 
 You will not err. But often taste your dishes 
 While you are boiling them. Do they want salt? 
 Add some;—is any other seasoning needed 
 Add it, and taste again-till you've arrived 
 At harmony of flavour; like a man 
 Who tunes a lyre till it rightly sounds. 
 And then, when everything is well in tune, 
 Bring in a troop of willing damsels fair, 
 Equal in number to the banqueters. 
 In addition to these epicures in fish, my friends, I am aware also that
 Apollo is honoured among the Eleans, under the title of Fish-eater: and Polemo
 mentions this name of his in his letter to Attalus. I am aware, also, that in Pisa
 there is a picture consecrated in the temple of Diana Alphosa (and it is the work
 of Cleanthes the Corinthian), in which Neptune is represented as bringing a tunny
 to Jupiter in labour; as. Demetrius tells us, in the eighth book of his Trojan
 Array.

These, then, are the things, said Democritus, which I myself have brought in the
 way of my contribution, not going to eat fish myself, for the sake of my excellent
 friend Ulpian; who, on account of the national customs of the Syrians, has
 deprived us of our fish, continually bringing forward one thing after another. And
 Antipater of Tarsus, the Stoic philosopher, in the fourth book of his treatise on
 Superstition, tells us that it is said by some people that Gatis, the queen of the
 Syrians, was so exceedingly fond of fish, that she issued a proclamation that no
 one should eat fish without Gatis being invited ( ἄτερ
 γάτιδος ); and that the common people, out of ignorance, thought her
 name was Atergatis, and abstained wholly from fish. And Mnaseus, in the second
 book of his History of Asia, speaks thus— But I think that Atergatis was a
 very bad queen, and that she ruled the people with great harshness, so that she
 even forbad them by law to eat fish, and ordered them to bring all the fish to
 her, because she was so fond of that food; and, on account of this order of
 hers, a custom still prevails, when the Syrians pray to the goddess, to offer
 her golden or silver fish; and for the priests every day to place on the table
 before the god real fish also, carefully dressed, both boiled and roasted,
 which the priests of the goddess eat themselves. And a little further
 on, he says again— But Atergatis (as Xanthus the Lydian says), being taken
 prisoner by Mopsus, king of Lydia, was drowned with her son in the lake near
 Ascalon, because of her insolence, and was eaten up by fishes.

And you, perhaps, my friends, have willingly passed by (as if it were some sacred
 fish) the fish mentioned by Ephippus the comic poet, which he says was dressed for
 Geryon, in his play called Geryon. The lines are these:— 
 
 A. When the natives of the land 
 Catch a fish which is not common, 
 But fine, as large as the whole isle 
 Of Crete, he furnishes a dish 
 Able to hold a hundred such; 
 And orders all who live around, 
 Sindi, and Lycians, and Paphians, 
 Cranai, and Mygdoniotæ, 
 To cut down wood, because the king 
 Is boiling this enormous fish. 
 So then they bring a load of wood, 
 Enough to go all round the city, 
 
 And light the fire. Then they bring 
 A lake of water to make brine, 
 And for eight months a hundred carts 
 Are hard at work to carry salt. 
 And around the dish's edge 
 Five five-oar'd boats keep always rowing; 
 And bid the slaves take care the fire 
 Burns not the Lycian magistrates. 
 
 B. Cease to blow this cold air on us, 
 King of Macedon, extinguish 
 The Celts, and do not burn them more. 
 But I am not ignorant that Ephippus has said the very same thing in his
 play called the Peltast; in which the following lines also are subjoined to those
 which I have just quoted:— 
 Talking all this nonsense, he 
 Raises the wonder of the youths 
 With whom he feasts, though knowing not 
 The simplest sums and plainest figures; 
 But drags his cloak along the ground 
 With a most lordly, pompous air. 
 But, with reference to whom it is that Ephippus said this, it is now
 proper for you to inquire, my good friend Ulpian, and then to tell us; and in this
 inquiry— 
 If you find aught hard and inexplicable, 
 Repeat it over, understand it clearly,— 
 For I have much more leisure than I like; 
 as Prometheus says in Aeschylus.

And on this Cynulcus exclaimed:—And what great subject of inquiry,—I do not say
 great fish,—can this fellow admit into his mind?-a man who is always picking out
 the spines of hepseti and atherintæ, and even of worse fish than these, if there
 be any such, passing over all finer fish. 
 For, as Eubulus says, in the Ixion,— 
 As if a man at a luxurious feast, 
 When cheese-cakes are before him, chooses nought 
 But anise, parsley, and such silly fare, 
 And ill-dress'd cardamums . . . . 
 so, too, this Pot-friend, Ulpian,—to use a would of my
 fellow-Megalopolitan, Cercidas,—appears to me to eat nothing that a man ought to
 eat, but to watch those who are eating, to see if they have passed over any spine
 or any callous or gristly morsel of the meat set before them; never once
 considering what the admirable and brilliant Aeschylus has said, who called his
 tragedies, Relics of the noble banquets of Homer. But Aeschylus was
 one of the greatest of philosophers,—a man who, being once defeated undeservedly,
 as Theophrastus or Chamæleon (whichever was really the author
 of the book), in his treatise on Pleasure, has related, said that he committed his
 tragedies to time, well knowing that he should hereafter receive the honour due to
 him.

But whence could Ulpian know what Stratonicus the harp-player said about Propis
 the Rhodian harp-player? For Clearchus, in his book on Proverbs, says that
 Stratonicus, when he had seen Propis, who was a man of great size, but a very
 inferior artist, with a mind much less than his body, said to some one who asked
 him what sort of player he was, 
 
 οὐδεὶς κακὸς μέγας ἰχθῖς· 
 
 speaking enigmatically, and saying, first of all, that he is οὐδεὶς, no one, or good for nothing; secondly, that he
 is κακὸς, bad; and, in addition to this, that he
 is μέγας, great; and, lastly, ἰχθὺς, a fish, as having no voice. But Theophrastus, in
 his book on The Laughable, says that this was a proverb originating with
 Stratonicus, but applied to Simmychas the actor; for that he uttered the proverb,
 dividing the words distinctly— 
 
 μέγας οὐδεὶς σαπρὸς ἰχθῦς. 
 
 And Aristotle, in his Constitution of the Naxians, speaks thus of this
 proverb— Of the rich men among the Naxians, the greater part lived in the
 city, but the remainder lived scattered about in the villages. Accordingly, in
 one of these villages, the name of which was Lestadæ, Telestagoras lived, a man
 of great riches and of very high reputation, and greatly honoured by the people
 in other respects, and also with daily presents which they used to send him.
 And whenever people from the city, going down to the market, wanted to drive a
 hard bargain for anything they wished to purchase, the sellers would say that
 they would rather give it to Telestagoras than sell it for such a price as was
 offered. So some young men, buying a large fish, when the fisherman made this
 speech, being annoyed at hearing this so often, having already drunk a good
 deal, went to his house to sup; and Telestagoras received them in a very
 friendly and hospitable manner, but the young men insulted him, and his two
 marriageable daughters. At which the Naxians were very indignant, and took up
 arms and attacked the young men; and there was a great sedition, Lygdamis being
 the leader of the Naxians, who, having got the chief command in this sedition,
 became the tyrant of his country.

And I do not think it unseasonable myself, since I have
 mentioned the harp-player Stratonicus, to say some- thing also concerning his
 readiness in repartee. For when he was teaching people to play the harp, and as he
 had in his school nine statues of the nine Muses, and one of Apollo, and had also
 two pupils, when some one asked him how many pupils he had, he said, Gods
 and all, twelve. And once when he had travelled to Mylassa, and saw
 thee a great number of temples, but very few citizens, standing in the middle of
 the forum, he cried out— 
 
 ʼἀκούετε ναοί. 
 
 
 And Macho has recorded some memorials of him in these lines;— 
 Once Stratonicus travell'd down to Pella, 
 And having heard from many men before 
 That the baths of that city were accustom'd 
 To give the bathers spleen; and finding, too, 
 That many of the youths did exercise 
 Before the fire, who preserved their colour 
 And vigour of their body unimpair'd; 
 He said that those who told him so were wrong. 
 But finding afterwards, when he left the bath, 
 A man whose spleen was twice his belly's size,— 
 
 This man, said he, "appears to me here now 
 To sit and keep the garments of the men 
 Who go to bathe, and all their spleens beside, 
 That all the people may have room enough." 
 A miserable singer once did give 
 A feast to Stratonicus and his friends, 
 And, while the cup was freely going round, 
 Exhibited his art to all the company. 
 And as the feast was rich and liberal,' 
 Poor Stratonicus, wearied with the song, 
 And having no one near him he could speak to, 
 Knock'd down his cup, and asked for a larger. 
 And when he'd drunk full many a draught, he made 
 A last libation to the glorious sun, 
 And then composed himself to sleep, and left 
 The rest to fortune. Presently more guests 
 Came, as good luck would have it, to the singer, 
 To feast with him; still Stratonicus slept, 
 Heavy with wine; and when they ask'd him why 
 A man so much accustom'd to drink wine 
 Had been so soon o'ercome by drink this day, 
 
 This treacherous, cursed singing man, said he, 
 "Treated me like a bullock in a stall; 
 For first he fed me up, and then he kill'd me." 
 
 Once Stratonicus to Abdera went, 
 To see some games which there were celebrated; 
 And seeing every separate citizen 
 Having a private crier to himself, 
 And each of them proclaiming a new moon 
 Whene'er he pleased, so that the criers were 
 Quite out of all proportion to the citizens, 
 He walk'd about on tiptoes through the city, 
 Looking intently on the ground beneath. 
 And when some stranger ask'd him what had happen'd 
 To his feet, to make him look so gravely at them:— 
 He said, "I'm very well all over, friend, 
 And can run faster to an entertainment 
 Than any parasite; but I'm in fear 
 Lest I should tread by hazard on some κῆρυξ, 
 
 
 And pierce my foot with its spikes and lame myself." 
 Once, when a wretched flute-player was preparing 
 To play the flute at a sacred festival, 
 
 Let us have only sounds of omen good, 
 
 Said Stratonicus; "let us pour libations 
 And pray devoutly to the mighty gods." 
 There was a harper, and his name was Cleon, 
 But he was nick-named Ox; he sang most vilely 
 Without th' accompaniment of the lyre. 
 When Stratonicus heard him, then he said, 
 "I've often heard of asses at the lyre, 
 But now I see an ox in the same case." 
 The harper Stratonicus once had sail'd 
 To Pontus, to see king Berisadæs. 
 And when he'd staid in Pontus long enough, 
 He thought he would return again to Greece. 
 But when the king refused to let him go, 
 They say that Stratonicus said to him— 
 
 Why, do you mean to stay here long yourself? 
 
 The harper Stratonicus once was staying 
 Some time at Corinth; when an aged woman 
 One day stood looking at him a long time, 
 And would not take her eyes off: then said he, 
 "Tell me, I pray you, in God's name, good mother, 
 What is 't you wish, and why you look thus on me?" 
 
 I marvell'd, said she, "how 'twas your mother 
 Held you nine months, without her belly bursting, 
 While this town can't endure you one whole day." 
 Fair Biothea, Nicotheon's wife, 
 Once at a party with a handmaid fair 
 Made some strange noise; and after that, by chance, 
 She trod upon a Sicyonian almond. 
 Then Stratonicus said, The noise is different. 
 
 But when night came, for this heedless word, 
 He wash'd out his free-speaking in the sea. 
 
 Once, when at Ephesus, as rumour goes, 
 A stupid harper was exhibiting 
 One of his pupils to a band of friends; 
 Stratonicus, who by chance was present, said, 
 "He cannot make himself a harp-player, 
 And yet he tries to teach the art to others."

And Clearchus, in the second book of his treatise on Friendship,
 says,— Stratonicus the harp-player, whenever he wished to go to sleep,
 used to order a slave to bring him something to drink; 'not,' says he, 'because
 I am thirsty now, but that I may not be presently.' And once, at
 Byzantium, when a harp-player had played his prelude well, but had made a blunder
 of the rest of the performance, he got up and made proclamation, That
 whoever would point out the harp-player who had played the prelude should
 receive a thousand drachmæ. And when he was once asked by some one who
 were the wickedest people, he said, That in Pamphylia, the people of
 Phaselis were the worst; but that the Sidetæ were the worst in the whole
 world. And when he was asked again, according to the account given by
 Hegesander, which were the greatest barbarians, the Bœotians or the Thessalians,
 he said, The Eleans. And once he erected a trophy in his school,
 and put this inscription on it— Over the bad harpplayers. And once,
 being asked by some one which was the safer kind of vessel, the long one or the
 round one,— Those, quoth he, are the safest which are in
 dock. And once he made a display of his art at Rhodes, and no one
 applauded; on which he left the theatre, and when he had got into the air he said,
 When you fail to give what costs you nothing, how can I expect any solid
 pay from you? 
 Let the Eleans, said he, celebrate gymnastic contests, and
 let the Corinthians establish choral, and the Athenians theatrical exhibitions;
 and if any one of them does anything wrong, let the Lacedæmonians be
 scourged, —jesting upon the public scourgings exhibited in that city, a
 Charicles relates, in the first book of his treatise on the Cit Contests. And when
 Ptolemy the king was talking with him in an ambitious kind of way about
 harp-playing, Te sceptre, said he, Oking, is one thing, and
 the plectrum another; as Capito the epic poet says in the fourth book
 of his Commentaries addressed to Philopappus. And once being invited to hear a
 flute-player, after he had heard him, he said— 
 
 The father granted half his prayer, 
 The other half denied. 
 And when some one asked him which half he granted, he said, He
 granted to him to play very badly, and denied him the ability to sing
 well. And once, when a beam fell down and slew some wicked man,
 O Men, said he, I think ( δοκῶ ) there are gods; and if not, there are beams ( δόκοι ).

Also, after the before-mentioned witticisms of Stratonicus, he put down besides a
 list of these things following. 
 Stratonicus said once to the father of Chrysogonus, when he was saying that he had
 everything at home in great abundance, for that he himself had undertaken the
 works, and that of his sons, one could teach and another play the flute; You still, said Stratonicus,
 want one thing. And when the other asked him what that was,
 You want, said he, a theatre in your house. And
 when some one asked him why he kept travelling over the whole of Greece, and did
 not remain in one city, he said— That he had received from the Muses all the
 Greeks as his wages, from whom he was to levy a tax to atone for their
 ignorance. And he said that Phaon did not play harmony, but Cadmus. And when Phaon pretended to great skill on
 the flute, and said that he had a chorus at Megara, You are joking, 
 said he; for you do not possess anything there, but you are possessed
 yourself. And he said— That he marvelled above all things at the
 mother of Satyrus the Sophist, because she had borne for nine months a man whom
 no city in all Greece could bear for nine days. And once, hearing that
 he had arrived in Ilium at the time of the Ilian games, There are, 
 said he, always troubles in Ilium. And when Minnacus was disputing
 with him about music, he said— That he was not attending to what he said,
 because he had got in above his ankles. At another time he said of a
 bad physician— That he made those who were attended by him go to the shades
 below the very day they came to him. And having met one of his
 acquaintances, when he saw his sandals carefully sponged, he pitied him as being
 badly off, pretending to think that he would never have had his sandals so well
 sponged if he had not sponged them himself. And as it was a very mixed race of people who lived at Teichius, a town in the Milesian
 territory, when he saw that all the tombs about were those of foreigners,
 Let us begone, O boy, said he; or all the strangers, as
 it seems, die here, and none of the citizens. And when Zethus the
 harper was giving a lecture upon music, he said that he was the only person who
 was utterly unfit to discuss the subject of music, inasmuch as he had chosen the
 most unmusical of all names, and called himself; Zethus instead of
 Amphion. And once, when he was teaching some Macedonian to play on the harp, being
 angry that he did nothing as he ought, he said, Go to Macedonia.

And when he saw the shrine of some hero splendidly adorned, close to a cold and
 worthless bathing-house, when he came out, having had a very bad bath, I do
 not wonder, said he, that many tablets are dedicated here; for
 every one of the bathers naturally offers one, as having been saved from
 drowning. And at another time he said—, In Aenus there are eight
 months of cold and four of winter. At another time he said, that
 the people of Pontus had come out of a great sea —as though he had said
 (great) trouble. And he called the Rhodians White Cyrenæans, and the city he
 called the City of Suitors; and Heraclea he called the Man- Corinth; and Byzantium
 he called the Arm-pit of Greece; and the Leucadians were Stale Corinthians; and
 the Ambraciotes he called Membraciotes. And when he had gone out of the gates of
 Heraclea, and was looking round him, when some one asked him what he was looking
 at, he said that he was ashamed of being seen, as if he were coming out of
 a brothel. And once, seeing two men bound in the stocks, he
 said— This is suited to the disposition of a very insignificant city, not
 to be able to fill such a place as this. And once he said to a man who
 professed to be a musician, but who had been a gardener before, and who was
 disputing with him about harmony,— 
 Let each man sing the art in which he's skilled. 
 And once at Maronea, when he was drinking with some people, he
 said,— That he could tell in what part of the city he was, if men led him
 through it blindfold; and then when they did so lead him, and asked him
 where he was, Near the eating-house, said he, because all Maronea
 seemed a mere eating-house. And once, when he was sitting
 next to Telephanes, and he was beginning to blow the flute, he said,
 Higher, like men who belch. And when the bathing-man in Cardia
 brought him some bad earth and salt water to cleanse himself with, he said that he
 was being besieged both by land and sea.

And when he had conquered his competitors at Sicyon, he set up a trophy in the
 temple of Aesculapius, and wrote upon it, Stratonicus, conqueror of those
 who played badly on the harp. And when some one had sung, he asked what
 tune he had been singing; and when he said that it was an air of Carcinus, 
 More like that, said he, than the air of a man. He
 also said, on another occasion, that there was no spring at Maronea, only heat.
 And once at Phaselis, when the bathing-man was wrangling with his boy about the
 money, (for the law was that foreigners should pay more for bathing than natives,)
 Oh, you wretched boy! said he, you have almost made me a
 citizen of Phaselis, to save a halfpenny. And once, when a person was
 praising him in hopes to get something by it, he said, that he himself was
 a greater beggar. And once, when he was teaching in a small town, he
 said, This is not a city ( πόλις ), but
 hardly one ( μόλις ). And once, when he
 was at Pella, he came to a well, and asked whether it was fit to drink; and when
 those who were drawing water from it said, At all events we drink
 it; 
 Then, said he, I am sure it is not fit to drink: for
 the men happened to be very sallow-looking. And when he had heard the poem of
 Timotheus, on the subject of Semele in Labour, he said, But if she had
 brought forth an artisan, and not a god, what sounds would she have
 uttered! 
 
 And when Polyidas was giving himself airs, because his pupil Philotas had beaten
 Timotheus, he said, That he wondered at his being so ignorant as not to
 know that he makes decrees, and Timotheus laws. And he said to Areus
 the harp-player, who was annoying him, Play to the crows. 
 And once he was at Sicyon, when a leather-dresser was abusing him, and he
 said to the leather-dresser ( νακοδέψης ), O
 you κακόδαιμον νακόδαιμον. 
 And Stratonicus himself, beholding the Rhodians dissolved in luxury, and
 drinking only warm drinks, said, that there were white Cyrenæans. 
 And he called Rhodes itself the City of the Suitors, thinking that they were in
 no respect different from the Cyrenæans in debauchery, but only in complexion; and
 also because of the devotion to pleasure of the inhabitants, he compared Rhodes
 itself to the city of the Suitors.

And Stratonicus was, in all these elaborate witticisms, an imitator of Simonides
 the poet, as Ephorus tells us in the second book of his treatise on Inventions;
 who says that Philoxenus of Cythera was also a great studier of the same pursuit.
 And Phænias the Peripatetic, in the second book of his treatise on Poets,
 says— Stratonicus the Athenian appears to have been the first person who
 introduced the system of playing chords into the simple harp-playing; and he
 was the first man who ever took pupils in music, and who ever composed tables
 of music. And he was also a man of no small brilliancy as a wit. He
 says also that he was eventually put to death by Nicocles, the King of the
 Cyprians, on account of the freedom of his witticisms, being compelled to drink
 poison, because he had turned the sons of the king into ridicule.

But I marvel at Aristotle, whom these wise men, my excellent Democritus, are so
 incessantly speaking of and praising, (and whose writings you also esteem highly,
 as you do those of the other philosophers and orators,) on account of his great
 accuracy: and I should like to know when he learnt, or from what Proteus or Nereus
 who came up from the depths he found out, what fish do, or how they go to sleep,
 or how they live: for all these things he has told us in his writings, so as to
 be, in the words of the comic poets, a wonder to fools; for he says
 that the ceryx, and indeed that the whole race of shell-fish, are propagated
 without copulation; and that the purple-fish and the ceryx are longlived. For how
 could he know that the purple-fish lives six years? and how could he know that the
 viper takes a long time to propagate his species? or that of all its tribe the
 longest at that work is the pigeon, the next the œnas, and the quickest is the
 turtle-dove? And whence did he learn that the horse lives five-and-thirty years,
 but the mare more than forty? saying, too, that some have lived even seventy-five
 years. And he also states that from the copulation of lice there are born nits; and that from a worm, after its change, there is
 produced a caterpillar, from which comes the humble-bee, and from that the larva
 of the silk-worm. And he also says that bees live to six years of age, and that
 some live even seven years; and he says that neither bee nor wasp have ever been
 seen in the act of copulation, on which account no one can ever tell whether they
 are male or female. And from what did he learn that men are inferior to bees? for
 these latter always preserve an equal condition of life, being subject to no
 changes, but employing themselves without ceasing in the collection of honey, and
 doing that without having been taught by any one to do so: but men are inferior to
 bees, and as full of fancy as bees are of honey: how, then has Aristotle observed
 all these things? And in his treatise on Long Life, he says that a fly has been
 seen which had lived six or seven years. But what proof is there of this?

And where did he ever see ivy growing out of a stag's head? And again, owls and
 night-jars, he says, cannot see by day; on which account they hunt for their food
 by night, and they do this not during the whole night, but at the beginning of
 evening. And he says, too, that there are several different kinds of eyes, for
 some are blue, and some are black, and some are hazel. He says, too, that the eyes
 of men are of different characters, and that the differences of disposition may be
 judged of from the eyes; for that those men who have goats' eyes, are exceedingly
 sharp-sighted, and have the best dispositions. And of others, he says that some
 men have projecting eyes, and some have eyes deeply set, and some keep a mean
 between the two: and those whose eyes are deeply set, he says, have the sharpest
 sight, and those whose eyes project, must have the worst dispositions; and those
 who are moderate in these respects, are people, says he, of moderate dispositions.
 There are also some people whose eyes are always winking, and some who never wink
 at all, and some who do so in a moderate degree: and those who are always winking
 are shameless people, and those who never wink at all are
 unstable and fickle, and those who wink in a moderate degree have the best
 disposition. 
 
 He says also that man is the only animal which has its heart on the left side; and
 that all other animals have it in the middle of the body. And he says that males
 have more teeth than females; and he affirms that this has been noticed in the
 case of the sheep, and of the pig, and of the goat. And he says also that there is
 no fish which has testicles, and there is no fish which has a breast, and no bird
 ether; but that the only fish which has no gall is the dolphin. There are,
 however, some, says he, which have no gall in their liver, but they have it near
 their bowels; as the sturgeon, the synagris, the lamprey, the sword-fish, and the
 sea-swallow. But the amia has its gall spread over the whole of its entrails: and
 the hawk and the kite have theirs spread both over their liver and their entrails;
 but the ægocephalus has his gall both in his liver and in his stomach: and the
 pigeon, and the quail, and the swallow have theirs, some in their entrails, and
 some in their stomach.

Moreover, he says that all the molluscous fish, and the shell-fish, and the
 cartilaginous fish, and all insects, spend a long time in copulation; but that the
 dolphin and some other fish copulate lying alongside the female. And he says that
 the dolphins are very slow, but fish in general very quick. Again he says that the
 lion has very solid bones, and that if they are struck, fire comes from them as
 from flint stones. And that the dolphin has bones, but no spine; but that
 cartilaginous fish have both gristle and spine. And of animals he says that some
 are terrestrial and some aquatic; land that some even live in the fire; and that
 there are some, which he calls ephemera, which live only one day: and that there
 are some which are amphibious, such as the river-horse, and the crocodile, and the
 otter. And that all animals in general have two forefeet, but that the crab has
 four; and that all the animals which have blood are either without feet t all, or
 are bipeds, or quadrupeds; and that all the animals which have more than four feet
 are destitute of blood: n which account every animal which moves, moves by what he
 calls four tokens,—man by two hands and two feet, a bird by two feet and two
 wings, an eel and a conger by two fins and two joints. Moreover, some animals have
 hands, as a man has, and some appear to have hands, as a monkey does; or there is
 no brute beast which can really give and take, and it is for 
 those things that hands are given to men as instruments. Again, some animals have
 limbs, as a man, an ox, an ass; and some have no limbs, as a serpent, an oyster,
 the pulmo marinus. There are also many animals which are not always visible, such
 as those which hide in holes; and those which do not hide in holes are still not
 always visible, as swallows and cranes.

And though I could repeat to you now a great deal of nonsense which the
 medicine-seller talked, I forbear to do so, although I know that Epicurus, that
 most truthful of men, said of him in his letter about Institutions, that he
 devoted himself to a military life after having squandered his patrimony in
 gluttony; and that, turning out an indifferent soldier, he then took to selling
 medicines. Then, when the school of Plato was opened, he says, he changed again,
 and applied himself to philosophical discussions, and as he was not a man
 destitute of ability, by little and little he became a speculative philosopher. I
 know, too, that Epicurus is the only person who ever said this of him; for neither
 did Eubulides nor Cephisodorus venture to say anything of the kind against the
 Stagirite, and that, too, though they did write books against him. But in that
 same letter Epicurus says, that Protagoras also, who became a philosopher from
 having been a porter and a wood-carrier, was first promoted to be an amanuensis of
 Democritus; who, wondering at the admirable way in which he used to put the wood
 together, took him under his eye in consequence of this beginning; and then he
 began to teach the rudiments of learning in some village, and after that he
 proceeded on to the study of philosophy. And I now, O fellow feasters, after all
 this conversation, feel a great desire for something to eat. And when some one
 said that the cooks were already preparing something, and taking care that the
 dishes should not be served up cold, on account of the excessive length to which
 the feast of words had been carried, for that no one could eat cold
 dishes, Cynulcus said,—But I, like the Milcon of Alexis, the comic poet, can eat
 them even if they are not served up warm— 
 For Plato teaches us that what is good, 
 Is everywhere on all occasions good; 
 Can you deny this? and that what is sweet 
 Is always sweet, here, there, and ev'rywhere. 
 
 And it was not without some cleverness that Sphærus, who was
 a fellow-pupil with Chrysippus in the school of Cleanthes, when he had been sent
 for to Alexandria by king Ptolemy; when on one occasion birds made of wax were
 served up at a banquet, and he was putting out his hand to take some, but was
 stopped by the king, who told him that he was assenting to a sham; very
 appropriately answered,—'That he did not agree that they were birds at all, but
 only that it was probable that they might be birds; and that an opinion which
 could be confirmed by the perception, is superior to that which is merely
 probable; for that the one cannot be incorrect, but that what is probable may turn
 out Contrary to what was expected." And so it could not be a bad thing if some
 waxen dishes were brought round to us too, according to our perceptive opinions,
 so that we might be beguiled at least by the sight of them, and so escape talking
 on for ever.

And when they were now on the point of sitting down to eat again, Daphnus bade
 them stop, quoting this iambic out of the Mammacythus or Auri of Metagenes— 
 As when we're feasting anywhere, 
 Then we all talk and argue faster. 
 And indeed, said he, I say that the discussion about fish is still
 defective in some points, since the sons of Aesculapius (such as Philotimus I
 mean, in his essay on Food, and Mnesitheus the Athenian, and Diphilus the
 Siphnian) hare said a good deal about fishes, of which we have as yet taken no
 notice. For Diphilus, in his work entitled A Treatise on Food fit for People in
 Health and Invalids, says,—"Of sea-fish, those which keep to the rocks are easily
 digested, and juicy, and purgative, and light, but not very nutritious; but those
 which keep in the deep water are much less digestible, very nutritious, but apt to
 disagree with one. Now, of the fish which keep to the rocks, the phycen and the
 phycis are very tender little fish, and very digestible; but the perch, which is
 like them, varies a little as to the places in which it is found. And the tench
 resembles the perch; but the smaller tench and the white ones are tender, juicy,
 and digestible; but the green ones (and they are also called caulinæ) are dry, and
 devoid of juice. The channæ also have tender meat, put still they are harder than
 the perch. Then there is the scarus, which has tender flesh, not very firm, sweet,
 light, digestible, not apt to disagree with one, and good for
 the stomach. But the fresh ones are less popular than the others, because they
 hunt the sea-hares and feed on them, owing to which their entrails are apt to
 produce cholera morbus. And the fish which is called ceris is tender, good for the
 bowels, and good for the stomach; but its juice has fattening and purgative
 qualities. The orphus, which some write ὀρφὸς, and
 some ὀρφὼς, is very full of a pleasant juice,
 glutinous, indigestible, very nutritious, diuretic. But the parts near his head
 are glutinous and digestible; but the more fleshy parts are indigestible and
 heavy, and the part towards the tail is the tenderest part; and he is a fish apt
 to generate phlegm, and indigestible. The sphyrenæ are more nutritious than the
 congers; and the eel caught in lakes is not so nice as the sea-eel, but it is more
 nutritious. The chrysophrys is very like the melanurus; and the sea-scorpions,
 which are found in the deep sea, and are of a tawny colour, are more nutritious
 than those which are found in marshes, or than the large ones which are taken on
 the shores.

"But the sparus is harsh-tasted, tender, with no unpleasant smell, good for the
 stomach, diuretic, and not indigestible; but when he is fried he is indigestible.
 The mullet is good for the stomach, very astringent, of very firm flesh, not very
 digestible, apt to bind the bowels, especially when it is broiled; but when it is
 fried in a frying-pan, then it is heavy and indigestible; and, as a general rule,
 the whole tribe of mullets has the property of causing secretions of blood. The
 synodon and the charax are of the same kind, but the charax is the better of the
 two. The phagrus is found both in the river and in the sea; but that which is
 found in the sea is the best. The capriscus is called also the mussel; but it has
 a strong smell, and very hard meat, and it is more indigestible than the citharus;
 but its skin is very pleasant to the taste. The needle-fish, or belone, and it is
 also called the ablennes, is indigestible and moist, but good for the bowels. The
 thrissa, and those of the same kind, such as the chalcis and the eretimis, are
 very digestible. The cestreus is found in the sea, and in rivers, and in lakes.
 And this fish, says he, is also called the oxyrhynchus; but the one which is taken
 in the Nile is called the coracinus. And the black kind is smaller than the white,
 and when boiled it is not so good as when it is roasted; for when roasted it is
 good for the stomach and good for the bowels. The salpe is
 hard- fleshed, and unpleasant to the taste, but the best are those which are
 caught at Alexandria, and those which are taken in the autumn. For it is white,
 full of moisture, and free from any unpleasant smell. The gryllus is like the eel
 in appearance, but it is not nice to the taste. The sea-hawk is harder than the
 sea-cuckoo, but in other respects they are much alike. The uranoscopus, and also
 the fish called agus, which is also called the callionymus, are heavy fish. The
 boax, when boiled, is very digestible, giving out a very wholesome juice, and is
 good for the stomach; and that which is broiled on the coals is sweeter and more
 tender. The bacchus is full of abundant and agreeable and wholesome juice, and is
 very nutritious. The sea-goat is not very agreeable as to its juice, not very
 digestible, and has a disagreeable smell. The sea-sparrow and the buglossus are
 both nutritious and palatable, and the turbot is like them. The sea-grayling, the
 cephalus, the cestreus, the myxinus, and the colon are all much alike as to their
 eatable properties; but the cestreus is inferior to the cephalus, the myxinus is
 worse, and the colon is the least good of all.

"The thynnis and the thynnus are both heavy and nutritious; but the fish which is
 called the Acarnanian is sweet, very exciting, very nutritious, and easily
 secreted. The anchovy is heavy and indigestible, and the white kind is called the
 cobitis; and the hepsetus, a little fish, if of the same genus. 
 "Of cartilaginous fish, the sea-cow is fleshy, but the shark is superior to
 that,—that kind, I mean, which is called the asterias. But the alopecias, or
 sea-fox, is in taste very like the land animal, from which circumstance, indeed,
 it has its name. The ray is a very delicate fish to the taste; but the stellated
 ray is tenderer still, and full of excellent juice; but the smooth ray is less
 wholesome for the stomach, and has an unpleasant smell. But the torpedo, which is
 hard of digestion, is in the parts below the head very tender, and good for the
 stomach, and, moreover, very digestible, but its other parts are not so; and the
 small ones are the best, especially when they are plain boiled. The rhine, which
 is one of th cartilaginous class, is very digestible and light; but those of the
 largest size are the most nutritious; and, as a general rule, 
 all the cartilaginous fish are apt to create flatulence, and are fleshy, and
 difficult of digestion, and if they are eaten in any quantity, they are bad for
 the eyes. The cuttlefish, when boiled, is tender, palatable, and digestible, and
 also good for the stomach; but the juice which comes from it has the property of
 making the blood thin, and is apt to cause secretions by hemorrhoids. The squid is
 more digestible, and is nutritious, especially the small-sized one; but when
 boiled they are harder, and not palatable. The polypus promotes amativeness, but
 it is hard and indigestible; and those of the largest size are the most
 nutritious, and when they are much boiled, they have a tendency to fill the
 stomach with liquid, and they bind the bowels. And Alexis, in his Pamphila, points
 out the useful properties of the polypus, speaking as follows,— 
 But if you are in love, O Cteson, 
 What is more useful than these fish I bring? 
 Ceryces, cockles, (onions too, are here,) 
 The mighty polypus, and good-sized turbot. 
 
 The pelamys also is very nutritious and heavy, it is also diuretic, and
 very indigestible; but when cured like the callubium, it is quite as good for
 the stomach, and it has a tendency to make the blood thin; and the large kind
 is called the synodontis. The sea-swallow, or chelidonias, is also something
 like the pelamys, but harder; and the chelidon is like the polypus, and emits
 juice which purifies the complexion, and stirs up the blood. The orcynus is a
 fish who delights in the mud; and the larger kind is like the chelidonias in
 hardness, but the lower part of its abdomen and its collar-bone are palatable
 and tender; but those which are called costæ, when cured and salted, are a
 middling fish. The xanthias has rather a strong smell, and is tenderer than the
 orcynus. These are the statements of Diphilus.

But Mnesitheus the Athenian, in his treatise on Eatables, says,—"The larger breed
 of fishes are called by some sectile, and by others sea-fish; as, for instance,
 the chrysophrys, the sea-grayling, and the phagrus. And these are all difficult of
 digestion, but when they are digested they supply a great deal of nourishment. And
 the whole class of scaly fish, such as the thynni, the scombri, the tunnies, the
 congers, and all of those kinds, are also gregarious. But those which are not seen
 by themselves, nor in large shoals, are the most
 digestible, such as the congers, and the carcharie, and fish of that kind. But the
 gregarious kinds of fish of that sort are very pleasant to the palate, for they
 are fat; but they are heavy, ad difficult of digestion, on which account they are
 very good for curing; and, indeed, these kinds make the best cured fish of all;
 they are also very good roasted, for by that process their fatty parts are got rid
 of. But those kinds which are skinned before they are dressed, as a general rule,
 are those fish which have a rough outside to their skin, not of scales, but such
 as rays and rhino have. And all these kinds are easily divided into small pieces,
 but they have not a sweet smell. And they supply the body with plenty of moist
 nourishment, and of all boiled fish they have the greatest effect on the bowels;
 but when they are roasted they are not so good. And the whole class of molluscous
 fish, such as polypi and cuttlefish, and others like them, are very indigestible,
 on which account they are very serviceable in exciting the amatory passions. They
 are also calculated to cause flatulence; and the time of indulgence in amatory
 pleasures requires a flatulent habit of body. All these fish are better when
 boiled. For their juices are injurious, and you may see what juices they emit when
 they are washed; and the boiling extracts all these juices from their flesh. For
 as the heat which is applied in boiling is a gradual one, and conjoined with
 moisture, there is, as it were, a sort of washing of them. But when they are
 roasted, that dries up the moisture, and moreover, as their flesh is hard by
 nature, it is natural that it should be made more so in this way.

“But anchovies of all kinds, and membrades, and trichides, and all the other
 little fish which we eat backbones and all, make the digestion flatulent, and give
 a good deal of moist nutriment. And so, as the digestion is unequal, the flesh
 being digested with great rapidity, and the bones dissolving slowly, for the
 anchovies are very bony of themselves, the digestion of the one part hinders the
 digestion of the other, and so flatulence arises from the digestion, ad moisture
 comes from the quantity of nourishment. They are better when they are boiled, but
 still they have very unequal effects on the bowels. The fish which keep close to
 the rocks, such as tench, and scorpions, and sea-sparrows, and others of the same
 kind, supply a dry kind of nourishment to our bodies, but 
 they are light and nutritious, and are easily digested, and leave nothing behind
 them, and are not apt to cause flatulence. And every kind of fish is more
 digestible when dressed simply, and especially those which keep near the rocks
 have a better flavour when dressed plainly. And the species which is called
 soft-fleshed is like them, namely, the sea-thrush, the sea-blackbird, and others
 which resemble them. And these contain more moisture than the others, and with
 respect to refreshing the strength of those who eat them, they have more efficacy.
 And if any one wishes to produce an effect upon his bowels, he should eat them
 boiled; but if he is in good health, then he will find them nutritious roasted.
 And as diuretic food they are equally useful cooked either way.

But the places of the sea where rivers and lakes fall into it, and also
 those where there are large bays and gulfs of the sea, are those where all the
 fish are more juicy, and more full of fat. They are also more palatable when
 caught in those places, but less nutritious and less digestible. And on the
 shore where it is exposed to the open sea, and where it is unprotected, then
 the fishes found there are for the most part hard and thin, beaten by the
 continued action of the waves. But where the sea is deep close in shore and
 less exposed to violent winds, especially if there are any cities near, then
 there is the greatest number of fish, and they are equally excellent in respect
 of pleasantness of flavour and ease of digestion, and also in the nourishment
 which they afford to the body. But of sea fish those are the most indigestible
 and the heaviest which migrate at certain seasons from the sea to the lakes and
 rivers; such as the cestreus; and as a general rule that is the character of
 every fish which can live in both salt and fresh water. But of those which live
 wholly in rivers and lakes, the river fish are the best; for the water of lakes
 is more apt to putrefy. And, again, of river fish those are the best which are
 found in the most rapid rivers; and especially the trout; for those are never
 found except where the river is rapid and cold, and they are far superior to
 all other river fish in their digestible properties.

This now, my friends, is my contribution, and I have brought you the wholesomest
 food with which it was in my power to provide you. For, as you may read in the
 Parasite of Antiphanes,— 
 
 For I have never taken any great trouble 
 In buying fish; * * 
 * * * * * 
 * * So that others from rich banquets coming 
 Should blame the gluttonous surfeits of their friends. 
 And, indeed, I myself am not so violently fond of fish as the man in the
 Butalion of the same poet. (And that play is an amended edition of one of the
 Countryman's characters.) And he says— 
 
 A. And I to-day will give a feast to all of you; 
 And take you money now, and buy the supper. 
 
 B. Yes; for unless I've money I should hardly 
 Know how to buy discreetly. But i' the first place, 
 Tell me what food, what dishes you prefer. 
 
 A. All kinds of food. 
 
 B. But tell me separately. 
 First now, should you approve of any fish? 
 
 A. A fishmonger came once into the country 
 With a good basketfull of sprats and triglides, 
 And, by Jove, greatly he pleased all of us. 
 
 B. Well, tell me then, should you now like some
 fish? 
 
 A. Indeed I should, if they were very little. 
 For all large fish I always fancy cannibals. 
 
 B. What can you mean, my friend? 
 
 A. Why, cannibals;— 
 How can a man eat fish which eat up men! 
 
 B. 'Tis plain enough that it is Helen's food 
 This fellow means, just sprats and triglides. 
 And in his Countryman he also calls sprats and triglides the food of
 Hecate. And Ephippus too, disparaging small fish, in his Philyra, speaks as
 follows— 
 
 A. My father, would you like to go to market 
 And buy some fish for me 
 
 B. What shall I buy? 
 
 A. Some grown up fish, my father, no small
 babies. 
 
 B. Do not you yet know all the worth of money?

And in the same poet, in his Spit-bearers, there is a very witty young man who
 disparages everything connected with the purchase of fish. And he speaks thus—
 
 
 A. But while you buy, don't disregard economy, 
 For anything will do. 
 
 B. Just tell me how. 
 
 A. Don't be expensive, though not mean or
 stingy; 
 Whatever you may buy will be enough; 
 Some squids and cuttle-fish; and should there be 
 Some lobsters in the market, let's have one— 
 Some eels will look nice too upon the table— 
 
 Especially if from the Theban lake: 
 Then let us have a cock, a tender pigeon, 
 A partridge, and a few such other things; 
 And if a hare should offer, then secure it. 
 
 B. Why how precise you are in your directions! 
 
 A. I'd need be, you are so extravagant; 
 And we are certain to have meat enough. 
 
 B. Has anybody sent you any present? 
 
 A. No, but my wife has sacrificed the calf 
 Which from Corone came, and we to-morrow 
 Shall surely sup on it. 
 And in Mnesimachus, the Morose Man, in the play of the same name, being a
 great miser, says to the extravagant young man in the play— 
 
 A. I do entreat you, do not lecture me 
 So very fiercely; do not say so much 
 About the money; recollect I'm your uncle; 
 Be moderate, I beg. 
 
 B. How can I be 
 More moderate than I am? 
 
 A. At least be briefer, 
 And don't deceive me; use diminutives; 
 For fish say fishlings; if you want aught more, 
 Speak of your bits of dishes; and at least 
 I shall be ruin'd with a better grace.

But since, as fortune would have it so, in the before quoted lines,—my excellent
 Ulpian, or you too, O you sons of grammarians, just tell me what was Ephippus's
 meaning in what I have just repeated, when he said— 
 The calf 
 Which from Corone came, and we
 to-morrow 
 Shall surely sup on it. 
 For I think there is here an allusion to some historical fact, and I
 should like to understand it. And Plutarch said, —There is a Rhodian tale, which,
 however, I can hardly repeat at the moment, because it is a very long time since I
 have fallen in with the book in which it occurs. But I know that Phœnix the
 Colophonian, the Iambic poet, making mention of some men as collecting money for
 the Jackdaw, speaks as follows— 
 My friends, I pray you give a handful now 
 Of barley to the jackdaw, Phœbus' daughter; 
 
 Or else a plate of wheat; or else a loaf, 
 A halfpenny, or whatsoe'er you please; 
 Give, my good friends, whatever you can spare 
 To the poor jackdaw; e'en a grain of salt; 
 For willingly she feeds on anything; 
 And he who salt bestows to-day, to-morrow 
 May give some honey. Open, boy, the door; 
 Plutus has heard, and straight a serving maid 
 Brings out some figs. Gods, let that maiden be 
 For ever free from harm, and may she find 
 A wealthy husband of distinguished name: 
 And may she show unto her aged father 
 A lusty boy, and on her mother's lap 
 Place a fair girl, her daughter, to bring up 
 A happy helpmate for some lucky cousin. 
 But I, where'er my feet conduct my eyes, 
 Sing with alternate melody at the gates 
 Of him who gives, and him who rude denies. 
 At present I'll leave off, and say no more. 
 And at the end of this set of iambics he says— 
 But you, my friends, who have good store at home, 
 Give something. Give, O king; give you too, housewife. 
 It is the law that all should give their hand 
 When the crow begs. And you who know this law, 
 Give what you please, and it shall be sufficient. 
 And those people who went about collecting for the jackdaw ( κορώνη ) were called Coronistæ, as Pamphilus of
 Alexandria tells us, in his treatise on Names. And the songs which are sung by
 them are called coronismata, as Agnocles the Rhodian tells us, in his
 Coronistæ.

There is also another collection made among the Rhodians, the making of which is
 called χελιδονίζειν; and it is mentioned by
 Theognis, in the second book of his treatise on the Sacrifices in Rhodes, where he
 writes thus—"There is a species of collecting which the Rhodians call χελιδονίζειν, which takes place in the month Boedromion.
 And it derives its name of χελιδονίζειν because
 the people are accustomed to utter the following song:— 
 The swallow, the swallow ( χελιδών ) is
 come, 
 Bringing good seasons and a joyful time. 
 Her belly is white, her back is black. 
 Bring, oh bring, a cake of figs 
 Out of your luxurious house, 
 Bring a cup of wine, 
 And a dish of cheese, 
 And a bag of wheat. 
 
 Those the good swallow will not despise, 
 Nor a cake of eggs. 
 Shall we now go, or shall we get something? 
 Give something, and we'll go; if you give nothing 
 We will not cease to pester you; we'll force the door 
 And carry it away, or th' upper lintel, 
 Or e'en your wife who sits within the house. 
 She is but little, we shall find her light. 
 If you give something, let it be worth having. 
 Open, then, open the door to the swallow, 
 For we are not old men, but only boys. 
 And Cleobulus the Lindian was the first man who introduced the custom of
 this collection, at a time when there was a great want in Lindus of a collection
 of money.

But, since we have mentioned the Rhodian histories, I myself am now going to tell
 you something about fish, from the account given of the beautiful Rhodes, which
 that delightful writer Lynceus says is full of excellent fish. Ergias the Rhodian,
 then, in his Account of his own Country, having first made mention of the
 Phoenicians, who inhabited the island, says—"That Phalanthus, and his friends,
 having a very strong city in Ialysus, called Achaia, and being very economical of
 their provisions, held out for a long time against Iphiclus, who besieged them.
 For they had also a prophecy given them by some oracle, that they should keep the
 place till crows became white, and till fish were seen in their goblets. They
 therefore, expecting that these things would never happen, prosecuted the war with
 less vigour. But Iphiclus, having heard from some one of the oracles of the
 Phœnicians, and having waylaid a highly-trusted adherent of Phalanthus, whose name
 was Larcas, as he was going for water, and having entered into a covenant with
 him, caught some fish at the spring, and putting them into the ewer, gave them to
 Larcas, and bade him carry the water back, and pour it into the goblet from which
 he was used to pour out wine for Phalanthus: and he did so. And Iphiclus also
 caught some crows, and smeared them over with gypsum, and let them fly again. But
 when Phalanthus saw the crows, he went to his goblet; and when he saw the fish
 there, he considered that the place no longer belonged to him and his party, and
 so he sent a herald to Iphiclus, demanding permission to retire, with all his
 troops, under the protection of a treaty, And when Iphiclus agreed to this,
 Phalanthus devised the follow- ing contrivance. Having slain
 some victims, and taken out the entrails, he endeavoured to put in some silver and
 gold, and so to carry it away. But when Iphiclus percieved this, he prevented it.
 And when Phalanthus alleged against him the oath which he had taken, when he swore
 to allow them to take away whatever they had in their bellies, he met them with a
 counter device, giving them vessels to go away in, but taking away the rudders,
 and the oars, and the sails, saying that he had sworn to give them boats, and
 nothing further. And as the Phœnicians were in great perplexity, they buried a
 great deal of their riches underground, marking the places where they buried it,
 that at some future time they might come and take it up again; but they left a
 great deal for Iphiclus. And so, when the Phœnicians had left the place in this
 manner, the Greeks became masters of it.” And Polyzelus has given the same
 account, in his History of Rhodian Affairs; and says— That the only people
 who knew the secret about the fishes and the crows were Phaces and his daughter
 Dorcia; and she, being beloved by Iphiclus, and having come to an agreement to
 marry him through the intervention of her nurse, persuaded the man who brought
 the water to bring the fish and put them into the goblet; and she herself
 whitewashed the crows, and let them go.

And Creophylus, in his Annals of the Ephesians, says— Those who colonized
 Ephesus, being much perplexed for want of a place where they could settle, sent
 at last to the oracle, and asked where they should build themselves a city; and
 he told them to build a city in that place which a fish should show them, and
 to which a wild boar should guide them. Accordingly, it is said that some
 fishermen were breakfasting at the spot where the fountain called Hypeleus now
 is, and where the harbour is which is called the sacred harbour; and that one
 of the fish leaped up with a burning cinder sticking to him, and fell on some
 of the refuse; and that by this means a thicket was set on fire, in which there
 happened to be a wild boar; and he, being disturbed by the fire ran for some
 distance up the mountain which is called th Rough Mountain, and at last was
 transfixed by javelins, and fell where the temple of Minerva now stands. And
 the Ephesians, having crossed over from the island, occupied that for
 twenty-one years, and in the twenty-second year they founded Trachea and the
 towns around Coressus, and erected a temple to Diana in
 the market-place, and one to the Pythian Apollo overlooking the
 harbour.

Now after this long conversation, all of a sudden there was heard all over the
 city the music of flutes and the noise of cymbals, and also a great crash of
 drums, with singing at the same time. And it happened to be the time of a festival
 which used formerly to be called the Parilia, but which is now called the Romana,
 in honour of the temple built to the Fortune of the City, by that most excellent
 and accomplished sovereign Hadrian. And all the inhabitants of Rome (and all the
 foreigners sojourning in the city) every year keep that day as a remarkable one.
 Accordingly, Ulpian said,—My friends, what is this?— 
 Is it a supper or a marriage feast 
 For certainly there is no picnic held now. 
 And when some one replied that every one in the city was dancing (using
 the verb βαλλίζω ) in honour of the goddess, —My
 fine fellow, said Ulpian, laughing, what Greek in the world ever called this
 dancing βαλλισμόσ? You should have said κωμάζουσιν or χορεύουσιν, or, at all events, some word in common use; but you have
 bought us a name out of the Subura, 
 And spoilt the wine by pouring in this water.' 
 And Myrtilus said—But I will prove to you, my dear Epitimæus, that the word is a genuine Greek
 word; for you, who want to stop every one's mouth, have not succeeded in
 convicting any one of ignorance, but have proved yourself to be emptier than a
 snake's cast-off skin. Epicharmus, my most excellent gentlemen, in his Theori,
 speaks of the βαλλισμὸς, and Italy is no great way
 from Sicily. Accordingly, in that play, the public ambassadors, surveying the
 offerings at Pytho, and mentioning each one separately, speak as follows:— 
 Here there are brazen caldrons, brazen goblets, 
 And spits. And then to see the men with spits 
 And flutes, too, dancing ( βαλλίζοντες ), what
 a sight it was! 
 And Sophron, in his play which is entitled Nymphoponus, says— 
 Then he did take it, and proceeded onwards; 
 The rest did follow dancing ( ἐβάλλιζον ). 
 And again he says— 
 Dancing ( βαλλίζοντες ) they filled the
 entrance room with dung. 
 
 And Alexis, in his Curis, says— 
 And now I see a multitude of men 
 Hastening to a feast, as if a goodly company 
 Were here invited. May it be my luck 
 To keep out of your way, my revellers, 
 After your dancing ( βαλλισμὸς ) and your
 feasting both 
 Have gone off well and are quite finish'd. 
 For I should never bear my robe off safely, 
 Unless my wings had grown. 
 I know, too, that the word is found in other places, and when I recollect
 the exact passage, I will bring it forward.

But we have a right to ask of you, who have quoted to us these lines out of Homer,
 
 But say, you joyful troop so gaily drest, 
 Is this a bridal or a friendly feast?— 
 in what respect the different sorts of feasts, which he calls εἰλαπίνη and ἔρανος, 
 differ from one another? But, since you are silent, I will tell you; for, as the
 poet of Syracuse says,— 
 I by myself am equal to the task 
 Which formerly it took two men to answer. 
 The ancients used to call sacrifices, and the more splendid kind of
 preparations, εἰλάπιναι; and those who partook of
 them they used to call εἰλαπινασταί. But those
 feasts they called ἔρανοι, the materials for which
 were contributed by all who joined in them; and this name was derived from all the
 guests being friendly together ( ἀπὸ τοῦ συνερᾷν )
 and contributing. And this same ἔρανος is also
 called θίασος, and those who partake of it are
 called ἐρανισταὶ and συνθιαῶται. The crowd, also, which follows Bacchus in his festivals
 is called θίασος, as Euripides says— 
 I see three thiasi of women coming. 
 And they gave them the name θίασος from
 the word θεός; — and, indeed, the Lacedæmonian form
 of the word θεὸς is σιός. And the word εἰλαπίνη is
 derived from the preparation and expense gone to for such purposes; for being
 destructive and extravagant is called λαφύττειν καὶ
 λαπάζειν, from which words the poets have used the word ἀλαπάζω for to destroy, And the plunder which is carried
 off after the sacking of a city they call λάφυρα. 
 And accordingly Aeschylus and Eripides have given to the more luxurious banquets
 the name of εἰλάπιναι, from the verb λαπάζω. There is also a verb, λάπτω, 
 which means to digest one's food, and to become relaxed
 ( λαγαρὸς ) by becoming empty. And from this word
 λαγαρὸς we get the word λαγὼν (the flank), and also λάγανον 
 (a thin, broad cake); and from the word λαπάττω we
 get λαπάρα (the loins). And the verb λαφύττω means, with great freedom and abundance to
 evacuate and erupt oneself. And the word δαπανάω 
 (to spend) is derived from δάπτω; and δάπτω is akin to δαψιλής; on which account we find the verbs δάπτω and δαρδάπτω applied to those
 who eat in a voracious and savage manner. Homer says— 
 Him the fierce dogs and hungry vultures tore ( κατέδαψαν ). 
 But the word εὐωχία (a luxurious feast)
 is derived not from ὀχὴ, which means nutriment,
 but from everything going on well ( ἀπὸ τοῦ εὖ
 ἔχειν ) in such a banquet, in which those who assemble honour the
 deity, and give themselves up to mirth and relaxation; and from this relaxation
 ( ἀπὸ τοῦ μεθιέναι ) they call wine μέθυ, and the god who gave them wine they call
 Methymnaeus, and Lyæus, and Evius, and Icius; just as also they call a man who is
 not sullen-looking and morose ἱλαρός; on which
 account, too, they pray the deity to be propitious ( ἵλεως ), uttering the ejaculation ἰὴ,
 ἰή. And from this again they call the place where they do this
 ἱερόν. And that they meant very nearly the same
 thing by ἵλεως and ἱλαρός is plain from the language used by Ephippus, in his play
 entitled Traffic; for he is speaking of a courtesan, and he says— 
 Then too, when any one is out of humour, 
 When he comes in she flatters him discreetly, 
 And kisses him, not pressing his mouth hard 
 Like some fierce enemy; but just billing towards him 
 Like some fond sparrow; then she sings and comforts him, 
 And makes him cheerful ( ἱλαρὸς ) and dispels
 all clouds 
 From off his face, and renders him propitious ( ἵλεως ).

But the ancients, who represented the gods under the form of men, arranged all
 their festivals on a similar principle; for, seeing that it is not possible to
 divert men from an eagerness for pleasure, but that it is useful and expedient to
 accustom them to enjoy themselves with moderation and in an orderly manner, they
 set apart certain times, and, sacrificing first to the gods, they in this way
 permitted them relaxation and enjoyment, in order that every one, thinking that
 the gods had come among them, and were present at the 
 firstfruits and libations, might enjoy himself with order and decency. Accordingly
 Homer says— 
 There, too, was Pallas to partake the feast: 
 and Neptune, too, is represented thus— 
 The monarch of the main, a heavenly guest, 
 In Ethiopia graced the genial feast, 
 There on the world's extremest verge, revered 
 With hecatombs and prayer in pomp preferr'd, 
 Distant he lay: — 
 and of Jupiter he says— 
 The sire of gods and all the ethereal train 
 On the warm limits of the furthest main 
 Now mix with mortals, nor disdain to grace 
 The feast of Ethiopia's blameless race. 
 
 And if a man of more mature age, and devoted to wise and virtuous
 pursuits, is present, they are ashamed to say or do anything indecorous; as also
 Epicharmus says, somewhere or other:— 
 But when their aged superiors are present, 
 Young men should silent be. 
 Therefore, considering that the gods were near to them, they celebrated
 their festivals in an orderly and temperate man- ner; on which account it was not
 the fashion of the ancients to lie at their meals, but, as Homer says,— 
 Feasting they sate; 
 nor were they accustomed to drink to the extent of drunkenness— 
 But when they'd eaten thus, and drank their fill, 
 Each to his room retired, not dreaming ill.

But the men of modern times, pretending to be sacrificing to the gods, and
 inviting their friends and nearest kinsmen to the sacrifice, vent imprecations on
 their children, and abuse their wives, and treat their slaves with indignity, and
 threaten the multitude, almost verifying the line of Homer:— 
 But now with speed let's take a short repast, 
 And well refresh'd to bloody conflict haste. 
 Nor do they ever give a thought to what has been said by the poet who
 wrote the poem entitled Chiron, whether it is Pherecrates, or Nicomachus, the
 teacher of rhythm, or whatever else his name may have been:— 
 
 When you have ask'd a friend to come to supper, 
 Do not be angry when you see him come; 
 That is the part of an unworthy man; 
 But give yourself to happy thoughts of joy, 
 And study to amuse your friend and guest. 
 But now men utterly forget all these rules, and they recollect only the
 lines which follow them, which are all written in imitation of the Great Eoæ which
 are attributed to Hesiod, and which are also meant as a parody on his great work,
 Works and Days:— 
 When any of us does celebrate 
 A sacrifice, and bids his friends to th' feast, 
 Still, if he come, we're vex'd and look askance, 
 And wish him to depart without delay. 
 And he his want of welcome soon perceives 
 And reassumes his shoes; when some one rises 
 Of the surrounding revellers, and says, 
 "Here, my friend, do not go; why won't you drink. 
 Take off your shoes." And then the host again 
 Is angry with the guest who calls him back, 
 And quotes some scraps of poetry against him,— 
 "Remember, always speed the parting guest, 
 And when a man is sleeping let him rest." 
 Do not we in this manner oft behave 
 When feasting those we choose to call our friends? 
 And, moreover, we add this:— 
 Let not a numerous party vex your mind, 
 For more are pleased, and the cost's near the same.

And when we are sacrificing to the gods, we spend as little as possible upon our
 sacrifices, and give them the most ordinary presents; as the admirable Menander
 tells us, in his Drunkenness:— 
 We don't do other things as we perform 
 Our duties to the gods. We sacrifice 
 One sheep scarce worth ten or a dozen drachmæ; 
 But for our flute-women, our perfumes rich, 
 Our harpers, Thasian and Mendæan wine, 
 Eels, cheese, and honey to regale ourselves, 
 We do not a whole talent think too much. 
 'Tis very well to spend a dozen drachmæ 
 When we are sacrificing to the gods, 
 But if you much curtail that slight expense, 
 Are you not thus dishonouring the gods? 
 I, if I were a god, would ne'er allow 
 A scanty loin of beef to load my altars, 
 Unless an eel were also sacrificed, 
 So that Callimedon might die of rage.

And the ancients call some feasts ἐπιδόσιμα, that
 is to say, given into the bargain,—the same which the Alexandrians call ἐξ ἐπιδομάτων. Alexis, at all events, in his Woman at
 the Well, says— 
 
 A. And now the master here has sent a slave 
 To bring to me a jar of his own wine. 
 
 B. I understand; this is ἐπιδόσιμος, 
 
 A gift into the bargain, as a makeweight; 
 I praise the wise old woman. 
 And Crobylus, in his Supposititious Son, says— 
 
 A. Laches, I come to you; proceed. 
 
 B. Which way? 
 
 A. How can you ask? Why, to my mistress, who 
 Has a feast ἐπιδόσιμος prepared; 
 And in her honour only yesterday 
 You made the guests drink down twelve glasses each. 
 The ancients, also, were acquainted with the banquets which are now
 called dole-basket banquets; and Pherecrates mentions them in his Forgetful Man,
 or the Sea, saying— 
 Having prepared a small dole-basket supper 
 He went away to Ophela. 
 And this clearly points to the dole-basket supper, when a man prepares a
 supper for himself, and then puts it in a basket, and goes off to sup with some
 one. And Lysias has used the word σύνδειπνον for a
 banquet, in his speech against Micinus, on his trial for murder; for he says that
 he had been invited to a σύνδειπνον : and Plato
 says— Those who had made a σύνδειπνον : and Aristophanes, in his Gerytades, says— 
 Praising great Aeschylus in his σύνδειπνα, 
 
 on which account some people wish to write the title of Sophocles's play
 in the neuter gender, σύνδειπνον. Some people also
 use the expression συναγώγιμα δεῖπνα, picnic
 feasts; as Alexis does, in his Man fond of Beauty, or the Nymphs, where he says—
 
 Come, sit you down, and call those damsels in; 
 We've got a picnic here, but well I know 
 That your's is but a skin-flint disposition. 
 And Ephippus says, in his Geryones,— 
 They also celebrate a picnic feast. 
 They also use the verb συνάγω for to
 drink with on another, and the noun συναγώγιον for
 a drinking party. Menander, in his Angry Woman, says— 
 And for this reason now they drink ( συνάγουσι ) alone: 
 
 and presently afterwards he says— 
 And so they ended the entertainment ( συναγώγιον ). 
 And probably the συναγώγιον is the same
 as that which was also called τὸ ἀπὸ συμβολων
 δεῖπνον. But what the συμβολαὶ , or
 contributions, are, we learn from Alexis, in his Woman who has taken Mandragora,
 where he says— 
 
 A. I'll come and bring my contributions now. 
 
 B. How, contributions? 
 
 A. The Chalcidians 
 Call fringes, alabaster, scent boxes, 
 And other things of that kind, contributions. 
 But the Argives, as Hegesander tells us in his Commentaries, (the
 following are his exact words)— The Argives call the contributions towards
 an entertainment which are brought by the revellers, χῶν; and each man's share they call αἶσα.

And now, since this book also has come to a not unsuitable end, my good friend
 Timocrates, let us stop our discussion at this point, lest any one should think
 that we were formerly fishes ourselves, as Empedocles says that he was; for that
 great natural philosopher says— 
 For I myself have been a boy, a girl, 
 A bush, a bird, and fish which roams the sea.

But now let each becalm his troubled breast, 
 Wash, and partake serene the friendly feast; 
 While to renew these topics we delay 
 Till Heaven's revolving lamp restores the day, 
 both to you and me, O Timocrates. For when some hams were brought round,
 and come one asked whether they were tender, using the word τακερὸς,— In what author does τακερὸς 
 occur? said Ulpian: and is there any authority, too, for calling mustard σίναπι instead of νᾶπυ? 
 For I see that that condiment is being brought round in the dishes with the hams.
 And I see that the word κωλεὸς, 
 a ham, is now used in the masculine gender, and not in the
 feminine only, as our Attic writers use it. At all events, Epicharmus, in his
 Megarian Woman, says— 
 Sausages, cheese, and hams ( κωλεοὶ ), and
 artichokes, 
 But not a single thing that's eatable: 
 
 and in his Cyclops he says— 
 Pig's tripe is good, by Jove, and so is ham ( κωλεός ). 
 And learn this now from me, O you wise man, that Epicharmus, in this last
 passage, uses χορδὴ for what, in every other
 place, he calls ὀρύα, tripe. And I see, too, that
 salt is used in seasoning in other dishes; but of salt which is not seasoned the
 Cynics are full, among whom we find, in the Corycus of Antiphanes, another Cynic
 saying— 
 Of delicacies which the sea produces, 
 We have but one, but that is constant, salt; 
 And then . . . . . . 
 I see, too, that brine is mingled with vinegar; and I know, too, that now
 some of the inhabitants of Pontus prepare the pickle which they call oxygarum, or
 vinegar pickle, by itself.

Zoilus replied to this, and said-Aristophanes, my good friend, in his Lemnian
 Woman, has used the word τακερὸς for delicate,
 saying— 
 Lemnus producing good and delicate ( τακεροὺς ) beans: 
 and Pherecrates, in his Crapatalli, says— 
 To make the vetches delicate ( τυκερούς ): 
 and Nicander the Colophonian has used the word σίναπι in his Theriacans, where he said— 
 A brazen cucumber and mustard too ( σίνηπυ ); 
 and in his Georgics he writes— 
 The biting pungent seed of mustard ( σινήπυος ); 
 and again he says— 
 Cardamum and the plant which stings the nose, 
 The black-leav'd mustard ( σίνηπυ ). 
 And Crates, in his treatise on the Attic Dialect, introduces Aristophanes
 as saying— 
 He looked mustard ( σίναπυ ) and drew down his
 brows, 
 as Seleucus quotes it, in his books on Hellenism. But it is a line out of
 the Knights, and it ought to be read thus— 
 
 κἄβλεψε νάπυ, not καὶ
 βλέπε σινάπυ : 
 for no Attic writer ever used the form σίναπυ, although there is a reason for each form. For νάπυ may be said, as if it were νάφυ, because it has no φύσις, or
 growth. Fr it is ἀφυὲς and little, like the
 anchovy, which is called ἀφύη, and is called
 σίναπυ, because it injures the eyes ( σίνεται τοὺς ὦπας ) by its smell, as
 the onion has the name of κρόμμυον, because it
 makes us wink our eyes ( ὅτι τὰς κόρας μύομεν ). And
 Xenarchus the comic writer says, in his Scythians— 
 This evil is no longer evil; so 
 My daughter is corrupted by the stranger. 
 And that exquisite writer, Aristophanes, mentions salt and vinegar,
 saying, in the place where he speaks of Sthenelus the tragedian,— 
 
 A. How can I swallow Sthenelus's words? 
 
 B. By soaking them in vinegar or white salt.

We then, my good friend, have gone along with you in these inquiries. But we have
 a right to expect an answer from you, in what author the word παροψὶς is used for a vessel. For when speaking of some
 victuals of various sorts, which were carefully dressed, and of some other things
 of this sort, I am aware that Plato, in his Festivals, has used the following
 expressions— 
 Whence barley-cakes might be got, and παροψίδες. 
 
 And again, in his Europa, speaking at considerable length of some
 exquisite dish, he has used the following expressions among others— 
 
 A. The woman is asleep; 
 
 B. I am aware 
 That she is doing nothing. 
 
 A. The παροψίδες 
 
 Are all awake; and there is not a thing 
 More calculated to give pleasure always. 
 
 B. But where are these παροψίδες, I pray you? 
 And in the passage immediately following, he uses the word παροψὶς, as if it were equivalent to παροψώνημα, a delicacy; and in his Phaon he says— 
 Other men's things are like παροψίδες, 
 
 They please a short time, and are quickly spent. 
 
 
 And Aristophanes, in his Dædalus, says— 
 All women have one set of principles, 
 And have a lover, like a παροψὶς, ready.

So when Ulpian made no reply,—But I, said Leonidas, have a right to speak, since I
 have been silent a long time. But as Evenus the Parian says— 
 Many men make a point of contradicting 
 On every subject equally; but care not 
 Whether they rightly contradict or not. 
 
 But for such men there's an old answer fitting, 
 
 That may be your opinion, this is mine. 
 
 But with good arguments one may persuade 
 The wise with ease: for always men of sense 
 Do prove, the easiest pupils.

And my excellent friend Myrtilus,—for I have taken the words out of your mouth,
 Antiphanes,—in his Bœotian, has used this word παροψὶς for a vessel, where he says— 
 After she has invited you to supper, 
 She sets before you a παροψὶς full of . . .
 . 
 And Alexis, in his Hesione, says— 
 But when he saw two men well loaded with 
 The table and conveying it in-doors, 
 Groaning beneath a number of παροψίδες, 
 
 Looking no more at me, he said . . . . 
 And the man who was the author of the plays which are attributed to
 Magnes, says in his first Bacchus— 
 These things are now παροψίδες of ill to
 me. 
 And Achæus, in his Aethon, a satyric drama, says— 
 And let these savoury boil'd and roasted meats 
 On the παροψίδες be carved in pieces. 
 And Sotades the comic writer says, in his Man wrongly Ransomed— 
 I a παροψὶς seem to Crobylus. 
 Him he devours alone, but me he takes 
 But as a seasoning to something else. 
 But the word is used in an ambiguous sense by Xenophon, in the first book
 of his Cyropædia. For the philosopher says, They brought him παροψίδας, and condiments of all sorts, and food of
 all kinds. And in the works of the author of Chiron, which is usually
 attributed to Pherecrates, the word παροψὶς is
 used for seasoning; and not, as Didymus, in his treatise on Words used in a
 Corrupted Sense, asserts, for a vessel. For he says— 
 By Jove, as παροψίδες are praised or
 blamed 
 Because of the way in which they flavour meat, 
 So Caletas esteems these people nothing. 
 And Nicophon, in his Sirens, says— 
 Others may fight the παροψὶς for their
 seat. 
 And Aristophanes says, in his Dædalus,— 
 All women have one set of principles, 
 And have a lover, like a παροψὶς, ready. 
 
 And Plato says, in his Festivals,— 
 Whence barley-cakes may be got, and παροψίδες. 
 
 But he is speaking here of cooking and seasoning onions. But the Attic
 writers, O my Syri-Attic friend Ulpian, use ἔμβαμμα also in this sense; as Theopompus says, in his Peace:—
 
 Bread's a good thing; but flattery and tricks, 
 When added as a seasoning ( ἔμβαμμα ) to
 bread, 
 Are odious as can be.

When speaking of hams, they use the two forms κωλῆ 
 and κωλήν. Eupolis, in his Autolycus, says— 
 The legs and hams ( κῳλῆες ) out of the
 soup. 
 And Euripides, in his Sciron, says— 
 Nor hams ( κωλῆνες ) of kids. 
 But the word κωλῆ is contracted from
 κωλέα, as συκῆ 
 from συκέα, λεοντῆ from λεοντέα; so κωλῆ from κωλέα. Aristophanes, in his second Plutus, says— 
 Alas the ham ( κωλῆς ) which I have just
 devour'd! 
 And in his Daitaleis he says— 
 And the fat hams ( κωλαὶ ) of tender little
 pigs 
 And dainty tit-bits swift to fly. 
 And in his Storks he says— 
 The heads of lambs, the hams ( κωλὰς ) of
 kids. 
 And Plato, in his Griffins, says— 
 Fish, and hams ( κωλὰς ), and sausages. 
 And Ameipsias, in his Connus, says— 
 The ham ( κωλῆ ) from off the victim, and the
 ribs, 
 And the left side o' th' head are usually given. 
 And Xenophon, in his book on Hunting, says— The ham ( κωλῆ ) is fleshy, and the loins moist. And
 Xenophanes the Colophonian, in his Elegies, says— 
 For having sent a ham ( κωλῆ ) of kid, you
 won 
 A mighty leg of carefully fatted bull, 
 An honourable present for a man, 
 Whose glory shall pervade all Greece, and never 
 Cease while the poets and the songs of Greece 
 Survive in memory and the mouths of men.

And as immediately after this a great quantity of food of all sorts was brought
 in, we will just mention those dishes which seem most worthy of being remembered;
 for there was a great quantity of birds, and of geese, and
 also of young birds (which some people call πίποι ), and of pigs, and of those highly-esteemed birds the pheasants.
 And after I have told you about the vegetables, I will then enumerate to you the
 other dishes also.

First of all, there were turnips; and Apellas in his treatise on the Cities in
 Peloponnesus, says that turnips are called γαστέρες by the Lacedæmonians: and Nicander the Colophonian, in his
 Dialects, says that among the Bœotians it is cabbages which are called γαστέρες, and that turnips are called in Bœotia ζεκελτίδες. But Amerias and Timachidas affirm that it is
 gourds which are called ζακελτίδες. And
 Speusippus, in the second book of his treatise on Things resembling one another,
 says— The radish, the turnip, the rape, and the nasturtium all resemble
 each other. But Glaucus, in his Cookery Book, spells the word ῥάφυς (rape) with the lene π, — ῥάπυς. But these vegetables have
 nothing else like them, unless, indeed, it be the plant which we call bounias: but
 Theophrastus does not use the name of bounias, but calls it a sort of male turnip;
 and perhaps the plant which he means is the bounias. And Nicander, in his
 Georgics, mentions the bounias— 
 Sow turnips on a well-roll'd field, that they 
 May grow as large as the flat dish that holds them, 
 * * * * 
 . . . . . For there are two kinds 
 Which from the radish spring: one long, one firm, 
 Both seen in well-till'd beds in kitchen gardens. 
 And the turnips which grow on the banks of the Cephisus are mentioned by
 Cratis, in his Orators, thus— 
 And wholly like the turnips of Cephisus. 
 
 
 But Theophrastus says that there are two kinds of turnips, the male and the
 female, and that they both come from the same seed; but Posidonius the Stoic
 philosopher, in the twenty-seventh book of his Histories, concerning Dalmatia,
 says that there are some turnips which grow without any cultivation, and also some
 carrots that grow wild. But Diphilus the physician, of Siphnos, says— The
 turnip has attenuating properties, and is harsh and indigestible, and moreover
 is apt to cause flatulence: but the vegetable called bounias is superior to
 that; for it is sweeter in taste and more digestible, in
 addition to being wholesome for the sto- mach and nutritious. But the
 turnip, he says, when roasted, is more easily digested, but in
 this state it attenuates the blood still more. This vegetable is
 mentioned by Eubulus, in his Ancylion, where he says— 
 I bring this turnip to be roasted now. 
 And Alexis, in his Enthusiast, says— 
 I speak to Ptolemy, roasting slices of turnip. 
 But the turnip, when pickled, is more attenuating in its effects than
 when boiled, especially when it is pickled with mustard, as Diphilus says.

Then there was the cabbage. Eudemus the Athenian, in his treatise on Vegetables,
 says that there are three kinds of cabbage—the kind called the salt-cabbage, and
 the smooth-leaved-cabbage, and the parsley-cabbage: and that the salt-cabbage is
 reckoned the finest of all in respect of its delicacy of taste; and it grows in
 Eretria, and Cyme, and Rhodes, and also in Cnidos and Ephesus: but the
 smooth-leaved kind is found in every country; and the parsley-cabbage has its name
 from the curly nature of its leaves, for it is like parsley, both in that respect
 and in its general thickness. But Theophrastus writes thus— But of the,
 ῥάφανος,— I mean the cabbage,—there is one
 kind with curly leaves, and another with smooth leaves, and a third which is
 wild. And Diphilus the Siphnian says— The finest and most
 delicious cabbage grows in Cyme; in Alexandria it is bitter; and the seed which
 is brought from Rhodes to Alexandria produces sweet cabbage for one year, after
 which time it degenerates again, from the nature of the soil. And
 Nicander, in his Georgics, says— 
 The smooth-leaved cabbage sometimes wild is found, 
 And then the curly many-leaved plants 
 Are often sown in beds; . . . . . . . 
 There is another kind, of reddish colour, 
 Like frogs in drought; some of bad colour too 
 Do come from Cyme, like the dingy soles 
 Which cobblers often sew on worn-out boots; 
 And these the ancients do the Prophets call 
 But perhaps Nicander calls the cabbage Prophet, as being sacred; since in
 Hipponax, in his Iambics, we find some such lines as these,— 
 He falling down worshipp'd the seven-leaved cabbage, 
 To which, before she drank the poison'd draught, 
 Pandora brought a cake at the Thargelia. 
 
 And Ananius says— 
 And, by the cabbage do I swear, I love thee 
 By far the most of mortal men . . . 
 And Teleclides, in his Prytanes, uses the oath, Yes, by the
 cabbages and Epicharmus has the same exclamation in his Earth and Sea;
 and so has Eupolis, in his Dyer; and it appears to have been an Ionian oath: and
 there is nothing very strange in the fact of some people having sworn by the
 cabbage, since Zeno the Cittiæan, the founder of the sect of the Stoics, imitating
 the oath of Socrates, by the bitch, was used himself to swear
 by the caper, as Empodus relates in his Memorabilia.

And at Athens the cabbage used to be given to women who had just been delivered,
 as a sort of medicine, having a tendency to add to their nourishment. Accordingly,
 Ephippus, in his Geryones, says— 
 What shall next be done? 
 There is no garland now before the doors, 
 No savoury smell strikes on my nostril's edge 
 From Amphidromian festival, in which 
 The custom is to roast large bits of cheese, 
 Such as the Chersonesus furnishes, 
 And then to boil a radish bright with oil, 
 And fry the breasts of well-fed household Iamb, 
 And to pluck pigeons, thrushes too, and finches, 
 And to eat squids and cuttle-fish together, 
 And many polypi with wondrous curls, 
 And to quaff many goblets of pure wine. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Parasite, speaks of the cabbage as an economical
 food, in the following lines, where he says— 
 And what these things are, you, my wife, know well; 
 Garlic, and cheese, and cheese-cakes, dainty dishes 
 Fit for a gentleman; no fish cured and salted, 
 No joints of lamb well stuff'd with seasoning, 
 No forced meat of all kinds of ingredients; 
 No high made dishes, fit to kill a man; 
 But they will boil some cabbage sweet, ye gods! 
 And in the dish with it some pulse of pease. 
 And Diphilus says, in his Insatiable Man,— 
 All sorts of dainties now come round us here, 
 All of their own accord. There's cabbage fresh, 
 Well boil'd in oil; and many paunches, and 
 Dishes of tender meat. No . . . . by Jove, 
 Nor are they like my platters of bruised olives 
 
 And Alcæus, in his Palæstra, says— 
 And now she's roasted a large dish of cabbage. 
 And Polyzelus, in his Birth of the Muses, names cabbages; and says—
 
 The close-grown cabbage with its lofty leaves.

The next thing to be mentioned is beet-root. Of beetroot (according to the opinion
 of Theophrastus), the white is more juicy than the black, and it contains less
 seed, and it is the kind which is called the Sicilian beet. But, says he, the beet
 called σευτλὶς is a different kind from the
 τεῦτλον. On which account, Diphilus the comic
 poet, in his drama called the Hero, reproaches some one for speaking incorrectly,
 and for calling τεῦτλα, τευτλίδας. And Eudemus, in
 his treatise on Vegetables, says that there are four kinds of τεὖτλα : there is the kind which may be pulled, the kind
 with a stalk, the white kind, and the common kind; and this last is of a brown
 colour. But Diphilus the Siphnian says that the beet which he calls σεύτλιον is more juicy than the cabbage, and is also, in
 a moderate degree, more nutritious; and it ought to be boiled and eaten with
 mustard, and that then it has a tendency to attenuate the blood, and to destroy
 worms; but the white kind is better for the stomach, while the black is more
 diuretic. He says, also, that their roots are more pleasing to the palate, and
 more nutritious.

Then there is the carrot. This vegetable, says Diphilus, is
 harsh, but tolerably nutritious, and moderately good for the stomach; but it
 passes quickly through the bowels, and causes flatulence: it is indigestible,
 diuretic, and not without some influence in prompting men to amatory feelings;
 on which account it is called a philtre by some people. And Numenius,
 in his Man fond of Fishing, says— 
 Of all the plants which grow in fields unsown, 
 Or which take root in fertile plough'd-up lands 
 In winter, or when flowering spring arrives, 
 Such as the thistle dry, or the wild carrot, 
 Or the firm rape, or lastly, the wild cabbage. 
 And Nicander, in the second book of his Georgics, says— 
 Then there is also the deep root of fennel, 
 And of rock-parsley, and the carrot too, 
 Which loves dry soils, the sow-thistle, the myrrh plant, 
 The dog-tongue and the chicory. And with them bruise 
 The tough hard-tasted leaves of arum, and 
 The plant which farmers do entitle bird's-milk. 
 
 Theophrastus also mentions the carrot; and Phænias, in the
 fifth book of his treatise on Plants, speaks as follows:— But as to the
 nature of the seed, the plant which is called σὴψ and the seed of the carrot are much alike. And in his
 first book he says— The following plants have seed in pods of umbellated
 form: the anise, fennel, the carrot, the bur-parsley, hemlock, coriander, and
 aconite (which some call mousekiller). But, since Nicander has
 mentioned the arum, I must also add that Phænias, in the book which I have just
 mentioned, writes thus:— The dracontium, which some call arum or
 aronia. But Diocles, in the first book of his treatise on the
 Wholesomes, calls the carrot, not σταφυλῖνος, but
 ἀσταφύλινος. There is also another kind which
 is called καρωτὸν, which is a large and well-grown
 carrot, more juicy than the σταφυλῖνος, and more
 heating,—more diuretic, very good for the stomach, and very easily digested, as
 Diphilus assures us.

Then there is the κεφαλωτὸν, or leek, which the
 same Diphilus says is also called πράσιον; and he
 says that it is superior to the kind called the sliced-leek, and that it has some
 effect in attenuating the blood, and is nutritious, and apt to cause flatulence.
 But Epænetus, in his Cookery Book, says that the leeks are also called γηθυλλίδες; and I find this name occurring in Eubulus,
 in his Pornoboscus, where he says— 
 I cannot now eat any other loaf, 
 For I've just had one at Gnathænius', 
 Whom I found boiling up γηθυλλίδες. 
 
 But some say that the γηθυλλὶς is the
 same as the peculiar kind of leek called γήθυον, 
 which Phrynichus mentions in his Saturn. And Didymus, interpreting that play, says
 that the γήθυον resembles the leek called the
 vine-leek, or ἀμπελόπρασον; and he says that they
 are also called ἐπιθυλλίδες. And Epicharmus also
 mentions the gethyllides in his Philoctetes, where he says— 
 Two heads of garlic, two gethyllides. 
 And Aristophanes, in his second Aeolosicon, says— 
 Some roots of leeks ( γηθύων ), which taste
 almost like gallic. 
 And Polemo the geographer, in his book on Samothrace, says that Latona
 had a longing for the gethyllis, writing as follows:—"Among the Delphians, at the
 festival which they call the Theoxenia, there is a rule that
 whoever brings the largest gethyllis to Latona shall receive a portion of food
 from off her table; and I myself have seen a gethyllis as big as a turnip or as
 the round rape. And men say that Latona, when she was pregnant with Apollo, longed
 for the gethyllis; on which account it is treated with this respect."

Next comes the gourd. But as gourds were served round to us in the winter season,
 every one marvelled, thinking that they were fresh gourds; and we recollected what
 the beautiful Aristophanes said in his Seasons, praising the glorious Athens in
 these lines:— 
 
 A. There you shall at mid-winter see 
 Cucumbers, gourds, and grapes, and apples, 
 And wreaths of fragrant violets 
 Cover'd with dust, as if in summer. 
 And the same man will sell you thrushes, 
 And pears, and honey-comb, and olives, 
 Beestings, and tripe, and summer swallows, 
 And grasshoppers, and bullock's paunches. 
 There you may see full baskets packed 
 With figs and myrtle, crown'd with snow; 
 There you may see fine pumpkins join'd 
 To the round rape and mighty turnip; 
 So that a stranger well may fear 
 To name the season of the year. 
 
 B. That's a fine thing if all the year 
 A man can have whate'er he pleases. 
 
 A. Say rather, it's the worst of evils; 
 For if the case were different, 
 Men would not cherish foolish fancies 
 Nor rush into insane expenses. 
 But after some short breathing time 
 I might myself bear off these things; 
 As indeed in other cities, 
 Athens excepted, oft I do: 
 However, as I tell you now, 
 The Athenians have all these things. 
 Because, as we may well believe, 
 They pay due honour to the gods. 
 
 B. 'Tis well for them they honour you, 
 Which brings them this enjoyment, since 
 You seek to make their city Egypt, 
 Instead of the immortal Athens. 
 At all events, we were astonished eating cucumbers in the month of
 January; for they were green, and full of their own Peculiar flavour, and they
 happened to have been dressed by cooks who above all men knew
 how to dress and season such things. Laurentius, therefore, asked whether the
 ancients were acquainted with this vegetable, or with this way of dressing it. And
 Ulpian said—Nicander the Colophonian, in the second book of his Georgics, mentions
 this way of dressing the vegetable, calling the gourds not κολόκυνται, but σίκυαι; for, indeed,
 that was one of their names, as we have said before. And his words are:— 
 First cut the gourds in slices, and then run 
 Threads through their breadth, and dry them in the air; 
 Then smoke them hanging them above the fire; 
 So that the slaves may in the winter season 
 Take a large dish and fill it with the slices, 
 And feast on them on holidays: meanwhile 
 Let the cook add all sorts of vegetables, 
 And throw them seed and all into the dish; 
 Let them take strings of gherkins fairly wash'd, 
 And mushrooms, and all sorts of herbs in bunches, 
 And curly cabbages, and add them too.

The next thing to be mentioned is poultry. And since poultry was placed on the
 gourds and on other scraped ( κνιστὰ ) vegetables,
 (and this is what Aristophanes in his Delian Woman says of chopped up vegetables, 
 κνιστὰ, or pressed grapes, ) Myrtilus
 said,—But now, in our time, we have got into a habit of calling nothing ὄρνιθας or ὀρνίθια but
 pullets, of which I see a quantity now being brought round. (And Chrysippus the
 philosopher, in the fifth book of his Treatise on what is Honourable and Pleasant,
 writes thus— As some people insist upon it that white pullets are nicer than
 black ones. ) And the names given to the male fowl are ἀλεκτρυόνες and ἀλεκτορίδες. But anciently, men were accustomed to use the word
 ὄρνις, both in the masculine and feminine
 gender, and to apply it to other birds, and not to this species in particular to
 the exclusion of others, as is now done when we speak of buying birds, and mean
 only poultry. Accordingly, Homer says, 
 And many birds ( ὄρνιθες πολλοὶ ) beneath the
 sun's bright rays. 
 And in another place he uses the word in the feminine gender, and says—
 
 A tuneful bird ( ὄρνιθι λιγυρῇ ). 
 And in another place he says— 
 
 As the bold bird her helpless young attends, 
 From danger guards them, and from want defends; 
 In search of prey she wings the spacious air, 
 And with untasted food supplies her care, 
 — again using ὄρνις in the feminine gender. But Menander in his first edition of
 the Heiress, uses the word plainly in the sense in which it is used at the present
 day; saying— 
 A cock had loudly crow'd— Will no one now, 
 
 He cried out, drive this poultry ( τὰς
 ὄρνιθας ) from our doors 
 
 And again, he writes— 
 She scarcely could the poultry ( τὰς ὄρνεις )
 drive away. 
 But Cratinus, in his Nemesis, has used the form ὀρνίθιον, saying— 
 And all the other birds ( ὀρνίθια ). 
 And they use not only the form ὄρνιν, but
 also that of ὄρνιθα, in the masculine gender. The
 same Cratinus says in the same play— 
 A scarlet winged bird ( ὄρνιθα
 φοινικόπτερον ). 
 And again, he says— 
 You, then, must now become a large bird ( ὄρνιθα
 μέγαν ). 
 And Sophocles, in his Antenoridæ, says— 
 A bird ( ὄρνιθα ), and a crier, and a
 servant. 
 And Aeschylus, in his Cabiri, says— 
 I make you not a bird ( ὄρνιθα ) of this my
 journey. 
 And Xenophon, in the second book of his Cyropædia, says— Going in
 pursuit of birds ( τοὺς ὄρνιθας ) in the severest
 winter. And Menander, in his Twin Sisters, says— 
 I came laden with birds ( ὄρνεις ). 
 And immediately afterwards he has 
 He sends off birds ( ὄρνιθας ἀποστέλλει ). 
 And that they often used ὄρνεις as the
 plural form we have the evidence of Menander to prove to us: and also Alcman says
 somewhere or other— 
 The damsels all with unaccomplish'd ends 
 Departed; just as frighten'd birds ( ὄρνεις )
 who see 
 A hostile kite which hovers o'er their heads. 
 And Eupolis, in his Peoples, says— 
 Is it not hard that I should have such sons, 
 When every bird ( ὄρνεις ) has offspring like
 its sire?

But, on the other hand, the ancients sometimes also used the
 word ἀλεκτρυὼν in the feminine gender for a hen.
 Cratinus, in his Nemesis, says— 
 This is your work, O Leda. Take you care 
 To imitate the manners of a hen ( ἀλεκτρυόνος ) 
 And sit upon this egg, that so you may 
 Show us from out this shell a noble bird. 
 And Strattis, in his Men Fond of Cold, says— 
 And all the hens ( αἱ δʼ ἀλεκτρυόνες
 ἅπασαι ), 
 And all the pigs are also dead, 
 And all the little birds around. 
 And Anaxandrides says, in his Tereus— 
 They saw the boars their species propagate 
 With joy, and likewise all the hens ( τὰς
 ἀλεμτρυόνας ). 
 And since I have mentioned this comic poet, and as I know, too, that this
 play of his, namely Tereus, is not reckoned one of his best, I will also bring
 forward, my friends, for you judgment, what Chamæleon of Heraclea has said about
 him in the sixth book of his treatise on Comedy; where he uses the following
 language:—"Anaxandrides once, publishing a dithyrambic poem at Athens, entered the
 city on a horse, and recited some lines of his Ode. And he was a very fine,
 handsome man to look at; and he let his hair grow, and wore a purple robe with
 golden fringes, but being a man of a bitter disposition he was in the habit of
 behaving in some such manner as this with respect to his comedies. Whenever he did
 not get the victory he took his play and sent it to the frankincense market to be
 torn up to pack bunches of frankincense in, and did not revise it as most people
 did. And in this way he destroyed many clever and elegant plays; being, by reason
 of his old age, very sulky with the spectators. And he is said to have been a
 Rhodian by birth, of the city of Camirus: and I wonder therefore how it was that
 his Tereus got preserved, since it did not obtain the victory; and I feel the same
 wonder in the case of others by the same author. And Theopompus, in his Peace,
 also uses the word ἀλεκτρύων for hens, speaking
 thus— 
 I am so vex'd at having lost the hen ( ἀλεκτρυόνα ) 
 Which laid the finest eggs in all the yard. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Dædalus, says— 
 She laid a noble egg, like any hen ( α·λεκτρυών ). 
 
 And in another place he says— 
 Sometimes we find that hens ( ἀλεκτρυόνες )
 when driven about, 
 And frighten'd, lay wind eggs. 
 And in the Clouds, where he is explaining to the old man the difference
 between the names, he says— 
 
 A. Tell me then, now, what name I ought to give
 them. 
 
 B. Call this, the hen, ἀλεκτρύαιναν, thus, 
 And call her mate, the cock, ἀλέκτορα. 
 
 And we find the cock called ἀλεκτορὶς and
 ἀλέκτωρ. And Simonides writes— 
 O tuneful voiced ἀλέκτωπ. 
 
 And Cratinus, in his Seasons, says— 
 Like the Persian loud-voiced cock ( ἀλέκτωρ ), 
 Who every hour sings his song. 
 And he has this name from rousing us from our beds ( λέκτρον ). But the Dorians, who write ὄρνις with a ξ, ὄρνιξ, make the
 genitive with a χ, ὄρνιχος. But Aleman writes the
 nominative with a ς , saying— 
 The purple bird ( ὄρνις ) of spring. 
 Though I am aware that he too makes the genitive with a X, saying— 
 But yet by all the birds ( ὀρνίχων ).

The next thing to be mentioned is the pig, under the name of δέλφαξ . Epicharmus calls the male pig δέλφαξ in his Ulysses the Deserter, saying— 
 I lost by an unhappy chance 
 A pig ( δέλφακα ) belonging to the
 neighbours, 
 Which I was keeping for Eleusis 
 And Ceres's mysterious feast. 
 Much was I grieved; and now he says 
 That I did give it to th' Achæans, 
 Some kind of pledge; and swears that I 
 'Betray'd the pig ( τὸν δέλφακα )
 designedly. 
 And Anaxilus also, in his Circe, has used the word δέλφαξ in the masculine gender; and moreover has used it of a
 full-grown pig, saying— 
 Some of you that dread goddess will transform 
 To pigs ( δέλφακας ), who range the mountains
 and the woods. 
 Some she will panthers make; some savage wolves, 
 And terrible lions. 
 But Aristophanes, in his Fryers, applies the word to female pigs; and
 says— 
 The paunch, too, of a sow in autumn born ( δέλφακος
 ὀπωρίνης ). 
 
 And in his Acharnians he says— 
 For she is young ( νέα ), but when she is a
 sow ( δελφακουμένα ), 
 You'll see she'll have a large, fat, ruddy tail; 
 And if you keep her she'll be a noble pig ( χοῖρος
 καλά ). 
 And Eupolis, in his Golden Age, uses it as feminine; and Hipponax wrote—
 
 
 ʽὡς ʽεφεσίη δέλφαξ. 
 
 And, indeed, it is the female pig which is more correctly called by this
 name, as having δελφύας, for that world δελφὺς means a womb. And it is the word from which
 ἀδελφὸς is derived. But respecting the age of
 these animals, Cratinus speaks in his Archilochi, saying— 
 These men have δέλφακες, the others χοῖροι. 
 
 And Aristophanes the grammarian, in his treatise on Ages,
 says— Those pigs which are now come to a compact form, are called
 δέλφακες; ; but those which are tender, and
 are full of juice, are called χοῖροι; 
 and this makes that line of Homer intelligible— 
 The servants all have little pigs ( χοίρεα )
 to eat, 
 But on fat hogs ( σύες ) the dainty suitors
 feast. 
 
 And Plato the comic poet, in his Poet, uses the word in the masculine
 gender, and says— 
 He led away the pig ( τόν δέλφακα ) in
 silence. 
 But there was ancient custom, as Androtion tells us, for the sake of the
 produce of the herds, never to slay a sheep which had not been shorn, or which had
 never had young, oh which account they always ate full-grown animals: 
 But on fat hogs the dainty suitors feast. 
 And even to this day the priest of Minerva never sacrifices a lamb, and
 never tastes cheese. And when, on one occasion, there was a want of oxen,
 Philochorus says, that a law was passed that they should abstain from slaying them
 on account of their scarcity, wishing to get a greater number, an to increase the
 stock by not slaying them. But the Ionians use the word χοῖρος also of the female pig, as Hipponax does, where he says—
 
 With pure libations and the offer'd paunch 
 Of a wild sow ( ἀγρίας χοίρου ). 
 And Sophocles, in his Tænarus, a satyric drama, says— 
 Should you then guard her, like a chain'd up sow ( χοῖρον δεσμίαν )? 
 
 And Ptolemy, the king of Egypt, in the ninth book of his
 Commentaries, says— When I was at Assus, the Assians brought me a pig
 ( χοῖρον ) two cubits and a half in height,
 and the whole of his body corresponding in length to that height; and of a
 colour as white as snow: and they said that King Eumenes had been very diligent
 in buying all such animals of them, and that he had given as much as four
 thousand drachmæ a piece for one. And Aeschylus says— 
 But I will place this carefully fed pig 
 Within the crackling oven; and, I pray, 
 What nicer dish can e'er be given to man? 
 And in another place he says— 
 
 A. Is he a white one? 
 
 B. Aye, indeed he is 
 A snow white pig ( χοῖρος ), and singed most
 carefully. 
 
 A. Now boil him, and take care he is not burnt. 
 And again in another place he says— 
 But having kill'd this pig ( χοῖρον τόνδε ),
 of the same litter 
 Which has wrought so much mischief in the house, 
 Pushing and turning everything upside down. 
 And these lines have all been quoted by Chamæleon, in his Commentary on
 Aeschylus.

But concerning the pig, that it is accounted a sacred animal among the Cretans,
 Agathocles the Babylonian, in the first book of his account of Cyzicus, speaks as
 follows— "They say that Jupiter was born in Crete, on the mountain Dicte; on which
 mountain a mysterious sacrifice used to take place. For it is said that a sow
 allowed Jupiter to suck its udder. And that she going about with her constant
 grunting, made the whining of the infant inaudible to those who were looking for
 him. On which account all the Cretans think that that animal is to be worshipped;
 and nothing, it is said, can induce them to eat its flesh. And the Praisians also
 sacrifice to a sow; and this is a regular sacrifice among that people before
 marriage. And Neanthes of Cyzicus gives a similar account, in the second book of
 his treatise on Mysteries. 
 Achæus the Eretrian mentions full-grown sows under the name of πεταλίδες ὕες in Aethon, a satyric drama, where he says—
 
 And I have often heard of full-grown sows 
 Under this shape and form. 
 
 But he has given the name of πεταλίδες by a metaphor from heifers. For they are called πέτηλοι, or spreading, from their horns, when they have
 spreading horns. And Eratosthenes has spoken of pigs in the same way as Achæus has
 in his Anterinnys, and has called them λαρινοὶ, 
 using this word metaphorically, which properly belongs to fatted oxen which were
 called so from the verb λαπινεύομαι, which is a
 word of the same meaning as σιτίζομαι, to be fed
 up. And Sophron uses the word— 
 
 βόες δὲ λαρινεύονται· 
 
 or perhaps it comes from Larina, a small town of Epirus, or from the name
 of the herdsman, which may have been Larinus.

And once when a pig was served up before us, the half of which was being carefully
 roasted, and the other half boiled gently, as if it had been steamed, and when all
 marvelled at the cleverness of the cook, he being very proud of his skill,
 said—And, indeed, there is not one of you who can point out the place where he
 received the death wound; or where his belly was cut so as to be stuffed with all
 sorts of dainties. For it has thrushes in it, and other birds; and it has also in
 it parts of the abdomens of pigs, and slices of a sow's womb, and the yolks of
 eggs, and moreover the entrails of birds, with their ovaries, those also being
 full of delicate seasoning, and also pieces of meat shred into thin shavings and
 seasoned with pepper. For I am afraid to use the word ἰσίκια before Ulpian, although I know that he himself is very fond
 of the thing. And, indeed, my favourite author Paxamus speaks of it by this name,
 and I myself do not care much about using no words but such as are strictly Attic.
 Do you, therefore, show me now how this pig was killed, and how I contrived to
 roast half of him and to boil the other side. And as we kept on examining him, the
 cook said,—But do you think that I know less about my business than the ancient
 cooks, of whom the comic poets speak? for Posidipus, in his Dancing Women, speaks
 as follows-and it is a cook who is represented as making the following speech to
 his pupils—

My pupil Leucon, and the rest of you, 
 You fellow servants—for there is no place 
 Unfit to lecture upon science in; 
 
 Know that in the cookery no seasoning 
 Is equal to the sauce of impudence. 
 And, if I must confess the whole o' the truth, 
 You'll find this quality of great use everywhere. 
 See now, this tribune, who displays a breast-plate 
 All over scales, or dragon wrought in steel, 
 Appears some Briareus; but when th' occasion 
 Calls for his might, he proves a very hare. 
 So when a cook with helpers and attendants 
 Comes to some stranger, and his pupils brings, 
 Calling the servants of the house mere humbugs, 
 Mere cummin splitters, famine personified; 
 They all crouch down before him: but if you bear 
 Yourself with honesty and spirit towards him, 
 He'll fly half flay'd with fear. Do you remember, 
 And, as I bade you, give fair room for boasting, 
 And take you care to know the taste of the guests; 
 For as in any other market, so 
 This is the goal which all your art should seek,, 
 To run straight into all the feasters' mouths 
 As into harbour. At the present moment 
 We're busied about a marriage feast— 
 An ox is offer'd as the choicest victim; 
 The father-in-law is an illustrious man, 
 The son-in-law a person of like honour; 
 Their wives are priestesses to the good goddess. 
 Corybantes, flutes, a crowd of revellers 
 Are all assisting at the festival. 
 Here's an arena for our noble art. 
 Always remember this. 
 And concerning another cook (whose name is Seuthes) the same poet speaks
 in the following manner— 
 Seuthes, in the opinion of those men, 
 Is a great bungler. But I'd have you know, 
 My excellent friend, the case of a good cook 
 Is not unlike that of a general. 
 The enemy are present,—the commander, 
 A chief of lofty genius, stands against them, 
 And fears not to support the weight of war:— 
 Here the whole band of revellers is the enemy, 
 It marches on in close array, it comes 
 Keen with a fortnight's calculation 
 Of all the feast: excitement fires their breasts, 
 They're ready for the fray, and watch with zeal 
 To see what will be served up now before them. 
 Think now, that such a crowd collected sits 
 To judge of your performance.

Then you know there is a cook in the Synephebi of Euphron; just hear what a
 lecture he gives— 
 
 When, Carion, you a supper do prepare, 
 For those who their own contributions bring, 
 You have no time to play, nor how to practise 
 For the first time the lessons you've received. 
 And you were yesterday in danger too; 
 For not one single one of all your tenches 
 Had any liver, but they all were empty. 
 The brain was decomposed too.—But you must, 
 O Carion, when at any future time 
 You chance a band like this to thus encounter, 
 As Dromon, Cerdon, and Soterides, 
 Giving you all the wages that you ask'd, 
 Deal with them fairly. Where we now are going 
 To a marriage feast, there try experiments. 
 And if you well remember all my rules, 
 You are my real pupil; and a cook 
 By no means common: 'tis an opportunity 
 A man should pray for. Make the best of it, 
 The old man is a miser, and his pay 
 Is little. If I do not find you eating up 
 The very coals, you're done for. Now go in; 
 For here the old man comes himself, behold 
 How like a skin-flint usurer he looks!

But the cook in Sosipater's Liar is a great sophist, and in no respect inferior to
 the physicians in impudence. And he speaks as follows— 
 
 A. My art, if you now rightly do consider it, 
 Is not, O Demylus, at all an art 
 To be consider'd lightly;—but alas, 
 'Tis too much prostituted; and you'll find 
 That nearly all men fear not to profess 
 That they are cooks, though the first principles 
 Of the great art are wholly strange to them; 
 And so the whole art is discredited. 
 But when you meet an honest, genuine cook, 
 Who from his childhood long has learnt the art, 
 And knows its great effects, and has its rules 
 Deep buried in his mind; then, take my word, 
 You'll find the business quite a different thing. 
 There are but three of us now left in Greece; 
 Boidion, and Chariades, and I; 
 The rest are all the vilest of the vile. 
 
 B. Indeed? 
 
 A. I mean it. We alone preserve 
 The school of Sicon: he was the great teacher 
 Of all our art: he was the first who taught us 
 To scan the stars with judgment: the great Sicon! 
 Then, next to this he made us architects: 
 He open'd too the paths of physical knowledge; 
 And after this he taught us all the rules 
 
 Of military science; for all these 
 Were but preliminaries accessory 
 To the preeminent, god-like art of cooking. 
 
 B. I think you mean to choke me, my good friend. 
 
 A. Not I; but till the boy comes back from
 market 
 I'll stir you up a little with some rules 
 About your art, since we can never have 
 A more convenient time for talking of it. 
 
 B. Oh, by Apollo, you're a zealous man. 
 
 A. Listen, my friend. In the first place, a cook 
 Must the sublimer sciences have learnt: 
 He must know when the stars do set and rise, 
 And why. Moreover, when the sun returns, 
 Causing the long and short days on the earth; 
 And in what figures of the zodiac 
 He is from time to time. For, men do say 
 All fish, and every meat and herb we eat, 
 Have different qualities at different seasons 
 Of the revolving year; and he who knows 
 The principles and reasons of these things 
 Will use each meat when it is most in season; 
 And he who knows them not, but acts at random, 
 Is always laugh'd at most deservedly. 
 Perhaps, too, you don't know wherein the science 
 Of th' architect can bear on this our art. 
 
 B. Indeed I wondered what it had to do with it. 
 
 A. I'll tell you:—rightly to arrange the
 kitchen, 
 To let in just the light that's requisite, 
 To know the quarter whence the winds blow most, 
 Are all of great importance in this business— 
 For smoke, according to which way it goes, 
 Makes a great difference when you dress a dinner. 
 
 B. That may be; but what need is there, I pray, 
 For cooks to have the science of generals? 
 
 A. Order is a prevailing principle 
 In every art; and most of all in ours: 
 For to serve up and take away each dish 
 In regular order, and to know the time 
 When quick t' advance them, and when slowly bring, 
 And how each guest may feel towards the supper, 
 And when hot dishes should be set before him, 
 When warm ones, and when regular cold meat 
 Should be served up, depends on various branches 
 Of strategetic knowledge, like a general's. 
 
 B. Since then you've shown me what I wish'd to
 know, 
 May you, departing now, enjoy yourself.

And the cook in the Milesians of Alexis is not very different from this, for he
 speaks as follows— 
 
 A. Do you not know, that in most arts and trades 
 'Tis not th' artificer who alone has pow'r 
 
 O'er their enjoyment Those who use them too 
 Contribute all their part, if well they use them. 
 
 B. How so? Let me, O stranger, understand. 
 
 A. The duty of the cook is but to dress 
 And rightly season meat; and nothing more. 
 If, then, the man who is to eat his meat, 
 And judge of it, comes in proper time, 
 He aids the cook in that his business. 
 But if he come too late, so that the joint 
 Already roasted must be warm'd again, 
 Or if he come too soon, so that the cook 
 Is forced to roast the meat with undue haste, 
 He spoils the pleasure which he might have had 
 From the cook's skill by his unpunctuality. 
 I class a cook among philosophers; 
 You're standing round; my fire is alight; 
 See how the numerous dogs of Vulcan's pack 
 Leap to the roof; . . . . . 
 . . . . . . You know what happens next: 
 And so some unforeseen necessity 
 Has brought on us alone this end of life.

But Euphron, whom I mentioned a little while ago, O judges, (for I do not hesitate
 to call you judges, while awaiting the decision of your sense,) in his play called
 the Brothers, having represented a certain cook as a well-educated man of
 extensive learning, and enumerating all the artists before his time, and what
 particular excellence each of them had, and what he surpassed the rest in, still
 never mentioned anything of such a nature as I have frequently prepared for you.
 Accordingly, he speaks as follows— 
 I have, ere this, had many pupils, Lycus, 
 Because I've always had both wit and knowledge; 
 But you, the youngest of them all, are now 
 Leaving my house an all-accomplish'd cook 
 In less than forty weeks. There was the Rhodian 
 Agis, the best of cooks to roast a fish; 
 Nereus, the Chian, could a conger boil 
 Fit for the gods: Charides, of Athens, 
 Could season forcemeat of the whitest hue: 
 Black broth was first devised by Lamprias; 
 Sausages rich we owe to Aphthonetus; 
 Euthunus taught us to make lentil soup; 
 Aristion made out whole bills of fare 
 For those who like a picnic entertainment. 
 So, like those grave philosophers of old, 
 These are our seven wisest of all cooks. 
 But I, for all the other ground I saw 
 
 Had been pre-occupied by former artists, 
 First found out how to steal, in such a way 
 That no one blamed me, but all sought at once 
 T' engage my aid. And you, perceiving too 
 This ground already occupied by me, 
 Invented something new yourself—'tis this:— 
 Five days ago the Tenians, grey old men, 
 After a tedious voyage o'er the sea, 
 Did hold a sacrifice: a small thin kid: 
 Lycus could crib no portion of that meat, 
 Nor could his master. Yon compelled the men 
 To furnish two more kids. For as they long 
 And oft survey'd the liver of the victims, 
 You, letting down one unperceived hand, 
 Were impudent enough to throw the kidneys 
 Into the ditch: you raised a mighty tumult: 
 
 The victim has no kidneys, they exclaim'd, 
 And all look'd downcast at-th', unsual want. 
 They slew another and again I saw 
 You eat the heart from out this second victim. 
 You surely are a mighty man; you know it- 
 For you alone have found a way to hinder 
 A wolf ( λύκον ) from opening his mouth in
 vain. 
 And 1 yesterday you threw some strings of sausages 
 (Which you had sought all day) into the fire, 
 And sang to the dichordon. And I witness'd 
 That play of yours; but this is merely sport.

I wonder if it was any of these second seven wise men who contrived this device
 about the pig, so as to stuff his inside without cutting his throat, and so as to
 roast one side of him and boil the other at the same time. And as we now urged and
 entreated him to explain this clever device to us, he said,—I will not tell you
 this year, I swear by those who encountered danger at Marathon, and also by those
 who fought at Salamis. So when he had taken such an oath as that, we all thought
 we ought not to press the man; but all began to lay hands on the different dishes
 which were served up before us. And Ulpian said,—I swear by those who encountered
 danger at Artemisium, no one shall taste of anything before we are told in what
 ancient author the word παραφέρω is used in the
 sense of serving up. For as to the word γεύματα, I
 think I am the only person who knows anything about that. And Magnus said,
 Aristophanes in his Proagon says— 
 
 
 Why did you not desire him to place 
 The goblets on the board ( παραφέρειν )? 
 And Sophron, in his Female Actresses, uses the word in a more general
 sense, where he says— 
 O Cocoas, bring ( παράφερε ) me now a goblet
 full. 
 And Plato, in his Lacedæmonians, says— 
 Let him bring forward ( παραφερέτω ). 
 And Alexis, in his Pamphila, says— 
 He laid the table, then he placed on it ( παραφέρων ) 
 Good things in wagon loads. 
 But concerning the word γεύματα, meaning
 anything which is tasted, food, the exclusive knowledge about which you have
 claimed for yourself, it is time for you now to tell us, O Ulpian, what you do
 know. For as to the verb γεῦσαι, we have that in
 Eupolis, in his Goats, where he says— 
 Take now of this, and taste ( γεῦσαι ) it. 
 And Ulpian said, Ephippus in his Peltastes says— 
 There there were stations for the horses and asses, 
 And wine to drink ( γεύματα οἴνων ). 
 And Antiphanes, in his Twins, says— 
 Now he drinks wine ( οἰνογευστεῖ ) and walks
 about in splendour, 
 Wreathed with flowery garlands.

On this the cook said—I, then, will relate to you now, not an ancient contrivance,
 but a device of my own, in order that the flute-player may escape being beaten;
 (for Eubulus, in his Lacedæmonians or Leda, says— 
 But I have heard of this, I swear by Vesta, 
 That when the cook at home makes any blunder, 
 The flute-player is always beaten for it. 
 And Philyllius, or whoever the poet may have been who wrote the play of
 The Cities, says— 
 Whatever blunders now the cook may make, 
 The flute-player receives the stripes for them.) 
 And I mean the device about the pig half-roasted, half-boiled, and
 stuffed, without having had any apparent incision made in him. The fact is, the
 pig was stuck with a very short wound under his shoulder; (and he showed the
 wound.) Then when the greater part of the blood had flowed from it, all the
 entrails, with the intestines, I washed (and the word ἐξαίρεσις , O you revellers who think so much of words, means not only a taking out, but also the entrails themselves) care-
 fully in wine several times, and hung the pig up by his feet. Then again I washed
 him in wine; and having boiled up beforehand all the seasonings which I have
 spoken of with a good deal of pepper, I pushed them in at his mouth, pouring in
 afterwards a quantity of broth very carefully made. And after this I plastered
 over one-half of the pig, as you see, with a great quantity of barleymeal, having
 soaked that in wine and oil. And then I put it in an oven, placing under it a
 brazen table, and I roasted it at a gentle fire, so as not to burn it, nor, on the
 other hand, to take it away before it was quite done. And when the skin began to
 get roasted and brown, I conjectured that the other side was boiled enough. And so
 then I took off the barleymeal, and brought it up in that condition and set it
 before you.

But as to the word ἐξαίρεσις, my excellent friend
 Ulpian, Dionysius the comic poet, in his drama called Things having the same Name,
 speaks thus, representing a cook speaking to his pupils— 
 Come now, O Dromon, if you aught do know, 
 Wise or accomplish'd in your business, 
 Or fit to charm the eyes, reveal it straight 
 To me your master. For I ask you now 
 For a brief exhibition of your skill. 
 I'm leading you into an enemy's country; 
 Come gaily to the charge. They'll weigh the meat 
 And count the joints they give you, and they'll watch you: 
 But you, by boiling them to pieces, will 
 Not only make them tender, but confuse 
 The number of the pieces, so as quite 
 To upset all their calculations. 
 They bring you a fine fish;—his trail is yours. 
 And if you filch a slice, that, too, is yours. 
 While we are in the house: when we've got out 
 It then belongs to me. Th' ἐξαιρέσεις, 
 
 And all the other parts, which can't be counted, 
 In which you cannot easily be found out, 
 Which may be class'd as parings and as scrapings, 
 Shall make a feast for you and me to-morrow. 
 And let the porter share in all your spoils, 
 That you may pass his gate with his good-will. 
 Why need I say much to a prudent man? 
 You are my pupil, I am your preceptor, 
 Remember this, and come along with me.

And so when we had all praised the cook for the readiness of
 his discourse, and for the exceeding perfection of his skill, our excellent
 entertainer Laurentius said—And how much better it is for cooks to learn such
 things as these, than as they do with one whom I could mention of our
 fellow-citizens, who having had his head turned by riches and luxury, compelled
 his cooks to learn the dialogues of the incomparable Plato, and when they were
 bringing in dishes to say, One, two, three, but where is the fourth, O most
 excellent Timæus, of those who were guests yesterday, but who are hosts
 to-day? Then another made answer, An illness has overtaken him, O
 Socrates, —and so they went through the whole dialogue in this manner,
 so that those who were at the feast were very indignant, arid so that that
 all-accomplished man was laughed at and insulted every day, and that on this
 account many most respectable men refused all invitations to his entertainments.
 But these cooks of ours, who are perhaps just as well instructed in these things
 as he was, give us no little pleasure. And then the slave who had been praised for
 his cleverness as a cook, said,—Now what have my predecessors ever devised or told
 us of a similar kind to this and is not my behaviour moderate enough, since I do
 not boast myself? And yet Corebus the Elean, who was the first man who ever was
 crowned as victor in the Olympic games, was a cook; and yet he was not as proud of
 his skill and of his art as the cook in Straton in the Phœnicides, concerning whom
 the man who had hired him speaks thus—

'Tis a male sphinx, and not a cook, that I 
 Seem to have introduced into my house. 
 For by the gods I swear there's not one thing 
 Of all he says that I can understand, 
 So full is he of fine new-fangled words. 
 For when he first came in, he, looking big, 
 Ask'd me this question—"How many μέροπες 
 now 
 Have you invited here to dinner? Tell me."— 
 
 How many μέροπες have I ask'd to
 dinner — 
 
 You're angry. —"Do you think that I'm a man 
 To have acquaintance with your μέροπεσ? 
 
 It is a fine idea, to make a banquet 
 And ask a lot of μέροπες to eat it." 
 
 Then do you mean there'll be no δαιτύμων (guest)? 
 
 
 No Dætymon that I know of. —Then I counted— 
 
 There'll be Philinus, and Niceratus, 
 And Moschion, and this man too, and that— 
 And so I counted them all name by name; 
 But there was not a Dætymon among them. 
 
 No Dætymon will come, said I. What! no one ? 
 
 Replied he in a rage, as though insulted 
 That not a Dætymon had been invited. 
 
 Do you not slay that tearer up of th' earth, 
 
 Said he, the broad-brow'd ox? "In truth, not I; 
 I've got no ox to kill, you stupid fellow." 
 
 Then you will immolate some sheep? "Not I, 
 By Jove; nor ox, nor sheep, but there's a lamb." 
 
 What! don't you know, said he, that lambs are sheep? 
 
 
 Indeed, said I, "I neither know nor care 
 For all this nonsense. I'm but country bred; 
 So speak more plainly, if you speak at all." 
 
 Why, don't you know that this is Homer's language 
 
 My good cook, Homer was a man who had 
 A right to call things any names he pleased; 
 But what, in Vesta's name, is that to us?" 
 
 At least you can't object when I quote him. 
 
 
 Why, do you mean to kill me with your Homer? 
 
 
 No, but it is my usual way of talking. 
 
 
 Then get another way, while here with me. 
 
 
 Shall I, says he, "for your four dirty drachmas, 
 Give up my eloquence and usual habits? 
 Well, bring me here the οὐλόχυται." Oh
 me! 
 What are οὐλόχυται? " Those
 barley-cakes. 
 
 
 You madman, why such roundabout expressions? 
 
 
 Is there no sediment of the sea at hand? 
 
 "Sediment Speak plain; do tell me what you want 
 In words I understand." Old man, says he, 
 "You are most wondrous dull; have you no salt? 
 That's sediment, and that you ought to know; 
 Bring me the basin."—So they brought it. He 
 Then slew the animals, adding heaps of words 
 Which not a soul of us could understand, 
 
 μίστυλλα, μοίρας,σίπτυχʼ, ὀβελούς 
 
 
 So that I took Philetas' Lexicon down, 
 To see what each of all these words did mean. 
 And then once more I pray'd of him to change, 
 And speak like other men; by earth I swear, 
 Persuasion's self could not have work'd on him.

But the race of cooks are really very curious for the most part about the
 histories and names of things. Accordingly the most learned of them say,
 The knee is nearer than the leg, —and,
 I have travelled over Asia and Europe: and when they are finding
 fault with any one they say, It is impossible to make a Peleus out of an
 Œneus. —and I once marvelled at one of the old cooks, after I had
 enjoyed his skill and the specimens of his art which he had invented. And Alexis,
 in his Caldron, introduces one speaking in he following manner— 
 
 A. He boil'd, it seem'd to me, some pork, from
 off 
 A pig who died by suffocation. 
 
 B. That's nice. 
 
 A. And then he scorch'd it at the fire. 
 
 B. Never mind that; that can be remedied. 
 
 A. How so? 
 
 B. Take some cold vinegar, and pour it 
 Into a plate. Dost heed me Then take up 
 The dish while hot and put it in the vinegar; 
 For while 'tis hot 'twill draw the moisture up 
 Through its material, which is porous all; 
 And so fermenting, like a pumice-stone, 
 'Twill open all its spongy passages, 
 Through which it will imbibe new moisture thoroughly. 
 And so the meat will cease to seem dried up, 
 But will be moist and succulent again. 
 
 A. O Phœbus, what a great physician's here! 
 O Glaucias!—I will do all you tell me. 
 
 B. And serve them, when you do serve them up, 
 (Dost mark me?) cold; for so no smell too strong 
 Will strike the nostrils; but rise high above them. 
 
 A. It seems to me you're fitter to write books 
 Than to cook dinners; since you quibble much 
 In all your speeches, jesting on your art.

And now we have had enough of cooks, my feasters; lest perhaps some one of them,
 pluming himself and quoting the Morose Man of Menander, may spout such lines as
 these— 
 No one who does a cook an injury 
 Ever escapes unpunish'd; for our art 
 Is a divine and noble one. 
 But I say to you, in the words of the tuneful Diphilus— 
 I place before you now a lamb entire, 
 Well skewer'd, and well cook'd and season'd; 
 Some porkers in their skins, and roasted whole; 
 And a fine goose stuff'd full, like Dureus.

We must now speak of the goose. For as many geese were served up very excellently
 dressed, some one said, Look at the fat geese ( σιτευτοὶ
 χῆνες ). And Ulpian said, Where do you ever find the expression
 σιτευτὸς χήν? And Plutarch 
 answered him:—Theopompus the Chian, in his History of Greece, and in the
 thirteenth book of his History of the Affairs and Exploits of Philip, says that
 the Egyptians sent to Agesilaus the Lacedæmonian, when he arrived in Egypt, some
 fatted ( σιτευτοὺς ) calves and geese ( χῆνας ). And Epigenes the comic poet says in his
 Bacchanalian Women— 
 But if a person were to take me like 
 A fatted goose ( χῆνα σιτευτόν ). 
 And Archestratus, in that celebrated poem of his, says— 
 And at the same time dress the young of one 
 Fat goose ( σιτευτοῦ χῆνος ), and let him too
 be roasted thoroughly. 
 But we have a right now, O Ulpian, to expect you to tell us, you who
 question everybody about everything, where this very costly dish of the livers of
 geese has been mentioned by any ancient writer. For Cratinus is a witness that
 they were acquainted with people whose business it was to feed geese, in his
 Dionysalexander, where he says— 
 Geese-feeders, cow-herds . . . . 
 
 
 And Homer uses the word χὴν in both the masculine
 and feminine gender; for he says— 
 
 αἰετὸς ἀργὴν χῆνα φέρων– An eagle carrying
 off a lazy goose. 
 And again he says— 
 And as he seized a fine home-fatten'd goose ( χῆνα
 ἀτιταλλομένην ). 
 And in another place he says— 
 I've twenty geese, fond of the lucid stream, 
 Who in my house eat wheat, and fatten fast. 
 And Eupolis mentions the livers of geese (and they are thought an
 excessive delicacy at Rome), in his Women Selling Garlands, where he says— 
 If you have not a goose's liver or heart.

There were also heads of pigs split in half and served up as a dish. And this dish
 is mentioned by Crobylus, in his Son falsely held to be Supposititious— 
 There came in half a head of a young pig, 
 A tender dish; and I did stick to it 
 So close, by Jove, that I left none of it. 
 After these things there was served up a haricot, called κρεωκάκκαβος. And this dish consists of meat chopped up
 with blood and fat, in a sauce richly sweetened: and Aristophanes the Grammarian
 says that it was the Achæans who gave this name to the dish.
 But Anticlides, in the seventy-eighth book of his Returns, says, “Once when there
 was a design on the part of the Erythreans to put the Chians to death by treachery
 at a banquet, one of them having learnt what was intended to be done, said– 
 O Chians, wondrous is the insolence 
 Which now has seized the Erythreans' hearts. 
 Flee when you've done your pork-don't wait for beef. 
 And Aristomenes, in his Jugglers, makes mention in the following terms of
 boiled meat, which he calls ἀναβραστὰ κρέα— * * *
 * * They used also to eat the testicles of animals, which they called νέφροι. —Philippodes, in his Renovation, speaking of the
 gluttony of Gnathæna the courtesan, says— 
 Then, after all these things, a slave came in, 
 Bearing a large dish full of testicles; 
 And all the rest of the girls made prudish faces, 
 But fair Gnathæna, that undoer of men, 
 Laughed, and said, "Capital things are testicles, 
 I swear by Ceres." So she took a pair 
 And ate them up: so that the guests around 
 Fell back upon their chairs from laughing greatly.

And when some one said that a cock dressed with a sauce of oil and vinegar
 ( ὀξυλίπαρον ) was a very good bird, Ulpian, who
 was fond of finding fault, and who was reclining on a couch by himself, eating
 little, but watching the rest of the guests, said—What is that ὀξυλίπαρον you speak of? unless indeed you give that
 name to the small figs called κόττανα and
 lepidium, which are both national food of mine. —But Timocles, he replied, the
 comic poet, in his play called The Ring, mentions ὀξυλίπαρον, saying— 
 And sharks and rays and all the other fish, 
 Which may be dressed in sauce of ὀξυλίπαρον. 
 
 And Alexis has called some men ἀκρολίπαροι, fat on the surface, in his Wicked Woman, saying— 
 Fat on the surface, but the rest of their body 
 Is all as dry as wood. 
 And once when a large fish was served up in sour pickle ( ὀξάλμν ), and somebody said that every fish ( ὀψάριον ) was best when dressed in this kind of pickle,
 Ulpian, picking out the small bones, and contracting his brows, said,—here do you
 find the word ὀξάλμη? And as to ὀψάριον, I am quite sure that that is a word used by no
 living author. However, at that time the guests all desired
 him to settle that as he pleased, and themselves preferred eating; while Cynulcus
 quoted these lines out of the Breezes of Metagenes— 
 But, my friend, now let us dine, 
 After that ask what you choose; 
 For at present I'm so hungry, 
 I can't recollect a thing. 
 But Myrtilus in a pleasant manner declared that he subscribed to Ulpian's
 sentiments, so as to be willing to have nothing to eat, as long as he might talk;
 and said;—Cratinus, in his Ulysseses, has mentioned ὀξάλμη, in the following lines— 
 And in return for this I now will take 
 All you my brave companions; and will pound, 
 And boil, and broil, and roast you thoroughly, 
 In pickle, sour pickle ( ὀξάλμη ), garlic
 pickle, 
 Soaking you thoroughly in each by turns. 
 And that one which does seem most fairly roasted 
 I'll do the honour to devour myself. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Wasps,— 
 Breathe on me, and then put me in hot pickle ( ὀξάλμη ).

And of living people we ourselves use the word ὀψάριον. Plato does so too; speaking of fish in his Pisander, he
 says— 
 
 A. Now eating . . . . 
 
 B. What on earth? . . . 
 
 A. Why, all there is; 
 Fish ( ὀψάριον ). 
 
 B. You were sick, and did they give you this? 
 
 A. But I, the other day, eating a crab . . . . 
 And Pherecrates, in his Deserters, says— 
 Some one has served us up this dish of fish ( τʼ
 ὀψάριον ). 
 And Philemon, in his Treasure, says— 
 It is not right to cheat us in this way, 
 Nor to have worthless fish ( ὀψάρια ). 
 And Menander, in his Carthaginian, says— 
 I offered Boreas much frankincense, 
 And yet I did not catch one single fish ( 0ʼψάριον ), 
 So I must now cook lentils for my supper. 
 And in his Ephesian he says— 
 Having some fish ( ὀψάριον ) for
 breakfast. 
 And then he goes on to say— 
 Some fishmonger 
 Sold me'some tench for four drachmas a-piece. 
 
 And Anaxilas, in his Hyacinthus the Pander, says— 
 I now, O Dion, will buy you some fish ( ὀψάριον ). 
 And a few lines afterwards he writes— 
 Now dress, O boy, the fish ( τοὐψάριον ) for
 us. 
 And in the Anagyrus of Aristophanes we read— 
 Unless on all occasions you do soothe me 
 With dainty dishes of fish ( ὀψαρίου ). 
 Where, however, perhaps we must take ὀψάρια as used synony- mously with προσψωήματα, for made dishes in general. For Alexis, in his Woman
 Sitting up all Night, represents a cook as speaking in the following terms:—
 
 
 A. Do you prefer your high made dishes hot, 
 Or cold, or something just between the two? 
 
 B. Cold. 
 
 A. Are you sure, my master? only think; 
 The man has not one notion how to live? 
 Am I to serve you everything up cold? 
 
 B. By no means. 
 
 A. Will you, then, have all things hot 
 
 B. O Phœbus! 
 
 A. Then, if neither hot nor cold, 
 They surely must be just between the two; 
 And none of all my fellows can do this. 
 
 B. I dare say not, nor many other things 
 Which you can do. 
 
 A. I'll tell you now, for I 
 Give all the guests an opportunity 
 To practise a wise mixture of their food. 
 Have you not, I adjure you by the gods, 
 Just slain a kid? 
 
 B. Don't cut me, cut the meat:— 
 Boys, bring the kid. 
 
 A. Is there a kitchen near? 
 
 B. There is. 
 
 A. And has it got a chimney too? 
 For this you do not say. 
 
 B. It has a chimney. 
 
 A. But if it smokes, it will be worse than none. 
 
 B. The man will kill me with his endless
 questions.

These passages I have quoted to you on the part of us who are still alive, my
 well-fed friend Ulpian. For you too, as it seems to me, agree so far with Alexis
 as to eat no living animals. And Alexis, in his Attic Woman, speaks in the
 following manner— 
 The man who first did say that no philosopher 
 Would eat of living things, was truly wise. 
 
 For I am just come home, and have not bought 
 A living thing of any kind. I've bought 
 Some fish, but they were dead, and splendid fish. 
 Then here are joints of well-fed household lamb, 
 But he was killed last week. What else have I? 
 Oh, here's some roasted liver. If there be 
 A man who can this liver prove to have 
 Or soul or voice or animation, 
 I will confess I've err'd and broken the law. 
 So now after all this let us have some supper. For just see, while I am
 talking to you, all the pheasants have flown by me, and are gone out of reach,
 disregarding me, because of your unseasonable chattering. But I should like you to
 tell me, my master Myrtilus, said Ulpian, where you got that word ὀλβιογάστωρ, and also whether any ancient author
 mentions the pheasant, and I— 
 Rising at early morn to sail . . . . 
 not through the Hellespont, but into the market-place, will buy a
 pheasant which you and I may eat together.

And Myrtilus said,—On this condition I will tell you. Amphis uses the word
 ὀλβιογάστωρ in his Gynæcomania, where he speaks
 as follows:— 
 Eurybates, you hunter of rich smells, 
 You surely are the most well-fed ( ὀλβιογάστωρ ) of men. 
 And as for the bird called the pheasant, that delicious writer
 Aristophanes mentions it in his play called The Birds. There are in that play two
 old Athenians, who, from their love of idleness, are looking for a city where
 there is nothing to do, that they may live there; and so they take a fancy to the
 life among the birds. And accordingly they come to the birds: and when all of a
 sudden some wild bird flies towards them, they, alarmed at the sight, comfort one
 another, and say a great many things, and among them they say this— 
 
 A. What now is this bird which we here behold? 
 Will you not say? 
 
 B. I think it is a pheasant. 
 And I also understand the passage in the Clouds to refer to birds, and
 not to horses as many people take it— 
 The Phasian flocks, bred by Leogoras. 
 For it is very possible that Leogoras may have bred horses and pheasants
 too. And Leogoras is also turned into ridicule as a gourmand by Plato in his Very
 Miserable Man. And Mnesimachus, in his play called Philip,
 (and Mnesi- machus is one of the poets of the Middle Comedy,) says— 
 And as the proverb runs, it is more rare 
 Than milk of birds, or than a splendid pheasant 
 Artistically pluck'd. 
 And Theophrastus the Eresian, a pupil of Aristotle, mentions them in the
 third book of his Treatise on Animals, speaking nearly as follows— There is
 also some such difference as this in birds. For the heavy birds which are not
 so well suited for flying such as the woodcock, the partridge, the cock, and
 the pheasant, are very well adapted for walking and have thick plumage. 
 And Aristotle, in the eighth book of his History of Animals, writes
 thus:— Now of birds there are some which are fond of dusting themselves,
 and some which are fond of washing, and some which neither dust nor wash
 themselves. And those which are not good flyers, but which keep chiefly on the
 ground, are fond of dusting themselves; such as the common fowl, the partridge,
 the woodcock, the pheasant, the lark. Speusippus also mentions them in
 the second book of his treatise on Things Resembling one another. And the name
 these men give the pheasant is φασιανὸς, not
 φασιανικός.

But Agatharchides of Cnidos, in the thirty-fourth book of his History of the
 Affairs of Europe, speaking of the river Phasis, writes as follows:— But the
 great multitude of the birds called pheasants ( φασιανοι ) come for the sake of food to the places where the
 mouths of the rivers fall into the sea. And Callixenus the Rhodian, in
 the fourth book of his Account of Alexandria, describing a procession which took
 place in Alexandria, when Ptolemy who was surnamed Philadelphus was king,
 mentions, as a very extraordinary circumstance connected with these
 birds— Then there were brought on in cases parrots, and peacocks, and
 guinea-fowl, and pheasants, and an immense number of Aethiopian birds. 
 And Artemidorus the pupil of Aristophanes, in his book entitled The Glossary of
 Cookery, and Pamphilus the Alexandrian, in his treatise on Names and Words,
 represents Epænetus as saying in his Cookery Book that the pheasant is also called
 τατύρας. But Ptolemy Euergetes, in the second
 book of his Commentaries, says that the pheasant is called τατύρας. Now this is what I am able to tell you about the pheasant,
 which I have seen brought up on your account, as if we all
 had fevers. But you, if you do not, according to your agreement, give me tomorrow
 what you have covenanted to, I do not say that I will prosecute you in the public
 courts for deceit, but I will send you away to live near the Phasi, as Polemon,
 the Describer of the World, wished to drown Ister the pupil of Callimachus, the
 historian, in the river of the same name.

The next thing to be mentioned is the woodcock. Aristophanes, in his Storks, says—
 
 The woodcock, most delicious meat to boil, 
 Fit dish for conqueror's triumphal feast. 
 And Alexander the Myndian says that it is a bird a little larger than a
 partridge, and spotted all over the back, about the colour of earthenware, but a
 little more ruddy. And it is caught by the hunters, because it is a heavy flyer in
 consequence of the shortness of its wings; and it is a bird fond of dusting
 itself, and very prolific, and it feeds on seeds. But
 Socrates, in his treatise on Boundaries, and Places, and Fire, and Stones,
 says,— The woodcock having been transported into Egypt from Lydia, and
 having been let loose in the woods there, for some time uttered a sound like a
 quail: but after the river got low, and a great scarcity arose, in which a
 great many of the natives of the country died, they never ceased uttering, as
 they do to this day, in a voice more distinct than that of the very clearest
 speaking children, ' Threefold evils to the wicked doers.' But when they are
 caught it is not only impossible to tame them, but they even cease to utter any
 sound at all; but if they are let go again, they recover their voice. 
 And Hipponax mentions them thus— 
 Not eating woodcocks or the timid hare. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Birds, mentions them also. And in his Acharnians
 he speaks of them as being very common in the district about Megara. And the Attic
 writers circumflex the noun in a manner quite contrary to analogy. For words of
 more than two syllables ending in ας, when the
 final α is long, are barytones; as for instance,
 ἀκάμας, σακάδας, 
 ἀδάμας. And we ought also to read the plural
 ἀττάγαι, and not ἀτταγῆνες.

There is also a bird called the porphyrion. And it is well known that this bird is
 mentioned by Aristophanes. And Polemo, in the fifth book of his treatise addressed
 to Antigonus and Adæus, says that the bird called the porphyrion, when it is kept
 in a house, watches those women who have husbands very closely; and has such
 instantaeous perception of any one who commits adultery, that, when it perceives
 it, it gives notice of it to the master of the house, cutting its own existence
 short by hanging itself. And, says he, it never partakes of food before it has
 walked all round the place seeking for some spot which may suit it; land then it
 dusts itself there, and washes itself, and after that it feeds. And Aristotle says
 that it has cloven feet, and that it is of a dark blue colour, with long legs,
 with a beak of a scarlet colour beginning at its very head; of about the size of a
 cock of the common poultry-breed; and it has a small Gullet, on which account it
 seizes its food with its foot, and divides it into diminutive morsels. And it
 drinks greedily and it has five toes on each foot, of which the middle one is the
 largest. But Alexander the Myndian, in the second book of his treatise on the
 History of Birds, says that the bird comes originally from Libya, and that it is
 sacred to the gods of Libya. 
 There is also another bird called the porphyris. Callimachus, in his treatise on
 Birds, says that the porphyris is different from the porphyrion, and enumerates
 the two birds separately. And he says that the porphyrion takes its food while
 hiding itself in darkness, so that no one may see it; for it hates those who come
 near its food. And Aristophanes also mentions the porphyris in his drama entitled
 The Birds. And Ibycus speaks of some birds which he calls lathipor-phyrides, and
 says; There are some variegated ducks with purple necks which frequent the highest
 branches of the trees; and the birds called lathiporphyrides with variegated
 necks, and king-fishers with extended wings." And in another place he says— 
 You're always bearing me aloft, my mind, 
 Like some bold porphyris, with out-stretch'd wings.

The next bird is the partridge. A great many authors mention this bird, as also
 does Aristophanes. And some of them in the oblique cases
 shorten the penultima of the noun; as Archilochus does where he writes— 
 
 πτώσσουσαν ὥς τε πέρδῖκα, 
 
 in the same way as ὄρτῦγα and χοίνῖκα have the penultima short. But it is usually made
 long by the Attic writers. Sophocles, in his Camici, says— 
 A man arrived, who in the famous hills 
 Of Attica is a namesake of the partridge ( πέρδι·κος ). 
 And Pherecrates, or whoever it was who wrote the Chiron, says— 
 He goes against his will, like any partridge ( πέρδι·κος τρόπον ). 
 And Phrynichus, in his Tragedians, says— 
 And Cleombrotus the son of Perdix ( πέρδι·κος ), 
 (for the bird is sometimes cited as a model of lasciviousness). 
 Nicophon, in his Handicraftsmen, says— 
 The hepseti, and all those partridges ( περδι·κας ). 
 But Epicharmus, in his Revellers, uses the word with the penultima short,
 where he says— 
 They brought in cuttle-fish, who swim the deep, 
 And partridges ( πέρδικας ) who fly in lofty
 air. 
 And Aristotle gives the following account of the bird— "The partridge is
 a land bird, with cloven feet; and he lives fifteen years: but the female lives
 even more. For among all birds the female lives longer than the male. It lays
 eggs, and hatches its young itself, as the common hen does. And when it is aware
 that it is being hunted, it comes away from its nest, and rolls near the legs of
 the huntsman, giving him a hope that he may catch it; and so it deceives him,
 until its young have flown away, and then it flies away itself also.

But it is a very ill-disposed and cunning animal; and moreover it is much
 devoted to amatory enjoyments; on which account it breaks the eggs of its hen,
 that it may not be deprived of her while she is hatching them; and therefore
 the hen, knowing this, runs away and hides her eggs. And Callimachus
 gives the same account in his treatise on Birds. And the single birds fight with
 one another, and the one which is defeated becomes the mate of the conqueror. But
 Aristotle says that they all in turn use the bird which has been defeated as their
 mate, and that the tame birds also take the wild ones for
 their mates. And the bird which is defeated by the other patiently allows itself
 to be treated by him as his mate. And this happens at a particular time of the
 year, as is also stated by Alexander the Myndian. And they lay their eggs on the
 ground, both the cocks and the hens making themselves separate nests. And the
 leader of the wild birds attacks the decoy partridge, and when he is taken another
 comes forward to fight the decoy bird; and this is done whenever the bird used for
 the decoy is a cock bird; but when a hen is employed for the purpose, then she
 crows till the leader of the wild birds meets her, and the rest of the wild birds
 assemble and drive him away from the hen, because he is attending to her and not
 to them; on which account sometimes he advances without making any noise, in order
 that no other bird may hear his voice and come to fight him. And sometimes the hen
 also checks the crowing of the cock as he comes up: and very often when she is sitting on her
 nest she gets off it on perceiving the cock approaching the decoy bird, and
 remains there to receive his embraces in order to draw him away from the decoy
 bird. And so very eager to propagate their species are both quails and partridges,
 that they fall into the hands of the hunters on that account, sitting on the
 tiles. They say, too, that when hen partridges are taken out to hunt, even when
 they see or smell a cock standing or flying down the wind, become pregnant, and
 some say that they immediately begin to lay eggs. And about breeding time they fly
 about with their mouths open, putting out their tongues, both hens and cocks. And
 Clearchus says, in his treatise on Panic Fear,— Sparrows and partridges, and
 also the common barn-door fowl and the quail, are eager to propagate their
 species, not only the moment that they see the hen, but even as soon as hey
 hear her voice. And the cause of this is the excessive impression made on their
 minds by amatory pleasures and proximity. And you may see more easily all that
 takes place with respect to the propagation of their species if you put a
 looking-glass opposite to them. For they run forward, being deceived by the
 appearance, and behave as if they saw a hen, and so are caught. Only the common
 poultry cock does not do so. But the perception of the
 reflected image operates on them only so far as to make them wish to
 fight. And this is the statement of Clearchus.

Partridges are by some people called κάκκαβαι, as,
 for instance, by Alcman, who speaks as follows— 
 Alcman, too, began the strain; 
 And he introduced into the language 
 The compound name of κακκαβίδες : 
 showing plainly enough that he had learnt to compound the word from the
 noise made by partridges. On which account also Chamæleon of Pontus said that the
 discovery of music was originally made by the ancients from the birds singing in
 desert places; by imitation of whom they arrived at the art of music; but it is
 not all partridges who make the noise called κακκαβίζειν, or cackling. At all events, Theophrastus, in his
 treatise on the Different Noises made by Animals of the same Species,
 says— The partridges in Attica, near Corydallus, on the side towards the
 city, cackle; but those on the other side twitter. And Basilis, in the
 second book of his History of India, says— The diminutive men in those
 countries which fight with cranes are often carried by partridges. And
 Menecles, in the first book of his Collectanea, says— The pygmies fight both
 with partridges and with cranes. But there is a different kind of
 partridge found in Italy, of a dark colour on its wings, and smaller in size, with
 a beak inclining in the smallest possible degree to a red colour. But the
 partridges about Cirrha are not at all nice to eat as to their flesh, on account
 of the nature of their food. But the partridges in Bœotia either do not cross into
 Attica at all, or else, whenever they do, they are easily recognised by their
 voices, as we have previously mentioned. But the partridges which are found in
 Paphlagonia, Theophrastus says, have two hearts. But those in the island of
 Sciathos feed on cockles. And sometimes they have as many as fifteen or sixteen
 young at a time; and they can only fly short distances, as Xenophon tells us in
 the first book of his Anabasis, where he writes,— But if any one rouses the
 bustard suddenly it is easy to catch him; for they can only fly a short
 distance, like partridges, and they very soon tire; but their flesh is very
 delicious.

And Plutarch says that Xenophon is quite correct about the
 bustard; for that great numbers of these birds are brought to Alexandria from the
 adjacent parts o Libya; being hunted and caught in this manner. The animal is a
 very imitative one, the bustard; being especially fond of imitating whatever it
 sees a man do; and accordingly it does whatever it sees the hunters do. And they,
 standing opposite to it, anoint themselves under the eyes with some unguent,
 having prepared other different unguents calculated to close up the eyes and
 eyelids; and these other unguents they place in shallow dishes near the bustards.
 And so the bustards, seeing the men anoint themselves under the eyes, do the same
 thing also themselves, taking the unguents out of these dishes; and by this means
 they are quickly caught. And Aristotle writes the following account of
 them:— It is a migratory bird, with cloven feet, and three toes; of about
 the size of a large cock, of the colour of a quail, with a long head, a sharp
 beak, a thin neck, large eyes, a bony tongue, and it has no crop. But
 Alexander the Myndian says that it is also called λαγωδίας. And he says, also, that it ruminates, and that it is very
 fond of the horse; and that if any one puts on a horse's skin he can catch as many
 as he pleases; for they come up to him then of their own accord. And presently, in
 another passage, Aristotle tells us, The bustard is something like the owl,
 but it is not a bird which flies by night; and it has large feathers about its
 ears, on which account it is called ὦτος, from
 ὦτα; and it is about the size of a pigeon,
 and a great imitator of mankind; and accordingly it is caught by dancing
 opposite to them.' And it is in shape something like a man, and it is
 an imitator of whatever man does. On which account the comic poets call those
 people who are easily taken in by any one whom they chance to meet, a bustard.
 Accordingly, in hunting them, the man who is cleverest at it, stands opposite to
 them and dances; and the birds, looking at the man dancing, move like puppets
 pulled by strings; and then some one comes behind them, and, without being
 perceived, seizes on them while they are wholly occupied with the delight they
 derive from the imitation.

They say, also, that the screech-owl does the same thing: for it is said that they
 also are caught by dancing. And Homer mentions them. And there is a kind of dance,
 which is called σκὼψ, or
 the screech-owl, from them; deriving its name from the variety of motion displayed
 by this animal. And the screech-owls also delight in imitation, and it is from
 their name that we say that those men σκώπτουσι, 
 who keep looking at the person whom they wish to turn into ridicule, and mock all
 his conduct by an exact imitation, copying the conduct of those birds. But all the
 birds whose tongues are properly formed, and who are capable of uttering
 articulate sounds, imitate the voices of men and of other birds; as the parrot and
 the jay. The screech-owl, as Alexander the Myndian says, is smaller than the
 common owl, and he has whitish spots on a leaden-coloured plumage; and he puts out
 two tufts of feathers from his eyebrows on each temple. Now Callimachus says that
 there are two kinds of screech-owls, and that one kind does screech, and the other
 does not—on which account one kind is called σκῶπες, and the other kind is called ἀείσκωπες, and these last are of a grey colour. 
 But Alexander the Myndian says that the name is written in Homer, κῶπες without the ς, and
 that that was the name which Aristotle gave them; and that they are constantly
 seen, and that they are not eatable; but that those which are only seen about the
 end of autumn for a day or two are eatable. And they differ from the ἀείσκωπες in their speed, and they are something like
 the turtle-dove and the pigeon in pace. And Speusippus, in the second book of his
 treatise on Things Resembling one another, also calls them κῶπες without the ς . But Epicharmus
 writes σκῶπας, epopses and owls. And Metrodorus,
 in his treatise on Custom and Habituation, says, that the screech-owl is caught by
 dancing opposite to it.

But since, when we were talking of partridges, we mentioned that they were
 exceedingly amorous birds, we ought also to add, that the cock of the common
 poultry fowl is a very amorous bird too; at all events Aristotle says, that when
 cocks are kept in the temples as being dedicated to the Gods, the cocks who were
 there before treat any new comer as a hen until another is dedicated in a similar
 manner. And if none are dedicated, then they fight together, and the one which has
 defeated the other works his will on the one which he has defeated. It is related,
 also, that a cock, whenever he goes in at any door whatever, always stoops his
 crest, and that one cock never yields to another without a
 battle; but Theophrastus says, that the wild cocks are still more amorous than the
 tame ones. He says, also, that the cocks are most inclined to pursue the hens the
 moment they leave their perch in the morning, but the hens prefer it as the day
 advances. 
 Sparrows, also, are very amorous birds; on which account Terpsicles says, that
 those who eat sparrows are rendered exceedingly prone to amorous indulgences; and
 perhaps it is from such an idea that Sappho represents Venus as being drawn by
 sparrows yoked in her chariot; for they are very amorous birds, and very prolific.
 The sparrow has about eight young ones at one hatching, according to the statement
 of Aristotle. And Alexander the Myndian says that there are two kinds of sparrows,
 the one a tame species, and the other a wild one; and he adds that the hen-sparrow
 is weaker in other respects, and also that their beaks are of a more horny colour,
 and that their faces are not very white, nor very black; but Aristotle says that
 the cock-sparrow never appears in the winter, but that the hen-sparrows remain,
 drawing his conclusions as to what he thinks probable from their colour; for their
 colour changes, as the colour of blackbirds and of coots does, who get whiter at
 certain seasons. But the people of Elis call sparrows δείρηται, as Nicander the Colophonian tells us in the third book of
 his treatise on Different Dialects.

We must also speak of the quail; they are called ὄρτυγες. And here the rearises a general question about words ending
 in υξ, why the words with this termination do not
 all have the same letter as the characteristic of the genitive case. I allude to
 ὄρτυξ and ὄνυξ. 
 For the masculine simple nouns ending in ξ when
 the vowel υ precedes ξ, and when the last syllable begins with any one of the immutable
 consonants or those which are characteristic of the first conjugation of
 barytone verbs, make the genitive with κ; as
 κῆρυξ κήρυκος, 
 πέλυξ πέλυκος, ῎ερυξ ἔρυκος, βέβρυξ, βέβρυκος; but
 those which have not this characteristic make the genitive with a γ, as ὄρτυξ ὄρτυγος, κόκκυξ
 κόκκυγος, ὄρυξ ὄρυγος; and there is one word with a peculiar
 inflexion, ὄνυξ ὄνυχος; and as a general rule, in
 the nominative case plural, they follow the genitive case singular in having the
 same characteristic of the last syllable. And the case is the
 same if the last syllable does not begin with a consonant at all. 
 But with respect to the quail Aristotle says, The quail is a migratory
 bird, with cloven feet, and he does not make a nest, but lies in the dust; and
 he covers over his hole with sticks for fear of hawks; and then the hen lays
 her eggs in the hole. But Alexander the Myndian says, in the second
 book of his treatise on Animals, The female quail has a thin neck, not
 having under its chin the same black feathers which the male has. And when it
 is dissected it is found not to have a large crop, but it has a large heart
 with three lobes; it has also its liver and its gall-bladder united in its
 intestines, but it has but a small spleen, and one which is not easily
 perceived; and its testicles are under its liver, like those of the common
 fowl. And concerning their origin, Phanodemus, in the second book of
 his History of Attica, says:— When Erysichthon saw the island of Delos,
 which was by the ancients called Ortygia, because of the numerous flocks of
 quails which came over the sea and settled in that island as one which afforded
 them good shelter . . . And Eudoxus the Cnidian, in the first book of
 his Description of the Circuit of the Earth, says that the Phœnicians sacrifice
 quails to Hercules, because Hercules, the son of Asteria and Jupiter, when on his
 way towards Libya, was slain by Typhon and restored to life by Iolaus, who brought
 a quail to him and put it to his nose, and the smell revived him. For when he was
 alive he was, says Eudoxus, very partial to that bird.

But Eupolis uses the word in its diminutive form, and in his play called Cities,
 calls them ὀρτύγια, speaking as follows:— 
 
 A. Tell me now, have you ever bred any ὄρτυγεσ? 
 
 
 B. I've bred some small ὀρτύγια. What of that 
 And Antiphanes, in his play called The Countryman, speaks as follows,
 using also the form ὀρτύγιον·— 
 
 For what now could a man like you perform, 
 Having the soul of a quail ( ὀρτυγίου )? 
 It is an odd expression that Pratinas uses, who in his Dymænæ, or the
 Caryatides, calls the quail a bird with a sweet voice, unless indeed quails have
 voices in the Phliasian or Lacedæmonian country as partridges have; and perhaps it
 is from this, also, that the bird called σίαλις 
 has its name, as Didymus says. For nearly all birds derive
 their tames from the sounds which they make. 
 There is also a bird called the ὀρτυγομήτρα (which
 is mentioned by Crates in his Chirons, where he says, 
 The ὀρτυγομήτρα came from Ithaca.) 
 And Alexander the Myndian also mentions it, and says that in size it is
 nearly equal to a turtle-dove; that it has long legs, a slender body, and is very
 timid. And with respect to the hunting for quails, Clearchus the Solensian
 mentions some very singular circumstances, in his book which is entitled A
 Treatise on those things which have been asserted on Mathematical Principles in
 Plato's Polity, where he writes as follows— Quails, about
 breeding time, if any one puts a looking-glass opposite to them, and a noose in
 front of it, run towards the bird which is seen in the looking-glass; and so
 fall into the noose. And about the birds called jackdaws he makes a
 similar statement, saying— And a very similar thing happens to the jackdaws,
 on account of their naturally affectionate disposition towards each other. For
 they are a most exceedingly cunning bird; nevertheless when a bowl full of oil
 is placed near them, they stand on the edge of the bowl, and look down, and
 then rush down towards the bird which appears visible in the liquid. In
 consequence of which, when they are soaked through with the oil, their wings
 stick together and cause them to be easily captured. And the Attic
 writers make the middle syllable of the oblique cases of ὄρτυξ long, like δοίδῦκα, and
 κήρῦκα; as Demetrius Ixion tells us, in his
 treatise on the Dialect of the Alexandrians. But Aristophanes, in his Peace, has
 used the word with the penultima short for the sake of the metre, writing— 
 The tame domestic quails ( ὄρτῦγες
 οἰκογενεῖς ). 
 There is also a bird called χέννιον, 
 which is a small kind of quail, which is mentioned by Cleomenes, in his letter to
 Alexander, where he expresses himself in the following manner— Ten thousand
 preserved coots, and five thousand of the kind of thrush called tylas, and ten
 thousand preserved χέννια. 
 And Hipparchus, in his Egyptian Iliad, says— 
 I cannot fancy the Egyptian life, 
 Plucking the chennia, which they salt and eat.

And even swans in great plenty were not wanting to our
 banquets. And Aristotle speaks in the following manner of this bird— The
 swan is a prolific bird, and a quarrelsome one. And, indeed, they are so fond
 of fighting that they often kill one another. And the swan will fight even the
 eagle; though he does not begin the battle himself. And they are tuneful birds,
 especially towards the time of their death. And they also cross the seas
 singing. And they are web-footed, and feed on herbage. But Alexander
 the Myndian says, that though he followed a great many swans when they were dying,
 he never heard one sing. And Hegesianax of Alexandria, who arranged the book of
 Cephalion, called the History of Troy, says that the Cycnus who fought with
 Achilles in single combat, was fed in Leucophrys by the bird of the same name,
 that is, by the swan. But Boius, or Boio, which Philochorus says was his proper
 name, in his book on the Origin of Birds, says that Cycnus was turned into a bird
 by Mars, and that when he came to the river Sybaris he was cooped with a crane.
 And he says, also, that the swan lines his nest with that particular grass which
 is called lygæa. 
 And concerning the crane ( γέρανος ), Boius says
 that there was among the Pygmies a very well known woman whose name was Gerana.
 And she, being honoured as a god by her fellow-countrymen, thought lightly of
 those who were really gods, and especially of Juno and Diana. And accordingly
 Juno, being indignant, metamorphosed her into an unsightly bird, and made her
 hostile to and hated by the Pygmies who had been used to honour her. And he says,
 also, that of her and Nicodamas was born the land tortoise. And as a general rule,
 the man who composed all these fables asserts that all the birds were formerly
 men.

The next bird to be mentioned is the pigeon. Aristotle says, that there is but one
 genus of the pigeon, but five subordinate species; writing thus— The pigeon,
 the œnas, the phaps, the dove, and the turtle-dove. But in the fifth
 book of his treatise on the Parts of Animals, he makes no mention of the phaps,
 though Aeschylus, in his tragedy called Proteus, does mention that bird in the
 following line— 
 Feeding the wretched miserable phaps, 
 Entangled as to its poor broken sides 
 Within the winnowing spokes. 
 
 And in his Philoctetes he uses the word in the genitive case
 plural, φαβῶν. 
 The œonas, then, says Aristotle, is something larger than
 the pigeon, and it has a puce-coloured plumage; but the phaps is something
 between the pigeon and the œnas. And the species called phassa is about as
 large as the common cock, but of the colour of ashes; and the turtledove is
 less than all the other species, and is o a cinder-colour. And this last is
 only seen in the summer, and during the winter it keeps in its hole. Now, the
 phaps and the common pigeon are always to be seen, but the œnas is only visible
 in the autumn. And the species called the phassa is said to be longer lived
 than any of the others; for it lives thirty or forty years. And the cock birds
 never leave the hens to the day of their death, nor do the hens ever desert the
 cock: but when one dies the other remains solitary: and crows, and ravens, and
 jackdaws all do the same thing. And in every kind of the genus pigeon, both
 male and female sit on the eggs in turn; and when the chickens are hatched, the
 cock bird spits upon them to prevent their being fascinated. And the hen lays
 two eggs, the first of which produces a cock and the second a hen. And they lay
 at every season of the year; so that they lay ten or eleven times a year; and
 in Egypt they lay twelve times; for the hen conceives again the very next day
 to that in which it lays. And further on, in the same book, Aristotle
 says that the kind called περιστερὰ differs from
 the πελειὰς, and the πελειὰς is the least of the two. And the πελειὰς is easily tamed; but the περιστερὰ is black, and small, and has red rough legs; on which
 account no one keeps them. But he mentions a peculiarity of the species called
 περιστερὰ, that they kiss one another when
 courting, and that if the males neglect this, the hens do not admit their
 embraces. However, old doves do not go through this formality; but omit the kisses
 and still succeed in their suit, but the younger ones always kiss before they
 proceed to action. And the hens, too, make love to one another, when there is no
 cock at hand, kissing one another beforehand. But still, as there are no real
 results, the eggs which they lay never produce chickens. The Dorians, however,
 consider the πελειὰς and the περιστερὰ as identical; and Sophron uses the two words as synonymous
 in his Female Actresses. But Callimachus, in his treatise on Birds, speaks of the
 pyrallis, the dove, the wood-pigeon, and the turtle-dove, as
 all different from one another.

But Alexander the Myndian says, that the pigeon never lifts up his head when it
 drinks, as the turtle-dove does; and that it never utters any sound in the winter
 except when it is very fine weather. It is said, also, that when the species
 called œnas has eaten the seed of the mistletoe, and then leaves its droppings on
 any tree, mistletoe after that grows upon that tree. But Daimachus, in his history
 of India, says that pigeons of an apple-green colour are found in India. And
 Charon of Lampsacus, in his history of Persia, speaking of Mardonius, and of the
 losses which the Persian army sustained Off Mount Athos, writes as
 follows— And that was the first time that white pigeons were ever seen by
 the Greeks; as they had never existed in that country. And Aristotle
 says, that the pigeons, when their young are born, eat a lot of earth impregnated
 with salt, and then open the mouths of their young and spit the salt into them;
 and by this means prepare them to swallow and digest their food. And at Eryx in
 Sicily, there is a certain time which the Sicilians call The Departure, at which
 time they say that the Goddess is departing into Africa: and at this time all the
 pigeons about the place disappear, as if they had accompanied the Goddess on her
 journey. And after nine days, when the festival called καταγώγια, that is to say The Return, is celebrated, after one
 pigeon has first arrived, flying across the sea like an avant-courier, and has flown into the temple, the rest follow speedily.
 And on this, all the inhabitants around, who are comfortably off, feast; and the
 rest clap their hands for joy. And at that time the whole place smells of butter,
 which they use as a sort of token of the return of the Goddess. But Autocrates, in
 his history of Achaia, says that Jupiter once changed his form into that of a
 pigeon, when he was in love with a maiden in Aegium, whose name was Phthia. But
 the Attic writers use the word also in the masculine gender, περιστερός. Alexis, in his People Running together, says— 
 For I am the white pigeon ( περιστερὸς ) of
 Venus; 
 But as for Bacchus, he knows nothing more 
 Than how to get well drunk; and nothing cares 
 Whether 'tis new wine that he drinks or old. 
 
 But in his play of the Rhodian, or the Woman Caressing, he
 uses the word in the feminine gender; and says in that passage that the Sicilian
 pigeons are superior to all others— 
 Breeding within some pigeons from Sicily, 
 The fairest shaped of all their species. 
 And Pherecrates, in his Painters, says— 
 Send off a pigeon ( περιστερὸν ) as a
 messenger. 
 And in his Petale he uses the diminutive form περιστέριον, where he says,— 
 But now, my pigeon, fly thou like Callisthenes, 
 And bear me to Cythera and to Cyprus. 
 And Nicander, in the second book of his Georgics, mentions the Sicilian
 doves and pigeons, and says,— 
 And do you in your hall preserve a flock 
 Of fruitful doves from Sicily or Dracontium, 
 For it is said that neither kites nor hawks 
 Incline to hurt those choice and sacred birds.

We must also mention ducks. The male of these birds, as Alexander the Myndian
 says, is larger than the female, and has a more richly coloured plumage: but the
 bird which is called the glaucion, from the colour of its. eyes, is a little
 smaller than the duck. And of the species called boscades the male is marked all
 over with lines, and he also is less than the duck; and the males have short
 beaks, too small to be in fair proportion to their size: but the small diver is
 the least of all aquatic birds, being of a dirty black plumage, and it has a sharp
 beak, turning upwards towards the eyes, and it goes a great deal under water.
 There is also another species of the boscades, larger than the duck, but smaller
 than the chenalopex: but the species which are called phascades are a little
 larger than the small divers, but in all other respects they resemble the ducks.
 And the kind called uria are not much smaller than the duck, but as to its plumage
 it is of a dirty earthenware colour, and it has a log and narrow beak: but the
 coot, which also has a narrow beak, is of a rounder shape, and is of an ash colour
 about the stomach, and rather blacker on the back. But Aristophanes in his
 Acharnians, in the following lines, mentions the dusk and the diver, from whose
 names ( νῆττα ) and κολυμβὰς ) we get the verbs νήχομαι, 
 to swim, and κολυμβάω, to dive, with a great many
 other water birds— 
 
 Ducks too, and jackdaws, woodcocks too, and coots, 
 And wrens, and divers. 
 And Callimachus also mentions them in his treatise on Birds.

We often also had put before us the dish called parastatæ which is mentioned by
 Epænetus in his Cookery Book, and by Semaristus in the third and fourth books of
 his treatise on Synonymes. And it is testicles which are called by this name. But
 when some meat was served up with a very fragrant sauce, and when some one
 said,—Give me a plate of that suffocated meat, that Dædalus of names, Ulpian,
 said— I myself shall be suffocated if you do not tell me where you found any
 mention of meat of that kind; for I will not name them so before I know. And he
 said, Strattis, in his Macedonians or Cinesias, has said— 
 Take care, and often have some suffocated meat. 
 And Eubulus, in his Catacollomenos, says— 
 And platters heap'd with quantities of meat 
 Suffocated in the Sicilian fashion. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Wasps, has said— 
 Some suffocated meat in a platter. 
 And Cratinus, in his Delian Women, says— 
 And therefore do you take some meat and pound it, 
 Having first neatly suffocated it. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Countryman, says— 
 And first of all 
 I bring you the much-wish'd-for barley-cake, 
 Which the all-genial mother Ceres gives 
 A joyfull gift to mortals; and besides, 
 Some tender limbs of suffocated goats 
 Set round with herbs, a young and tender meat. 
 
 B. How say you? 
 
 A. I am going through a tragedy 
 Of the divinest Sophocles.

And when some sucking-pigs were carried round, and the guests made an inquiry
 respecting them, whether they were mentioned by any ancient author, some one
 said—Phe- recrates, in his Slave turned Tutor, says— 
 I stole some sucking-pigs not fully grown. 
 And in his Deserters be says— 
 Are you not going to kill a sucking-pig? 
 
 And Alcæus, in his Palæstra, says— 
 For here he is himself, and if I grunt 
 One atom more than any sucking-pig . . . 
 And Herodotus, in his first book, says that in Babylon there is a golden
 altar, on which it is not lawful to sacrifice anything but sucking-pigs.
 Antiphanes says in his Philetærus— 
 There's here a pretty little cromaciscus 
 Not yet wean'd, you see. 
 And Heniochus, in his Polyeuctus, says— 
 The ox was brazen, long since past all boiling, 
 But he perhaps had taken a sucking-pig, 
 And slaughter'd that. 
 And Anacreon says— 
 Like a young sucking kid, which when it leaves 
 Its mother in the wood, trembles with fear. 
 And Crates, in his Neighbours, says— 
 For now we constantly have feasts of lovers, 
 As long as we have store of lambs and pigs 
 Not taken from their dams. 
 And Simonides represents Danae as speaking thus over Perseus— 
 O my dear child, what mis'ry tears my soul! 
 But you lie sleeping, 
 You slumber with your unwean'd heart. 
 And in another place he says of Archemorus— 
 Alas the wreath! They wept the unwean'd child, 
 Breathing out his sweet soul in bitter pangs. 
 And Clearchus, in his Lives, says that Phalaris the tyrant had arrived at
 such a pitch of cruelty, that he used to feast on sucking children. And there is a
 verb θῆσθαι, which means to suck milk, (Homer
 says— 
 Hector is mortal, and has suck'd the breast;) 
 because the mother's breast is put into the mouth of the infant. And that
 is the derivation of the word τίτσθος, breast,
 from τίθημι, to place, because the breasts are
 thus placed in the children's mouths. 
 After she'd lull'd to sleep the new-born kids, 
 As yet unweaned from their mother's breast.

And when some antelopes were brought round, Pala- medes of Elea, the collector of
 words, said—It is not bad meat that of the antelopes ( δόρκωνες ). And Myrtilus said to him—The word is only δορκύδες, not δόρκωνες. 
 Xenophon, in the first book of his Anabasis, says, And
 there were in that part bustards and δορκάδες.

The next thing to be mentioned is the peacock. And that this is a rare bird is
 shown by what Antiphanes says in his Soldier, or Tychon, where his words are—
 
 And then some man brought in one single pair 
 Of peacocks to the city; 'twas a sight 
 Wondrous to see; now they're as thick as quails. 
 And Eubulus says in his Phœnix— 
 The peacock is admired for his rarity. 
 
 The peacock, says Aristotle, is cloven-footed, and feeds on
 herbage; it begins to breed when it is three years old, at which age it also
 gets the rich and varied colours of its plumage; and it sits on its eggs about
 thirty days, and once a-year it lays twelve eggs, and it lays these not all at
 once, but at intervals, laying every third day. But the first year of a hen's
 laying she does not lay more than eight eggs; and she sometimes lays wind eggs
 like the common hen, but never more than two; and she sits upon her eggs and
 hatches them very much in the same way as the common hen does. And
 Eupolis, in his Deserters from the Army, speaks of the peacock in the following
 terms— 
 Lest I should keep in Pluto's realm, 
 A peacock such as this, who wakes the sleepers. 
 And there is a speech extant, by Antiphanes the orator, which is
 entitled, On Peacocks. And in that speech there is not one express mention of the
 name peacock, but he repeatedly speaks of them in it as birds of variegated
 plumage, saying— That Demus, the son of Pyrilampes, breeds these birds, and
 that out of a desire to see these birds, a great many people come from
 Lacedæmon and from Thessaly, and show great anxiety to get some of the
 eggs. And with respect to their appearance he writes thus— If any
 one wishes to remove these birds into a city, they will fly away and depart;
 and if he cuts their wings he takes away their beauty. For their wings are
 their beauty, and not their body. And that people used to be very
 anxious to see them he tells us subsequently in the same book, where he says;
 But at the time of the festival of the new moon, any one who likes is
 admitted to see them, but on other days if any one comes and wishes to see them
 he is never allowed to do so; and this is not a custom of
 yesterday, or a recent practice, but one which has subsisted for more than
 thirty years.

But the Athenians call the word ταὧς, 
 as Tryphon tells us, circumflexing and aspirating the last
 syllable. And they read it spelt in this way in the Deserters from the Army of
 Eupolis, in the passage which has been already quoted, and in the Birds of
 Aristophanes— 
 Are you then Tereus? are you a bird or a peacock ( ταὧς )? 
 And in another passage he writes— 
 A bird then; what kind? is it not a peacock ( ταὧς )? 
 But in the dative they say ταὧνι, as
 Aristophanes does in the same play. But it is quite impossible in the Attic or
 Ionic dialects that, in nouns which have more than one syllable, the last
 syllable beginning with a vowel should be aspirated; for it is quite inevitable
 that it should be pronounced with a lene breathing, as νεὢς, λεὢς, τυνδάρεὠς, μενέλεὠς, λειπόνεὠς, 
 εὔνεὠς, νείλεὠς, πρᾶὀς, ὑίὀς, κεῖὀς, χῖὀς, δῖὀς, χρεῖὀς,
 πλεῖὀς, λεῖὀς, 
 λαιὄς, βαιὂς, φαιὂς, πηὂς, γόὀς, θοὂς, ῥόὀς,
 ζωὄς. For the aspirate is fond of beginning a word, and is by
 nature inclined to the lead, and is never included in the last part of a word.
 And the name ταὧς is derived from the extension
 ( τάσις ) of the wings. And Seleucus,
 in the fifth book of his treatise on Hellenisms, says: The peacock,
 ταὧς :—but the Attics, contrary to all rule,
 both aspirate and circumflex the last syllable; but the aspirate is only
 attached to the first vowel, when it begins a word in the simple pronunciation
 of the word, and there taking the lead, and running on more swiftly, it has the
 first place in the word. Accordingly, the Athenians, in consequence of this
 arrangement, observing the inherent character of this breathing, do not put it
 on vowels, as they do often accents and breathings,
 but put it before them. And I think that the ancients used to mark the aspirate
 by the character H, on which account the Romans write the letter H at the
 beginning of all aspirated nouns, showing its predominan nature; and if this be
 the proper character of the aspirate, it is plain that it is contrary to all
 reason and analogy that the word ταῶς has any
 breathing at all marked upon it by the Attic writers.

And as at the banquet a great many more discussions arose about each of the dishes
 that were served up;—But I, said Laurentius, according to the
 example of our most ex- cellent friend Ulpian, will myself also say something to
 you (for we are feeding on discussions). What do you think of the grouse? And when
 some one said,—He is a species of bird; (but it is the custom of the sons of the
 grammarians to say of anything that is mentioned to them in this way, It is a
 species of plant, a species of bird, a species of stone;) Laurentius said—And I,
 my good friend, am aware that the admirable Aristophanes, in his Birds, mentions
 the grouse in the following lines— 
 With the porphyrion and the pelican, 
 And pelecinnus, and the phlexis too, 
 The grouse and peacock. 
 But I wish to learn from you whether there is any mention of the bird in
 any other author. For Alexander the Myndian, in the second book of his treatise on
 Winged Animals, speaks of it as a bird of no great size, but rather as one of the
 smaller birds. For his words are these— The grouse, a bird about the size of
 rook, of an earthenware colour, variegated with dirty coloured spots, and long
 lines, feeding on fruit; and when it lays its eggs it cackles ( τετράζει ). from which it derives its name ( τέτραξ ). And Epicharmus, in his Hebe's
 Wedding, says— 
 For when you've taken quails and sparrows too, 
 And larks who love to robe themselves in dust, 
 And grouse, and rooks, and beauteous fig-peckers. 
 And in another passage he says— 
 There were the herons with their long bending necks, 
 A numerous flock; and grouse, and rooks besides. 
 But since none of you have anything to say on the subject (as you are all
 silent), I will show you the bird itself; for when I was the Emperor's Procurator
 in Mysia, and the super- intendent of all the affairs of that province, I saw the
 bird in that country. And learning that it was called by this name among the
 Mysians and Pæonians, I recollected what the bird was by the description given of
 it by Aristophanes. And believing that this bird was considered by the
 all-accomplished Aristotle worthy of being mentioned in that work of his worth
 many talents (for it is said that the Stagirite received eight hundred talents
 from Alexander as his contribution towards perfecting his History of Animals),
 when I found that there was no mention of it in this work, I was delighted at
 having the admirable Aristophanes as an unimpeachable witness
 in the matter. And while he was saying this, a slave came in bringing in the
 grouse in a basket; but it was in size larger than the largest cock of the common
 poultry, and in appearance it was very like the porphyrion; and it had wattles
 hanging from its ears on each side like the common cock; and its voice was loud
 and harsh. And so after we had admired the beauty of the bird, in a short time one
 was served up on the table dressed; and the meat of him was like that of the
 ostrich, which we were often in the habit of eating.

There was a dish too called loins ( ψύαι ). The poet
 who wrote the poem called The Return of the Atridæ, in the third book says— 
 And with his rapid feet Hermioneus 
 Caught Nisus, and his loins with spear transfix'd. 
 And Simaristus, in the third book of his Synonymes, writes thus:
 The flesh of the loins which stands out on each side is called ψύαι, and the hollows on each side they call κύβοι and γάλλιαι. 
 And Clearchus, in the second book of his treatise on The Joints in the
 Human Body, speaks thus: There is flesh full of muscle on each side; which
 some people call ψύαι, and others call ἀλώπεκες, and others νευρόμητραι. 
 And the admirable Hippocrates also speaks of ψύαι; and they get this name from being easily wiped ( ἀπὸ τοῦ ῥαδίως ἀποψᾶσθαι ), or as being flesh lightly
 touching ( ἐπιψαύουσα ) the bones, and lying lightly
 on the surface of them. And Euphron the comic poet mentions them in his Theori—
 
 There is a lobe and parts, too, called ψύαι; 
 
 Learn to cut these before you view the sacrifice.

There is a dish too made of udder. Teleclides, in his Rigid Men, says— 
 Since I'm a female, I must have an udder. 
 Herodotus, in the fourth book of his History, uses the same term when
 speaking of horses; but it is rare to find the word ( οὖθαρ ) applied to the other animals; but the word most commonly used
 is ὑπογάστριον, as in the case of fishes.
 Strattis, in his Atalanta, says— 
 The ὑπογάστριον and the extremities 
 Of the large tunny. 
 And Theopompus, in his Callæchrus, says— 
 
 A. And th' ὑπογάστρια of fish. 
 
 B. O, Ceres! 
 
 But in the Sirens he calls it not ὑπογάστρια, but ὑπήτρια, saying—
 
 Th' ὑπήτρια of white Sicilian tunnies.

We must now speak of the hare; concerning this animal Archestratus, that author so
 curious in his dishes, speaks thus— 
 Many are the ways and many the recipes 
 For dressing hares; but this is best of all, 
 To place before a hungry set of guests, 
 A slice of roasted meat fresh from the spit, 
 Hot, season'd only with plain simple salt, 
 Not too much done. And do not you be vex'd 
 At seeing blood fresh trickling from the meat, 
 But eat it eagerly. All other ways 
 Are quite superfluous, such as when cooks pour 
 A lot of sticky clammy sauce upon it, 
 Parings of cheese, and lees, and dregs of oil, 
 As if they were preparing cat's meat. 
 And Naucrates the comic poet, in his Persia, says that it is an uncommon
 thing to find a hare in Attica: and he speaks thus— 
 For who in rocky Attica e'er saw 
 A lion or any other similar beast, 
 Where 'tis not easy e'en to find a hare 
 But Alcæus, in his Callisto, speaks of hares as being plentiful, and
 says— 
 You should have coriander seed so fine 
 That, when we've got some hares, we may be able 
 To sprinkle them with that small seed and salt.

And Tryphon says,—“Aristophanes, in his Danaides, uses the form λαγὼν in the accusative case with an acute accent on the
 last syllable, and with a v for the final letter, saying—
 
 And when he starts perhaps he may be able 
 To help us catch a hare ( λαγών ). 
 And in his Daitaleis he says— 
 I am undone, I shall be surely seen 
 Plucking the fur from off the hare ( λαγών ). 
 But Xenophon, in his treatise on Hunting, writes the accusative λαγῶ without the v, and with a
 circumflex accent. But among us the ordinary form of the nominative case is
 λαγός; and as we say ναὸς, and the Attics νεὼς, and as we
 say λαὸς, and the Attics λεώς; so, while we call this animal λαγὸς, they call him λαγώς. And as
 for our using the form λαγὸν in the accusative
 case singular, to that we find a corresponding nominative
 plural in Sophocles, in his Amycus, a satiric drama; where he enumerates— 
 Cranes, crows, and owls, and kites, and hares ( λαγοι ). 
 But there is also a form of the nominative plural corresponding to the
 accusative λαγὼν, ending in w , as found in the Flatterers of Eupolis— 
 Where there are rays, and hares ( λαγὼ ), and
 light-footed women. 
 But some people, contrary to all reason, circumflex the last syllable of
 this form λαγώ; but it ought to have an acute
 accent, since all the nouns which end in ος, even
 when they. are changed into ως by the Attic
 writers, still preserve the same accent as if they had undergone no alteration; as
 ναὸς, 
 νεώς; κάλος, κάλως. And so, too, Epicharmus used
 this noun, and Herodotus, and the author of the poem called the Helots. Moreover,
 λαγὸς is the Ionic form— 
 Rouse the sea-hare ( λαγὸς ) before you drink
 the water; 
 and λαγὼς the Attic one. But the Attic
 writers use also the form λαγός; as Sophocles, in
 the line above quoted— 
 Cranes, crows, and owls, and hares ( λαγοι ). 
 There is also a line in Homer, where he says— 
 
 ἢ πτῶκα λαγωόν. 
 
 Now, if we have regard to the Ionic dialect, we say that w is interpolated; and if we measure it by the Attic
 dialect, then we say the o is so: and the meat of the hare is called λαγῶα 
 κρέα.

But Hegesander the Delphian, in his Commentaries, says that in the reign of
 Antigonus Gonatas, there were such a number of hares in the island of Astypalæa,
 that the natives consulted the oracle on the subject. And the Pythia answered them
 that they ought to breed dogs, and hunt them; and so in one year there were caught
 more than six thousand. And all this immense number arose from a man of the island
 of Anaphe having put one pair of hares in the island. As also, on a previous
 occasion, when a certain Astypalæan had let loose a pair of partridges in the
 island of Anaphe, there came to be such a number of partridges in Anaphe, that the
 inhabitants ran a risk of being driven out of the island by them. But originally
 Astypalea had no hares at all, but only partridges. And the hare is a very
 prolific animal as Xeno- phon has told us, in his treatise on Hunting; and
 Herodotus speaks of it in the following terms— Since
 the hare is hunted by everything-man, beast, and bird—it is on this account a
 very prolific animal; and it is the only animal known which is capable of
 superfetation. And it has in its womb at one time one litter with the fur on,
 and another bare, and another just formed, and a fourth only just
 conceived. And Polybius, in the twelfth book of his History, says that.
 there is another animal like the hare which is called the rabbit ( κούνικλος ); and he writes as follows— The animal
 called the rabbit, when seen at a distance, looks like a small hare; but when
 any one takes it in his hands, there is a great difference between them, both
 in appearance and taste: and it lives chiefly underground. And
 Posidonius the philosopher also mentions them in his History; and we our selves
 have seen a great many in our voyage from Dicæarchia to Naples. For there is an island
 not far from the mainland, opposite the lower side of Dicæarchia, inhabited by
 only a very scanty population, but having a great number of rabbits. And there is
 also a kind of hare called the Chelidonian hare, which is mentioned by Diphilus,
 or Calliades, in his play called Ignorance, in the following terms— 
 What is this? whence this hare who bears the name 
 Of Chelidonian? Is it grey hare soup, 
 Mimarcys call'd, so thick with blood? 
 And Theophrastus, in the twentieth book of his History, says that there
 are hares about Bisaltia which have two livers.

And when a wild boar was put upon the table, which was in no respect less than
 that noble Calydonian boar which has been so much celebrated,—I suggest to you
 now, said he, O my most philosophical and precise Ulpian, to inquire who ever said
 that the Calydonian boar was a female, and that her meat was white. But he,
 without giving the matter any long consideration, but rather turning the question
 off, said—But it does seem to me, my friends, that if you are not yet satisfied,
 after having had such plenty of all these things, that you surpass every one who
 has ever been celebrated for his powers of eating,—and who those people are you
 can find out by inquiry. But it is more correct and more consistent with etymology
 to make the name σὺς, with a ς; for the animal has its name from rushing ( σεύομαι ) and going on impetuously; but men have
 got a trick of pronouncing the word without the ς,ὗς; and some people believe that it is called σῦν, by being softened from θῦν, as if it had its name from being a fit animal to sacrifice
 ( θύειν ). But now, if it seems good to you,
 answer me who ever uses the compound word like we do, calling the wild boar not
 σῦς ἄγριος, but σύαγροσ? At all events, Sophocles, in his Lovers of Achilles, has
 applied the word σύαγρος to a dog, as hunting the
 boar ( ἀπὸ τοῦ σῦς ἀγρεύειν ), where he says— 
 And you, Syagre, child of Pelion. 
 And in Herodotus we find Syagrus used as a proper name of a man who was a
 Lacedæmonian by birth, and who went on the embassy to Gelon the Syracusan, about
 forming an alliance against the Medes; which Herodotus mentions in the seventh
 book of his History. And I am aware, too, that there was a general of the
 Aetolians named Syagrus who is mentioned by Phylarchus, in the fourth book of his
 History. And Democritus said—You always, O Ulpian, have got a habit of never
 taking anything that is set before you until you know whether the existing name of
 it was in use among the ancients. Accordingly you are running the risk, on account
 of all these inquiries of yours, (just like Philetas of Cos, who was always
 investigating all false arguments and erroneous uses of words,) of being starved
 to death, as he was. For he became very thin by reason of his devotion to these
 inquiries, and so died, as the inscription in front of his tomb shows— 
 Stranger, Philetas is my name, I lie 
 Slain by fallacious arguments, and cares 
 Protracted from the evening through the night.

And so that you may not waste away by investigating this word σύαγρος, learn that Antiphanes gives this name to the
 wild boar, in his Ravished Woman:— 
 This very night a wild boar ( σύαγρον ) will I
 seize, 
 And drag into this house, and a lion and a wolf 
 And Dionysius the tyrant, in his Adonis, says— 
 Under the arched cavern of the nymphs 
 I consecrate . . . . 
 A wild boar ( σύαγρον ) as the first-fruits to
 the gods. 
 And Lynceus the Samian, in his epistle to Apollodoru, writes
 thus— That you may have some goat's flesh for your chil- dren, and some
 meat of the wild boar ( τὰ συάγρια ) for your-
 self and your friends. And Hippolochus the
 Macedonian, whom we have mentioned before now, in his epistle to the above-named
 Lynceus, mentioned many wild boars ( συάγρων ). But,
 since you have turned off the question which was put to you about the colour of
 the Calydonian boar, and whether any one states him to have been white as to his
 flesh, we ourselves will tell you who has said so; and you yourself may
 investigate the proofs which I bring. For some time ago, I read the dithyrambics
 of Cleomenes of Rhegium; and this account is given in that ode of them which is
 entitled Meleager. And I am not ignorant that the inhabitants of Sicily call the
 wild boar (which we call σύαγρος ) ἀσχέδωρος. And Aeschylus, in his Phorcides, comparing
 Perseus to a wild boar, says— 
 He rush'd into the cave like a wild boar ( ἀσχέδωρος
 ὥς ). 
 And Sciras (and he is a poet of what is called the Italian comedy, and a
 native of Tarentum), in his Meleager, says— 
 Where shepherds never choose to feed their flocks, 
 Nor does the wild boar range and chase his mate. 
 And it is not wonderful that Aeschylus, who lived for some time in
 Sicily, should use many Sicilian words.

There were also very often kids brought round by the servants, dressed in various
 ways; some of them with a great deal of assafoetida, which afforded us no ordinary
 pleasure; for the flesh of the goat is exceedingly nutritious. At all events,
 Chitomachus the Carthaginian, who is inferior to no one of the new Academy for his
 spirit of philosophical investigation, says that a certain Theban athlete
 surpassed all the men of his time in strength, because he ate goat's flesh; for
 the juice of that meat is nervous and sticky, and such as can remain a long time
 in the substance of the body. And this wrestler used to be much laughed at,
 because of the unpleasant smell of his perspiration. And all the meat of pigs and
 lambs, while it remains undigested in the system, is very apt to turn, because of
 the fat. But the banquets spoken of by the comic poets rather please the ears by
 sweet sounds, than the palate by sweet tastes; as, for instance, the feast
 mentioned by Antiphanes, in his Female Physician— 
 
 A. But what meat do you eat with most delight? 
 
 B. What meat?—why if you mean as to its
 cheapness, 
 There's mutton ere it bears you wool or milk, 
 That is to say, there's lamb, my friend; and so 
 
 There's also meat of goats which give no milk, 
 That is to say, of kids. For so much profit 
 Is got from these when they are fully grown, 
 That I put up with eating cheaper kinds. 
 And in his Cyclops he says— 
 These are the animals which the earth produces, 
 Which you will have from me: the ox of th' herd, 
 The goat which roves the woods, the chamois which 
 Loves the high mountain tops, the fearless ram, 
 The hog, the boar, the sucking-pig besides, 
 And hares, and kids . . . . 
 Green cheese, dry cheese, and cut and pounded cheese, 
 Scraped cheese, and chopp'd cheese, and congeal'd cheese

And Mnesimachus, in his Horse-breeder, provides the following things for dinner—
 
 Come forth, O Manes, from the chamber 
 Deck'd with the lofty cypress roof; 
 Go to the market, to the statues 
 Of Maia's son, where all the chiefs 
 Of the tribes meet, and seek the troop 
 Of their most graceful pupils, whom 
 Phidon is teaching how to mount 
 Their horses, and dismount from them. 
 I need not tell you now their names. 
 Go; tell them that the fish is cold, 
 The wine is hot, the pastry dry, 
 The bread dry, too, and hard. The chops 
 Are burnt to pieces, and the meat 
 Taken from out the brine and dish'd. 
 The sausages are served up too; 
 So is the tripe, and rich black puddings. 
 Those who 're in-doors are all at table, 
 The wine cups all are quickly drain'd, 
 The pledge goes round; and nought remains 
 But the lascivious drunken cordax. 
 
 The young men all are waxing wanton, 
 And ev'rything's turn'd upside down. 
 Remember what I say, and bear 
 My words in mind. 
 Why stand you gaping like a fool? 
 Look here, and just repeat the message 
 Which I've just told you; do,—I will 
 Repeat it o'er again all through. 
 Bid them come now, and not delay, 
 Nor vex the cook who's ready for them. 
 For all the fish is long since boil'd, 
 And all the roast meat's long since cold. 
 
 And mention o'er each separate dish;— 
 Onions and olives, garlic too, 
 Cucumbers, cabbages, and broth, 
 Fig-leaves, and herbs, and tunny cutlets, 
 Glanis and rhinè, shark and conger, 
 A phyxicinus whole, a tunny, 
 A coracinus whole, a thunnis, 
 A small anchovy, and a tench, 
 A spindle-fish, a tail of dog-fish, 
 A carcharias and a torpedo; 
 A sea-frog, lizard, and a perch, 
 A trichias and a phycis too, 
 A brinchus, mullet, and sea-cuckoo. 
 A turtle, and besides a lamprey, 
 A phagrus, lebias, and grey mullet, 
 A sparus, and æolias, 
 A swallow, and the bird of Thrace, 
 A sprat, a squid, a turbot, and 
 Dracænides, and polypi, 
 A cuttle-fish, an orphus too; 
 A crab, likewise an escharus, 
 A needle-fish, a fine anchovy, 
 Some cestres, scorpions, eels, and loaves. 
 And loads of other meat, beyond 
 My calculation or my mention. 
 Dishes of goose, and pork, and beef, 
 And lamb, and mutton, goat and kid; 
 Of poultry, ducks and partridges, 
 Andjays, and foxes. And what follows 
 Will be a downright sight to see, 
 So many good things there will be. 
 And all the slaves through all the house 
 Are busy baking, roasting, dressing, 
 And plucking, cutting, beating, boiling, 
 And laughing, playing, leaping, feasting, 
 And drinking, joking, scolding, pricking. 
 And lovely sounds from tuneful flutes, 
 And song and din go through the house, 
 Of instruments both wind and string'd. 
 Meantime a lovely scent of cassia, 
 From Syria's fertile land, does strike 
 Upon my sense, and frankincense, 
 And myrrh, and nard * * * 
 * * * * * 
 Such a confusion fills the house 
 With every sort of luxury.

Now, after all this conversation, there was brought in the dish which is called
 Rhoduntia; concerning which that wise cook quoted numbers of tragedies before he
 would tell us what he was bringing us. And he laughed at those who professed to be such admirable cooks, mentioning whom, he
 said—Did that cook in the play of Anthippus, the comic poet, ever invent such a
 dish as this?—the cook, I mean, who, in the Veiled Man, boasted in this fashion:—
 
 
 A. Sophon, an Ararnanian citizen, 
 And good Democritus of Rhodes, were long 
 Fellow-disciples in this noble art, 
 And Labdacus of Sicily was their tutor. 
 These men effaced all vulgar old recipes 
 Out of their cookery books, and took away 
 The mortar from the middle of the kitchen. 
 They brought into disuse all vinegar, 
 Cummin, and cheese, and assafœtida, 
 And coriander seed, and all the sauces 
 Which Saturn used to keep within his cruets. 
 And the cook who employ'd such means they thought 
 A humbug, a mere mountebank in his art. 
 They used oil only, and clean plates, O father, 
 And a quick fire, wanting little bellows: 
 With this they made each dinner elegant. 
 They were the first who banish'd tears and sneezing, 
 And spitting from the board; and purified 
 The manners of the guests. At last the Rhodian, 
 Drinking some pickle by mistake, did die; 
 For such a draught was foreign to his nature. 
 
 B. 'Twas likely so to be. 
 
 A. But Sophon still 
 Has all Ionia for his dominions, 
 And he, O father, was my only tutor. 
 And I now study philosophic rules, 
 Wishing to leave behind me followers, 
 And new discover'd rules to guide the art. 
 
 B. Ah! but, I fear, you'll want to cut me up, 
 And not the animal we think to sacrifice. 
 
 A. To-morrow you shall see me with my books, 
 Seeking fresh precepts for my noble art; 
 Nor do I differ from th' Aspendian. 
 And if you will, you too shall taste a specimen 
 Of this my skill. I do not always give 
 The self-same dishes to all kinds of guests; 
 But I regard their lives and habits all. 
 One dish I set before my friends in love, 
 Another's suited to philosophers, 
 Another to tax-gatherers. A youth 
 Who has a mistress, quickly will devour 
 His patrimonial inheritance; 
 So before him I place fat cuttle-fish 
 Of every sort; and dishes too of fish 
 Such as do haunt the rocks, all season'd highly 
 
 With every kind of clear transparent sauce. 
 For such a man cares nought about his dinner, 
 But all his thoughts are on his mistress fix'd. 
 Then to philosophers I serve up ham, 
 Or pettitoes; for all that crafty tribe 
 Are wonderful performers at the table. 
 Owls, eels, and spars I give the publicans, 
 When they're in season, but at other times 
 Some lentil salad. And all funeral feasts 
 I make more splendid than the living ones. 
 For old men's palates are not critical; 
 At least not half so much as those of youths. 
 And so I give them mustard, and I make them 
 Sauces of pungent nature, which may rouse 
 Their dormant sense, and make it snug the air; 
 And when I once behold a face, I know 
 The dishes that its owner likes to eat.

And the cook in the Thesmophorus of Dionysius, my revellers, (for it is worth
 while to mention him also,) says— 
 You have said these things with great severity, 
 (And that's your usual kindness, by the Gods); 
 You've said a cook should always beforehand 
 Know who the guests may be for whom he now 
 Is dressing dinner. For he should regard 
 This single point—whom he has got to please 
 While seasoning his sauces properly; 
 And by this means he'll know the proper way 
 And time to lay his table and to dress 
 His meats and soups. But he who this neglects 
 Is not a cook, though he may be a seasoner. 
 But these are different arts, a wondrous space 
 Separates the two. It is not every one 
 That's called a general who commands an army, 
 But he who can with prompt and versatile skill 
 Avail himself of opportunities, 
 And look about him, changing quick his plans, 
 He is the general. He who can't do this 
 Is only in command. And so with us. 
 To roast some beef, to carve a joint with neatness, 
 To boil up sauces, and to blow the fire, 
 Is anybody's task; he who does this 
 Is but a seasoner and broth-maker: 
 A cook is quite another thing. His mind 
 Must comprehend all facts and circumstances: 
 Where is the place, and when the time of supper; 
 Who are the guests, and who the entertainer; 
 What fish he ought to buy, and when to buy it. 
 . . . . . For all these things 
 You'll have on almost every occasion; 
 But they're not always of the same importance, 
 
 Nor do they always the same pleasure give. 
 Archestratus has written on this art, 
 And is by many people highly thought of, 
 As having given us a useful treatise; 
 But still there's much of which he's ignorant, 
 And all his rules are really good for nothing, 
 So do not mind or yield to all the rules 
 Which he has laid down most authoritatively, 
 For a more empty lot of maxims you 
 Will hardly find. For when you write a book 
 On cookery, it will not do to say, 
 
 As I was just now saying; for this art 
 Has no fix'd guide but opportunity, 
 And must itself its only mistress be. 
 But if your skill be ne'er so great, and yet 
 You let the opportunity escape, 
 Your art is lost, and might as well be none. 
 
 B O man, you're wise. But as for this man who 
 You just now said was coming here to try 
 His hand at delicate banquets, say, does he 
 Forget to come? 
 
 A. If I but make you now 
 One forced meat ball, I can in that small thing 
 Give you a specimen of all my skill. 
 And I will serve you up a meal which shall 
 Be redolent of the Athenian breezes. 
 * * * * * 
 Dost fear that I shall fail to lull your soul 
 With dishes of sufficient luxury?

And to all this Aemilianus makes answer— 
 My friend, you've made a speech quite long enough 
 In praising your fav'rite art of cookery;— 
 as Hegesippus says in his Brethren. Do you then— 
 Give us now something new to see beyond 
 Your predecessor's art, or plague us not; 
 But show me what you've got, and tell its name. 
 And he rejoins— 
 You look down on me, since I am a cook. 
 But perhaps— 
 What I have made by practising my art— 
 according to the comic poet Demetrius, who, in his play entitled The
 Areopagite, has spoken as follows— 
 What I have made by practising my art 
 Is more than any actor e'er has gain'd,— 
 This smoky art of mine is quite a kingdom. 
 I was a caper-pickler with Seleucus, 
 And at the court of the Sicilian king, 
 
 Agathocles, I was the very first 
 To introduce the royal dish of lentils. 
 My chief exploit I have not mention'd yet: 
 There was a famine, and a man named Lachares 
 Was giving an entertainment to his friends; 
 Whom I recovered with some caper-sauce. 
 Lachares made Minerva naked, who caused him no inconvenience; but I will
 now strip you who are inconveniencing me, said Aemilianus, unless you show me what
 you have got with you. And he said at last, rather unwillingly, I call this dish
 the Dish of Roses. And it is prepared in such a way, that you may not only have
 the ornament of a garland on your head, but also in yourself, and so feast your
 whole body with a luxurious banquet. Having pounded a quantity of the most
 fragrant roses in a mortar, I put in the brains of birds and pigs boiled and
 thoroughly cleansed of all the sinews, and also the yolks of eggs, and with them
 oil, and pickle-juice, and pepper, and wine. And having pounded all these things
 carefully together, I put them into a new dish, applying a gentle and steady fire
 to them. And while saying this, he uncovered the dish, and diffused such a sweet
 perfume over the whole party, that one of the guests present said with great
 truth— 
 The winds perfumed the balmy gale convey 
 Through heav'n, through earth, and all the aërial way; 
 so excessive was the fragrance which was diffused from the roses.

After this, some roasted birds were brought round, and some lentils and peas,
 saucepans and all, and other things of the same kind, concerning which Phænias the
 Eresian writes thus, in his treatise on Plants— For every leguminous
 cultivated plant bearing seed, is sown either for the sake of being boiled,
 such as the bean and the pea, (for a sort of boiled soup is made of these
 vegetables,) or else for the sake of extracting from them a farinaceous flour,
 as, for instance, the aracus; or else to be cooked like lentils, as the aphace
 and the common lentil; and some again are sown in order to serve as food for
 fourfooted animals, as, for instance, the vetch for cattle, and the aphace for
 sheep. But the vegetable called the pea is mentioned by Eupolis, in his Golden
 Age. And Heliodorus, who wrote a description of the whole world, in the first
 book of his treatise on the Acropolis, said— After the manner in which to boil wheat was discovered, the ancients called it
 πύανον, but the people of the present day name
 it ὁλόπυρον. " 
 Now, after this discussion had continued a long time, Democritus said—But at least
 allow us to have a share of these lentils, or of the saucepan itself, lest some of
 you get pelted with stones, like Hegemon the Thasian. And Ulpian said,—What is the
 meaning of this pelting ( βαλλητὺς ) with stones?
 for I know that in my native city, Eleusis, there is a festival celebrated which
 is called βαλλητὺς, concerning which I will not
 say a word, unless I get a reward from each of you. But I, said Democritus, as I
 am not a person who makes speeches by the hour for hire, like the Prodeipnus of
 Timon, will tell you all I know about Hegemon.

Chamæleon of Pontus, in the sixth book of his treatise concerning ancient Comedy,
 says—"Hegemon of Thasos, the man who wrote the Parodies, was nicknamed The Lentil,
 and in one of his parodies he wrote— 
 While I revolved these counsels in my mind, 
 Pallas Minerva, with her golden sceptre, 
 Stood by my head, and touched me, and thus spake— 
 O thou ill-treated Lentil, wretched man, 
 Go to the contest: and I then took courage. 
 And once he came into the theatre, exhibiting a comedy, having his robe
 full of stones; and he, throwing the stones into the orchestra, caused the
 spectators to wonder what he meant. And presently afterwards he said— 
 These now are stones, and let who chooses throw them; 
 But Lentil's good alike at every season. 
 But the man has an exceedingly high reputation for his parodies, and was
 exceedingly celebrated for reciting his verses with great skill and dramatic
 power; and on this account he was greatly admired by the Athenians. And in his
 Battle of the Giants, he so greatly delighted the Athenians, that they laughed to
 excess on that day; and though on that very day the news of all the disasters
 which had befallen them in Sicily had just arrived, still no on left the theatre,
 although nearly every one had lost relations by that calamity; and so they hid
 their faces and wept, but no one rose to depart, in order to avoid being seen by
 the spectators from other cities to be grieved at the disaster. But they remained
 listening to the performance, and that too, though Hegemon
 himself, when he heard of it, had resolved to cease his recitation. But when the
 Athenians, being masters of the sea, brought all the actions at law concerning the
 islands or the islanders into the city, some one instituted a prosecution against
 Hegemon, and summoned him to Athens to answer it. And he came in court, and
 brought with him all the workmen of the theatre, and with them he appeared,
 entreating Alcibiades to assist him. And Alcibiades bade him be of good cheer, and
 ordered all the workmen to follow him; and so he came to the temple of Cybele,
 where the trials of prosecutions were held; and then wetting his finger with his
 mouth, he wiped out the indictment against Hegemon. And though the clerk of the
 court and the magistrate were indignant at this, they kept quiet for fear of
 Alcibiades, for which reason also the man who had instituted the prosecution ran
 away."

This, O Ulpian, is what we mean by pelting ( βαλλητὺς ), but you, when you please, may tell us about the βαλλητὺς at Eleusis. And Ulpian replied,—But you have
 reminded me, my good friend Democritus, by your mention of saucepans, that I have
 often wished to know what that is which is called the saucepan of Telemachus, and
 who Telemachus was. And Democritus said,—Timocles the comic poet, and he was also
 a writer of tragedy, in his drama called Lethe, says— 
 And after this Telemachus did meet him, 
 And with great cordiality embraced him, 
 And said, "Nowlend me, I do beg, the saucepans 
 In which you boil'd your beans." And scarcely had 
 He finish'd saying this, when he beheld 
 At some small distance the renowned Philip, 
 Son of Chærephilus, that mighty man, 
 Whom he accosted with a friendly greeting, 
 And then he bade him send some wicker baskets. 
 But that this Telemachus was a citizen of the borough of Acharnæ, the
 same poet shows us in his Bacchus, where he says— 
 
 A. Telemachus th' Acharnian still is speaking, 
 And he is like the new-bought Syrian slaves. 
 
 B. How so, what does he do? I wish to know. 
 
 A. He bears about with him a deadly dish. 
 And in his Icarians, a satyric drama, he says— 
 So that we'd nothing with us; I myself, 
 Passing a miserable night, did first 
 
 Sleep on the hardest bed; and then that Lion, 
 Thudippus, did congeal us all with fear; 
 Then hunger pinch'd us . . . . . . 
 And so we went unto the fiery Dion. 
 But even he had nought with which to help us; 
 So running to the excellent Telemachus, 
 The great Acharnian, I found a heap 
 Of beans, and seized on some and ate them up. 
 And when that ass Cephisodorus saw us, 
 He by a most unseemly noise betray'd us. 
 From this it is plain that Telemachus, being a person who was constantly
 eating dishes of beans, was always celebrating the festival Pyanepsia.

And bean soup is mentioned by Heniochus the comic writer, in his play called the
 Wren, where he says— 
 
 A. I often, by the Gods I swear, consider 
 In my own mind how far a fig surpasses 
 A cardamum. But you assert that you 
 Have held some conversation with this Pauson, 
 And you request of me a difficult matter. 
 
 B. But having many cares of divers aspects, 
 Just tell me this, and it may prove amusing; 
 Why does bean soup so greatly fill the stomach, 
 And why do those who know this Pauson's habits 
 Dislike the fire? For this great philosopher 
 Is always occupied in eating beans.

So after this conversation had gone on for some time, water for the hands was
 brought round; and then again Ulpian asked whether the word χέρνιβον, which we use in ordinary conversation, was used by the
 ancients; and who had met with it; quoting that passage in the Iliad— 
 He spoke, and bade the attendant handmaid bring 
 The purest water of the living spring, 
 (Her ready hands the ewer ( χέρνιβον ) and
 basin held,) 
 Then took the golden cup his queen had fill'd. 
 But the Attic writers say χερνίβιον, as
 Lysias, for instance, in his speech against Alcibiades, where he says, With
 all his golden wash-hand basins ( χερνιβιοις )
 and incense-burners; but Eupolis uses the word χειρόνιπτρον, in his Peoples— 
 And he who runs up first receives a basin ( χειρόνιπτρον ), 
 But when a man is both a virtuous man 
 And useful citizen, though he surpass 
 In virtue all the rest, he gets no basin ( χειρόνιπτρον ). 
 But Epicharmus, in his Ambassadors for a Sacred Purpose, uses the word
 χειρόνιβον in the following lines:— 
 
 A harp, and tripods, chariots too, and tables 
 Of brass Corinthian, and wash-hand basins ( χειρόνιβα ), 
 Cups for libations, brazen caldrons too. 
 But it is more usual to say κατὰ χειρὸς
 ὕδωρ (water to be poured over the hands), as Eupolis does say in his
 Golden Age, and Ameipsias in his Sling, and Alcæus in his Sacred Wedding: and this
 is a very common expression. But Philyllius, in his Auge, says κατὰ χειρῶν, not χειρὸς, 
 in these lines:— 
 And since the women all have dined well, 
 'Tis time to take away the tables now, 
 And wipe them, and then give each damsel water 
 To wash her hands ( κατὰ χειρῶν ), and
 perfumes to anoint them. 
 And Menander, in his Pitcher, says— 
 And they having had water for their hands ( κατὰ χειρῶν
 λαβόντες ), 
 Wait in a friendly manner.

But Aristophanes the grammarian, in his Commentary on the Tablets of Callimachus,
 laughs at those who do not know the difference between the two expressions,
 κατὰ χειρὸς and ἀπονίψασθαι; for he says that among the ancients the way in which
 people washed their hands before breakfast and supper was called κατὰ χειρὸς, but what was done after those meals was
 called ἀπονίψασθαι. But the grammarian appears to
 have taken this observation from the Attic writers, since Homer says, somewhere or
 other— 
 Marshall'd in order due, to each a sewer 
 Presents, to bathe his hands ( νίψασθαι ), a
 radiant ewer; 
 Luxuriant then they feast. 
 And somewhere else he says— 
 The golden ewer a maid obsequious brings, 
 Replenish'd from the cool translucent springs, 
 With copious water the bright vase supplies, 
 A silver laver of capacious size; 
 They wash ( ὕδωρ ἐπὶ χεῖρας ἔχευαν ). The
 tables in fair order spread, 
 They heap the glittering canisters with bread. 
 And Sophron, in his Female Actresses, says— 
 O hard-work'd Cæcoa, give us water for our hands ( κατὰ
 χειρὸς ), 
 And then prepare the table for our food. 
 And among both the tragic and comic writers the word χερνίβα is read with an acute accent on the penultima.
 By Euripides, in his Hercules— 
 Which great Alcmena's son might in the basin ( χερνίβα ) dip. 
 And also by Eupolis, in his Goats— 
 Here make an end of your lustration ( χερνίβα ). 
 
 And χέρνιψ means the water
 into which they used to dip a firebrand which they took from the altar on which
 they were offering the sacrifice, and then sprinkling the bystanders with it, they
 purified them. But the accusative χερνιβα ought to
 be written with an acute accent on the antepenultima; for all compound words like
 that, ending in ψ, derived from the perfect
 passive, preserve the vowel of the penultima of that perfect tense. And if the
 perfect ends its penultimate syllable with a double μμ, then the derivative has a grave on the ultima, as λέλειμμαι αἰγίλιψ, τέτριμμαι οἰκότριψ, κέκλεμμαι 
 βοόκλεψ (a word found in Sophocles and applied to
 Mercury), βέβλεμμαι κατώβλεψ (a word found in
 Archelaus of the Chersonese, in his poem on Things of a Peculiar Nature: and in
 the oblique cases such words keep the accent on the same syllable. And
 Aristophanes, in his Heroes, has used the word χερνίβιον.

And for washing the hands they also used something which they called σμῆμα, or soap, for the sake of getting off the dirt; as
 Antiphanes mentions in his Corycus— 
 
 A. But while I'm listening to your discourse, 
 Bid some one bring me water for my hands. 
 
 B. Let some one here bring water and some σμῆμα. 
 
 And besides this they used to anoint their hands with perfumes, despising
 the crumbs of bread on which men at banquets used to wipe their hands, and which
 the Lacedæmonians called κυνάδες, 
 as Polemo mentions in
 his Letter on Mean Appellations. But concerning the custom of anointing the hands
 with perfumes, Epigenes or Antiphanes (whichever was the author of the play called
 the Disappearance of Money) speaks as follows:— 
 And then you'll walk about, and, in the fashion, 
 Will take some scented earth, and wash your hands 
 And Philoxenus, in his play entitled the Banquet, says— 
 And then the slaves brought water for the hands ( νίπτρα κατὰ χειρῶν, ) 
 And soap ( σμῆμα ) well mix'd with oily juice
 of lilies, 
 And poured o'er the hands as much warm water 
 As the guests wish'd. And then they gave them towels 
 Of finest linen, beautifully wrought, 
 And fragrant ointments of ambrosial smell, 
 And garlands of the flow'ring violet. 
 
 And Dromo, in his Female Harp-player, says— 
 And then, as soon as we had breakfasted, 
 One handmaid took away the empty tables, 
 Another brought us water for our hands; 
 We wash'd, and took our lily wreaths again, 
 And crown'd our heads with garlands.

But they called the water in which they washed either their hands or their feet
 equally ἀπόνιπτρον; Aristophanes says— 
 Like those who empty slops ( ἀπόνιπτρον ) at
 eventide. 
 And they used the word λεκάνη, or basin,
 in the same way as they used χειρόνιπτρον (a
 wash-hand basin); but the word ἀπόνιμμα is used in
 a peculiar sense by the Attic writers only for the water used to do honour to the
 dead, and for purifying men who have incurred some religious pollution. As also
 Clidemus tells us, in his book entitled Exegeticus; for he, having mentioned the
 subject of Offerings to the Dead, writes as follows:— Dig a trench to the
 west of the tomb. Then look along the side of the trench towards the west. Then
 pour down water, saying these words,—'I pour this as a purifying water for you
 to whom it is right to pour it, and who have a right to expect it.' Then after
 that pour perfume. And Dorotheus gives the same instructions; saying,
 that among the hereditary national customs of the people of Thyatira, these things
 are written concerning the purification of suppliants,— Then having washed
 your hands yourself, and when all the rest of those who have joined in
 disembowelling the victim have washed theirs, take water and purify yourselves,
 and wash off all the blood from him who is to be purified: and afterwards stir
 the purifactory water, and pour it into the same place.

But the cloth of unbleached linen with which they used to wipe their hands was
 called χειρόμακτρον, which also, in some verses
 which have been already quoted, by Philoxenus of Cythera, was called ἔκτριμμα. Aristophanes, in his Cook's Frying, says—
 
 Bring quickly, slave, some water for the hands ( κατὰ
 χειρος ), 
 And bring at the same time a towel ( χειρόμακτρον ) too. 
 (And we may remark here, that in this passage he uses the expression
 κατὰ χειρὸς with reference to washing the hands
 after eating; not, as Aristophanes the grammarian says, that 
 the Athenians used the expression κατὰ χειρὸς 
 before eating, but the word νίψασθαι after
 eating.) Sophocles, in his (Enomaus, says— 
 Shaved in the Scythian manner, while his hair 
 Served for a towel, and to wipe his hands in. 
 And Herodotus, in the second book of his History, speaks in a similar
 manner. But Xenophon, in the first book of his Cyropædia, writes— But when
 you have touched any one of these things, you immediately wipe your hands in a
 towel, as if you were greatly annoyed at their having been polluted in such a
 manner. And Polemo, in the sixth book of his books addressed to
 Antigonus and Adæus, speaks of the difference between the two expressions κατὰ χειρὸς ανδ νίψα- 
 σθαι. And Demonicus, in his Achelonius, uses the
 expression κατὰ χειρὸς, of water used before a
 meal, in these lines:— 
 But each made haste, as being about to dine 
 With one who 'd always a good appetite, 
 And who had also but Bœotian manners. 
 And so they all neglected washing their hands ( κατὰ
 χειρὸς ), 
 Because they could do that when they had dined. 
 And Cratinus also mentions towels, which he calls ὠμόλινον, in his Archilochi,— 
 With her hair cover'd with a linen towel, 
 Token of slovenly neglect. 
 And Sappho, in the fifth book of her Melodies addressed to Venus, when
 she says— 
 And purple towels o'er your knees I'll throw, 
 And do not you despise my precious gifts 
 * * * * * * * 
 speaks of these towels as a covering for the head; at Hecatæus shows, or
 whoever else it was who wrote those Descriptions of the World in the book entitled
 Asia,— And the women wear towels ( χειρόμακτρα ) on their heads. And Herodotus, in his second
 book, says, And after this they said that this king descended down alive
 into the lower regions, which the Greeks call αἵδης, and that there he played at dice with Ceres, and that
 sometimes he won and sometimes he lost; and that after that he returned to
 earth with a gold-embroidered towel, which he had received as a present from
 her.

And Hellanicus, in his Histories, says that the name of the boy who, when he had
 given Hercules water to wash his hands, and poured it over his hands from the
 basin, was afterwards slain by Hercules with a blow of his
 fist, (on which account Hercules left Calydon,) was Archias; but in the second
 book of the Phoronis he calls him Cherias: but Herodorus, in the seventeenth book
 of his account of the Exploits of Hercules, calls him Eunomus. And Hercules also,
 without intending it, killed Cyathus, the son of Pyles and brother of Antimachus,
 who was acting as his cupbearer, as Nicander relates in the second book of his
 History of Œta; to whom also he says that a temple was dedicated by Hercules in
 the Proschium, which to this day is called the Temple of the Cupbearer. 
 But we will stop this conversation at this point, and begin the next book with an
 account of the voracity of Hercules.

But a wise poet should behave 
 Like one who gives a splendid feast; 
 And so if he is wise should he 
 Seek the spectators to delight, 
 So that each one, when he departs, 
 May think that he has drunk and eaten 
 Exactly what he'd most have wish'd; 
 Not that there should have been but one 
 Dish for all sorts of appetites, 
 Or but one kind of writing for all tastes. 
 
 
 These, my good friend Timocrates, are the words of Astydamas the tragedian, in his
 satyric drama of Hercules. Come, let us now proceed to mention what is consistent
 with what we have said before, to show how great an eater Hercules was. And this
 is a point in his character mentioned by nearly all poets and historians.
 Epicharmus, in his Busiris, says— 
 For if you were to see him eat, you would 
 Be frighten'd e'en to death; his jaws do creak, 
 His throat with long deep-sounding thunder rolls, 
 His large teeth rattle, and his dog-teeth crash, 
 His nostrils hiss, his ears with hunger tremble. 
 And Ion, in his Omphale, having mentioned his voracity, adds— 
 And then, excited by th' applause, he rose 
 And swallow'd all the logs and burning coals. 
 
 But Ion borrowed all this from Pindar, who said— * * * * *
 And they say that he was a man of such excessive voracity, that they gave him the
 cormorant, amongst birds which should be sacred to him, which is called the
 ox-eater, on account of its voracity.

And Hercules is represented as having entered into a contest with Lepreus in
 respect of their mutual powers of eating, Lepreus having been the challenger:
 however, Hercules gained the victory. But Zenodotus, in the second book of his
 Epitomes, says that Lepreus was the son of Caucon, who was the son of Neptune and
 Astydamia; and that he ordered Hercules to be thrown into prison, when he demanded
 of Augeas the reward which was due to him for his labours. But Hercules, when he
 had completed his labours, came to the house of Caucon, and at the entreaty of
 Astydamia, he became reconciled to Lepreus. And after this Lepreus contended with
 Hercules in throwing the quoit, and in drawing water, and also as to which would
 eat a bull with the greatest rapidity; and in all these things he was defeated.
 And after that he armed himself, and challenged Hercules to single combat, and was
 slain in the battle. But Matris, in his panegyric on Hercules, says, that Hercules
 was also challenged by Lepreus to a contest as to who could drink most, and that
 Lepreus was again defeated. And the Chian orator, Caucalus, the brother of
 Theopompus the historian, relates the same story in his panegyric on Hercules.

Homer, too, represents Ulysses as a great eater, and a very voracious man, when he
 says— 
 What histories of toil I could declare, 
 But still long-wearied nature wants repair. 
 
 Spent with fatigue and shrunk with pining fast, 
 My craving bowels still require repast; 
 Howe'er the noble suffering mind may grieve 
 Its load of anguish, and disdain to live, 
 Necessity demands our daily bread; 
 Hunger is insolent and will be fed. 
 For in these lines his gluttony appears prodigious, when it induces him
 on so unseasonable an occasion to utter apophthegms about his stomach. For he
 ought, if he had been ever so hungry, to have endured it, or at all events to have
 been moderate in his food. But this last passage shows the
 extreme voracity and gluttony of the man— 
 For all my mind is overwhelm'd with care, 
 But hunger is the worst of griefs to bear; 
 Still does my stomach bid me eat and drink, 
 Lest on my sorrows I too deeply think. 
 Food makes me all my sufferings forget, 
 And fear not those which may surround me yet. 
 For even the notorious Sardanapalus would hardly have ventured to give
 utterance to such sentiments as those. Moreover, when Ulysses was an old man—
 
 Voraciously he endless dishes ate, 
 And quaff'd unceasing cups of wine. . .

But Theagenes of Thasos, the athlete, ate a bull single-handed, as Posidippus
 tells us in his Epigrams. 
 And as I'd undertaken, I did eat 
 A Thracian bull. My own poor native land 
 Of Thasos could not have purvey'd a meal 
 Sufficient for the hunger of Theagenes. 
 I ate all I could get, then ask'd for more. 
 And, therefore, here you see, I stand in brass, 
 Holding my right hand forth; put something in it. 
 And Milo of Crotona, as Theodorus of Hierapolis tells us in his book upon
 Games, ate twenty minæ weight of meat, and an equal quantity of
 bread, and drank three choes of
 wine. And once at Olympia he took a four year old bull on his shoulders, and
 carried it all round the course, and after that he killed it and cut it up, and
 ate it all up by himself in one day. And Titormus the Aetolian had a contest with
 him as to which could eat an ox with the greatest speed, as Alexander the Aetolian
 relates. But Phylarchus, in the third book of his Histories, says that Milo, while
 lying down before the altar of Jupiter, ate a bull, on which account Dorieus the
 poet made the following epigram on him:— 
 Milo could lift enormous weights from earth, 
 A heifer four years old, at Jove's high feast, 
 And on his shoulders the huge beast he bore, 
 As it had been a young and little lamb, 
 All round the wondering crowd of standers by. 
 But he did still a greater feat than this, 
 
 Before the altar of Olympian Jove; 
 For there he bore aloft an untamed bull 
 In the procession, then he cut it up, 
 And by himself ate every bit of it. 
 But Astydamas the Milesian, having gained the victory at Olympia three
 times in the pancratium, being once invited to supper by Ariobarzanes the Persian,
 when he had come, offered to eat everything that had been prepared for the whole
 party, and did eat it. And when, Theodorus relates, the Persian entreated him to
 do something suitable to his enormous strength, he broke off a large brazen
 ornament in the shape of a lentil from the couch and crushed it in his hand. And
 when he died, and when his body was burnt, one urn would not contain his bones,
 and scarcely two could do so. And they say that the dinner which he ate by himself
 at Ariobarzanes's table had been prepared for nine persons.

And there is nothing unnatural in such men as those being very voracious; for all
 the men who practise athletic exercises, learn with these gymnastic exercises also
 to eat a great deal. On which account Euripides says, in the first edition of his
 Autolycus— 
 For when there are ten thousand ills in Greece, 
 There's none that's worse than the whole race of athletes. 
 For, first of all, they learn not to live well, 
 Nor could they do so; for could any man 
 Being a slave to his own jaws and appetite 
 Acquire wealth beyond his father's riches 
 How could a man like that increase his substance? 
 Nor yet can they put up with poverty, 
 Or e'er accommodate themselves to fortune; 
 And so being unaccustom'd to good habits, 
 They quickly fall into severe distress.— 
 In youth they walk about in fine attire, 
 And think themselves a credit to the city; 
 But when old age in all its bitterness 
 O'ertakes their steps, they roam about the streets, 
 Like ragged cloaks whose nap is all worn off. 
 And much I blame the present fashions, too, 
 Which now in Greece prevail; where many a feast 
 Is made to pay great honour to such men, 
 And to show false respect to vain amusements. 
 For though a man may wrestle well, or run, 
 Or throw a quoit, or strike a heavy blow, 
 Still where's the good his country can expect 
 From all his victories and crowns and prizes? 
 Will they fight with their country's enemies 
 
 With quoit in hand? Or will their speed assist 
 To make the hostile bands retreat before them? 
 When men stand face to face with th' hostile sword 
 They think no more of all these fooleries. 
 'Twere better to adorn good men and wise 
 With these victorious wreaths; they are the due 
 Of those who govern states with wisdom sound, 
 And practise justice, faith, and temperance; 
 Who by their prudent language ward off evils, 
 Banishing wars and factions. These are the men, 
 Who're not alone a grace and ornament 
 To their own land, but to the whole of Greece.

Now Euripides took all this from the Elegies of Xenophanes the Colophonian, who
 has spoken in this way— 
 But if a man, in speed of foot victorious, 
 Or in the contests of the pentathlum, 
 Where is the sacred grove of Jupiter, 
 Near to the sacred streamlets of Olympia; 
 Or as a wrestler, or exchanging blows 
 And painful struggles as a hardy boxer, 
 Or in the terrible pancratium, 
 He surely is a noble citizen, 
 And well he does deserve the honours due 
 Of a front seat at games and festivals, 
 And at the public cost to be maintain'd; 
 And to receive a public gift of honour, 
 Which shall become an heirloom to his children. 
 And such shall be his honours, even if 
 He wins by horses, not by his own strength. 
 And still I think he does not equal me; 
 For wisdom far exceeds in real value 
 The bodily strength of man, or horses' speed; 
 But the mob judges of such things at random; 
 Though 'tis not right to prefer strength to sense: 
 For though a man may a good boxer be, 
 Or pentathlete, or never-conquer'd wrestler, 
 Or if he vanquish all in speed of foot— 
 Which is the most important of all contests— 
 Still for all this his city will enjoy 
 No better laws through his great strength or speed; 
 And 'tis small cause for any lasting joy, 
 That one of all her citizens should gain 
 A prize on Pisa's banks: for such achievements 
 Fill not the country's granaries with corn. 
 
 
 And Xenophanes contends at great length, and with great earnestness and variety of
 argument, in favour of the superior advantage of his own wisdom, running down
 athletic exercises as useless and unprofitable. And Achæus the Eretrian, speaking
 of the good constitution of the athletes, says— 
 
 For naked they did wave their glistening arms, 
 And move along exulting in their youth, 
 Their valiant shoulders swelling in their prime 
 Of health and strength; while they anoint with oil 
 Their chests and feet and limbs abundantly, 
 As being used to luxury at home.

But Heraclitus, in his Entertainer of Stangers, says that there was a woman named
 Helena, who ate more than any other woman ever did. And Posidippus, in his
 Epigrams, says that Phuromachus was a great eater, on whom he wrote this epigram:—
 
 This lowly ditch now holds Phuromachus, 
 Who used to swallow everything he saw, 
 Like a fierce carrion crow who roams all night. 
 Now here he lies wrapp'd in a ragged cloak. 
 But, O Athenian, whoe'er you are, 
 Anoint this tomb and crown it with a wreath, 
 If ever in old times he feasted with you. 
 At last he came sans teeth, with eyes worn out, 
 And livid swollen eyelids; clothed in skins, 
 With but one single cruse, and that scarce full; 
 For from the gay Lenæan games he came, 
 Descending humbly to Calliope. 
 But Amarantus of Alexandria, in his treatise on the Stage, says that
 Herodorus, the Megarian trumpeter, was a man three cubits and a half in height;
 and that he had great strength in his chest, and that he could eat six
 choenixes of bread, and twenty litræ of meat, of
 whatever sort was pro- vided for him, and that he could drink two choes of wine;
 and that he could play on two trumpets at once; and that it was his habit to sleep
 on only a lion's skin, and when playing on the trumpet he made a vast noise.
 Accordingly, when Demetrius, the son of Antigonus, was besieging Argos, and when
 his troops could not bring the helepolis against the walls on account of its
 weight, he, giving the signal with his two trumpets at once, by the great volume
 of so and which he poured forth, instigated the soldiers to move forward the
 engine with great zeal and earnestness; and he gained the prize in all the games
 ten times; and he used to eat sitting down, as Nestor tells us in his Theatrical
 Reminisce aces. And there was a woman, too, who played on the trumpet, whose name was Aglais, the daughter of Megacles, who, in the first
 great procession which took place in Alexandria, played a processional piece of
 music; having a head-dress of false hair on, and a crest upon her head, as
 Posidippus proves by his epigrams on her. And she, too, could eat twelve litræ of
 meat and four chœnixes of bread, and drink a choeus of wine, at one sitting.

There was, besides, a man of the name of Lityerses, a bastard son of Midas, the
 king of Celænæ in Phrygia, a man of a savage and fierce aspect, and an enormous
 glutton; and he is mentioned by Sositheus the tragic poet, in his play called
 Daphnis or Lityersa; where he says— 
 He'll eat three asses' panniers, freight and all, 
 Three times in one brief day; and what he calls 
 A measure of wine is a ten-amphoræ cask; 
 And this he drinks all at a single draught. 
 And the man mentioned by Pherecrates, or Strattis, whichever was the
 author of the play called The Good Men, was much such another the author says—
 
 
 A. I scarcely in one day, unless I'm forced, 
 Can eat two bushels and a half of food. 
 
 B. A most unhappy man! how have you lost 
 Your appetite, so as now to be content 
 With the scant rations of one ship of war? 
 
 
 And Xanthus, in his Account of Lydia, says that Cambles, who was the king of the
 Lydians, was a great eater and drinker, and also an exceeding epicure; and
 accordingly, that he one night cut up his own wife into joints and ate her; and
 then, in the morning, finding the hand of his wife still sticking in his mouth, he
 slew himself, as his act began to get notorious. And we have already mentioned
 Thys, the king of the Paphlagonians, saying that he too was a man of vast
 appetite, quoting Theopompus, who speaks of him in the thirty-fifth book of his
 History; and Archilochus, in his Te- trameters, has accused Charilas of the same
 fault, as the comic poets have attacked Cleonymus and Pisander. And Phœni- cides
 mentions Chærippus in his Phylarchus in the following terms— 
 And next to them I place Chærippus third; 
 He, as you know, will without ceasing eat 
 As long as any one will give him food, 
 Or till he bursts,—such stowage vast has he, 
 Like any house.

And Nicolaus the Peripatetic, in the hundred and third book of his History, says
 that Mithridates, the king of Pontus, once proposed a contest in great eating and
 great drinking (and the prize was a talent of silver), and that he himself gained
 the victory in both; but he yielded the prize to the man who was judged to be
 second to him, namely, Calomodrys, the athlete of Cyzicus. And Timocreon te
 Rhodian a poet, and an athlete who had gained the vcitory in the pentathlum, ate
 and drank a great deal, as the epigram on his tomb shows— 
 Much did I eat, much did I drink, and much 
 Did I abuse all men; now here I lie;— 
 My name Timocreon, my country Rhodes. 
 And Thrasymachus of Chalcedon, in one his Prefaces, says that Timocreon
 came to the great king of Persia, and being entertained by him, did eat an immense
 quantity of food; and when the king asked him, What he would do on the strength of
 it? he said that he would beat a great many Persians; and the next day, having
 vanquished a great many, one after another, taking them one by one, after this, he
 beat the air with his hands; and when they asked him what he wanted, he said that
 he had all those blows left in him if any one was inclined to come on. And
 Clearchus, in the fifth book of his Lives, says, that Cantibaris the Persian,
 whenever his jaws were weary with eating, had his slaves to pour food into his
 mouth, which he kept open as if they were pouring it into an empty vessel. But
 Hellanicus, in the first book of his Deucalionea, says that Erysichthon, the son
 of Myrmidon, being a man perfectly insatiable in respect of food, was called
 Aethon. And Polemo, in the first book of his Treatise addressed to Timæus, says
 that among the Sicilians there was a temple consecrated to gluttony, and an image
 of Ceres Sito; near which, also, there was a
 statue of Himalis, as
 there is at Delphi one of Hermuchus, and as at Scolum, in Bœotia, there a e statues of Megalartus and Megalomazus.

And Alcman the poet records himself to have been a great eater, in his third book
 of Odes, when he says— 
 And presently I will bestow 
 On you a large round dish well fill'd; 
 And even now 'tis on the fire, 
 Full of pulse-broth, which e'en the glutton 
 Alcman would like to feast on warm, 
 After the wintry solstice sets in; 
 For he for dainties does not care, 
 But loves the common people's dishes, 
 As long as they are full enough. 
 And in his fifth book he also displays his love of eating, speaking thus—
 
 God has bestow'd on man three various seasons, 
 The summer, and the winter, and the autumn; 
 And a fourth too, the spring, when men can dance, 
 But scarce are able to get much to eat. 
 
 
 And Anaxilas the comic poet, speaking in his play called Chrysochous of a man
 named Ctesias, says— 
 You now have nearly all things, save the art 
 Of Ctesias himself; for wise men say, 
 That he does recognise nought but the beginning 
 Of a rich banquet, and denies the end. 
 And in his Rich Men he says— 
 
 A. Others may also burst when fed too well 
 Not Ctesias alone.- 
 
 B. What should hinder it? 
 
 A. For he, as wise men say, loves the beginning 
 Of any feast, but ne'er can make an end of it. 
 And in his play called The Graces he includes a man called Cranaus in his
 list of great eaters; saying— 
 Men do not come and ask at random now, 
 Does Cranaus eat less than Ctesias? 
 Or do they both keep constantly devouring? 
 And Philetærus, in his Atalante, says— 
 If it were needful, I could run more stadia 
 Than e'er were run by Sotades; I surpass 
 E'en Taureas himself in these my labours; 
 And out-run Ctesias himself in eating. 
 And Anaxippus, in his Thunderbolt, says— 
 
 A. For now I see Damippus here approaching 
 From the palaestra. 
 
 B. What! that man of stone? 
 
 Him whom your friends e'en now, from his great strength, 
 Surname the Thunderbolt? 
 
 A. Most probably; 
 For I think he will overturn all tables 
 Which he once strikes with his consuming jaw. 
 And in these lines the comic poet shows that it was from this man that he
 had given his play the title of The Thunderbolt. And Theophilus, in his Epidaurus,
 says— 
 There was a Mantinean centurion, 
 Atrestides his name; who of all men 
 That ever lived could eat the greatest quantity. 
 And, in his Pancratiast, he introduces the athlete as eating a great
 deal, where he says— 
 
 A. Of boil'd meat about three mine weight. 
 
 B. Now mention something else. 
 
 A. A fine pig's face; 
 A ham; four pettitoes;— 
 
 B. Oh, Hercules! 
 
 A. Three calves' feet, and one hen. 
 
 B. Oh, Phœbus, oh! 
 What else? 
 
 A. Two minæ weight of figs: that's all. 
 
 B. And how much did you drink? 
 
 A. Twelve measures only 
 Of unmix'd wine. 
 
 B. Oh, Bacchus! oh, Sabazius!

And whole nations also have been ridiculed by the comic poets for their gluttony;
 as the Bœotians, for instance. Accordingly, Eubulus says, in his Antiopa— 
 We are courageous men to toil and eat, 
 And to endure sharp pain; the Attic race 
 Is quick and eloquent, and they eat little; 
 But the Bœotians eat enormously. 
 And in his Europa he says— 
 Go now and build up the Bœotian city,' 
 Where the men eat all day and never tire. 
 And in his Ionian he says— 
 He is so thorough a Bœotian 
 In all his manners, that, like them, 'tis said 
 He's never tired nor content with eating. 
 And in his Cercopes he says— 
 And after that I came to Thebes, where men 
 Spend the whole night in feasts and revelry; 
 And each man has a privy at his doors, 
 Which is a great boon to an o'er-fed man; 
 
 For men who have got a long way to go, 
 And who eat much and bite their weary lips, 
 Are some of the most ludicrous of sights. 
 And in his Mysians he represents some one as making the following speech
 to Hercules— 
 You leaving, as you say, the Theban plain, 
 Where valiant men sit eating all the day, 
 Being all throat, and close beside the privy. 
 Diphilus in his Bœotian, says— 
 That man can eat, beginning before dawn, 
 Or come again and eat till the following day. 
 Mnesimachus, in his Busiris, says— 
 . . . . . . . For I am a Bœotian, 
 Who do not eat much else, except these things. 
 Alexis, in his Trophonius, says— 
 And now that you may not be found out thus, 
 And spoken of as men of Bœotia, 
 By those whose wont it is to run you down, 
 As men unequali'd in creating noise, 
 And knowing nothing else save how to eat 
 And drink unceasingly the whole night long; 
 Strip yourselves quick, and all prepare for action. 
 And Achæus, in his Contests, says— 
 
 A. Are you now speaking to the spectators here, 
 Or to the body of competitors? 
 
 B. To those who eat much, as men training do. 
 
 A. Whence do the strangers come from? 
 
 B. They're Bœotians. 
 
 
 And very likely it is because of all this that Eratosthenes, in his Epistles,
 says, that Pempelus, when he was asked, What sort of people the Bœotians
 appeared to him? answered, That they only spoke just as vessels
 might be expected to speak, if they had a voice, of how much each of them could
 hold. And Polybius of Megalopolis, in the twentieth book of his
 Histories, says that the Bœotians, having gained great glory at the battle of
 Leuctra, after that relaxed their courage again, and turned to feasting and
 drunkenness, and to making parties for eating among friends; and many of them,
 even of those who had children, spent the greater part of their substance on their
 feasts so that there were a great number of Bœotians who had more invitations to
 supper than there were days in the month. On which account the Megarians, hating
 such a system as that, abandoned their alliance, and
 joined themselves to the Achæans.

The people of Pharsalus also are ridiculed by the comic poets as being enormous
 eaters; accordingly Mnesimachus, in his Philip, says— 
 
 A. Has any man of the Pharsalians come, 
 That he may eat up e'en our very tables? 
 
 B. There's no one come at all. 
 
 A. So much the better; 
 Perhaps they have all gone somewhere else to eat 
 Some city of Achaīa ready roasted. 
 And that it was a general imputation on all the Thessalians, that they
 were great eaters, Crates tells us in his Lamia, saying— 
 Great words three cubits long, 
 Cut into huge Thessalian slices thus:— 
 and he by this alludes to the Thessalians as cutting their meat into
 overgrown pieces. And Philetærus, in his Lampbearers, says also— 
 And a huge piece of pork, enough to break 
 One's arm, cut in the coarse Thessalian fashion. 
 They used to speak also of a Thessalian mouthful, as something enormous.
 Hermippus says in his Fates— 
 But Jupiter, considering nought of this, 
 Wink'd, and made up a huge Thessalian mouthful. 
 And such great bits of meat Aristophanes, in his Men Frying, calls
 Capanic, saying— 
 What is all this 
 To the great Lydian and Thessalian banquets? 
 And presently he says— 
 More splendid ( καπανικώτερα ) far than the
 Thessalian; 
 meaning big enough to load a wagon. For the Thessalians use the word
 καπάνη as equivalent to ἀπήνη. Xenarchus, in his Scythians, says— 
 
 A. They kept to seven Capanæ for the games 
 At Pisa. 
 
 B. What do you mean? 
 
 A. In Thessaly 
 They call their carts Capanæ. 
 
 B. I understand.

And Hecatæus says that the Egyptians were great bread-eaters, eating loaves of
 rye, called κυλλήστιες, and 
 bruising barley to extract a drink from it; and on this account Alexis, in his
 treatise on Contentment, says that Bocchoris and his father Neochabis were
 contented with a moderate quantity of food; as Lycon of Iasus relates in his
 treatise on Pythagoras. But he did not abstain from animal food, as Aristoxenus
 tells us; and Apollodorus the Arithmetician says, that he even sacrificed a
 hecatomb when he found out that in a right-angled triangle, the square of the side
 subtending the right angle is equal to the squares of the two sides containing it—
 
 When the illustrious Pythagoras 
 Discover'd that renowned problem which 
 He celebrated with a hecatomb. 
 But Pythagoras was a very sparing drinker, and lived in a most frugal
 manner, so that he often contented himself with honey by itself. And nearly the
 same thing is told us of Aristides, and of Epaminondas, and of Phocion, and of
 Phormio, the generals. But Manius Curius, the Roman general, lived on turnips all
 his life; and once, when the Sabines sent him a large sum of gold, he said he had
 no need of gold while he ate such food as that. And this story is recorded by
 Megacles in his treatise on Illustrious Men.

And there are many people who approve of moderate meals, as Alexis tells us in his
 Woman in Love— 
 But I am content with what is necessary, 
 And hate superfluous things; for in excess 
 There is not pleasure, but extravagance. 
 And in his Liar he says— 
 I hate excess; for those who practise it 
 Have only more expense, but not more pleasure. 
 And in his Foster Brothers he says— 
 How sweet all kinds of moderation are! 
 I now am going away, not empty, but 
 In a most comfortable state,—for wise 
 Mnesitheus tells us that 'tis always right' 
 T' avoid extravagance in everything. 
 
 
 And Ariston the philosopher, in the second book of his Amatory Similitudes, says
 that Polemo, the Academic philosopher, used to exhort those who were going to a
 supper, to consider how they might make their party pleasant, not only for the
 present evening, but also for the morrow. And Timotheus, the son of Conon, being
 once taken by Plato from a very sumptuous and princely
 entertainment to one held at the Academy, and being there feasted in a simple and
 scholar- like manner, said that those who supped with Plato would be well the next
 day also. But Hegesander, in his Commentaries, says that on the next day
 Timotheus, meting with Plato, said, You, O Plato, sup well, more with
 reference to the next day than to the present one! But Pyrrho the
 Elean, when on one occasion one of his acquaintances received him with a very
 sumptuous entertainment, as he himself relates, said, I will for the future
 not come to you if you receive me in this manner; that I may avoid being
 grieved by seeing you go to a great expense for which there is no necessity,
 and that you, too, may not come to distress by being overwhelmed by such
 expenses; for it is much better for us to delight one another by our mutual
 companionship and conversation, than by the great variety of dishes which we
 set before one another, of which our servants consume the greater part.

But Antigonus of Carystus, in his Life of Menedemus, relating the way in which the
 banquets of that philosopher are managed, says, that he used to dine with one or
 two companions at most; and that all the rest of his guests used to come after
 they had supped. For in fact, Menedemus's supper and dinner were only one meal,
 and after that was over they called in all who chose to come; and if any of them,
 as would be the case, came before the time, they would walk up and down before the
 doors, and inquire of the servants who came out what was being now served up, and
 how far on the dinner had proceeded. And if they heard that it was only the
 vegetables or the cured fish that was being served up, they went away; but if they
 were told that the meat was put on the table, then they went into the room which
 had been prepared for that purpose. And in the summer a rush mat was spread over
 each couch, and in the winter a fleece. But every one was expected to bring his
 own pillow; and the cup, which was brought round to each person, did not hold more
 than one cotyla. And the dessert was lupins or beans as a general rule; but
 sometimes some fruits, such as ere in season, were brought in; in summer, pears or
 pomegranates; and in spring, pulse; and in winter, figs. And we have a witness as
 to these things, Lycophron the Chalcidian, who wrote a
 satyric drama entitled Menedemus, in which Silenus says to the satyrs— 
 O cursed sons of a most excellent father, 
 I, as you see, have quite a fancy for you: 
 For, by the gods I swear, that not in Caria, 
 Nor in fair Rhodes, nor royal Lydia, 
 Have I e'er eaten so superb a supper; 
 Phœbus Apollo! what a feast it was. 
 And a little further on, he says— 
 And the boy brought us round a scanty cup 
 Of wine that might be worth five pence a bottle- 
 Awfully flat; and then that cursed thing, 
 That hang-dog lupin, danced upon the board, 
 A fitting meal for parasites and beggars. 
 And presently afterwards, he says that philosophical disqui- sitions were
 carried on during the entertainment— 
 And for dessert, 
 We had some learned conversation. 
 It is also related that those who met in this way very often kept on
 conversing to such a time that the bird which calls the morn still caught
 them talking, and they were not yet satisfied.

But Arcesilaus, when giving a supper to some people, when the bread fell short,
 and his slave made him a sign that there were no loaves left, burst out laughing,
 and clapped his hands; and said, What a feast we have here, my friends! We
 forgot to buy loaves enough; run now, my boy: —and this he said,
 laughing; and all the guests who were present burst out laughing, and great
 amusement and entertainment were excited, so that the very want of bread was a
 great seasoning to the feast. And at another time, Arcesilaus ordered Apelles, one
 of his friends, to strain some wine; and when he, not being used to doing so,
 shook some of the wine and spilt some, so that the wine appeared much thicker than
 usual, he laughed, and said, But I told a man to strain the wine who has
 never seen anything good any more than I myself have; so do you now get up,
 Aridices; and do you go away and tap the casks that are outside. And
 this good-humour of his so pleased and excited the mirth of those present, that
 they were all filled with joy.

But those of the present day who give entertainments, especially the inhabitants
 of the beautiful Alexandria, cry out, and make a noise, and
 curse the cup-bearer, the steward, and cook; and the slaves are all crying, being
 beaten with fists and driven about in every direction. And not only do the guests
 who are invited sup with great discomfort and annoyance, but even if there is any
 sacrifice going on, the god himself would veil his face and go away, leaving not
 only the house, but even the entire city, in which such things take place. For it
 is absurd for a man, proclaiming that people should all confine themselves to
 words of good omen, to curse his wife and his children; and such a man as that
 would say to the guests— 
 And now then let us hasten to the feast, 
 That we may plan the movements of the war;— 
 for such a man's house— 
 Is redolent of frankincense, 
 And pæans too, and groans at the same time. 
 Now, when all this had been said, one of the guests who were present
 said,—We ought, then, when we consider these things, to guard against indulging
 our appetites too much; 
 For a frugal supper breeds no drunkenness, 
 as Amphis says, in his Pan: nor does it produce insolence or insulting
 conduct; as Alexis testifies in his Ulysses Weaving, where he says— 
 For many a banquet which endures too long, 
 And many and daily feasts, are wont t' engender 
 Insult and mockery; and those kind of jests 
 Give far more pain than they do raise amusement. 
 For such are the first ground of evil-speaking; 
 And if you once begin t' attack your neighbour, 
 You quickly do receive back all you bring, 
 And then abuse and quarrels surely follow; 
 Then blows and drunken riot. For this is 
 The natural course of things, and needs no prophet.

And Mnesimachus, in his Philip, on account of the immoderate indulgence in suppers
 of people of his time, introduces an entertainment which professes to be a
 preparation for war, and which really is what that admirable writer Xenophon calls
 a workshop of war. And he speaks thus— 
 Know you now with what men you must fight? 
 With us, who sup upon well-sharpen'd swords, 
 And swallow lighted firebrands for dainties: 
 And then, for our dessert, our slaves bring in, 
 After the first course, Cretan bows and arrows; 
 
 And, 'stead of vetches, broken heads of spears, 
 And fragments of well-batter'd shields and breastplates; 
 And at our feet lie slings, and stones, and bows, 
 And on our heads are wreaths of catapults. 
 And Phœnix the Colophonian says— 
 A cask of wine shall be our sword-a cup 
 Shall be our spear-our hair shall arrows be; 
 Goblets shall be our enemies-wine our horses- 
 Ointments and perfumes our war-cry fierce. 
 And in the Parasite, Alexis, speaking of some very voracious person,
 says— 
 And all the younger men do call him parasite, 
 Using a gentler name; but he cares not. 
 And Telephus in speechless silence sits, 
 Making but signs to those who ask him questions; 
 So that the inviter often offers prayers 
 To the great Samothracian gods o' the sea, 
 To cease their blowing, and to grant a calm; 
 For that young man's a storm to all his friends. 
 And Diphilus, in his Hercules, speaking of some similar kind of person,
 says— 
 Do you not now behold me drunk and merry, 
 Well fill'd with wine, and all inflamed with anger? 
 Have not I just devour'd a dozen cakes, 
 Every one larger than a good-sized shield? 
 On which account, Bion of the Borysthenes said, cleverly enough, that
 A man ought not to derive his pleasures from the table, but from
 meditation; and Euripides says— 
 I pleased my palate with a frugal meal; 
 signifying that the pleasure derived from eating and drinking is chiefly
 limited to the mouth. And Aeschylus, in his Phineus, says— 
 And many a most deceitful meal they snatch'd 
 Away from hungry jaws, in haste t' enjoy 
 The first delight of the too eager palate. 
 And in his Sthenebœa, Euripides speaks of frugality thus— 
 A life at sea is a much troubled life, 
 Not reinforced with pleasures of the table, 
 But like a stable on the shore. The sea itself 
 Is a moist mother, not a nurse on land; 
 'Tis her we plough; from this our food, procured 
 With nets and traps, comes daily home to us.

For the belly is a great evil to man; concerning which Alexis speaks, in his Men
 Dying together— 
 
 And hence you well may see how great an evil 
 The belly is to man; what lessons strange 
 It teaches, and what deeds it forces on us. 
 If there were any power which could take 
 This part alone from out our bodies, then 
 No one would any more do injury 
 Or insult to his neighbour. But from this 
 Flow all the ills that harass human life. 
 And Diphilus, in his Parasite, says— 
 Well did that wise Euripides oft speak, 
 And this does seem his wisest word of all— 
 
 But want compels me and my wretched belly; 
 
 For there is nought more wretched than the belly: 
 And into that you pour whate'er you have, 
 Which you do not in any other vessel. 
 Loaves you perhaps may in a wallet carry,— 
 Not soup, or else you'll spoil it. So again, 
 You put cakes in a basket, but not pulse; 
 And wine into a bladder, but not crabs: 
 But into this accursed belly, men 
 Put every sort of inconsistent thing. 
 I add no more; since it is plain enough 
 That all men's errors are produced by it.' 
 And Crates the Cynic, as Sosicrates tells us in his Successions,
 reproached Demetrius Phalereus for sending him a wallet of bread with a flagon of
 wine. I wish, said he, that the fountains bore
 bread. And Stilpo did not think himself guilty of intemperance when,
 having eaten garlic, he went to sleep in the temple of the Mother of the Gods; but
 all who eat of that food were forbidden even to enter into it. But when the
 goddess appeared to him in his sleep, and said, O Stilpo, do you, though
 you are a philosopher, transgress the Law? he thought that he made
 answer to her (still being asleep), Do you give me something better to eat,
 and I will not eat garlic.

After this, Ulpian said,—Since we have feasted ( δεδείπναμεν ) . . . .And Alexis, in his Curis, has used this
 expression, where he says— 
 Since we have long since supp'd ( δεδείπναμεν ); 
 and so has Eubulus, in his Procris— 
 But we have not yet supp'd ( δεδείπναμεν ); 
 and in another passage he says— 
 A man who ought long since to have had supper ( δεδειπναναι ). 
 
 And Antiphanes, in his Leonidas, says— 
 He will be here before we've finish'd supper ( δεδειπνάναι ). 
 And Aristophanes, in his Proagon, says— 
 It's time for me to go now to my master, 
 For by this time I think they all have supp'd ( δεδειπνάναι ). 
 And in his Danaides he says— 
 You now are insulting me in a drunken manner 
 Before you've supp'd ( δεδειπνάναι ). 
 And Plato, in his Sophist, and Epicrates of Ambracia (and this last is a
 poet of the middle comedy), in his Amazons, says— 
 For these men seem to me to have had their supper ( δεδειπνάναι ) 
 In capital season. 
 And, on the same principle, Aristophanes has given us the form ἠρίσταμεν, in his Men Frying— 
 We've drank our fill, my men, and well have dined ( ἠπίσταμεν ). 
 And Hermippus, in his Soldiers, says— 
 To dine ( ἀριστάναι ), and come to this man's
 house. 
 And Theopompus, in his Callæschrus, says— 
 We've dined ( ἠρίσταμεν );—for I must this
 discourse cut short. 
 But, in his Politician, Antipho has used the word καταριστᾶν, saying— 
 When any one has all consumed in dinners ( κατηρίστηκεν ) 
 His own estate, and that of all his family. 
 And Amphis has used the word παραδεδειπνημένος, in his Vagabond, saying— 
 The boys who long ago have lost their dinner ( παραδεδειπνημένοι ).

Let us, then, now, as Plato says in his Philebus, pray to
 the gods, and pour libations to them, whether it be Bacchus, or Vulcan, or
 whoever else of the gods it may be, who has had the honour of having our cups
 mixed for his sake. For there are two fountains by us, as if we were cupbearers
 to mix the wine: and a person might compare a fountain of pleasure to honey;
 but the fountain of wisdom, which is a sober and wine-eschewing spring, to that
 of some hard but wholesome water, which we must be very earnest to mix as well
 as possible. It is, then, time for us now to drink wine; and let some
 one of the slaves bring us goblets from the sideboard, for I see here a great
 variety of beautiful and variously-ornamented drinking-cups. Accordingly, when a
 large cup had been given to him, he said,—But, O boy, draw
 out and pour into my cup a liquor with not quite so much water in it; not like the
 man in the comic poet Antiphanes, who, in the Twins, says— 
 He took and brought me an enormous cup, 
 And I pour'd into it unmixed wine, 
 Not to the honour of a boy, but all 
 My cups, and they were numberless, I quaff'd 
 To all the gods and goddesses of heaven. 
 Then, after them, I drank twice as much more 
 To the great goddess and the noble king. 
 So do you now, O boy, pour me out something stronger; for I do not
 prescribe to you the exact number of cyathi. But I will show you that the words κύαθος 
 and ἀκρατέστερον (wine with less water in it) are
 both used: and then, too, I will give you a lecture about cupbearers.

But, first of all, I will speak about the habit of drinking strong drinks, with
 reference to which we find the word ζωρότερον. 
 Antiphanes, in his Milanion, says— 
 I think this man does drink the cup of health, 
 Making his cupbearer shun too much water ( ζωροτέρῳ
 χρώμενον οἰνοχόῳ ). 
 And in his Lampon he says— 
 My friend Iapyx, mix it somewhat stronger ( εὐζωρέστερον ). 
 And Ephippus, in his Ephebi, says— 
 He gave him in each hand a brimming flagon, 
 Mixing in strong wine ( ζωρότερον ), in
 Homer's fashion. 
 And you find some people say that the expression in Homer— 
 Take care and give less water ( ζωρότερον
 κέραιρε ), 
 does not mean that there is to be less water, but that the draught is to
 be hot; urging that ζωρὸς is derived from 
 ζωτικὸς (giving life), and from ζέσις (boiling);—for that, as there were companions
 present, it would have been absurd to begin mixing the cups of wine over again.
 But some say that the word is to be understood as equivalent to εὔκρατον (well-mixed); just as we find the form δεξιτερὸν used instead of δεξιόν. And some say that, since the year is called ὧρος, and since the particle ζα indicates magnitude or number, ζῶρος means merely what has been made many years. And Diphilus, in
 his Pederastæ, says— 
 Pour me now out a cup of wine to drink; 
 Give it, by Jove! εὐζωρότερον than that; 
 For wat'ry things are ruinous to the stomach. 
 And Theophrastus, in his treatise on Drinking, says that ζωρότερον means mixed; quoting the following lines of
 Empedocles;— 
 And soon the things which formerly they learnt 
 Immortal were, did mortal now become, 
 And things unmix'd before became now mix'd ( ζωρὰ, ) 
 Changing their previous ways and habits all.

And Plato has used the word κύαθος in the sense of
 a ladle, in his Phaon, where he says— 
 Taking up thus the ladle ( κύαθος ) in their
 mouths. 
 And in his Ambassadors he says— 
 He stole the ladles ( κύαθοι ) every time he
 could. 
 And Archippus, in his Fishes, says— 
 I bought a ladle ( κύαθος ) there from
 Dæsias. 
 And there is a similar use of the word in the Peace of Aristophanes:—
 
 All having fought till they had got black eyes, 
 Lying all on the ground around the κύαθοι; 
 
 for black eyes are reduced by having κύαθοι (cupping glasses) applied to them. Xenophon also speaks of
 the κύαθος in the first book of his Cyropædia; and
 so does Cratinus; and, besides, so does Aristophanes in many places, and Eubulus
 in his Orthanna; and Pherecrates, in his Triflers, has spoken of a κύαθος made of silver. But Timon, in the second book of
 his History of the Silli, has called κύαθοι,
 ἀρύσαναι; speaking thus:— 
 And ἀρύσαναι, hard to fill with wine; 
 naming them so from the verb ἀρύομαι, to
 draw. And they are called also ἀρυστῆρες and
 ἀρίστιχοι. Simonides says— 
 
 And no one gave me even one ἀρυστὴρ 
 
 Of the mere dregs and lees. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Wasps, says— 
 For I had these ἀρύστιχοι near me. 
 And Phrynichus, in his Weeding Women, says— 
 (A cup) κύλικʼ ἀρύστιχον· 
 
 and from this comes the word ἀρύταινα. 
 They also called this vessel ἔφηβος, as Xenophanes
 did in his Relationship; and Polybius, in the ninth book of his Histories, says
 that there is a certain river called the Cyathus, near Arsinoe, a city in
 Aetolia.

But the word ἀκρατέστερον, meaning the same as
 ζωρότερον, is used by Hyperides in his oration
 against Demosthenes; where he writes thus— If any one drank any wine of much
 strength ( ἀκρατέστερον ), it grieved
 you. And a similar form is ἀνιαρέστερον, and also the expression in the Heliades of Aeschylus—
 
 
 ἀφθονέστερον λίβα. 
 
 And Epicharmus, in his Pyrrha, has the word εὐωνέστερον (cheaper); and Hyperides, in his Oration against
 Demades, has used the expression— 
 
 ῥαδιεστέραν τὴν πόλιν. 
 
 And as for the word κεραννύω (to mix),
 that is used by Plato in his Philebus— Let us, O Protarchus, pray to the
 gods, and mingle cups ( κεραννύωμεν ) to pour
 libations to them. And Alcæus, in his Sacred Marriage, says— 
 They mix the cups ( κεραννύουσιν ) and drink
 them. 
 And Hyperides, in his Delian Oration, says— And the Greeks mix
 ( κεραννύουσι ) the Panionian goblet all
 together. 
 
 And among the ancients they were the most nobly born youths who acted as
 cupbearers; as, for instance, the son of Menelaus:— 
 And the king's noble son pour'd out the wine. 
 And Euripides the poet, when he was a boy, acted s cupbearer.
 Accordingly, Theophrastus, in his treatise on Drinking, says— But I hear
 that Euripides the poet also acted as a cupbearer at Athens, among those who
 are called the dancers.: and these men were they who used to dance around the
 temple of the Delian Apollo, being some of the noblest of the Athenians, and
 they were clothed in garments of the Theræans. And this is
 that Apollo in whose honour they celebrate the Thargelian festival; and a
 writing concerning them is kept at Phylæ, in the Daphnephorium. And
 Hieronymus the Rhodian gives the same account, who was a disciple of Aristotle,
 and that too in a book of his entitled a Treatise on Drunkenness. And the
 beautiful Sappho often praises her brother Larichus, as having acted as cupbearer
 to the Mitylenæans in the Prytaneum. And among the Romans, the most nobly born of
 the youths perform this office in the public sacrifices, imitating the Aeolians in
 everything, as even in the tones of their voices.

And so great was the luxury of the ancients in respect of their sumptuous meals,
 that they not only had cupbearers, but also men whom they called œnoptæ
 (inspectors of wines). At all events, the office of œnoptæ is a regular office
 among the Athenians; and it is mentioned by Eupolis, in his play called The
 Cities, in the following lines— 
 And men whom heretofore you'd not have thought 
 Fit e'en to make œnoptæ of, we now 
 See made commanders. But oh, city, city! 
 How much your fortune does outrun your sense. 
 And these œnoptæ superintended the arrangement of banquets, taking care
 that the guests should drink on equal terms. But it was an office of no great
 dignity, as Philinus the orator tells us, in his debate on the Croconidæ. And he
 tells us, too, that the œnoptæ were three in number, and that they also provided
 the guests with lamps and wicks. And some. people called them eyes; 
 but among the Ephesians, the youths who acted as cupbearers at the festival of
 Neptune were called bulls, as Amerias tells us. And the people of
 the Hellespont call the cupbearer ἐπεγχύτης, or
 the pourer out; and they call carving, which we call κρεωνομία, 
 κρεωδαισία, as Demetrius of Scepsis tells us, in
 the twenty-sixth book of his Arrangement of the Trojan Forces. And some say that
 the nymph Harmonia acted as cupbearer to the gods; as Capito the epic poet relates
 (and he was a native of Alexandria by birth), in the second book of his Love
 Poems. But Alcæus also represents Mercury as their cupbearer; as also does Sappho,
 who says— 
 And with ambrosia was a goblet mix'd, 
 And Mercury pour'd it out to all the gods.

But the ancients used to call the men who discharged this office, heralds
 ( κήρυκες ). Homer says— 
 Meanwhile the heralds through the crowded town 
 Bring the rich wine and destined victims down. 
 Idæus's arms the golden goblets prest, 
 Who thus the venerable king addrest. 
 And a few lines further on he says— 
 On either side a sacred herald stands; 
 The wine they mix, and on each monarch's hands 
 Pour the full urn. 
 But Clidemus says that the cooks used to be called heralds. And some
 people have represented Hebe as acting as cupbearer to the gods, perhaps because
 their banquets were called Hebeteria. And Ptolemy, the son of Agesarchus, speaks
 of a damsel named Cleino as the cupbearer of Ptolemy the king, who was surnamed
 Philadelphus, mentioning her in the third book of his History of Philopator. But
 Polybius, in the fourteenth book of his History, adds that there are statues of
 her in Alexandria, in many parts of the city, clad in a tunic alone, holding a cup
 in her hand.

And so, after this conversation, Ulpian drinking a goblet of wine, said— 
 I drink this cup, a pledge of friendship dear, 
 To all my kinsmen, naming them. 
 And while he was still drinking, one of those who were present quoted the
 rest of the passage— 
 When I have drunk, I'll say 
 The rest; for I am choked: but now drink this. 
 And Ulpian, when he had drunk it up, said,—Clearchus has these lines in
 his Harp Player; but I, as is said in the Wool-spinners of Amphis, recommend—
 
 Let the boy wait on all with frequent goblets. 
 And again— 
 You fill for me, and I will give you drink; 
 So shall the almond with the almond play: 
 as Xenarchus says, in his Twins. And accordingly, where some of the
 guests asked for more wine, and others wished to have it mixed half-and-half, and
 when some one mentioned that Archippus, in the second edition of his Amphitryon,
 said— 
 Wretch, who has mix'd for you this half-and-half? 
 
 and that Cratinus had said— 
 Giving him half-and-half; but I'm undone; 
 every one seemed to agree to speak of the way of mixing wine among the
 ancients.

And when some one mentioned that Menander, in his Hero, said— 
 Here is a measure of well-temper'd wine; 
 Take it, and drink it up;— 
 Democritus said—Hesiod, my friends, recommends men 
 To pour three parts of water in the cup, 
 And let the fourth part be the vinous juice. 
 And, perhaps, it was on account of Hesiod that Anaxilas said, in his
 Nereus,— 
 And this is much more pleasant; for I'd never 
 Have drunk one part of wine to three of water. 
 And Alexis, in his Nurse, recommends even a more moderate mixture than
 this— 
 See, here is wine. Shall I, then, give to Criton 
 Equal proportions? This is better far, 
 One part of wine to four of limpid water: 
 Perhaps you'll call that weak; but still, when you 
 Have drunk your fill of this, you'll find your head 
 Clear for discussion,—and the drink lasts longer. 
 And Diocles, in his Bees, says— 
 
 A. In what proportions should the wine be mix'd? 
 
 B. Four parts of water to two parts of wine. 
 And this mixture, as it is not that in ordinary use, put the questioner
 in mind of the well-known proverb,— 
 Drink waters three or five; but never four. 
 That they mean is, You had better take two parts wine with five of water,
 or one of wine to three of water. But, concerning this mixture, Ion the poet, in
 his book on Chios, says that Palamedes the soothsayer discovered and prophesied to
 the Greeks, that they would have a favourable voyage if they drank one portion of
 wine to three of water. But they, applying themselves to their drink very
 vigorously, took two pints of wine to five of water;—accordingly Nicochares in his
 Amymone, playing on the name, says— 
 Here, you Œnornaus,—here. you two and five,— 
 Let you and I now have a drink together. 
 And he said nearly the same in his Lemnian Women: and Ameipsias, in his
 Men Playing the Cottabus, says— 
 
 But I (it is Bacchus who is represented as speaking) am five and two to all
 of you. 
 And Eupolis says, in his Goats,— 
 Hail, my friend Bacchus, are you two to five? 
 And Hermippus says, in his Gods,— 
 
 A. Then, when we drink, or when we thirsty are, 
 We pray our wine may be in due proportion. 
 
 B. I do not bring it from a roguish wine-vault, 
 Meaning to mock you: this which I do bring 
 Is, as before, the proper two and five.

But in Anacreon we find one measure of wine to two of water spoken of— 
 Come, my boy, and bring to me 
 Such a cup as I may drink 
 At one easy draught: pour in 
 Ten cyathi of water pure, 
 And five of richest Chian wine; 
 That I may drink, from fear removed, 
 And free from drunken insolence. 
 And going on presently, he calls the drinking of unmixed wine, a Scythian
 draught— 
 Come hither, now, and let us not 
 Give way to vulgar shouts and noise, 
 Indulging in the Scythian draughts 
 While o'er our wine; but let us drink, 
 Singing well-omen'd, pious hymns. 
 And the Lacedæmonians, according to the statement of Herodotus, in his
 sixth book, say that Cleomenes the king, having lived among the Scythians, and got
 the habit of drinking unmixed wine, became perfectly mad from his habit of
 drunkenness. And the Lacedæmonians themselves, when they take it into their heads
 to drink hard, say that they are Episcythising. Accordingly, Chamæleon of
 Heraclea, in his book on Drunkenness, writes thus concerning them:— Since
 the Lacedæmonians say also, that Cleomenes the Spartan became ma d from having
 lived among the Scythians, and there learnt to drink unmixed wine; on which
 account, when they take a fancy to drink unmixed wine they desire their slaves
 to pour out in the Scythian fashion. And Achæus, in his Aethon, a
 satyric drama, represents the Satyrs as indignant at being compelled to drink
 their wine watered, and as saying— 
 Was the whole Achelous in this wine? 
 But even then this race would not cease drinking, 
 For this is all a Scythian's happiness.

But the habit of pouring libations of pure wine, as Theophrastus says, in his
 treatise on Drinking, was not ancient; but originally libations were what is given
 to the Gods, and the cottabus, what was devoted to the object of one's love. For
 men practised throwing the cottabus with great care, it being originally a
 Sicilian sport, as Anacreon - the Teian says— 
 Throwing, with his well-bent arm 
 The Sicilian cottabus. 
 On which account those songs of the ancient poets, which are called
 scolia, are full of mention of the cottabus. I mean, for instance, such a scolion as Pindar composed— 
 And rightly I adore the Graces, 
 Nymphs of Venus and of Love, 
 While drinking with a loving heart 
 This sounding cottabus I pour 
 To Agathon, my heart's delight. 
 And they also consecrated to those of their friends who were dead, all
 that portion of their victuals which fell from their tables. On which account
 Euripides says of Sthenoboea, when she thinks that Bellerophon is dead— 
 Nothing escaped her from her hand which fell, 
 But in a moment she did couple it 
 With the loved name of the Corinthian stranger.

But the ancients were not in the habit of getting drunk. But Pittacus recommended
 Periander of Priene not to get drunk, nor to become too much addicted to feasting,
 so that, says he, it may not be discovered what sort of a
 person you really are, and that you are not what you
 pretend to be. — 
 For brass may be a mirror for the face,— 
 Wine for the mind. 
 On which account they were wise men who invited the proverb, Wine
 has no rudder. Accordingly, Xenophon the son of Gryllus, (when once at
 the table of Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily, the cupbearer was compelling the
 guests to drink,) addressed the tyrant himself by name, and said, Why, O
 Dionysius, does not also the confectioner, who is a skilful man in his way, and
 one who understands a great many different recipes for dressing things, compel
 us also, when we are at a banquet, to eat even when we do not wish to; but why,
 on the contrary, does he spread the table for us in an orderly manner, in
 silence? And Sophocles, in one of his Satyric dramas, says— 
 To be compell'd to drink is quite as hard 
 As to be forced to bear with thirst. 
 From which also is derived the saying— 
 Wine makes an old man dance against his will. 
 And Sthenelus the poet said very well— 
 Wine can bring e'en the wise to acts of folly. 
 And Phocylides says— 
 It should be a rule for all wine-bibbing people 
 Not to let the jug limp round the board like a cripple, 
 But gaily to chat while enjoying their tipple: 
 and to this day this custom prevails among some of the Greeks. But since
 they have begun to be luxurious and have got effeminate they have given up their
 chairs and taken to couches; and having taken indolence and laziness for their
 allies, they have indulged in drinking in an immoderate and disorderly manner; the
 very way in which the tables were laid contributing, as I imagine, to luxury.

And it is on this account that Hesiod, in his Eoæ, has said— 
 What joys and also what exceeding pains 
 Has Bacchus given to mortal men who drink, 
 Indulging in excess: for to such men 
 Wine is an insolent master, binding fast' 
 Their feet and hands, their tongues and intellects, 
 With chains unspeakable, unnoticeable; 
 And tender sleep loves on their eyes to fall. 
 
 And Theognis says— 
 I come like wine, the sweetest drink of men,— 
 I am not sober, nor yet very drunk; 
 But he who goes to great excess in drink 
 Is no more master of his mind or senses; 
 Then he talks unintelligible nonsense, 
 Which seems to sober men a shameful thing; 
 But he, when drunk, is not ashamed of anything, 
 E'en though at other times a modest man 
 And gentle-minded. Mind you this, my friend, 
 And don't indulge in drinking to excess, 
 But rise from table ere the wine begins 
 To take effect; nor let your appetite 
 Reduce you to become its daily slave. 
 But Anacharsis the philosopher, wishing to exhibit the power of the vine
 to the king of the Scythians, and showing him some of its branches, said that if
 the Greeks did not prune it every year it would by this time have reached to
 Scythia.

But those men do not act wisely who represent and describe Bacchus in their
 statues or pictures, and who also lead him through the middle of the market-place
 on a waggon, as if he were drunk; for, by so doing, they show the beholders that
 wine is stronger than the god. And I do not think that even a good and wise man
 could stand this. And if they have represented him in this state because he first
 showed us the use of wine, it is plain that for the same reason they should always
 represent Ceres as reaping corn or eating bread. And I should say that Aeschylus
 himself erred in this particular; for he was the first person (and not Euripides,
 as some people say,) who introduced the appearance of drunken people into a
 tragedy. For in his Cabiri he introduces Jason drunk. But the fact is, that the
 practices which the tragedian himself used to indulge in, he attributed to his
 heroes: at all events he used to write his tragedies when he was drunk; on which
 account Sophocles used to reproach him, and say to him, O Aeschylus, 
 even if you do what you ought, at all events you do so
 without knowing it; as Chamæleon tells us, in his treatise on
 Aeschylus. And they are ignorant people who say that Epiharmus was the first
 person who introduced a drunken man on the stage, and after him Crates, in his
 Neighbours. And Alcæus the lyric poet, and Aristophanes the comic poet, used o
 write their poems when they were drunk. And many other men have fought with great
 gallantry in war when they were drunk. But among the Epizephyrian Locrians, if any
 one drank untempered wine, except by the express command of his physician for the
 sake of his health, he was liable to be punished with death, in accordance with a
 law to that effect passed by Zalericus. 
 And among the people of Massilia there was a law that the women should drink water
 only. And Theophrastus says, that to this day that is the law at Miletus. And
 among the Romans no slave ever drank wine, nor any free woman, nor any youth born
 of free parents till he was thirty years of age. And Anacreon is very ridiculous
 for having referred all his poems to the subject of drunkenness; for, owing to
 this, he is found fault with as having in his poems wholly abandoned himself to
 effeminacy and luxury, as the multitude are not aware that while he wrote he was a
 sober and virtuous man, who pretended to be a drunkard, when there was no
 necessity at all for his doing so.

And men who are ignorant of the power of wine, say that Bacchus is the cause of
 madness to men; in saying which they abuse wine in a very senseless manner. On
 which account Melanippides says— 
 All men have detested water 
 Who did not before have wine; 
 And though some have enjoy'd their cups, 
 Others have turn'd to ravings wild. 
 And Aristotle, in his treatise on Drinking, says, If the wine be
 moderately boiled, then when it is drunk, it is less pt to intoxicate; for, as
 some of its power has been boiled away, it has become weaker. And he
 also says, "Old men become drunk more quickly on account of the small quantity of
 natural warmth which there is in them, and also of the weak 
 ness of what there is. And again, those who are very young get drunk very quickly,
 on account of the great quantity of natural warmth that there is in them; for, in
 consequence, they are easily subdued by the warmth proceeding from the wine which
 is added to their natural warmth. And some of the brute beasts are also capable of
 becoming intoxicated; such as pigs when they are filled with the husks of pressed
 grapes; and the whole race of crows, and of dogs, when they have eaten of the herb
 called cenussa: and the monkey and the elephant get intoxicated if they drink
 wine; on which account they hunt monkeys and crows when the former have been made
 drunk with wine, and the latter with œnussa. 
 But to drink unceasingly— 
 as Crobylus says, in his Woman who deserted her Husband— 
 Can have 
 No pleasure in it, surely; how should it, 
 When it deprives a living man of power 
 To think as he should think? and yet is thought 
 The greatest blessing that is given to man. 
 And Alexis, in the revised edition of his Phrygian, says— 
 If now men only did their headaches get 
 Before they get so drunk, I'm sure that no one 
 Would ever drink more than a moderate quantity: 
 But now we hope t' escape the penalty 
 Of our intemperance, and so discard 
 Restraint, and drink unmixed cups of wine. 
 And Aristotle says, that the wine called the Samagorean wine was so
 strong that more than forty men were made drunk with a pint and a half of it after
 it had been mixed with water.

Democritus having said this, and having drunk, said,— Now if any one can gainsay
 any of these statements let him come forward: and then he shall be told, as Evenus
 says— 
 That may be your opinion; this is mine. 
 But I, since I have now made this digression about the mix- tures of the
 ancients, will resume the thread of my original discourse where I let it drop;
 considering what was said by Alcæus the lyric poet. For he speaks, somewhere or
 other, in this way— 
 Pour out, in just proportion, one and two. 
 For in these words some people do not think that he is alluding to the
 mixture of wine and water at all; but that, being a moderate and temperate man, he
 would not drink more than one cyathus of pure wine, or
 perhaps, at the most, two. And this is the interpretation given to the passage by
 Chameleon of Pontus, who was ignorant how fond of wine Alcæus had been. For this
 poet will be found to have been in the habit of drinking at every season and in
 every imaginable condition of affairs. In winter he speaks thus— 
 Now the storm begins to lower, 
 And Jove descends in heavy snow, 
 And streams of water stand congeal'd 
 In cruel ice: let's drive away 
 The wintry cold, and heap up fire, 
 And mingle with unsparing hand 
 The honied cup, and wreathe our brows 
 With fragrant garlands of the season. 
 And in summer, he writes— 
 Now it behoves a man to soak his lungs 
 In most cool wine; for the fierce dogstar rages, 
 And all things thirst with the excessive heat. 
 And in spring he says— 
 Now does the flowery spring return, 
 And shed its gifts all o'er the land; 
 and he continues— 
 Come then, my boy, and quickly pour 
 A cup of luscious Lesbian wine. 
 And in his misfortunes he sings— 
 One must not give one's thoughts up wholly 
 To evil fortune; for by grieving 
 We shall not do ourselves much good. 
 Come to me, Bacchus; you are ever 
 The best of remedies, who bring 
 Us wine and joyous drunkenness. 
 And in his hours of joy he says— 
 Now is the time to get well drunk, 
 Now e'en in spite of self to drink, 
 Since Myrsilus is dead at last. 
 And, giving some general advice, he says— 
 Never plant any tree before the vine. 
 
 
 How, then, could a man who was so very devoted to drinking be a sober man, and be
 content with one or two cups of wine? At all events, his very poem, says Seleucus,
 testifies against those people who receive the line in this sense. For he says, in
 the whole passage— 
 Let us now drink,—why put we out the light? 
 Our day is but a finger: bring large cups, 
 
 Fili'd with the purple juice of various grapes; 
 For the great son of Semele and Jove 
 Gave wine to men to drive away their cares. 
 Pour on, in just proportion, one and two, 
 And let one goblet chase another quickly 
 Out of my head. 
 In which words he plainly enough intimates that his meaning is, that one
 cup of wine is to be mixed with two of water.

But Anacreon likes his liquors stronger still; as is shown by the verses in which
 he says— 
 Let the cup well be clean'd, then let it hold 
 Five measures water, three of rosy wine. 
 And Philetærus, in his Tereus, speaks of two measures of water to three
 of wine. And he speaks thus,— 
 I seem to have drunk two measures now of water, 
 And only three of wine. 
 And Pherecrates, in his Corianno, speaks even of two measures of water to
 four of wine, and says— 
 
 A. Throw that away, my dear; the fellow has 
 Given you such a watery mixture. 
 
 B. Nay rather, 'tis mere water and nought else. 
 
 A. What have you done?—in what proportions, 
 You cursed man, have you this goblet mix'd? 
 
 B. I've put two waters only in, my mother. 
 
 A. And how much wine? 
 
 B. Four parts of wine, I swear. 
 
 A. You're fit to serve as cupbearer to the
 frogs. 
 And Ephippus, in his Circe, says— 
 
 A. You will find it a much more prudent mixture, 
 To take three parts of one, and four of th' other. 
 
 B. That's but a watery mixture, three to four. 
 
 A. Would you, then, quite unmix'd your wine
 prefer? 
 
 B. How say you?

And Timocles speaks of half and half in his Conisalus,— 
 And I'll attack you straight with half and half, 
 And make you tell me all the truth at once. 
 And Alexis, in his Dorcis, or the Caressing Woman, says— 
 I drink now cups brimming with love to you, 
 Mixed in fair proportions, half and half. 
 And Xenarchus, or Timocles, in his Purple, says— 
 By Bacchus, how you drink down half and half! 
 And Sophilus, in his Dagger, says,— 
 And wine was given in unceasing flow, 
 Mix'd half and half; and yet, unsatisfied, 
 They ask'd for larger and for stronger cups. 
 
 And Alexis, in his play entitled The Usurer, or Liar, says—
 
 
 A. Don't give him wine quite drown'd in water,
 now;— 
 Dost understand me? Half and half, or nearly: 
 That's well. 
 
 B. A noble drink: where was the land 
 That raised this noble Bacchus by its flavour, 
 I think he came from Thasos. 
 
 A. Sure 'tis just 
 That foreigners should foreign wines enjoy, 
 And that the natives should drink native produce. 
 And again, in his Supposititious Son, he says— 
 He drank and never drew his breath, as one 
 Would quaff rich wine, mix'd half and half with care. 
 And Menander, in his Brethren— 
 Some one cried out to mingle eight and twelve, 
 Till he with rivalry subdued the other ( κατέσεισε ). 
 And the verb κατασείω was especially used
 of those who fell down from drinking, taking its metaphor from the shaking down
 fruit from the tree. 
 And Alexis, in his Man cut off, says— 
 He was no master of the feast at all, 
 But a mere hangman, Chæreas his name; 
 And when he'd drunk full twenty cups of wine, 
 Mix'd half and half, he ask'd for more, and stronger.

And Diodorus of Sinope, in his Female Flute-player, says— 
 When any one, O Crito, drinks ten cups, 
 Consider, I do beg you, whether he 
 Who never once allows the wine to pass 
 Is in a fit state for discussion. 
 
 
 And it was not without some wit that Lysander the Spartan, as Hegesander relates
 in his Commentaries, when some vintners sold wine which had been much watered in
 hi camp, ordered some one to supply it properly tempered, that his men might buy
 it with less water in it. And Alexis has said something which comes to nearly the
 same thing, in his Aesop; thus— 
 
 A. That is a good idea of yours, O Solon, 
 And cleverly imagined, which you have 
 Adopted in your city. 
 
 S. What is that? 
 
 A. You don't let men drink neat wine at their
 feasts. 
 
 S. Why, if I did, 'twould not be very easy 
 For men to get it, when the innkeepers 
 
 Water it ere it comes out of the waggon. 
 No doubt they do not do so to make money, 
 But only out of prudent care for those 
 Who buy the liquor; so that they may have 
 Their heads from every pang of headache free. 
 This now is, as you see, a Grecian drink; 
 So that men, drinking cups of moderate strength, 
 May chat and gossip cheerfully with each other: 
 For too much water is more like a bath 
 Than like a wine-cup; and the wine-cooler 
 Mix'd with the cask, my friend, is death itself.

But to drink to the degree of drunkenness, says Plato, in his sixth
 book of the Laws, is neither becoming any- Where—except perhaps in the days of
 festival of the god who gave men wine for their banquets,—nor is it wholesome:
 and, above all, a man ought to guard against such a thing who has any thoughts of
 marriage; for at such a time, above all other times, both bride and bridegroom
 ought to be in full possession of their faculties; when they are entering upon
 what is no small change in the circumstances of their life; and also they ought to
 be influenced by anxiety that their offspring shall be the offspring of parents in
 the fullest possible possession of all their faculties; for it is very uncertain
 what day or what night will be the originating cause of it. And in the
 first book of his Laws he says— But respecting drunkenness it may be a
 question, whether we ought to give way to it as the Lydians do, and the Persians,
 and the Carthaginians, and the Celtæ, and the Spaniards, and the Thracians, and
 other nations like them; or whether like you, O Lacedæmonians, one ought wholly to
 abstain from it. But the Scythians and the Thracians, who indulge altogether in
 drinking unmixed wine, both the women and all the men, and who spill it all over
 their clothes, think that they are maintaining a very honourable practice, and one
 that tends to their happiness. And the Persians indulge to a great extent in other
 modes of luxury which you reject; but still they practise them with more
 moderation than the Scythians and Thracians.

And a great many of the guests were drinking, and putting lumps of meal into their
 wine, a custom which Hegesander of Delphi mentions. Accordingly Epinicus, when
 Mnesiptolemus had given a recitation of his history, in which it was written how
 Seleucus had used meal in his wine, having written a drama
 entitled Mnesiptolemus, and having turned him into ridicule, as the comic poets
 do, and using his own words about that sort of drink, represents him as saying:—
 
 Once I beheld the noble king Seleucus, 
 One summer's day, drinking with mighty pleasure 
 Some wine with meal steep'd in it. (So I took 
 A note of it, and show'd it to a crowd, 
 Although it was an unimportant thing, 
 Yet still my genius could make it serious.) 
 He took some fine old Thasian wine, and eke 
 Some of the liquor which the Attic bee 
 Distils who culls the sweets from every flower; 
 And that he mingled in a marble cup, 
 And mix'd the liquor with fair Ceres' corn, 
 And took the draught, a respite from the heat. 
 And the same writer tells us that in the Therades islands men mash
 lentils and pease into meal, instead of ordinary corn, and put that into the wine,
 and that this drink is said to be better than that in which the meal is mixed.

Now it was not the fashion among the Lacedæmonians to practise the system of
 pledging healths at their banquets, nor to salute one another with mutual
 greetings and caresses at their feasts. And Critias shows us this in his Elegies:—
 
 And this is an old fashion, well establish'd, 
 And sanction'd by the laws of noble Sparta, 
 That all should drink from one well-fill'd cup; 
 And that no healths should then be drunk to anyone, 
 Naming the tender object: also that 
 The cup should not go round towards the right. 
 The Lydian goblets . . . . 
 * * * * 
 And to drink healths with skill and well-turn'd phrase, 
 Naming the person whom one means to pledge. 
 For, after draughts like this, the tongue gets loose, 
 And turns to most unseemly conversation; 
 They make the body weak; they throw a mist 
 Over the eyes; and make forgetfulness 
 Eat recollection out of the full heart. 
 The mind no longer stands on solid ground; 
 The slaves are all corrupted by licentiousness, 
 And sad extravagance eats up the house. 
 But those wise youths whom Lacedæmon breeds 
 Drink only what may stimulate their souls 
 To deeds of daring in th' adventurous war, 
 And rouse the tongue to wit and moderate mirth. 
 Such draughts are wholesome both for mind and body, 
 
 And not injurious to the pocket either: 
 Good, too, for deeds of love; authors of sleep, 
 That wholesome harbour after toil and care: 
 Good, too, for health-that best of goddesses 
 Who mortal man befriend: and likewise good 
 For piety's best neigbour temperance. 
 And presently afterwards he goes on— 
 For fierce, immoderate draughts of heady wine 
 Give momentary pleasure, but engender 
 A long-enduring pain which follows it. 
 But men at Sparta love a mode of life 
 Which is more equal; they but eat and drink 
 That which is wholesome, so that they may be 
 Fit to endure hard pains, and do great deeds. 
 Nor have they stated days in all the year 
 When it is lawful to indulge too much.

And a man who is always ready for wine is called φίλοινος. . But he is called φιλοπότης who is always ready to drink anything; and he is called
 φιλοκωθωνιστὴς who drinks to the degree of
 drunkenness. And of all heroes, the greatest drinker is Nestor, who lived three
 times as long as other men; for he evidently used to stick to his wine more
 closely than other people, and even than Agamemnon himself, whom Achilles upbraids
 as a man given to much drinking. But Nestor, even when a most important battle was
 impending, could not keep away from drinking. Accordingly Homer says— 
 But not the genial feast or flowing bowl 
 Could charm the cares of Nestor's watchful soul. 
 And he is the only hero whose drinking-cup he has described, as he has
 the shield of Achilles; for he went to the war with his goblet just as he did with
 that shield, the fame of which Hector says had reached to heaven. And a man would
 not be very wrong who called that cup of his the Goblet of Mars, like the Cæneus
 of Antiphanes, in which it is said— 
 The hero stood and brandish'd Mars's cup, 
 Like great Timotheus, and his polish'd spear. 
 And indeed it was on account of his fondness for drinking that Nestor, in
 the games instituted in honour of Patroclus, received a drinking-cup as a present
 from Achilles; not but what Achilles also gave a cup to the competitor who was
 defeated: for victory does not commonly attend hard drinkers, on account of their
 usual inactivity; or perhaps it is owing to their thirst that boxers usually fail,
 from being fatigued with holding out their hands too long.
 But Eumelus receives a breastplate after having run a course with great danger,
 and having been torn, the breastplate being a serviceable piece of defensive
 armour.

But there is nothing more covetous than thirst; on which account the poet has
 called Argos thirsty, or rather causing great thirst, as having been much desired
 on account of the length of time the person of whom he is speaking had been absent
 from it. For thirst engenders in all men a violent desire for abundant enjoyment;
 on which account Sophocles says— 
 Though you were to unfold unnumber'd treasures 
 Of wisdom to a thirsty man, you'd find 
 You pleased him less than if you gave him drink. 
 And Archilochus says— 
 I wish to fight with you, as much as e'er 
 A thirsty man desired to quench his thirst. 
 And one of the tragic poets has said— 
 I bid you check your hand which thirsts for blood. 
 And Anacreon says— 
 For you are kind to every stranger, 
 So let me drink and quench my thirst. 
 And Xenophon, in the third book of his Cyropædia, represents Cyrus as
 speaking in this manner:— I thirst to gratify you. And Plato, in his
 Polity, says— But if, as I imagine, any city which is governed by a
 democracy, thirsting for its liberty, should have evil-disposed cupbearers to
 wait upon it, and should be intoxicated to an improper degree with unmixed wine
 . . . .

Proteas the Macedonian was also a very great drinker, as Ephippus tells us in his
 treatise on the Funeral of Alexander and Hephæstion: and he had an admirable
 constitution, and he had practised drinking to a great degree. Accordingly,
 Alexander, having once asked for a cup containing two choes, and having drank from
 it, pledged Proteas; and he, having taken it, and having sung the praises of the
 king a great deal, drank it in such a manner as to be applauded by every one. And
 presently Proteas asked for the same cup again, and again he drank and pledged the
 king. And Alexander, having taken the cup, drank it off in a princely manner, but
 he could not stand it, but leaned back on the pillow, letting
 the cup fall from his hands; and after this he fell sick and died, Bacchus, as it
 is said, being angry with him because he had besieged his native city of Thebes.
 And Alexander drank a great deal too, so that he once, after a drunken bout, slept
 without interruption two days and two nights. And this is shown in his Journals,
 which were compiled by Eumenes the Cardian, and Diodotus the Erythræan. But
 Menander, in his Flatterer, says— 
 
 A. My good friend, Struthias, I thrice have
 drunk 
 A golden cup in Cappadocia, 
 Containing ten full cotylæ of wine. 
 
 St. Why, then you drank more than king
 Alexander. 
 
 A. At all events not less, I swear by Pallas. 
 
 St. A wondrous feat. 
 But Nicobule, or whoever it was who wrote the books attributed to her,
 says that Alexander, once supping with Medeus the Thessalian, when there
 were twenty people present at the party, pledged every one of the guests,
 receiving a similar pledge from all of them, and then, rising up from the
 party, he presently went off to sleep. And Callisthenes the Sophist, as
 Lynceus the Samian says in his Commentaries, and Aristobulus and Chares in their
 Histories, when in a banquet given by Alexander, a cup of unmixed wine came to
 him, rejected it; and when some one said to him, Why do you not drink? I do not
 wish, said he, after having drunk the cup of Alexander, to stand in need of the
 cup of Aesculapius."

But Darius, who destroyed the Magi, had an inscription written on his
 tomb,— I was able to drink a great deal of wine, and to bear it
 well. And Ctesias says, that among the Indians it is not lawful for the
 king to get drunk; but among the Persians it is permitted to the king to get drunk
 one day in the year,—the day, namely, on which they sacrifice to Mithras. And
 Duris writes thus, with respect to this circumstance, in the seventh book of his
 Histories:—"The king gets drunk and dances the Persian dance on that festival only
 which is celebrated by the Persians in honour of Mithras; but no one else does so
 in all Asia; but all abstain during this day from dancing at all. For the Persians
 learn to dance as they learn to ride; and they think that the motion originated by
 this sort of exercise contains in it a good kind of practice tending to the
 strength of the body. But Alexander used to get so drunk, as
 Carystius of Pergamus relates in his Historic Commentaries, that he used even to
 celebrate banquets in a chariot drawn by asses; and the Persian kings too, says
 he, did the same thing. And perhaps it was owing to this that he had so little
 inclination for amatory pleasures; for Aristotle, in his Problems of Natural
 History, says, that the powers of men who drink to any great excess are much
 weakened. And Hieronymus, in his Letters, says, that Theophrastus says, that
 Alexander was not much of a man for women; and accordingly, when Olympias had
 given him Callixene, a Thessalian courtesan, for a mistress, who was a most
 beautiful woman, (and all this was done with the consent of Philip, for they were
 afraid that he was quite impotent,) she was constantly obliged to ask him herself
 to do his duty by her.

And Philip, the father of Alexander, was a man very fond of drinking, as
 Theopompus relates in the twenty-sixth book of his History. And in another part of
 his History he writes, Philip was a man of violent temper and fond of
 courting dangers, partly by nature, and partly too from drinking; for he was a
 very hard drinker, and very often he would attack the enemy while he was
 drunk. And in his fifty-third book, speaking of the things that took
 place at Chæronea, and relating how he invited to supper the ambassadors of the
 Athenians who were present there, he says, "But Philip, when they had gone away,
 immediately sent for some of his companions, and bade the slaves summon the female
 flute-players, and Aristonicus the harp-player, and Durion the flute-player, and
 all the rest who were accustomed to drink with him; for Philip always took people
 of that sort about with him, and he had also invented for himself many instruments
 for banquets and drinking parties; for being very fond of drinking and a man
 intemperate in his manners, he used to keep a good many buffoons an musicians and
 professed jesters about him. And when he had spent the whole night in drinking,
 and had got very drunk and violent, he then dismissed all the rest, and when it
 was day-break proceeded in a riotous manner to the ambssadors of the Athenians.
 And Carystius in his Historical Commentaries says, that Philip, when he intended
 to get drunk, spoke in this way: Now we may drink; for it is quite
 sufficient if Antipater is sober. And once, when he was playing at dice, and some one told him that Antipater was coming, he
 hesitated a moment, and then thrust the board under the couch.

And Theopompus gives a regular catalogue of men fond of drinking and addicted to
 drunkenness; and among them he mentions the younger Dionysius, the tyrant of
 Sicily, whose eyes were a good deal injured by wine. And Aristotle, in his Polity
 of the Syracusans, says that he sometimes was drunk for three months at a time
 together, owing to which he had got somewhat weak in the eyes. And Theophrastus
 says that his companions also, who were flatterers of the supreme power, pretended
 not to see well, and to be led by the hand by Dionysius, and not to be able to see
 the meat that was served up before them, nor the cups of wine, on which account
 they got the name of Dionysiocolaces, or flatterers of Dionysius Nysæus also, who
 was tyrant of Syracuse, drank a great deal, and so did Apollocrates; and these men
 were the sons of the former Dionysius, as Theopompus tells us in the fortieth and
 forty-first books of his History; and he writes thus about Nysæus: Nysæus,
 who was afterwards tyrant of Syracuse, when he was taken for the purpose of
 being put to death, and knew that he had only a few months to live, spent them
 wholly in eating and drinking. And in his thirty-ninth book he says:
 Apollocrates, the son of Dionysius the tyrant, was an intemperate man,
 and addicted to drinking; and some of his flatterers worked upon him so as to
 alienate him as much as possible from his father. And he says that
 Hipparinus, the son of Dionysius, who behaved like a tyrant when drunk, was put to
 death. And about Nyssus he writes as follows: Nysæus, the son of the elder
 Dionysius, having made himself master of Syracuse, got a four-horse chariot,
 and put on an embroidered robe, and devoted himself to gluttony and hard
 drinking, and to insulting boys and ravishing women, and to all other acts
 which are consistent with such conduct. And he passed his life in this
 manner. And in his forty-fifth book the same historian, speaking of
 Timolaus the Theban, says: For though there have been a great many men who
 have been intemperate in their daily life, and in their drinking, I do not
 believe that there has ever been any one who was concerned in state affairs,
 more intemperate, or a greater glutton, or a more complete slave to his
 pleasures than Timolaus, whom I have mentioned. 
 And in his twenty-third book, speaking of Charidemus of Oreum, whom the Athenians
 made a citizen, he says: For it was notorious that he spent every day in
 the greatest intemperance, and in such a manner that he was always drinking and
 getting drunk, and endeavoring to seduce free-born women; and he carried his
 intemperance to such a height that he ventured to beg a young boy, who was very
 beautiful and elegant, from the senate of the Olynthians, who had happened to
 be taken prisoner in the company of Derdas the Macedonian.

A man of the name of Arcadion, too, was a very great drinker, (but it is uncertain
 whether this is the same man who was at enmity with Philip,) as the epigram shows
 which Polemo has preserved in his treatise on the Inscriptions existing in
 different Cities— 
 This is the monument of that great drinker, 
 Arcadion; and his two loving sons, 
 Dorcon and Charmylus, have placed it here, 
 At this the entrance of his native city: 
 And know, traveller, the man did die 
 From drinking strong wine in too large a cup. 
 And the inscription over some man of the name of Erasixenus says that he
 also drank a great deal. 
 Twice was this cup, full of the strongest wine, 
 Drain'd by the thirsty Erasixenus, 
 And then in turn it carried him away. 
 Alcetas the Macedonian also used to drink a great deal, as Aristos the
 Salaminian relates; and so did Diotimus the Athenian: and he was the man who was
 surnamed the Funnel. For he put a funnel into his mouth, and would then drink
 without ceasing while the wine was being poured into it, according to the account
 of Polemo. And it has been already mentioned that Cleomenes the Lacedæmonian was a
 great drinker of unmixed wine; and that in consequence of his drunkenness he cut
 himself to pieces with a sword, is related by Herodotus. And Alcæus the poet also
 was very fond of drinking, as I have already mentioned. And Baton of Sinope, in
 his essay on Ion the poet, says that Ion was a man fond of drinking and amorous to
 excess; and he himself, too, in his Elegies, confesses that he loved Chrysilla the
 Corinthian, the daughter of Teleas, with whom Teleclides, in his Hesiods, says
 that the Olympian Pericles also was in love. And
 Xenarchus the Rhodian, on account of the excessive way in
 which he used to drink, was surnamed The Nine-gallon Cask; and
 Euphorion the Epic poet mentions him in his Chiliades.

And Chares the Mitylenæan, in his History of Alexander, speaking of Calanus the
 Indian philosopher, and saying that he threw himself on a funeral pile that had
 been raised, and so died, says also that Alexander instituted some gymnastic games
 at his tomb, and also a musical contest of panegyrics on him.— And he
 instituted, says Chares, because of the great fondness of the
 Indians for wine, a contest as to who should drink the greatest quantity of
 unmixed wine; and the prize was a talent for the first, and thirty mince for
 the second, and ten mince for the third. And of those who entered for the prize
 and drank the wine, thirty-five died at once by reason of the cold; and a
 little afterwards six more died in their tents. And he who drank the greatest
 quantity and won the prize, drank four choes of unmixed wine, and received the
 talent; and he lived four days after it; and he was called the
 Champion. And Timæus says that Dionysius the tyrant gave, at the
 festival of the Choes, to the first man who should drink a choeus, a golden
 crown as a prize: and he says also that Xenocrates the
 philosopher was the first person who drank it; and that he, taking the golden
 crown, and departing, offered it up to the Mercury who was placed in his
 vestibule, on which statue he was always accustomed on every occasion to offer
 up the garlands of flowers which he had, every evening as he returned home; and
 he was much admired for this conduct. And Phanodemus says, that the
 festival of the Choes was established at Athens by Demophoon the king, when he was
 desirous to receive Orestes in hospitality on his arrival at Athens. And that, as
 he did not like him to come to the temples, or to share in the libations offered
 to the gods, before his trial was decided, he ordered all the temples to be shut,
 and a choeus of wine to be set before everybody, saying that a cheesecake should
 be given as a prize to the first person who drank it up. And he bade them, when
 they had finished drinking, not to offer up the garlands, with which they had been
 crowned, in the temples, because they had been under the same roof with Orestes;
 but he desired each man to place his garland round his own cup, and so to bring
 them to the priestess at the temple which is in the Marshes, and after that to perform the rest of the sacred ceremonies in the
 temple. And from thence it was that this festival got the name of the Choes. But
 on the day of the festival of the Choes, it is customary for the Athenians to send
 presents and pay to the sophists, who also themselves invite their acquaintances
 to a banquet, as Eubulides the dialectician shows us in his drama entitled the
 Revellers, where he says— 
 You're acting like a sophist now, you wretch, 
 And long for the pay-giving feast of Choes.

But Antigonus the Carystian, in his essay on the Life of Dionysius of Heraclea,
 who was called the Turncoat, says that Dionysius, when he was feasting with his
 slaves at the festival of the Choes, and was not able, by reason of his old age,
 to avail himself of the courtesan whom they brought him, turned round and said to
 those who were feasting with him— 
 I cannot now, so let another take her. 
 But Dionysius, as Nicias of Nicæa tells us in his Successions, had been
 from the time he was a boy very furious in the indulgence of his amorous
 propensities; and he used to go to all the common women promiscuously. And once,
 when walking with some of his acquaintances, when he came near the house where the
 girls are kept, and where, having been there the day before, he had left some
 money owing, as he happened to have some with him then, he put out his hand and
 paid it in the presence of all of them. And Anacharsis the Scythian, when a prize
 for drinking was proposed at the table of Periander, demanded the prize, because
 he was the first man to be drunk of all the guests who were present; as if to get
 to the end were the goal to be aimed at and the victory to be achieved in drinking
 as in running a race. But Lacydes and Timon the philosophers, being invited to an
 entertainment which was to last two days, by one of their friends, and wishing to
 adapt themselves to the rest of the guests, drank with great eagerness. And
 accordingly, in the first day, Lacydes went away first, as soon as he was quite
 satiated with drink. And Timon, seeing him as he was departing, said— 
 Now have we gain'd immortal praise and fame, 
 Since we have slain great Hector. 
 But on the next day Timon went away first because he could not drink up the goblet in which he had been pledged, and
 Lacydes seeing him departing, said— 
 Wretched are they who dare encounter me.

And Herodotus, in his second book, relates that Myce- rinus the Egyptian, having
 been told by the soothsayers that he was fated to live but a short time, used to
 light a great number of lamps when night arrived, and spend all his time in
 drinking and luxury, relaxing neither by day nor by night; and when he withdrew
 into the marshes and into the groves, or wherever he heard that there were
 meetings of young people to amuse themselves, he always got drunk. And Herodotus
 tells us that Amasis also, who was another of the Egyptian kings, was a very hard
 drinker indeed. And Hermeas the Methymnæan, in the third book of his History of
 Sicily, says that Nicoteles the Corinthian was a man greatly addicted to drinking.
 And Phænias the Eresian, in the book entitled, The Slaying of Tyrants out of
 Revenge, says that Scopas the son of Creon, and the grandson of the former Scopas,
 was throughout his whole life very fond of drinking; and that he used to return
 from banquets at which he had been present, sitting on a throne, and carried by
 four palanquin-bearers, and in that way he used to enter his house. And
 Phylarchus, in the sixth book of his Histories, says that Antiochus the king was a
 man very fond of wine; and that he used to get drunk, and then go to sleep for a
 long time, and then, as evening came on, he would wake up, and drink again. And it
 was very seldom, says he, that he transacted the affairs of his kingdom when he
 was sober, but much more frequently when he was drunk; on which account there were
 two men about him who managed all the real business of the state as they pleased,
 namely Aristos and Themiso, Cyprians by birth, and brothers; and they were both on
 terms of the greatest intimacy with Antiochus.

And Antiochus the king, who was surnamed Epiphanes, was also a great drinker,—the
 one, I mean, who had been a hostage among the Romans, whom Ptolemy Euergetes
 mentions in the third book of his Commentaries, and also in the fifth; saying that
 he turned to Indian revellings and drunkenness, and spent a vast quantity of money
 in those practices; and for the rest of the money which he had at hand, he spent
 a part of it in his daily revels, and the rest he would
 scatter about, standing in the public streets, and saying, Let whoever
 chance gives it to, take it: and then, throwing the money about, he
 would depart. And very often, having a plaited garland of roses on his head, and
 wearing a golden embroidered robe, he would walk about alone, having stones under
 his arm, which he would throw at those of his friends who were following him. And
 he used to bathe also in the public baths, anointed all over with perfumes; and,
 on one occasion, some private individual, seeing him, said, You are a happy
 man, O king; you smell in a most costly manner: and he, being much
 pleased, said, I will give you as much as you can desire of this
 perfume. And so he ordered an ewer containing more than two choes of
 thick perfumed unguent to be poured over his head; so that the multitude of the
 poorer people who were about all collected to gather up what was spilt; and, as
 the place was made very slippery by it, Antiochus himself slipped and fell,
 laughing a great deal, and most of the bathers did the same. 
 But Polybius, in the twenty-sixth book of his Histories, calls this man Epimanes
 (mad), and not Epiphanes (illustrious), on account of his actions. For he
 not only used to go to entertainments of the common citizens, but he also would
 drink with any strangers who happened to be sojourning in the city, and even
 with those of the meanest class. And if, says Polybius, he heard
 that any of the younger men were making a feast anywhere whatever, he would
 come with an earthen bowl, and with music, so that the greater part of the
 feasters fled away alarmed at his unexpected appearance. And very often he
 would put off his royal robes, and take a common cloak, and in that dress go
 round the market.

And in the thirty-first book of his Histories, the same Polybius tells us
 that when Antiochus was celebrating some public games at Antioch, he
 invited all the Greeks and any of the multitude who chose to come to the
 spectacle. And when a great many people came, he anointed them all in the
 gymnasia with ointment of saffron, and cinnamon, and nard, and amaracus, and
 lilies, out of golden vessels: and then, inviting them all to a feast, he
 filled sometimes a thousand and sometimes fifteen hundred triclinia with the
 most expensive preparations; and he himself personally
 attended to waiting on the guests. For, standing at the entrance, he introduced
 some, and others he placed upon the couches; and he himself marshalled the
 servants who brought in the different courses; and, walking about among the
 guests, at times he sat down in one place, and at times he lay down in another.
 And sometimes he would put down what he was eating, and at other times he would
 lay down his cup, and jump up, and change his place, and go all round the
 party, standing up himself, and pledging different people at different times;
 and then, mingling with the musicians, he would be brought in by the actors,
 entirely covered up, and laid down on the ground, as if he had been one of the
 actors himself; and then, when the music gave the signal, the king would leap
 up, and dance and sport among the actors, so that they were all ashamed. To
 such absurdities does a want of education, when joined with drunkenness, reduce
 miserable men. And his namesake, the Antiochus who carried on war in
 Media against Arsaces, was very fond of drinking; as Posidonius of Apamea relates
 in the sixteenth book of his History. Accordingly, when he was slain, he says that
 Arsaces, when he buried him, said—Your courage and your drunkenness have ruined
 you, O Antiochus; for you hoped that, in your great cups, you would be able to
 drink up the kingdom of Arsaces."

But the Antiochus who was surnamed the Great, who was subdued by the Romans (as
 Polybius relates in his twentieth book), having arrived at Chalcis, in Euboea,
 celebrated a marriage when he was fifty years of age; and after he had undertaken
 two most enormous and important affairs, namely, the liberation of the Greeks (as
 he himself professed) and the war against the Romans. At all events, he, being
 smitten with love for a damsel of Chalcis, was very anxious to marry her at the
 very time that he was engaged in this war, being a man very fond of drinking and
 delighting in drunkenness. And she was the daughter of Cleophanes, one of the
 nobles, and superior to all the maidens of her country in beauty. Accordingly, he
 celebrated his marriage in Chalcis, and remained there all the winter, not once
 giving the smallest thought to the important affairs which he had in hand. And he
 gave the damsel the name of Eubœa. Accordingly, being defeated in the war, he fled to Ephesus, with his newly-married bride. And in the second
 book, the same Polybius relates that Agron, the king of the Illyrians, being
 delighted at having gained a victory over the haughty Aetolians, being a man much
 addicted to drinking, and to drunkenness, and banqueting, fell ill of a pleurisy,
 and died. And the same historian says, in his twenty-ninth book, that Genthion,
 the king of the Illyrians, on account of his great fondness for drinking, did a
 great many intemperate things during his life, being incessantly drunk, both night
 and day; and having murdered Pleuratus, his brother, who was about to marry the
 daughter of Menunius, he married the damsel himself, and treated his subjects with
 great cruelty. And he says, in the thirty-third book of his History, that
 Demetrius, when he fled after having been a hostage at Rome, and became king of
 the Syrians, became a great drinker, and was drunk the greater part of the day.
 And he also, in his thirty-second book, says that Orophernes, who was for a short
 time king of Cappadocia, disregarded all the customs of his country, and
 introduced the artificial luxury of the Ionians.

On which account, that divinest of writers, Plato, lays down admirable laws in his
 second book— That boys, till they are eighteen years of age, should
 absolutely never taste wine at all; for that it is not well to heap fire on
 fire: that men up to thirty years of age may drink wine in moderation; and that
 the young man should wholly abstain from much wine and from drunkenness. But
 that a man, when he arrives at forty years of age, may feast in large banquets,
 and invoke the other gods, and especially Bacchus, to the feasts and amusements
 of the older men; since he it is who has given men this means of indulgence, as
 an ally against the austerity of old age, for which wine was the best medicine;
 so that, owing to it, we grow young again, and forget our moroseness. 
 And then he proceeds to say— But there is a report and story told that this
 god was once deprived of his mind and senses by his mother-in-law, Juno; on
 which account he sent Bacchic frenzy, and all sorts of frantic rage, among men,
 out of revenge for the treatment which he had experienced; on which account
 also he gave wine to men.

But Phalæcus, in his Epigrams, makes mention of a woman, whose name was Cleo, as
 having been a very hard drinker— 
 
 Cleo bestow'd this splendid gift on Bacchus, 
 The tunic, fringed with gold and saffron hues, 
 Which long she wore herself; so great she was 
 At feasts and revelry: there was no man 
 Who could at all contend with her in drinking. 
 And it is a well-known fact that all the race of women is fond of
 drinking. And it was not without some wit that Xenarchus introduces, in his
 Pentathlum, a woman swearing this most horrible oath:— 
 May it be granted me to pass from life 
 Drinking abundant draughts of wine, while you, 
 My darling daughter, live and prosper here. 
 But among the Romans, as Polybius says, in his sixth book, it was
 forbidden to women to drink wine at all. However, they drink what is called
 Passum; and that is made of raisins, and when drank is very like the sweet
 Aegosthenite and Cretan wine, on which account men use it when oppressed by
 excessive thirst. And it is impossible for a woman to drink wine without being
 detected: for, first of all, she has not the key of the cellar; and, in the next
 place, she is bound to kiss her relations, and those of her husband, down to
 cousins, and to do this every day when she first sees them; and besides this, she
 is forced to be on her best behaviour, as it is quite uncertain whom she may
 chance to meet; for if she has merely tasted wine, it needs no informer, but is
 sure to betray itself." 
 And Alcimus the Sicilian, in that book of his which is entitled the Italian
 History, says that all the women in Italy avoid drinking wine on this account:
 When Hercules was in the district of the Crotoniatæ, he one day was very
 thirsty, and came to a certain house by the wayside and asked for something to
 drink; and it happened that the wife of the master of the house had privily
 opened a cask of wine, and therefore she said to her husband that it would be a
 shameful thing for him to open this cask for a stranger; and so she bade him
 give Hercules some water. But Hercules, who was standing at the door, and heard
 all this, praised her husband very much, but advised him to go indoors himself
 and look at the cask. And when he had gone in, he found that the cask had
 become petrified. And this fact is proved by the conduct of the women of the
 country, among whom it is reckoned disgraceful, to this day, to drink wine, on
 account of the above-mentioned reason.

And what sort of women those among the Greeks are who get drunk, Antiphanes tells
 us, in his Female Darter; where he says— 
 There is a certain neighbouring victualler, 
 And he, whenever I arrive, being thirsty, 
 Is th' only man who knows the proper way 
 In which to mix my wine; and makes it not 
 Too full of water, nor too strong and heady: 
 I recollect that once when I was drinking . . . . 
 And, in his Woman Initiated, (and it is women who are conversing,) he
 writes— 
 
 A. Would you now like, my dearest friend, to
 drink? 
 
 B. No doubt I should. 
 
 A. Well come, then, take a cup; 
 For they do say the first three cups one takes 
 All tend to th' honour of the heavenly gods. 
 And Alexis, in his Female Dancer, says— 
 
 A. But women are quite sure to be content 
 If they have only wine enough to drink. 
 
 B. But, by the heavenly twins, we now shall have 
 As much as we can wish; and it shall be 
 Sweet, and not griping,—rich, well-season'd wine, 
 Exceeding old. 
 
 A. I like this aged sphinx; 
 For hear how now she talks to me in riddles. 
 And so on. And, in his Jupiter the Mourner, he mentions a certain woman
 named Zopyra, and says— 
 Zopyra, that wine-cask. 
 Antiphanes, in his Female Bacchanalians— But since this now is not the
 case, I'm sure He is a wretched man who ever marries Except among the Scythians;
 for their country Is the sole land which does not bear the vine. And Xenarchus, in
 his Pentathlum, says— 
 I write a woman's oath in mighty wine.

Plato, in his Phaon, relating how many things happen to women because of wine,
 says— 
 Come now, ye women, long ago have I 
 Pray'd that this wine may thus become your folly; 
 For you don't think, as the old proverb goes, 
 That there is any wisdom at a vintner's. 
 For if you now desire to see Phaon, 
 You first must all these solemn rites perform. 
 First, as the nurse of youths, I must receive 
 A vigorous cheesecake, and a pregnant mealcake, 
 And sixteen thrushes whole, well smear'd with honey, 
 
 Twelve hares, all taken when the moon was full; 
 But all the other things may be got cheaply. 
 Now listen. Three half-measures of fine onions; 
 These for Orthanna. For Conisalus 
 And his two mates, a plate of myrtleberries, 
 Pluck'd with the hand: for the great Gods above 
 Dislike the smell of lamps . . . . . . . . 
 . . . . . . . for the dogs and huntsmen. 
 A drachma for Lordon; for Cybdasus, 
 Three obols; for the mighty hero Celes, 
 Some hides and incense. Now if you bring 
 These things, you'll certainly obtain admittance; 
 But if you don't, you'll knock in vain, and long 
 In vain to enter, and get nothing by it. 
 And Axionicus says, in his Philinna— 
 Just trust a woman to drink only water.

And whole nations are mentioned as addicted to drunkenness. Accordingly, Bæton,
 the measurer of distances for Alexander, in his book which is entitled Stations of
 the March of Alexander, and Amyntas also, in his Stations, says that the nation of
 the Tapyri is so fond of wine that they never use any other unguent than that. And
 Ctesias tells the same story, in his book Concerning the Revenues in Asia. And he
 says that they are a most just people. And Harmodius of Lepreum, in his treatise
 on the Laws in force among the people of Phigalea, says that the Phigaleans are
 addicted to drinking, being neighbours of the Messenians, and being also a people
 much accustomed to travelling. And Phylarchus, in his sixth book, says that the
 Byzantians are so exceedingly fond of wine, that they live in the wine-shops and
 let out their own houses and their wives also to strangers: and that they cannot
 bear to hear the sound of a trumpet even in their sleep. On which account once,
 when they were attacked by the enemy, and could not endure the labour of defending
 their walls, Leonidas, their general, ordered the innkeepers' booths to be erected
 as tents upon the walls, and even then it was with difficulty that they were
 stopped from deserting, as Damon tells us, in his book on Byzantium. But Menander,
 in his play called the Woman carrying the Mysterious sacred Vessels of Minerva, or
 the Female Flute-player, says— 
 Byzantium makes all the merchants drunk. 
 On your account we drank the whole night long, 
 And right strong wine too, as it seems to me,— 
 At least I got up with four heads, I think. 
 
 And the Argives too are ridiculed by the comic poets as
 addicted to drunkenness; and so are the Tirynthians by Ephippus, in his Busiris.
 And he introduces Hercules as saying— 
 
 A. For how in the name of all the gods at once, 
 Do you not know me, the Tirynthian Argive? 
 That race fights all its battles when 'tis drunk. 
 
 B. And that is why they always run away. 
 And Eubulus, in his Man Glued, says that the Milesians are very insolent
 when they are drunk. And Polemo, in his treatise on the Inscriptions to be found
 in Cities, speaking of the Eleans, produces this epigram:— 
 Elis is always drunk, and always lying: 
 As is each single house, so is the city.

And Theopompus, in his twenty-second book, speaking of the Chalcidians in Thrace,
 says: "For they disregarded all the most excellent habits, rushing readily with
 great eagerness to drinking and laziness, and every sort of intemperance. And all
 the Thracians are addicted to drinking; on which account Callimachus says— 
 For he could hardly bear the Thracian way 
 Of drinking monstrous goblets at one draught; 
 And always did prefer a smaller cup." 
 And, in his fiftieth book, Theopompus makes this statement about the
 Methymnæans: And they live on the more sumptuous kind of food, lying down
 and drinking—and never doing anything at all worthy of the expense that they
 went to. So Cleomenes the tyrant stopped all this; he who also ordered the
 female pimps, who were accustomed to seduce free-born women, and also three or
 four of the most nobly born of those who had been induced to prostitute
 themselves, to be sewn in sacks and thrown into the sea. And Hermippus,
 in his account of the Seven Wise Men, says Periander did the same thing. But in
 the second book of his History of the Exploits of Philip he says, The
 Illyrians both eat and drink in a sitting posture; and they take their wives to
 their entertainments; and it is reckoned a decorous custom for the women to
 pledge the guests who are present. And they lead home their husbands from their
 drinking parties; and they all live plainly, and when they drink, they girdle
 their s stomach with broad girdles, and at first they do so moderately; but
 when they drink more vehemently, then they keep contracting their belt. And the Ariæans, says he, have three hundred
 thousand slaves whom they call prospelatæ, and who correspond to the Helots;
 and they get drunk every day, and make large entertainments, and are very
 intemperate in their eating and drinking. On which account the Celtæ when
 making war upon them, knowing their intemperance, ordered all the soldiers to
 prepare as superb a feast as possible in the tent, and to put in the food some
 medicinal herbs which had the power to gripe and purge the bowels exceedingly.
 And when this had been done . . . .And so some of them were taken by the Celtæ
 and put to death, and some threw themselves into the rivers, being unable to
 endure the pains which they were suffering in their stomachs.

Now, after Democritus had uttered all this long uninterrupted discourse, Pontianus
 said that wine was the metropolis of all these evils; and it was owing to this
 that drunkenness, and madness, and all sorts of debauchery took place; and that
 those people who were too much addicted to it were not unappropriately called
 rowers of cups, by that Dionysius who is surnamed the Brazen, in his Elegies,
 where he says— 
 And those who bring their wine in Bacchus' rowing, 
 Sailors through feasts, and rowers of large cups. 
 And concerning this class of men, (for it is not extinct,) Alexis, in his
 Curia, speaking of some one who drunk to excess, says— 
 This then my son is such in disposition 
 As you have just beheld him. An Œnopion, 
 Or Maron, or Capelus, or Timoclees, 
 For he's a drunkard, nothing more nor less. 
 And for the other, what can I call him? 
 A lump of earth, a plough, an earth-born man. 
 So getting drunk is a bad thing, my good friends; and the same Alexis
 says, with great cleverness, to those who swallow wine in this way, in his Opora,
 (and the play is called after a courtesan of that name,)— 
 Are you then full of such a quantity 
 Of unmix'd wine, and yet avoid to vomit? 
 And in his Ring he says— 
 Is not, then, drunkenness the greatest evil, 
 And most injurious to the human race? 
 
 And in his Steward he says— 
 For much wine is the cause of many crimes. 
 And Crobylus, in his Female Deserter, says— 
 What pleasure, prithee tell me, can there be 
 In getting always drunk? in, while still living, 
 Yourself depriving thus of all your senses; 
 The greatest good which nature e'er has given? 
 Therefore it is not right to get drunk; for A city which has been
 governed by a democracy, says Plato, in the eighth book of his Polity,
 when it has thirsted for freedom, if it meets with bad cupbearers to
 help it, and if, drinking of the desired draught too deeply, it becomes
 intoxicated, then punishes its magistrates if they are not very gentle indeed,
 and if they do not allow it a great deal of licence, blaming them as wicked and
 oligarchical; and those people who obey the magistrates it insults. 
 And, in the sixth book of his Laws, he says— A city ought to be like a
 well-mixed goblet, in which the wine which is poured in rages; but being
 restrained by the opposite and sober deity, enters into a good partnership with
 it, and so produces a good and moderate drink.

For profligate debauchery is engendered by drunkenness. On which account
 Antiphanes, in his Arcadia, says— 
 For it, O father, never can become 
 A sober man to seek debauchery, 
 Nor yet to serious cares to give his mind, 
 When it is rather time to drink and feast. 
 But he that cherishes superhuman thoughts, 
 Trusting to small and miserable riches, 
 Shall at some future time himself discover 
 That he is only like his fellow-men, 
 If he looks, like a doctor, at the tokens, 
 And sees which way his veins go, up or down, 
 On which the life of mortal man depends. 
 And, in his Aeolus, mentioning with indignation the evil deeds which
 those who are great drinkers do, he says— 
 Macareus, when smitten with unholy love 
 For one of his own sisters, for a while 
 Repress'd the evil thought, and check'd himself; 
 But after some short time he wine admitted 
 To be his general, under whose sole lead 
 Audacity takes the place of prudent counsel, 
 And so by night his purpose he accomplish'd. 
 
 And well, therefore, did Aristophanes term wine the milk of
 Venus, saying— 
 And wine, the milk of Venus, sweet to drink; 
 because men, after having drunk too much of it, have often conceived a
 desire for illicit amours.

But Hegesander the Delphian speaks of some men as ἔξοινοι; by which term he means, overtaken with wine; speaking
 thus:— Comeon and Rhodophon being two of the ministers who managed the
 affairs of Rhodes, were both drunk; and Comeon attacking Rhodophon as a
 gambler, said— 
 O you old man, the crew of youthful gamblers 
 Beyond a doubt are pressing hard upon you. 
 And Rhodophon reproached him with his passion for women, and with his
 incontinence, abstaining from no sort of abuse. And Theopompus, in the
 sixteenth book of his Histories, speaking of another Rhodian, says— When
 Hegesilochus had become perfectly useless, partly from drunkenness and
 gambling, and when he had utterly lost all credit among the Rhodians, and when
 instead his whole course of life was found fault with by his own companions and
 by the rest of the citizens. . . . .Then he goes on to speak of the
 oligarchy which he established with his friends, saying— And they violated a
 great number of nobly-born women, wives of the first men in the state; and they
 corrupted no small number of boys and young men; and they carried their
 profligacy to such a height that they even ventured to play with one another at
 dice for the free-born women, and they made a bargain which of the nobly-born
 matrons he who threw the lowest number on the dice should bring to the winner
 for the purpose of being ravished; allowing no exception at all; but the loser
 was bound to bring her to the place appointed, in whatever way he could, using
 persuasion, or even force if that was necessary. And some of the other Rhodians
 also played at dice in this fashion; but the most frequent and open of all the
 players in this way was Hegesilochus, who aspired to become the governor of the
 city. 
 
 And Antheas the Lindian, who claimed to be considered a relation of Cleobulus the
 philosopher, as Philodemus reports, in his treatise on the Sminthians in Rhodes,
 being an oldish man, and very rich, and being also an accomplished poet, celebrated the festivals in honour of Bacchus all his life,
 wearing a dress such as is worn by the votaries of Bacchus, and maintaining a
 troop of fellow-revellers. An he was constantly leading revels both day and night;
 and he was the first man who invented that. kind of poetry which depends upon
 compound words, which Asopodorus the Phliasian afterwards employed in his
 conversational Iambics. And he too used to write comedies and many other pieces in
 the same style of poetry, which he used to recite to his phallus-bearers.

When Ulpian had heard all this he said,—Tell me, my good Pontianus, says he, in
 what author does the word πάροινος occur? And he
 replied— 
 You will undo me with your questions.. 
 (as the excellent Agatho says)— 
 . . . . and your new fashion, 
 Always talking at an unseasonable time. 
 But since it is decided that we are to be responsible to you for every
 word, Antiphanes, in his Lydian, has said— 
 A Colchian man drunken and quarrelsome ( πάροινος ). 
 But you are not yet satisfied about your πάροινοι, and drunkards; nor do you consider that Eumenes the king
 of Pergamus, the nephew of Philetærus, who had formerly been king of Pergamus,
 died of drunkenness, as Ctesicles relates, in the third book of his Times. But,
 however, Perseus, whose power was put down by the Romans, did not die in that way;
 for he did not imitate his father Philip in anything; for he was not eager about
 women, nor was he fond of wine; but when at a feast he was not only moderate
 himself, but all his friends who were with him were so too, as Polybius relates,
 in his twenty-sixth book. But you, O Ulpian, are a most immoderate drinker
 yourself ( ἀῤῥυθμοπότης ), as Timon te Phliasian
 calls it. For so he called those men who drink a great quantity of unmixed wine,
 in the second book of his Silli— 
 Or that great ox-goad, harder than Lycurgus's, 
 Who smote the ἀῤῥυθμόποται of Bacchus, 
 And threw their cups and brimming ladles down. 
 For I do not call you simply ποτικὸς, or
 fond of drinking; and this last is a word which Alæus has used, in his Ganymede.
 And that a habit of getting drunk deceives our eyesight, Anacharsis has shown
 plainly enough, in what he says here he shows that mistaken opinions are taken up
 by drunken men. For a fellow-drinker of his once, seeing his
 wife at a banquet, said, Anacharsis, you have married an ugly
 woman. And he replied, Indeed I think so too, but however now,
 give me, O boy, a cup of stronger wine, that I may make her out
 beautiful.

After this Ulpian, pledging one of his companions, said,—But, my dear friend,
 according to Antiphanes, who says, in his Countryman— 
 
 A. Shut now your eyes, and drink it all at once. 
 
 B. 'Tis a great undertaking. 
 
 A. Not for one 
 Who has experience in mighty draughts. 
 Drink then, my friend; and— 
 
 A. Let us not always drink 
 (as the same Antiphanes says, in his Wounded Man,) 
 Full cups, but let some reason and discussion 
 Come in between, and some short pretty songs; 
 Let some sweet strophes sound. There is no work, 
 Or only one at least, I tell you true, 
 In which some variation is not pleasant. 
 
 B. Give me, then, now at once, I beg you, wine, 
 Strengthening the limbs ( ἀρκεσίγυιον ), as
 says Euripides— 
 
 A. Aye, did Euripides use such a word? 
 
 B. No doubt—who else? 
 
 A. It may have been Philoxenus, 
 'Tis all the same; my friend, you now convict me, 
 Or seek to do so, for one syllable. 
 And he said,—But who has ever used this form πῖθι? And Ulpian replied,—Why, you are all in the dark, my friend,
 from having drunk such a quantity of wine. You have it in Cratinus, in his
 Ulysseses,— 
 Take now this cup, and when you've taken, drink it ( πῖθι ), 
 And then ask me my name. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Mystic, says— 
 
 A. Still drink ( πῖθι ), I bid you. 
 
 B. I'll obey you, then, 
 For certainly a goblet's figure is 
 A most seductive shape, and fairly worthy 
 The glory of a festival. We have— 
 Have not we? (for it is not long ago)— 
 Drunk out of cruets of vile earthenware. 
 May the Gods now, my child, give happiness 
 And all good fortune to the clever workman 
 For the fair shape that he bestow'd on thee. 
 
 
 And Diphilus, in his Bath, says— 
 
 Fill the cup full, and hide the mortal part, 
 The goblet made by man, with godlike wine: 
 Drink ( πῖθι ); these are gifts, my father,
 given us 
 By the good Jove, who thus protects companionship. 
 And Ameipsias, in his Sling, says— 
 When you have stirr'd the sea-hare, take and drink ( πῖθι ). 
 And Menander, in his Female Flute-player, says— 
 Away with you; have you ne'er drunk, O Sosilas? 
 Drink ( πῖθι ) now, I beg, for you are
 wondrous mad.

And in the future tense of πίνω, we should not
 read πιοῦμαι, but πιόμαι without the υ, lengthening
 the ι. And this is the way the future is formed in
 that line of Homer— 
 ( πιόμενʼ ἐκ βοτάνης ) Drank after
 feeding. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Knights, says— 
 He ne'er shall drink ( πίεται ) of the same
 cup with me: 
 and in another place he says— 
 Thou shalt this day drink ( πίει ) the most
 bitter wine; 
 though this might, perhaps, come from πιοῦμαι. Sometimes, however, they shorten the ι, as Plato does, in his Women Returning from Sacrifice— 
 Nor he who drinks up ( ἐκπίεται ) all her
 property: 
 and in his Syrphax he says— And ye shall drink ( πίεσθε ) much water. And Menander uses the word πῖε as a dissyllable, in his Dagger— 
 
 A. Drink ( πῖε ). 
 
 B. I will compel this wretch, 
 This sacrilegious wretch, to drink ( πιεῖν )
 it first: 
 and the expression τῆ πίε , take and
 drink, and πῖνε, drink. So do you, my friend,
 drink; and as Alexis says, in his Twins,— 
 Pledge you ( πρόπιθι ) this man, that he may
 pledge another. 
 And let it be a cup of comradeship, which Anaceron calls ἐπίστιος. For that great lyric poet says— 
 And do not chatter like the wave 
 Of the loud brawling sea, with that 
 Ever-loquacious Gastrodora, 
 Drinking the cup ἐπίστιος. 
 
 But the name which we give it is ἀνίσων.

But do not you be afraid to drink; nor will you be in any
 danger of falling on your hinder parts; for the people who drink what Simonides
 calls— 
 Wine, the brave router of all melancholy, 
 can never suffer such a mischance as that. But as Aristotle says, in his
 book on Drunkenness, they who have drunk beer, which they call πῖνος, fall on their backs. For he says, But
 there is a peculiarity in the effects of the drink made from barley, which they
 call πῖνος, for they who get drunk on other
 intoxicating liquors fall on all parts of their body; they fall on the left
 side, on the right side, on their faces, and on their backs. But it is only
 those who get drunk on beer who fall on their backs, and lie with their faces
 upwards. But the wine which is made of barley is by some called
 βρύτος, as Sophocles says, in his Triptolemus—
 
 And not to drink the earthy beer ( βρύτον ). 
 And Archilochus says— 
 And she did vomit wine as any Thracian 
 Might vomit beer ( βρύτον ), and played the
 wanton stooping. 
 And Aeschylus, also, mentions this drink, in his Lycurgus— 
 And after this he drank his beer ( βρύτον ),
 and much 
 And loudly bragg'd in that most valiant house. 
 But Hellanicus, in his Origins, says that beer is made also out of roots,
 and he writes thus:— But they drink beer ( βρύτον ) made of roots, as the Thracians drink it made of
 barley. And Hecatæus, in the second book of his Description of the
 World, speaking of the Egyptians, and saying that they are great bread-eaters,
 adds, They bruise barley so as to make a drink of it. And, in his
 Voyage round Europe, he says that the Pæonians drink beer made of barley,
 and a liquor called παραβίη, made of millet and
 conyza. And they anoint themselves, adds he, with oil made of
 milk. And this is enough to say on these topics.

But in our time dear to the thyrsus-bearers 
 Is rosy wine, and greatest of all gods 
 Is Bacchus. 
 As Ion the Chian says, in his Elegies— 
 For this is pretext fit for many a song; 
 The great assemblies of th' united Greeks, 
 The feasts of kings, do from this gift proceed, 
 Since first the vine, with hoary bunches laden, 
 Push'd from beneath the ground its fertile shoots, 
 Clasping the poplar in its firm embrace, 
 And from its buds burst forth a numerous race, 
 
 
 
 Crashing, as one upon the other press'd; 
 But when the noise has ceased they yield their juice, 
 Divinest nectar, which to mortal men 
 Is ever the sole remedy for care, 
 And common cause of joy and cheerfulness. 
 Parent of feasts, and laughter, and the dance, 
 Wine shows the disposition of the good, 
 And strengthens all their noble qualities. 
 Hail! then, O Bacchus, president of feasts, 
 Dear to all men who love the wreathed flowers; 
 Give us, kind God, an age of happiness, 
 To drink, and play, and cherish just designs. 
 
 
 But Amphis, in his Philadelphi, praising the life of those who are fond of
 drinking, says:— 
 For many causes do I think our life, 
 The life of those who drink, a happy one; 
 And happier far than yours, whose wisdom all 
 Lies in a stern and solemn-looking brow. 
 For that slow prudence which is always busy 
 In settling small affairs, which with minuteness, 
 And vain solicitude, keeps hunting trifles, 
 Fears boldly to advance in things of weight; 
 But our mind, not too fond of scrutinising 
 Th' exact result of every trifling measure, 
 Is ever for prompt deeds of spirit ready.

And when Ulpian was about to add something to this Aemilianus said,—It is time for
 us, my friends, to inquire in some degree about γρῖφοι, that we may leave our cups for a little while, not indeed in
 the spirit of that work which is entitled the Grammatical Tragedy of Callias the
 Athenian: but let us first inquire what is the definition of what we call a
 γρῖφος. . . . And we may omit what Cleobulina
 of Lindus has proposed in her Epigrams; for our companion, Diotimus of Olympia,
 has discussed that point sufficiently; but we must consider how the comic poets
 have mentioned it, and what punishment those who have failed to solve it have
 undergone. And Laurentius said,—Clearchus the Solensian defines the word thus: 
 γρῖφος, 
 says he, is a sportive problem, in which we are bidden to seek
 out, by the exertion of our intellect and powers of investigation, what i
 proposed to us, which has been uttered for the sake of some honour or some
 penalty. And in his discussion on these griphi, the same Clearchus
 asserts that there are seven kinds of griphi. In the letter, when we say
 that there is a certain name of a fish or plant, beginning with a. And
 similarly, when he who proposes the griphus desires us to
 mention some name in which some particular letter is or is not. Such are those
 which are called sigma-less griphi; on which account Pindar has composed an ode
 on the ς, as if some griphus had been proposed
 to him as a subject for a lyric poem. Then griphi are said to be in the
 syllable, when we are desired to recite some verse which begins with the
 syllable βα, as with βασιλεὺς, for instance, or which ends with ναξ, as καλλιάναξ, or some in
 which the syllables λεων take the lead, as
 λεωνίδης, or on the other hand close the
 sentence, as θρασυλέωϝ. They are in the name,
 when we utter simple or compound names of two syllables, by which some tragic
 figure, or on the other hand some humble one, is indicated; or some names which
 have no connexion with anything divine, as κλεώνυμος, or which have some such connexion, as διονύσιος : and this, too, whether the connexion be
 with one God or with more, as ʽἑρμαφρόδιτος; or
 whether the name begins with Jupiter, as διοκλῆς, or with Mercury, as ʽἑρμόδωρος; or whether it ends, as it perhaps may, with νῖκος. And then they who were desired to say such and
 such things, and could not, had to drain the cup. And Clearchus defined
 the word in this way. And now you, my good friend Ulpian, may inquire what the cup
 to be drained is.

But concerning these griphi, Antiphanes says, in his Cnœthis, or the Pot-bellied
 Man— 
 
 A. I thought before that those who while at
 meals 
 Bade me solve griphi, were the silliest triflers, 
 Talking mere nonsense. And when any one 
 Was bade to say what a man bore and bore not, 
 I laugh'd and thought it utter childishness; 
 And did not think that truth did lie beneath, 
 But reckon'd them as traps for the unwary. 
 But now, indeed, I see there is some truth in them; 
 For we, ten men, contribute now for supper, 
 But no one of them all bears what he brings, 
 So here's a case where he who bears bears not, 
 And this is just the meaning of a griphus. 
 So surely this may fairly be excused; 
 But others play tricks with the things themselves, 
 Paying no money, as, for instance, Philip. 
 
 B. A wise and fortunate man, by Jove, is he. 
 And in his Aphrodisian he says— 
 
 A. Suppose I want to say now dish to
 you, 
 Shall I say dish, or shall I rather say, 
 
 A hollow-bodied vessel, made of earth, 
 Form'd by the potter's wheel in rapid swing, 
 Baked in another mansion of its mother, 
 Which holds within its net the tender milk-fed 
 Offspring of new-born flocks untimely choked? 
 
 B. By Hercules, you'll kill me straight if you 
 Do not in plain words say a dish of meat. 
 
 
 A. 'Tis well. And shall I speak to you of drops 
 Flowing from bleating goats, and well compounded 
 With streams proceeding from the yellow bee, 
 Sitting on a broad receptacle provided 
 By the chaste virgin born of holy Ceres, 
 And now luxuriating beneath a host 
 Of countless finely-wrought integuments; 
 Or shall I say a cheesecake? 
 
 
 B. Prithee say 
 A cheesecake. 
 
 A. Shall I speak of rosy sweat 
 From Bacchic spring? 
 
 B. I'd rather you'd say wine. 
 
 A. Or shall I speak of dusky dewy drops? 
 
 B. No such long paraphrase,—say plainly, water. 
 
 A. Or shall I praise the cassia-breathing
 fragrance 
 That scents the air 
 
 B. No, call it myrrh,—forbear 
 Those sad long-winded sentences, those long 
 And roundabout periphrases; it seems 
 To me by far too great a labour thus 
 To dwell on matters which are small themselves, 
 And only great in such immense descriptions.

And Alexis, in his Sleep, proposes a griphus of this kind— 
 
 A. It is not mortal, nor immortal either 
 But as it were compounded of the two, 
 So that it neither lives the life of man, 
 Nor yet of God, but is incessantly 
 New born again, and then again deprived 
 Of this its present life; invisible, 
 Yet it is known and recognised by all. 
 
 B. You always do delight, O lady, in riddles. 
 
 A. No, I am speaking plain and simple things. 
 
 B. What child then is there which has such a
 nature! 
 
 A. 'Tis sleep, my girl, victor of human toils. 
 And Eubulus, in his Sphingocarion, proposes grip i of this kind, himself
 afterwards giving the solution of there— 
 
 A. There is a thing which speaks, yet has no
 tongue 
 A female of the same name as the male; 
 The steward of the winds, which it holds fast; 
 Rough, and yet sometimes smooth; full of dark voices 
 
 Scarce to be understood by learned men; 
 Producing harmony after harmony; 
 'Tis one thing, and yet many; e'en if wounded 
 'Tis still invulnerable and unhurt. 
 
 B. What can that be? 
 
 A. Why, don't you know, Callistratus? 
 It is a bellows. 
 
 B. You are joking now. 
 
 A. No; don't it speak, although it has no
 tongue? 
 Has it not but one name with many people? 
 Is't not unhurt, though with a wound i' the centre? 
 Is it not sometimes rough, and sometimes smooth? 
 Is it not, too, a guardian of much wind? 
 Again:— 
 There is an animal with a locust's eye, 
 With a sharp mouth, and double deathful head; 
 A mighty warrior, who slays a race 
 Of unborn children. 
 ('Tis the Egyptian ichneumon.) For he does seize upon the crocodile's
 eggs, And, ere the latent offspring is quite form'd, Breaks and destroys them:
 he's a double head, For he can sting with one end, and bite with th' other.
 Again:— 
 I know a thing which, while it's young, is heavy, 
 But when it's old, though void of wings, can fly 
 With lightest motion, out of sight o' th' earth. 
 This is thistledown. For it— 
 While it is young, stands solid in its seed, 
 But when it loses that, is light and flies, 
 Blown about every way by playful children. 
 Listen, now, to this one— 
 There is an image all whose upper part 
 Is its foundation, while the lower part 
 Is open; bored all through from head to feet; 
 'Tis sharp, and brings forth men in threefold way, 
 Some of whom gain the lot of life, some lose it: 
 All have it; but I bid them all beware. 
 And you yourselves may decide here, that he means the box into which the
 votes are thrown, so that we may not borrow everything from Eubulus.

And Antiphanes, in his Problem, says— 
 
 A. A man who threw his net o'er many fish, 
 Though full of hope, after much toil and cost, 
 Caught only one small perch. And 'twas a cestreus, 
 Deceived itself, who brought this perch within, 
 
 For the perch followeth the blacktail gladly. 
 
 B. A cestreus, blacktail, perch, and man, and
 net,— 
 I don't know what you mean; there's no sense in it. 
 
 A. Wait while I clearly now explain myself: 
 There is a man who giving all he has, 
 When giving it, knows not to whom he gives it, 
 Nor knows he has the things he does not need. 
 
 B. Giving, not giving, having, and not having,— 
 I do not understand one word of this. 
 
 A. These were the very words of this same
 griphus. 
 For what you know you do not just now know, 
 What you have given, or what you have instead. 
 This was the meaning. 
 
 B. Well, I should be glad 
 To give you too a griphus. 
 
 A. Well, let's have it. 
 
 B. A pinna and a mullet, two fish, both 
 Endued with voices, had a conversation, 
 And talk'd of many things; but did not say 
 What they were talking of, nor whom they thought 
 They were addressing; for they both did fail 
 In seeing who it was to whom they talk'd. 
 And so, while they kept talking to each other, 
 The goddess Ceres came and both destroy'd.

And in his play called Sappho, Antiphanes represents the poetess herself as
 proposing griphi, which we may call riddles, in this manner: and then some one
 else is represented as solving them. For she says— 
 
 S. There is a female thing which holds her young 
 Safely beneath her bosom; they, though mute, 
 Cease not to utter a loud sounding voice 
 Across the swelling sea, and o'er the land, 
 Speaking to every mortal that they choose; 
 But those who present are can nothing hear, 
 Still they have some sensation of faint sound. 
 And some one, solving this riddle, says— 
 
 B. The female thing you speak of is a city; 
 The children whom it nourishes, orators; 
 They, crying out, bring from across the sea, 
 From Asia and from Thrace, all sorts of presents 
 The people still is near them while they feed on 
 And pour reproaches ceaselessly around, 
 While it nor hears nor sees aught that they do. 
 
 S. But how, my father, tell me, in God's name, 
 Can you e'er say an orator is mute, 
 Unless, indeed, he's been three times convicted? 
 
 B. And yet I thought that I did understand 
 The riddle rightly. Tell me then yourself. 
 
 And so then he introduces Sappho herself solving the riddle,
 thus— 
 
 S. The female thing you speak of is a letter, 
 The young she bears about her is the writing: 
 They're mute themselves, yet speak to those afar off 
 Whene'er they please. And yet a bystander, 
 However near he may be, hears no sound 
 From him who has received and reads the letter.

And Diphilus, in his Theseus, says that there were once three Samian damsels, who,
 on the day of the festival of Adonis, used to delight themselves in solving
 riddles at their feasts. And that when some one had proposed to them this riddle,
 What is the strongest of all things? one said iron, and alleged
 the following reasons for her opinion, because that is the instrument with which
 men dig and cut, and that is the material which they use for all purposes. And
 when she had been applauded, the second damsel said that a blacksmith exerted much
 greater strength, for that he, when he was at work, bent this strong iron, and
 softened it, and used it for whatever purposes he chose. And the third said, they
 were both wrong, and that love was the strongest thing of all, for that love could
 subdue a blacksmith. 
 And Achæus the Eretrian, though he is usually a very clear poet as respects the
 structure of his poems, sometimes makes his language obscure, and says many things
 in an enigmatical style; as, for instance, in his Iris, which is a satyric play.
 For he says, A cruet of litharge full of ointment was suspended from a
 Spartan tablet, written upon and twisted on a double stick; meaning to
 say a white strap, from which a silver cruet was suspended; and he has spoken of a
 Spartan written tablet when he merely meant the Spartan scytale. And that the
 Lacedæmonians put a white strap, on which they wrote whatever they wished, around
 the scytale, we are told plainly enough by Apollonius Rhodius, in his Treatise on
 Archilochus. And Stesichorus, in his Helen, speaks of a footpan of litharge; and
 Ion, in his Phœnix or Cæneus, calls the birdlime the sweat of the oak, saying—
 
 The sweat of oaks, and a long leafy branch 
 Cut from a bush supports me, and a thread 
 Drawn from Egyptian linen, clever snare 
 To catch the flying birds.

And Hermippus says, that Theodectes of Phaselus, in his book
 on the Pupils of Isocrates, was a wonderfully clever man at discovering any
 riddles that might be proposed to him, and that he too could propose riddles to
 others with great acuteness. As that riddle about shade, for instance;— for he
 said that there was a nature which is greatest at its birth and at its decease,
 and least when at its height. And he speaks thus:— 
 Of all the things the genial earth produces, 
 Or the deep sea, there is no single one, 
 Nor any man or other animal 
 Whose growth at all can correspond to this: 
 For when it first is born its size is greatest; 
 At middle age 'tis scarcely visible, 
 So small it's grown; but when 'tis old and hastens 
 Nigh to its end, it then becomes again 
 Greater than all the objects that surround it. 
 And in the Œdipus, which is a tragedy, he speaks of night and day in the
 following riddle:— 
 There are two sisters, one of whom brings forth 
 The other, and in turn becomes its daughter. 
 
 
 And Callisthenes, in his Greek History, tells the following story, that
 when the Arcadians were besieging Cromnus, (and that is a small town
 near Megalopolis,) Hippodamus the Lacedæmonian, being one of the besieged
 persons, gave a message to the herald who came to them from the Lacedæmonians,
 showing the condition in which they were by a riddle, and he bade him tell his
 mother-'to be sure and release within the next ten days the little woman who
 was bound in the temple of Apollo; as it would not be possible to release her
 if they let those days elapse.' And by this message he plainly enough intimated
 what he was desirous to have understood; for the little woman meant is Famine,
 of which there was a picture in the temple of Apollo, near the throne of
 Apollo, and it was represented under a woman's form; so it was evident to every
 one that those who were besieged could hold out only ten days more because of
 famine. So the Lacedæmonians, understanding the meaning of that had been said,
 brought succour with great speed to the men in Cromnus.

There are also many other riddles, such as this:— 
 I saw a man who by the means of fire 
 Was glueing brass unto another man 
 So closely that they two became like brothers. 
 
 And this expression means the application of a cupping-
 glass. And a similar one is that of Panarces, mentioned by Clearchus, in his Essay
 on Griphi, that A man who is not a man, with a stone which was not a stone,
 struck a bird which was not a bird, sitting on a tree which was not a
 tree. For the things alluded to here are a eunuch, a piece of
 pumice-stone, a bat, and a narthex . And Plato, in the fifth book of his Laws, alludes to this riddle, where he
 says, that those philosophers who occupy themselves about minute arts, are like
 those who, at banquets, doubt what to eat, and resemble too the boys' riddle about
 the stone thrown by the eunuch, and about the bat, and about the place from which
 they say that the eunuch struck down the bat, and the engine with which he did
 it.

And of this sort also are those enigmatical sayings of Pythagoras, as Demetrius of
 Byzantium says, in the fourth book of his treatise on Poets, where, for instance,
 he says, A man should not eat his heart; meaning, a man
 should cultivate cheerfulness. 
 One should not stir the fire with a sword; meaning, One
 should not provoke an angry man; for anger is fire, and quarrelsomeness
 is a sword. One should not step over a yoke meaning, one
 should avoid and hate all kinds of covetousness, but seek equality. 
 One should not travel along the high road; meaning, One should not
 follow the opinions of the multitude, (for the common people approve of whatever
 they take in their heads without any fixed principle,) but one should rather go on
 the straight road, using sense as one's guide." One should not sit down
 upon a bushel; meaning, one should not be content with merely
 considering what is sufficient for the present day, but one should always have
 an eye to the future * * * * * * 
 For death is the boundary and limit of life; and this saying is
 meant to forbid us approaching the subject with anxiety and grief.

And Dromeas the Coan used to play at riddles in much the same
 way as Theodectes, according to the state- ment of Clearchus: and so did
 Aristonymus, the player on the harp, without any vocal accompaniment: and so did
 that Cleon who was surnamed Mimaulus, who was the best actor of Italian mimes that
 ever appeared on the stage without a mask. For in the style of play which I have
 mentioned already, he was superior even to Nymphodors. And Ischomachus the herald
 was an imitator of his, who used to give his representations in the middle of a
 crowd, and after he had become celebrated, he altered his style and used to act
 mimes at the jugglers shows. And the riddles which these men used to propose were of
 the following kind:—A clown once had eaten too much, and was very unwell, and when
 the physician asked him whether he had eaten to vomit, No, said he, but I ate to
 my stomach. And another was,— A poor woman had a pain in her stomach, and when the
 physician asked her whether she had anything in her stomach, How should I, said
 she, when I have eaten nothing for three days? 
 And the writings of Aristonymus were full of pompous ex- pressions: and Sosiphanes
 the poet said to Cephisocles the actor, reproaching him as a man fond of long
 words, I would throw a stone at your loins, if I were not afraid of wetting
 the bystanders. But the logical griphus is the oldest kind, and the one
 most suited to the natural character of such enigmatical language. What do
 we all teach when We do not know it ourselves and, What is the
 same nowhere and everywhere? and also, What is the same in the
 heavens and on the earth and in the sea? But this is a riddle arising
 from an identity of name; for there is a bear, and a serpent, and an eagle, and a
 dog, both in the heavens and on the earth and in the sea. And the other riddle
 means Time; for that is the same to all people and everywhere, because it has not
 its nature depending on one place. And the first riddle means How to
 live: for though no one knows this himself he teaches his
 neighbour.

And Callias the Athenian, whom we were discussing just now, and who was a little
 before Strattis in point of time, wrote a play which he called Grammatical
 Science; and the plot of it was as follows. The prologue consists of the elements, and the actor should recite it, dividing it into
 para- graphs, and making the termination in the manner of a dramatic catastrophe,
 into Alpha, beta, gamma, delta, eta, theta. For ει is sacred to the God; iota, cappa, lambda, mu, nu, xu, the
 diphthong ou, pi, rho, sigma, tau, the present u, phi, chi, which is next to
 psi, all down to omega. And the chorus consisted of women, in pairs,
 made of two elements taken together, composed in metre and lyrical odes in this
 fashion — Beta alpha ba, beta ei be, beta eta be, beta iota bi, beta ou bo,
 beta upsilon bu, beta omega bo. And then, again, in the antistrophe of
 the ode and of the metre, Gamma alpha, gamma ei, gamma eta, gamma iota,
 gamma omicron, gamma upsilon, gamma omega. And in the same way he dealt
 with all other syllables—all which have the same melody and the same metre in the
 antistrophes. So that people not only suspect that Euripides drew all his Medea
 from this drama, but they think that it is perfectly plain that he drew the system
 of his choruses from it. And they say that Sophocles, after he had heard this
 drama, endeavoured to divide his poem in respect of the metre, and did it thus, in
 the Œdipus,— 
 I shall not grieve myself nor you, 
 Being convicted of this action. 
 On which account, all the rest admitted the system of antistrophes from
 his example, as it should seem, into their tragedies. Then, after this chorus,
 Callias introduces another speech of vowels, in this manner: (and this also the
 reciter must divide into paragraphs in the same way as the previous portions, in
 order that that delivery may be preserved which the author originally intended)—
 
 Alpha alone, O woman; then one should 
 Say ει alone in the second place: next, 
 Still by itself you will say, thirdly, Eta; 
 Fourth, still alone, Iota; fifthly, Ou. 
 In the sixth place, Upsilon by itself. 
 The last of all the seven vowels is 
 The slow-paced Omega. The seven vowels 
 In seven verses; and when you've recited 
 All these, then go and ponder by yourself.

Callias was also the first man who taught the elements of learning by iambics, in
 a licentious sort of language, described in the following manner— 
 
 For I'm in labour, ladies; but from shame, 
 I will, my dear, in separate lines and letters, 
 Tell you the name of the child. There is a line 
 Upright and long; and from the middle of it 
 There juts forth on each side a little one, 
 With upward look: and next a circle comes, 
 On two short feet supported. 
 And afterwards, following this example, as any one may suspect, Mæandrius
 the prose writer, turning away a little from the usual pronunciation in his
 descriptions, wrote those things which are found in his Precepts, in a less
 polished style than the above-mentioned Callias. And Euripides appears to have
 followed the same model when he composed those verses, in his Theseus, in which
 the elements of writing are described. But the character is an illiterate
 shepherd, who is showing that the name of Theseus is inscribed in the place in
 this way— 
 For I indeed do nothing know of letters, 
 But I will tell you all their shapes, and give 
 Clear indications by which you may judge. 
 There is a circle, round as though 't had been 
 Work'd in a lathe, and in its centre space 
 It has a visible sign. Then the second 
 Has first of all two lines, and these are parted 
 By one which cuts them both across the middle. 
 The third's a curly figure, wreathed round. 
 The fourth contains one line which mounts right up, 
 And in a transverse course three others hang 
 From its right side. The letter which cones fifth 
 Admits of no such easy explanation; 
 For there are two diverging lines above, 
 Which meet in one united line below. 
 The letter which comes last is like the third. 
 [So as to make θ η ς ε υ ς. ] 
 And Agathon the tragic poet has composed a similar passage, in his Telephus; for
 there also some illiterate man explains the way of spelling Theseus thus:— 
 The letter which comes first is like a circle, 
 Divided by a navel in the middle; 
 Then come two upright lines well-join'd together; 
 The third is something like a Scythian bow: 
 Next comes a trident placed upon its side; 
 And two lines branching from one lower stem: 
 The last again the same is as the third. 
 And Theodectes of Phaselus introduces an illiterate clown, who also
 represents the name of Theseus in his own way— 
 
 The letter which comes first a circle is, 
 With one soft eye; then come two upright lines 
 Of equal and exact proportions, 
 United by one middle transverse line; 
 The third is like a wreathed curl of hair; 
 The next a trident lying on its side; 
 The fifth two lines of equal length above, 
 Which below join together in one base; 
 The sixth, as I have said before, a curl. 
 And Sophocles has said something like this, in his Amphiaraus, which is a
 satyric drama, where he introduces an actor dancing in unison with his explanation
 of the letters.

But Neoptolemus the Parian, in his treatise on Inscriptions, says that this
 inscription is engraved on the tomb of Thrasymachus the sophist at Chalcedon—
 
 My name is Theta, ro, alpha, and san, 
 Upsilon, mu, alpha, chi, ou, san again: 
 Chalcedon was my home, wisdom my trade. 
 And there is a poem of this kind upon Pan, by Castorion the Solensian, as
 Clearchus says: every foot consists of one entire word,
 and so every line has its feet in pairs, so that they may either precede or follow
 each other; as for instance— 
 
 σὲ τὸν βόλοις νιφοκτύποις δυσχείμερον 
 
 
 ναίονθʼ ἕδος, θηρονόμε πὰν, χθόνʼ ʼαρκάδων, 
 
 
 κλήσω γραφῇ τῇδʼ ἐν σοφῇ, πάγκψειτʼ ἔπη 
 
 
 συνθεὶς, ἄναξ, δύσγνωστα μὴ σοφοῖς κλύειν, 
 
 
 μουσοπόλε θὴρ, κηρόχυτον ὅς μείλιγμʼ ἱεῖς. 
 
 [Which may be translated thus— 
 O thou that dwellest on the lofty plain, 
 Stormy with deep loud-sounding falls of snow, 
 Th' Arcadian land,—lord of the forest kinds, 
 Thee, mighty Pan, will I invoke in this 
 Sagacious writing, carefully compounding 
 Words difficult for ignorant men to know, 
 Or rightly understand. Hail, friend o' the Muse, 
 Who pourest forth sweet sounds from waxen flute.] 
 And so on in the same manner. And in whatever order you place each of
 these pairs of feet it will give the same metre; as you may, for instance,
 transpose the first line, and instead of— 
 
 σὲ, τὸν βόλοις νιφοκτύποις δυσχείμερον, 
 
 you may read it— 
 
 νιφοκτύποις σὲ τὸν βόλοις δυσχείμερον. 
 
 
 You may also remark that each pair of feet consists of
 ten letters; and you may produce the same effect not
 in this way, but in a different one, so as to have many ways of putting one line;
 for instead you may read— 
 
 μέτρον φράσον μοι, τῶν ποδῶν μέτρον λαβών· 
 
 or this way— 
 
 λαβὼν μέτρον μοι τῶν ποδῶν, μέτρον φράσον. 
 
 [And you may take this line too—] 
 
 οὐ βούλομαι γὰρ τῶν ποδῶν μέτρον λαβεῖν, 
 
 [and transpose it thus—] 
 
 λαβεῖν μέτρον γὰρ τῶν ποδῶν οὐ βούλομαι.

But Pindar, with reference to the ode which was composed without a ς in it, as the same Clearchus tells us, as if some
 griphus had been proposed to him to be expressed in a lyric ode,—as many were
 offended because they considered it impossible to abstain from the ς, and because they did not approve of the way in which
 the idea was executed, uttered this sentence— 
 Before long series of songs were heard, 
 And the ill-sounding san from out men's mouths. 
 And we may make use of this observation in opposition to those who
 pronounce the sigma-less ode of Lasus of Hermione to be spurious, which is
 entitled The Centaurs. And the ode which was composed by Lasus to the Ceres in
 Hermione, has not a ς in it, as Heraclides of
 Pontus says, in the third book of his treatise on Music, which begins— 
 I sing of Ceres and her daughter fair, 
 The bride of Clymenus.

And there are great numbers of other griphi. Here is one— 
 In a conspicuous land I had my birth, 
 The briny ocean girds my country round, 
 My mother is the daughter fair of Number. 
 By the conspicuous land ( φανερὰ ) he means
 Delos (as δῆλος is synonymous with φανερὸς ), and that is an island surrounded by the sea.
 And the mother meant is Latona, who is the daughter of Coius, and the Macedonians
 use κοῖος as synonymous with ἀριθμός. And the one on barley-water ( πτυσάνη )— 
 Mix the juice of peel'd barley, and then drink it. 
 And the name πτισάνη is derived from the
 verbs πτίσσω, to pound, and
 ἄνω, to bruise. There is also the one on the
 snail, which is quoted in the Definitions of Teucer— 
 An animal destitute of feet and spine 
 And bone, whose back is clad with horny shell, 
 With long, projecting, and retreating eyes. 
 And Antiphanes, in the Man who admires himself, says— 
 Coagulated, tender-bodied milk. 
 lost understand me not? I mean new cheese. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Ugly Woman, says— 
 He's lately cut it up; then he confined 
 The long, unbroken portions of the body 
 In earthen vases, wrought in crackling fire,— 
 A phrase, my men, invented by Timotheus, 
 Who meant to say in dishes. 
 And Timocles, in his Heroes, says— 
 
 A. And when the nurse of life was taken away, 
 Fierce hunger's foe, sweet friendship's guardian, 
 Physician of voracious hunger, which 
 Men call the table . . . 
 
 B. How you tire yourself, 
 When you might say the table in a word. 
 And Plato, in his Adonis, saying that an oracle was given to Cinyras
 concerning his son Adonis, reports it in these words— 
 O Cinyras, king of hairy Cyprians, 
 Your son is far the fairest of all men, 
 And the most admirable: but two deities 
 Lay hands upon him; one is driven on 
 By secret courses, and the other drives. 
 He means Venus and Bacchus; for both of them loved Adonis. And the enigma
 of the Sphinx is reported by Asclepiades, in his essay on the Subjects on which
 Tragedies have been written, to have been such as this— 
 There is upon the earth an animal 
 With two feet, and with four, and eke with three, 
 And with one voice; and it alone, of all 
 The things which move on earth, or in the heavens, 
 Or o'er the boundless sea, doth change its nature; 
 But when its feet are of the greatest number, 
 Then is its speed the slowest, and strength least.

And there are also some sayings partaking of the character of griphi, composed by
 Simonides, as is reported by Chamæleon of Heraclea, in his treatise on the Life
 and Writings of Simonides— 
 
 The father of a kid which roves for food, 
 And a sad fish, had their heads near together; 
 And when they had received beneath their eyelids 
 The son of Night, they did not choose to cherish 
 The bull-slaying servant of the sovereign Bacchus. 
 But some say that these verses were inscribed on some one of the ancient
 offerings which were dedicated at Chalcis; and that on it were represented the
 figures of a goat and a dolphin; to which animals allusion is made in the above
 lines. And others say that a dolphin and a goat were embossed in that part of a
 psaltery where the strings are put in, and that they are what is meant here; and
 that the bull-slaying servant of Bacchus is the dithyrambic. And others say that
 the ox which is sacrificed to Bacchus in the town of Iulis is struck with an axe
 by some one of the young men: and that the festival being near, the axe had been
 sent to a forge, and Simonides, being then a young man, went to the smith to fetch
 it; and that when he found the man asleep, and his bellows and his tongs lying
 loosely about with their fore parts touching one another, he then came back, and
 told the before-mentioned problem to his friends. For the father of a kid he
 called the bellows, and the sad fish the tongs (which is called καρκῖνος, or the crab). The son of Night is sleep, and
 the bull-slaying servant of Bacchus is the axe. And Simonides composed also
 another epigram which causes perplexity to those who are ignorant of history—
 
 I say that he who does not like to win 
 The grasshopper's prize, will give a mighty feast 
 To the Panopeiadean Epeus. 
 And it is said, that when he was sojourning at Carthea he used to train
 choruses; and that the place where these exercises took place was in the upper
 part of the city, near the temple of Apollo, a long way from the sea; so that all
 the rest of the citizens, and Simonides himself, went down to get water, to a
 place where there was a fountain; an that an ass, whose name was Epeus, used to
 carry the water up for them; and they gave him this name, because there was a
 fable that Epeus himself used to do this; and there was also represented in a
 picture, in the temple of Apollo, th Trojan fable, in which Epeus is represented
 as drawing water for the Atridæ; as Stesichorus also relates— 
 For the great daughter of Jove pitied him 
 Bearing incessant water for the kings. 
 
 And as this was the case, they say that it was a burden
 imposed on every member of the choruses who was not present at the appointed time,
 that he should give the ass a chœnix of barley; and that this is stated by the
 same poet; and that what is meant by not liking to win the grasshopper's prize, is
 not liking to sing; and that by Panopeiadean is meant the ass, and the mighty
 feast is the chœnix of barley.

And of the same kind is the epigram of Theognis the poet,— 
 For a sea-corpse has call'd me now back home, 
 Which, though dead, speaketh with a living mouth. 
 Where he means the cockle. And we may consider of the same character
 those sentences in which we use words which resemble men's names, as— 
 
 λαβὼν ἀριστόνικον ἐν μάχῃ κράτος· 
 
 He gain'd in battle a glorious victory; 
 where ἀριστόνικος sounds like the name of
 a man, Aristonicus. And there is also that riddle which is so frequently repeated—
 
 Five men came to one place in vessels ten, 
 And fought with stones, but might not lift a stone, 
 And died of thirst while water reach'd their chins.

And what punishment had the Athenians who could not solve this riddle when
 proposed to them, if it was only to drink a bowl of mixed wine, as Clearchus has
 stated in his Definition? And, in the first book of his treatise on Proverbs, he
 writes thus— The investigation of riddles is not unconnected with
 philosophy; for the ancients used to make a display of their erudition by such
 things; for they used at their entertainments to ask questions, not such as the
 men of the present day ask one another, as to what sort of amorous enjoyment is
 the most delicious, or what kind of fish is nicest, or what is most in season
 at the moment; or again, what fish is best to eat at the time of Arcturus, or
 what after the rising of the Pleiades, or of the Dogstar. And then they offer
 kisses as prizes for those who gain the victory in such questions; such as are
 hateful to men of liberal sentiments; and as a punishment for those who are
 defeated they enjoin them to drink sheer wine; which they drink more willingly
 than the cup of health. For these things are well adapted to any one who has
 devoted his attention to the writings of Philænis and Archestratus, or who has
 studied the books called Gastro- logies. They preferred
 such plays as these;—when the first person had recited a verse, the others were
 bound to quote the verse following; or if any one had quoted a sentence from
 some poet, the rest were bound to produce a sentence from some other poet
 expressing the same sentiments. After that, every one was bound to repeat an
 iambic. And then, each person was to repeat a line of such and such a number of
 syllables precisely; and so on with everything that related to any acquaintance
 with letters and syllables. And in a similar manner they would be bound to
 repeat the names of all the commanders in the army which attacked Troy, or of
 all the Trojan leaders: or to tell the name of some city in Asia beginning with
 a given letter; and then the next person was to tell the name of a city in
 Europe: and then they were to go through the rest according as they were
 desired to give the names of Grecian or barbarian cities; so that this sport,
 not being an inconsiderate one, was a sort of exhibition of the ability and
 learning of each individual. And the prizes given were a garland and applause,
 things by which love for one another is especially sweetened.

This, then, was what Clearchus said; and the things which he says one ought to
 propose, are, I imagine, such as these. For one person to quote a line in Homer
 beginning with Alpha, and ending with the same letter, such as— 
 
 ʼἀγχοῦ δʼ ἱσταμένη ἔπεα πτερόεντα προσηύδα. 
 
 
 ʼἀλλʼ ἄγε νῦν μάστιγα καὶ ἡνία σιγαλόεντα. 
 
 
 ʽἁσπίδας εὐκύκλους λαισήαϊ τε πτερόεντα. 
 
 And, again, they quoted iambics on a similar principle— 
 
 ʼἀγαθὸς ἀνὴρ λέγοιτʼ ἄν, ὁ φέρων τʼ ἀγαθά. 
 
 
 ʼἀγαθὸς ἂν εἴη καὶ ὁ φέρων καλῶς κακά. 
 
 Or lines in Homer beginning and ending with ε, as— 
 
 εὗρε λυκάονος υἷον ἀμύμονά τε κρατερόν τε. 
 
 
 ʼἐν πόλει ὑμετέρῃ ἐπεὶ οὐκ ἔμελλον ἔγωγε. 
 
 And iarabics on the same principle— 
 
 εὐκαταφρόνητός ἐστι πενία, δέρκυλε· 
 
 
 ʼἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσι τὸν βίον διάπλεκε. 
 
 And lines of Homer beginning and ending with η, as— 
 
 ʽἡ μὲν ἄπʼ ὥς εἰποῦσʼ ἀπέβη γλαυκῶπις
 ʼαθήνη· 
 
 
 ʽἡ δʼ ἐν γούνασι πίπτε διώνης δῖ ʼαφροδίτη. 
 
 And iambics— 
 
 ʽἡ τῶν φίλων σοι πίστις ἔστω κεκριμένη. 
 
 
 Lines in Homer beginning and ending with ι, as— 
 
 ʼἰλίου ἐξαπολοίατʼ ἀκήδεστοι καὶ ἄφαντοι· 
 
 
 ʽἱππόλοχος δέ μʼ ἔτικτε καὶ ἐκ τοῦ φημὶ
 γενέσθαι. 
 
 Beginning and ending with ς, as— 
 
 συμπάντων δαναῶν, οὐδʼ ἢν ʼαγαμέμνονα εἴπῃς. 
 
 And iambics as— 
 
 σοφος ἐστιν ὁ φέρων τἀπὸ τῆς τύχης καλῶς. 
 
 And beginning and ending with ω, as—
 
 
 ʽὡς δʼ ὅτʼ ἀπʼ οὐλύμπου νέφος ἔρχεται οὐρανὸν
 εἴσω. 
 
 And iambics as— 
 
 ʼὠρθωμένην πρὸς ἅπαντα τὴν ψύχην ἔχω. 
 
 Sometimes too, it is well to propound lines without a sigma, as— 
 
 πάντʼ ἐθέλω δόμεναι, καὶ ἔτʼ οἴκοθεν ἄλλʼ
 ἐπιθεῖναι· 
 
 and again, to quote lines of Homer, of which the first syllable when
 connected with the last, will make some name, such as— 
 
 ῎ἄιας δʼ ἐκ σαλαμῖνος ἄγεν δύο καὶ δεκα
 νῆας· 
 
 
 φυλείδης ὃν τίκτε διῒ φίλος ἵπποτα φυλευς. 
 
 
 ʼἰητὴρ δʼ ἀγαθὸς ποδαλείριος ἠδὲ μάχαων. 
 
 There are also other lines in Homer expressing the names of vessels from
 the first and last syllable, such as— 
 
 ʼὀλψυμένων δαναῶν ὀλοφύρεται ἐν φρεσὶ θυμος, 
 
 which makes ῞ὅλμος, a mortar; 
 
 μυθεῖται κατὰ μοῖραν ἅπερ κʼ οἴοιτο καὶ
 ἄλλος, 
 
 which makes μύλος, a millstone; 
 
 λυγρός ἐὼν μή πού τι κακὸν καὶ μεῖζον
 ἐπαύρῃ, 
 
 which makes λύρη, a lyre. 
 And other lines, the first and last syllables of which give some eatable, as—
 
 
 ʼἀργυρόπεζα θέτις θυγατὴρ ἁλίοιο γέροντος, 
 
 which makes ἄρτος, bread; 
 
 μητι σὺ ταῦτα ἕκαστα διείρεο, μὴ δὲ μετάλλα, 
 
 which makes μῆλα, apples.

And since we have made a pretty long digression about griphi, we must now say what
 punishment those people underwent who failed to solve the griphus which was
 proposed to them. They drank brine mingled with their drink, and were bound to
 drink the whole cup up at one draught; as Antiphanes shows in his Ganymede, where
 he says— 
 
 
 A. Alas me! what perplexing things you say, 
 O master, and what numerous things you ask me. 
 
 B. But now I will speak plainly: if you know 
 One circumstance about the rape of the child, 
 You must reveal it quick, before you're hang'd. 
 
 A. Are you then asking me a riddle, master, 
 Bidding me tell you all about the rape 
 Of the child? What's the meaning of your words? 
 
 B. Here, some one, bring me out a halter
 quickly. 
 
 A. What for? 
 
 B. Perhaps you'll say you do not know. 
 
 A. Will you then punish me with that? Oh don't! 
 You'd better make me drink a cup of brine. 
 
 B. Know you then how you ought to drink that up? 
 
 A. Indeed I do. 
 
 B. How? 
 
 A. So as to make you pledge me. 
 
 B. No, but first put your hands behind your
 back, 
 Then drink it at a draught, not drawing breath. 
 So when the Deipnosophists had said all this about the griphi, since it
 has taken us till evening to recollect all they said, we will put off the
 discussion about cups till to-morrow. For as Metagenes says in his Philothytes—
 
 I'll change my speech, by way of episode, 
 So as to treat the theatre with many 
 New dishes rich with various seasonings; 
 taking the discussion about cups next.

Come now, where shall our conversation rise? 
 as Cephisodorus the comic poet says, my good friend Timocrates; for when
 we were all met together at a convenient season, and with serious minds, to
 discuss the goblets, Ulpian, while every one was sitting still, and before any one
 began to speak at all, said,—At the court of Adrastus, my friends, the chief men
 of the nation sup while sitting down. But Polyidus, while sacrificing on the road,
 detained Peteos as he was passing by, and while lying on the grass, strewing some
 leaves which he had broken off on the ground by way of a table, set before him
 some part of the victim which he had sacrificed. And when Autolycus had come to
 the rich people of Ithaca, and while he was sitting down,
 (for the men of that time ate their meals while sitting down,) the nurse took
 Ulysses, (as the poet says— 
 His course to Ithaca the hero sped 
 When first the product of Laertes' bed 
 Was new disclosed to birth; the banquet ends 
 When Euryclea from the queen descends, 
 And to his fond embrace the babe commends:) 
 and placed him on his knees, not near his knees. So let us not waste time
 now, but let us lie down, that Plutarch may lead the way in the lecture which he
 promised us on the subject of goblets, and that he may pledge us all in
 bumpers.

But I imagine that Simonides of Amorgus is the first poet who has spoken of
 drinking cups ( ποτήρια ) by name in his iambics,
 thus— 
 The cups away did lead him from the table. 
 And the author of the poem called the Alcmæonis says— 
 He placed the corpses lowly on the shore 
 On a broad couch of leaves; and by their side 
 A dainty feast he spread, and brimming cups, 
 And garlands on their noble temples wreathed. 
 And the word ποτήριον comes from πόσις, drink, as the Attic word ἔκπωμα also does; but they form the word with ω, as they also say ὑδροπωτέω, to
 drink water, and οἰνοπωτέω, to drink wine.
 Aristophanes, in his Knights, says— 
 A stupid serpent drinking deep of blood ( αἱματοπώτης ). 
 But he also says in the same play— 
 Much then did Bacis use the cup ( ποτήριον ). 
 And Pherecrates, in his Tyranny, says— 
 One is better than a thousand cups ( ποτήρια ). 
 And Anacreon said— 
 I am become a wine-bibber ( οἰνοπώτης ). 
 And the verb occurs also in the same poet, for he says οἰνοποτάζων. And Sappho, in her second Ode, says— 
 And many countless cups ( ποτήρια ), O
 beauteous Iphis. 
 And Alcæus says— 
 And from the cups ( ποτηρία ). . . . . 
 And in Achaia Ceres is honoured under the title of δημήτηρ 
 ποτηριοφόρος, in the territories of the Antheans,
 as Autocrates informs us in the second book of his History of Achaia.

And I think it right that you should inquire, before we begin to make a catalogue
 of the cups of which this sideboard ( κυλικεῖον ) is
 full,—(for that name is given to the cupboard where the cups are kept, by
 Aristophanes, in his Farmers— 
 As a cloth is placed in front of a sideboard ( κυλικεῖον ); 
 and the same word occurs also in Anaxandrides in his Melilotus; and
 Eubulus in his Leda says— 
 As if he had been offering a libation, 
 He's broken all the goblets in the sideboard ( κυλικεῖον ). 
 And in his Female Singer he says— 
 And he found out the use of sideboards ( κυλικεῖα ) for us. 
 And in his Semele or Bacchus he says— 
 Hermes the son of Maia, polish'd well 
 Upon the sideboard. . . . . 
 And the younger Cratinus, in his Chiron, says— 
 But, after many years, I now have come 
 Home from my enemies; and scarce have found 
 Relations who would own me, or companions 
 Of the same tribe or borough. I enroll'd 
 My name among a club of cup-collectors ( κυλικεῖον ): 
 Jupiter is the guardian of my doors— 
 Protector of my tribe. I pay my taxes.)

It is worth while, I say, to inquire whether the ancients drank out of large cups.
 For Dicæarchus the Messenian, the pupil of Aristotle, in his Essay on Alcæus, says
 that they used small cups, and that they drank their wine mixed with a good deal
 of water. But Chamæleon of Heraclea, in his essay on Drunkenness, (if I only
 recollect his words correctly,) says— But if those who are in power and who
 are rich prefer this drunkenness to other pleasures, it is no great wonder, for
 as they have no other pleasure superior to this, nor more easy to obtain, they
 naturally fly to wine: on which account it has become customary among the
 nobles to use large drinking-cups. For this is not at all an ancient custom
 among the Greeks; but one that has been lately adopted, and imported from the
 barbarians. For they, being destitute of education, rush eagerly to much wine,
 and provide themselves with all kinds of superfluous delicacies. But in the
 various countries of Greece, we neither find in pictures nor in poems any trace
 of any cups of large size being made, except indeed in the heroic times. For
 the cup which is called ῥυτὸν they attributed only to the heroes, which fact will appear a
 per- plexing one to some people; unless indeed any one should choose to say
 that this custom was introduced because of the fierceness of the appearance of
 these demigods. For they think the heroes irascible and quarrelsome, and more
 so by night than by day. In order, then, that they may appear to be so, not in
 consequence of their natural disposition, but because of their propensity for
 drinking, they represent them as drinking out of large cups. And it appears to
 me not to have been a bad idea on the part of those people who said that a
 large cup was a silver well. 
 
 In all this Chamæleon appears to be ignorant that it is not a small cup which in
 Homer is given to the Cyclops by Ulysses; for if it had been a small one, he would
 not have been so overcome with drunkenness after drinking it three times only,
 when he was a man of such a monstrous size. There were therefore large cups at
 that time; unless any one chooses to impute it to the strength of the wine, which
 Homer himself has mentioned, or to the little practice which the Cyclops had in
 drinking, since his usual beverage was milk; or perhaps it was a barbaric cup,
 since it was a big one, forming perhaps a part of the plunder of the Cicones. What
 then are we to say about Nestor's cup, which a young man would scarcely have had
 strength enough to carry, but which the aged Nestor lifted without any labour;
 concerning which identical cup Plutarch shall give us some information. However,
 it is time now to lie down at table.

And when they had all laid themselves down;-But, said Plutarch, according to the
 Phliasian poet Pratinas— 
 Not ploughing ready-furrow'd ground, 
 But, seeking for a goblet, 
 I come to speak about the cups ( κυλικηγορήσων ). 
 Nor indeed am I one of those κυλίκρανοι 
 whom Hermippus, the comic poet, ridicules in his iambics, where he says— 
 I've come now to the vineyard of the Cylicranes, 
 And seen Heraclea, a beauteous city. 
 But these are Heracleans who live at the foot of Mount Œta, as Nicander
 of Thyatira says; saying that they are so named from a certain Cylix, a Lydian by
 birth, who was one of the comrades of Hercules. And they are mentioned also by
 Scythinus the Teian, in his work entitled The History, where
 he says, Hercules, having taking Eurytus and his son, put them to death for
 exacting tribute from the people of Eubœa. And he laid waste the territory of
 the Cylicranes for behaving like robbers; and there he built a city called
 Heraclea of Trachis. And Polemo, in the first of his books, addressed
 to Adæus and Antigonus, speaks thus— But the inhabitants of the Heraclea
 which is at the foot of Mount Œta, and of Trachis, are partly some Cylicranes
 who came with Hercules from Lydia, and partly Athamanes, some of whose towns
 remain to this day. And the people of Heraclea did not admit them to any of the
 privileges of citizenship, considering them only as foreigners sojourning
 amongst them; and they were called Cylicranes, because they had the figure of a
 cup ( κύλιξ ) branded on their shoulders.

I am aware, too, that Hellanicus says, in his treatise on the Names of Races, that
 Some of the Libyan nomades have no other possessions than a cup, and a
 sword, and a ewer, and they have small houses made of the stalks of asphodel,
 merely just to serve as a shade, and they even carry them about with them
 wherever they go. There is also a spot amongst the Illyrians, which has
 been celebrated by many people, which is called κύλικες, near to which is the tomb of Cadmus and Harmonia, as
 Phylarchus relates in the twenty-second book of his Histories. And Polemo, in his
 book on Morychus, says that at Syracuse, on the highest spot of the part called
 the Island, there is an alter near the temple of Olympia, outside the walls, from
 which he says that people when putting to sea carry a goblet with them, keeping it
 until they get to such a distance that the shield in the temple of Minerva cannot
 be seen; and then they let it fall into the sea, being an earthenware cup, putting
 into it flowers and honeycombs, and uncut frankincense, and all sorts of other
 spices besides.

And since I now see your banquet, as Xeophanes the Colophonian says, full of all
 kinds of pleasure— 
 For now the floor and all men's hands are clean, 
 And all the cups, and since the feasters' brows 
 Are wreathed with garlands, while the slaves around 
 Bring fragrant perfume in well-suited dishes; 
 And in the middle stands the joyful bowl. 
 And wine's at hand, which ne'er deserts the guests 
 Who know its worth, in earthen jars well kept, 
 Well flavour'd, fragrant with the sweet fresh flowers; 
 
 And in the midst the frankincense sends forth 
 Its holy perfume; and the water's cold, 
 And sweet, and pure; and golden bread's at hand, 
 And duly honour'd tables, groaning under 
 Their weight of cheese and honey;—then an altar, 
 Placed in the centre, all with flow'rs is crown'd. 
 And song and feasting occupies the house, 
 And dancing, and all sorts of revelry:— 
 Therefore it does become right-minded men 
 First with well-omen'd words and pious prayers 
 To hymn the praises of the Gods; and so, 
 With pure libations and well-order'd vows, 
 To win from them the power to act with justice- 
 For this comes from the favour of the Gods; 
 And you may drink as much as shall not hinder 
 You from returning home without assistance, 
 Unless, indeed, you're very old: and he 
 Deserves to be above his fellows lauded 
 Who drinks and then says good and witty things, 
 Such as his memory and taste suggests,— 
 Who lays down rules, and tells fine tales of virtue; 
 Not raking up the old Titanic fables, 
 Wars of the Giants, or the Lapithæ, 
 Figments of ancient times, mere pleasing trifles, 
 Full of no solid good; but always speaking 
 Things that may lead to right ideas of God.

And the exquisite Anacreon says— 
 I do not love the man who, 'midst his cups, 
 Says nothing but old tales of war and strife, 
 But him who gives its honour due to mirth, 
 Praising the Muses and the bright-faced Venus. 
 And Ion of Chios says— 
 Hail, our great king, our saviour, and our father! 
 And let the cupbearers now mix us wine 
 In silver jugs: and let the golden bowl 
 Pour forth its pure libations on the ground, 
 While duly honouring the mighty Jove. 
 First of the Gods, and first in all our hearts, 
 We pour libations to Alcmena's son, 
 And to the queen herself,—to Procles too, 
 And the invincible chiefs of Perseus' line. 
 Thus let us drink and sport; and let the song 
 Make the night cheerful; let the glad guests dance; 
 And do thou willingly preside among us: 
 But let the man who's a fair wife at home 
 Drink far more lustily than those less happy. 
 
 
 Those also who were called the seven wise men used to make drinking parties;
 for wine comforts the natural moroseness of old age, as
 Theophrastus says, in his treatise on Drunkenness.

On which account, when we are met together in these Dionysiac conversaziones, no
 one, as is said in the Tarentines of Alexis— 
 No one can find a just pretence to grudge us 
 Our harmless pleasure, since we never injure 
 One of our neighbours. Know you not, my friend, 
 That what is called life is but a name, 
 Well soften'd down (to make it palatable), 
 For human fate? And whether any one 
 Thinks that I'm right or wrong in what I say, 
 I cannot change a word; for well I know, 
 And long have I consider'd the whole matter, 
 That all th' affairs of men are full of madness, 
 And we who live are only sojourners, 
 Like men who go to some great festival, 
 Starting from death and darkness to a pastime, 
 And to this light which we behold before us. 
 But he who laughs and drinks most cheerfully, 
 And most enjoys the charming gifts of Venus, 
 And most attends on feasts and festivals, 
 He goes through life, and then departs most happily. 
 And, in the words of the beautiful Sappho,— 
 Come, O Venus, hither come, 
 Bringing us thy goblets fair, 
 Mingled with the merry feast; 
 And pour out sparkling wine, I pray, 
 To your and my companions gay.

And we may add to all this, that different cities have peculiar fashions of
 drinking and pledging one another; as Critias mentions, in his Constitution of the
 Lacedæmonians, where he says— The Chian and the Thasian drink out of large
 cups, passing them on towards the right hand; and the Athenian also passes the
 wine round towards the right, but drinks out of small cups. But the Thessalian
 uses large cups, pledging whoever he pleases, without reference to where he may
 be; but among the Lacedæmonians, ever one drinks out of his own cup, and a
 slave, acting as cupbearer, fills up again the cup when each has drained
 it. Andnaxandrides also mentions the fashion of passing the cup round
 towards the right hand, in his Countrymen, speaking as follows:— 
 
 A. In what way are you now prepared to drink? 
 Tell me, I pray. 
 
 B. In what way are we now 
 Prepared to drink? Why any way you please. 
 
 A. Shall we then now, my father, tell the guests 
 
 To push the wine to the right 
 
 B. What! to the right? 
 That would be just as though this were a funeral.

But we may decline entering on the subject of goblets of earthenware; for Ctesias
 says– Among the Persians, that man only uses an earthenware who is
 dishonoured by the king. And Chœrilus the epic poet says— 
 Here in my hands I hold a wretched piece 
 Of earthen goblet, broken all around, 
 Sad relic of a band of merry feasters; 
 And often the fierce gale of wanton Bacchus 
 Dashes such wrecks with insult on the shore. 
 But I am well aware that earthenware cups are often very pleasant, as
 those which are imported among us from Coptus; for they are made of earth which is
 mixed up with spices. And Aristotle, in his treatise on Drunkenness,
 says— The cups which are called Rhodiacan are brought into drinking
 parties, because of the pleasure which they afford, and also because, when they
 are warmed, they deprive the wine of some of its intoxicating properties; for
 they are filled with myrrh and rushes, and other things of the same sort, put
 into water and then boiled; and when this mixture is put into the wine, the
 drinkers are less apt to become intoxicated. And in another place he
 says— The Rhodiacan cups consist of myrrh, flowery rushes, saffron,
 balsam, spikenard, and cinnamon, all boiled together; and when some of this
 compound is added to the wine, it has such effect in preventing intoxication,
 that it even diminishes the amorous propensities, checking the breath in some
 degree.

We ought not, then, to drink madly, looking at the multitude of these beautiful
 cups, made as they are with every sort of various art, in various countries.
 But the common people, says Chrysippus, in the introduction to
 his treatise on what is Good and Evil, "apply the term madly to a great number of
 things; and so they call a desire for women 
 γυναικομανία, a fondness for quails ὀρτυγομανία; and some also call those who are very
 anxious for fame δοξομανεῖς; just as they call
 those who are fond of women γυναικομανεῖς, and
 those who are fond of birds ὀρνιθομανεῖς : all
 these nouns having the same notion of a propensity to the degree of madness. So
 that there is nothing inconsistent in other feelings and circumstances having this
 name applied to them; as a person who is very fond of delicacies, and who is
 properly called φίλοψος and ὀψοφάγος, may be called ὀψομανής; 
 and a man very fond of wine maybe called οἰνομανής; and so in similar instances. And there is nothing
 unreasonable in attributing madness to such people, since they carry their errors
 to a very mad pitch, and wander a great distance from the real truth.

Let us, then, as was the custom among the Athenians, drink our wine while
 listening to these jesters and buffoons, and to other artists of the same kind.
 And Philochorus speaks of this kind of people in these terms— The Athenians,
 in the festivals of Bacchus, originally used to go to the spectacle after they
 had dined and drunk their wine; and they used to witness the games with
 garlands on their heads. But during the whole time that the games were going
 on, wine was continually being offered to them, and sweetmeats were constantly
 being brought round; and when the choruses entered, they were offered wine; and
 also when the exhibition was over, and they were departing, wine was offered to
 them again. And Pherecrates the comic poet bears witness to all these things,
 and to the fact that down to his own time the spectators were never left
 without refreshment. And Phanodemus says—"At the temple of Bacchus,
 which is in the Marshes ( ἐν λίμναις ), the
 Athenians bring wine, and mix it out of the cask for the god, and then drink of it
 themselves; on which account Bacchus is also called λιμναῖος, because the wine was first drunk at that festival mixed
 with water. On which account the fountains were called Nymphs and te Nurses of
 Bacchus, because the water being mingled with the wine increases the quantity of
 the wine. 
 Accordingly, men being delighted with this mixture, celebrated Bacchus in their
 songs, dancing and invoking him under the names of Euanthes, and Dithyrambus, and
 Baccheutes, and Bromius." And Theophrastus, in hi treatise on Drunkenness,
 says— The nymphs are really the nurses of Bacchus;
 for the vines, when cut, pour forth a great deal of moisture, and after their
 own nature weep. On which account Euripides says that one of the Horses
 of the Sun is 
 Aethops, who with his fervent heat doth ripen 
 Th' autumnal vines of sweetly flow'ring Bacchus, 
 From which men also call wine Aethops ( αἴθοπα
 οἶνον ). 
 And Ulysses gave 
 Twelve large vessels of unmix'd red wine, 
 Mellifluous, undecaying, and divine, 
 Which now (some ages from his race conceal'd) 
 The hoary sire in gratitude reveal'd. 
 Such was the wine, to quench whose fervent steam 
 Scarce twenty measures from the living stream 
 To cool one cup sufficed; the goblet crown'd, 
 Breathed aromatic fragrancies around. 
 
 And Timotheus, in his Cyclops, says— 
 He fill'd one cup, of well-turn'd iv'ry made, 
 With dark ambrosial drops of foaming wine; 
 And twenty measures of the sober stream 
 He poured in, and with the blood of Bacchus 
 Mingled fresh tears, shed by the weeping nymphs.

And I know, my messmates, of some men who were proud, not so much of their wealth
 in money as of the possession of many cups of silver and gold; one of whom is
 Pytheas the Arcadian, of the town of Phigalea, who, even when dying, did not
 hesitate to enjoin his servants to inscribe the following verses on his tomb:—
 
 This is the tomb of Pytheas, a man 
 Both wise and good, the fortunate possessor 
 Of a most countless number of fine cups, 
 Of silver made, and gold, and brilliant amber. 
 These were his treasures, and of them he had 
 A store, surpassing all who lived before him. 
 And Harmodius the Lepreatian mentions this fact in his treatise on the
 Laws and Customs subsisting in Phigalea. And Xenophon, in the eighth book of his
 Cyropædia, speaking of the Persians, writes as follows— And also they pride
 themselves exceedingly on the possession of as many goblets as possible; and
 even if they have acquired them by notorious malpractices, they are not at all
 ashamed of so doing; for injustice and covetousness are carried on to a great
 degree among them. But Œdipus cursed his sons on account of some
 drinking-cups (as the author of the Cyclic poem called the
 Thebais says), because they set before him a goblet which he had forbidden;
 speaking as follows:— 
 But the divine, the golden-hair'd hero, 
 Great Polynices, set before his father first 
 A silver table, beautifully wrought, 
 Whilome the property of th' immortal Cadmus; 
 And then he fill'd a beauteous golden cup 
 Up to the brim with sweet and fragrant wine; 
 But Œdipus, when with angry eyes he saw 
 The ornaments belonging to his sire 
 Now set before him, felt a mighty rage, 
 Which glow'd within his breast, and straightway pour'd 
 The bitterest curses forth on both his sons, 
 (Nor were they by the Fury all unheard,) 
 Praying that they might never share in peace 
 The treasures of their father, but for ever 
 With one another strive in arms and war.

And Cæcilius the orator who came from Cale Acte, in his treatise on History, says
 that Agathocles the Great, when displaying his golden drinking-cups to his
 companions, said that he had got all these from the earthenware cups which he had
 previously made. And in Sophocles, in the Larissæans, Acrisius had a great many
 drinking-cups; where the tragedian speaks as follows:— 
 And he proclaims to strangers from all quarters 
 A mighty contest, promising among them 
 Goblets well wrought in brass, and beauteous vases 
 Inlaid with gold, and silver drinking-cups, 
 Full twice threescore in number, fair to see. 
 And Posidonius, in the twenty-sixth book of his Histories, says that
 Lysimachus the Babylonian, having invited Himerus to a banquet (who was tyrant not
 only over the people of Babylon, but also over the citizens of Seleucia), with
 three hundred of his companions, after the tables were removed, gave every one of
 the three hundred a silver cup, weighing four mince; and when he had made a
 libation, e pledged them all at once, and gave them the cups to carry away with
 them. And Anticlides the Athenian, in the sixteenth book of his Returns, speaking
 of Gra, who, with other kings, first led a colony into the island of Lesbos, and
 saying that those colonists had received an answer from the oracle, bidding them,
 while sailing, throw a virgin into the sea, as an offering to Neptune, proceeds as
 follows:— And some people, who treat of the history and affairs of
 Methymna, relate a fable about the virgin who was thrown
 into the sea; and say that one of the leaders was in love with her, whose name
 was Enalus, and that he dived down, wishing to save the damsel; and that then
 both of them, being hidden by the waves, disappeared. But that in the course of
 time, when Methymna had now become populous, Enalus appeared again, and related
 what had happened, and how it had happened; and said that the damsel was still
 abiding among the Nereids, and that he himself had become the superintendent of
 Neptune's horses; but that a great wave having been cast on the shore, he had
 swam with it, and so come to land: and he had in his hand a goblet made of
 gold, of such wondrous workmanship that the golden goblets which they had, when
 compared with his, looked no better than brass.

And in former times the possession of drinking-cups was reckoned a very honourable
 thing. Accordingly, Achilles had a very superb cup as a sort of heirloom:— 
 But, mindful of the gods, Achilles went 
 To the rich coffer in his shady tent, 
 (There lay the presents of the royal dame;) 
 From thence he took a bowl of antique frame, 
 Which never man had stain'd with ruddy wine, 
 Nor raised in offerings to the pow'rs divine, 
 But Peleus' son; and Peleus' son to none 
 Had raised in offerings but to Jove alone. 
 
 And Priam, when offering ransom for his son, amid all his most beautiful
 treasures especially offers a very exquisitely wrought cup. And Jupiter himself,
 on the occasion of the birth of Hercules, thinks a drinking-cup a gift worthy to
 be given to Alcmena; which he, having likened himself to Amphitryon, presents to
 her:— 
 And she received the gift, and on the bowl 
 Admiring gazed with much delighted soul. 
 And Stesichorus says that the sun sails over the whole ocean in a bowl;
 in which also Hercules passed over the sea, on the occasion of his going to fetch
 the cows of Geryon. We are acquainted, too, with the cup of Bathycles the
 Arcadian, which Bathycles left behind him as a prize of wisdom to him who should
 be pronounced the best of those who were called the wise men. 
 And a great many people have handled the cup of Nestor; for
 many have written books about it. And drinking-cups were favourites even among the
 Gods; at all events— 
 They pledged each other in their golden cups. 
 
 But it is a mark of a gentleman to be moderate in his use of wine, not
 drinking too greedily, nor drinking large draughts without drawing one's breath,
 after the fashion of the Thra- cians; but to mingle conversation with his cups, as
 a sort of wholesome medicine.

And the ancients affixed a great value to such goblets as had any story engraved
 upon them; and in the art of engraving cups in this manner, a high reputation was
 enjoyed by Cimon and Athenocles. They used also drinking-cups inlaid with precious
 stones. And Menander, somewhere or other, speaks of drinking-cups turned by the
 turning-lathe, and chased; and Antiphanes says— 
 And others drain with eager lips the cup, 
 Full of the juice of ancient wine, o'ershadow'd 
 With sparkling foam,—the golden-wrought rich cup, 
 Which circled round they raised: one long, deep draught 
 They drain, and raise the bottom to the skies. 
 And Nicomachus says to some one— 
 O you, who . . . . . and vomit golden . . . 
 And Philippides says— 
 Could you but see the well-prepared cups, 
 All made of gold, my Trophimus; by heaven, 
 They are magnificent! I stood amazed 
 When I beheld them first. Then there were also 
 Large silver cups, and jugs larger than I. 
 And Parmenio, in his letter to Alexander, summing up the spoils of the
 Persians, says, The weight of goblets of gold is seventy-three Babylonian
 talents, and fifty-two mitæ. The
 weight of goblets inlaid with precious stones, is fifty-six Babylonian talents,
 and thirty-four minæ.

And the custom was, to put the water into the cup first, and the wine afterwards.
 Accordingly, Xenophanes says— 
 
 And never let a man a goblet take, 
 And first pour in the wine; but let the water 
 Come first, and after that, then add the wine. 
 And Anacreon says— 
 Bring me water -bring me wine, 
 Quick, O boy; and bring, besides, 
 Garlands, rich with varied flowers; 
 And fill the cup, that I may not 
 Engage in hopeless strife with love. 
 And before either of them Hesiod had said— 
 Pour in three measures of the limpid stream, 
 Pure from an everflowing spring; and then 
 Add a fourth cup of sacred rosy wine. 
 And Theophrastus says— The ancient fashion of the mixture of wine
 was quite opposite to the way in which it is managed at the present day; for
 they were not accustomed to pour the water on the wine, but the wine on the
 water, in order, when drinking, not to have their liquor too strong, and in
 order also, when they had drunk to satiety, to have less desire for more. And
 they also consumed a good deal of this liquor, mixed as it was, in the game of
 the cottabus.

Now of carvers of goblets the following men had a high reputation,—Athenocles,
 Crates, Stratonicus, Myrmecides the Milesian, Callicrates the Lacedæmonian, and
 Mys; by which last artist we have seen a Heraclean cup, having most beautifully
 wrought on it the capture of Troy, and bearing also this inscription— 
 The sketch was by Parrhasius,—by Mys 
 The workmanship; and now I represent 
 The lofty Troy, which great Achilles took.

Now among the Cretans, the epithet κλεινὸς, 
 illustrious, is often given to the objects of one's affection. And it is a matter
 of great desire among them to carry off beautiful boys; and among them it is
 considered discreditable to a beautiful boy not to have a lover. And the name
 given to the boys who are carried off in that manner is παρασταθέντες. And they give to the boy who has been carried off a
 robe, and an ox, and a drinking-cup. And the robe they wear even when they are
 become old, in order to show that they have been κλεινοί.

You see that when men drink, they then are rich; 
 They do whate'er they please,—they gain their actions, 
 They're happy themselves, and they assist their friends. 
 
 For amusing oneself with wine exalts, and cherishes, and
 elevates the mind, since it inflames and arouses the foul, and fills it with lofty
 thoughts, as Pindar says— 
 When the sad, laborious cares 
 Flee from the weary hearts of men, 
 And in the wide, expansive ocean 
 Of golden wealth we all set sail, 
 Floating towards the treacherous shore. 
 E'en he who is poor, is rich when he 
 Has fill'd his soul with rosy wine; 
 And he who's rich. . . . 
 And then he goes on— 
 becomes elated 
 Beneath the glad dominion of the vine.

There is a kind of drinking-cup also called ancyla, or curved; a kind especially
 useful for the play of the cottabus. Cratinus says— 
 'Tis death to drink of wine when water's mix'd: 
 But she took equal shares, two choes full 
 Of unmix'd wine, in a large ancyla: 
 And calling on her dear Corinthian lover 
 By name, threw in his honour a cottabus. 
 And Bacchylides says— 
 When she does throw to the youths a cottabus 
 From her ancyla, stretching her white arm forth. 
 And it is with reference to this ancyla that we understand the expression
 of Aeschylus— 
 The cottabus of th' ancyla ( ἀγκυλήτους
 κοττάβους ). 
 Spears are also called ἀγκύλητα, or
 curved; and also μεσάγκυλα, held by a string in
 the middle. There is also the expression ἀπʼ
 ἀγκύλης, which means, from the right hand. And the cup is called
 ἀγκύλη, from the fact that the right hand is
 curved, in throwing the cottabus from it. For it was a matter to which great
 attention was paid by the ancients—namely, that of throwing the cottabus
 dexterously and gracefully. And men in general prided themselves more on their
 dexterity in this than in throwing the javelin skilfully. And this got its name
 from the manner in which the hand was brandished in throwing the cottabus, when
 they threw it elegantly and dexterously into the cottabium. And they also built
 rooms especially designed for this sport.

In Timachides there is also a kind of drinking-cup mentioned, called the
 æacis. 
 
 There is another kind also, called the ἄκατος, or
 boat, being shaped like a boat. Epicrates says— 
 Throw down th' acatia, 
 (using here the diminutive form,) 
 and take instead 
 The larger goblets; and the old woman lead 
 Straight to the cup; . . . the younger maiden . . . . 
 . . . . . . . fill it; have your oar 
 All ready, loose the cables, bend the sails. 
 Among the Cyprians there is also a kind of cup called the aotus, as
 Pamphilus tells us: and Philetas says, this is a cup which has no ears ( ὤτους ). 
 There is also a kind of cup called aroclum, which is mentioned by Nicander the
 Colophonian.

The cup called ἄλεισον, is the same as that called
 δέπας. Homer, in his Odyssey, speaking of
 Pisistratus, says— 
 In a rich golden cup he pour'd the wine; 
 
 and proceeding, he says, in the same manner— 
 To each a portion of the feast he bore, 
 And held the golden goblet ( ἄλεισον ) foaming
 o'er; 
 and presently afterwards he says— 
 And gave the goblet ( δέπας ) to Ulysses'
 son. 
 And, accordingly, Asclepiades the Myrlean says— The δέπας appears to me to have been much of the same
 shape as the φιάλη. For men make libations with
 it. Accordingly, Homer says,— 
 The cup which Peleus' son 
 Had raised in offerings to Jove alone. 
 And it is called δέπας, either because
 it is given to all ( δίδοται πᾶσι ) who wish to
 make libations, or who wish to drink; or because it has two ears ( δύο ὦπας ), for ὦπες 
 must be the same as ὦτα. And it has the name of
 ἄλεισον, either from being very smooth
 ( ἄγαν λεῖον ), or because the liquor is
 collected ( ἁλίζεται ) in it. And that it had two
 ears is plain— 
 High in his hands he rear'd the golden bowl 
 By both its ears. 
 But when he applies the word ἀμφικύπελλον to it, he means nothing more than ἀμφίκυρτον curved on both sides. But Silenus
 interprets the word ἀμφικύπελλον to mean devoid of
 ears, while others say that ἀμφὶ here is
 equivalent to περὶ, and that it means a cup which
 you may put to your mouth all round, at any part of it. But Parthenius says that
 it means that the ears are curved ( περικεκυρτῶσθαι ), for that is synonymous with κυρτός. But Anicetus says that the κύπελλον is a kind of cup ( φίαλη ),
 and that the word ἀμφικύπελλον is equivalent to
 ὑπερφίαλον, that is to say, superb and
 magnificent; unless, indeed, any one chooses to interpret the word ἄλεισον as something very highly ornamented, and
 therefore not at all smooth ( α,λεῖον ). And
 Pisander says, Hercules gave Telamon a cup ( ἄλεισον ) as the prize of his preeminent valour in the expedition
 against Troy.

There is also a kind of cup called the horn of Amalthea, and another called
 ἐνιαυτὸς, or the year. 
 There is also a kind of cup made of wood, called ἄμφωτις, which Philetas says that the countrymen use, who milk their
 cattle into it, and then drink the milk. 
 There is also a kind of drinking called ἄμυστις, 
 when any one drinks a long draught without taking breath and without winking
 ( μὴ μύσαντα ). And they give the same name to
 the goblets from which it is easy to drink in this manner. And they also use a
 verb ( ἐκμυστίζω ) for drinking without taking
 breath, as Plato the comic poet says— 
 And opening a fair cask of fragrant wine, 
 He pours it straight into the hollow cup; 
 And then he drank it sheer and not disturb'd, 
 And drain'd it at one draught ( ἐξεμύστισε ). 
 And they also drank the ἄμυστις draught
 to an accompaniment of music; the melody being measured out according to the
 quickness of the time; as Ameipsias says— 
 Gentle musician, let that dulcet strain 
 Proceed; and, while I drink this luscious draught, 
 Play you a tune; then you shall drink yourself. 
 For mortal man has no great wants on earth, 
 Except to love and eat;-and you're too stingy.

There is also a kind of cup called Antigonis, from the name of king Antigonus:
 like the Seleucis from kin Seleucus; and the Prusis, from king Prusias. 
 There is also a kind of cup known in Crete, and called anaphæa, which they use for
 hot drinks. 
 There is also a kind of cup called aryballus. This kind of cup is wider at the
 bottom, and contracted at to like a purse when it is drawn together; and, indeed,
 some people call purses ἀρύβαλλοι, from their
 resemblance to this kind of cup. Aristophanes says, in his Knights— 
 
 He pour'd upon his head 
 Ambrosia from a holy cup ( ἀρύβαλλος ). 
 And the aryballus is not very different from the arystichus, being
 derived from the verbs ἀρύτω and βάλλω; they also call a jug ἄρυστις. Sophocles says— 
 You are most accursed of all women, 
 Who come to supper with your ἀρύστεις. 
 
 There is also a city of the Ionians called arystis. 
 There is another kind of cup called argyris, which is not necessarily made of
 silver. Anaxilas says— 
 And drinking out of golden argyrides.

Then batiacium, labronius, tragelaphus, pristis, are all names of different kinds
 of cups. The batiaca is a Persian goblet. And among the letters of the great
 Alexander to the Satraps of Asia there is inserted one letter in which the
 following passage occurs:— There are three batiacæ of silver gilt, and a
 hundred and seventy-six silver condya; and of these last thirty-three are gilt.
 There is also one silver tigisites, and thirty-two silver-gilt mystri. There is
 one silver vegetable dish, and one highly wrought wine-stand of silver
 ornamented in a barbaric style. There are other small cups from every country,
 and of every kind of fashion, to the number of twenty-nine: and other
 small-sized cups called rhyta, adbatia, and Lycurgi, all gilt, and
 incense-burners and spoons. 
 
 There is a cup used by the Alexandrians named bessa, wider in the lower parts, and
 narrow above.

There is also a kind of cup called baucalis: and this, too, is chiefly used in
 Alexandria, as Sopater the parodist says— 
 A baucalis, with four rings mark'd on it. 
 And in another passage he says— 
 'Tis sweet for men to drink ( καταβαυκαλίσαι ) 
 Cups of the juice by bees afforded, 
 At early dawn, when parch'd by thirst, 
 Caused by too much wine overnight. 
 And the men in Alexandria, it is said, have a way of working crystal,
 forming it often into various shapes of goblets, and imitating in this material
 every sort of earthenware cup which is imported from any possible country. And
 they say that Lysippus the statuary, wishing to gratify Cassander, when he was
 founding the colony of Cassandria, and when he conceived the
 ambition of inventing some peculiar kind of utensil in earthenware, on account of
 the extraordinary quantity of Mendean wine which was exported from the city, took
 a great deal of pains with that study, and brought Cassander a great number of
 cups of every imaginable fashion, all made of earthenware, and taking a part of
 the pattern of each, thus made one goblet of a design of his own.

There is also a kind of cup called bicus. Xenophon, in the first book of his
 Anabasis, says:—"And Cyrus sent him a number of goblets ( βίκους ) of wine half full; and it is a cup of a flat shallow shape,
 like a φιάλη, according to the description given
 of it by Pollux the Parian. 
 There is another kind of cup called the bombylius; a sort of Rhodian Thericlean
 cup; concerning the shape of which Socrates says,— Those who drink out of
 the phiale as much as they please will very soon give over; but those who drink
 out of a bombylius drink by small drops. There is also an animal of the
 same name. 
 There is also a kind of drinking-cup called the bromias, in form like the larger
 kind of scyphus.

There is another kind called the lettered cup, having writing engraved round it.
 Alexis says— 
 
 A. Shall I describe to you the appearance first 
 O' the cup you speak of? Know, then, it was round; 
 Exceeding small; old, sadly broken too 
 About the ears; and all around the brim 
 Were carved letters. 
 
 B. Were there those nineteen 
 Engraved in gold,—To Jupiter the Saviour? 
 
 
 A. Those, and no others. 
 And we have seen a lettered cup of this kind lying at Capua in Campania,
 in the temple of Diana; covered with writing taken from the poems of Homer, and
 beautifully engraved; having the verses inlaid in golden characters, like the
 drinking-cup of Nestor. And Achæus the tragic poet, in his Omphale, himself also
 represents the Satyrs speaking in the following manner about a lettered
 drinking-cup— 
 And the god's cup long since has call'd me, 
 Showing this writing,—delta, then iota, 
 The third letter was omega, then nu, 
 
 Then u came next, and after that a sigma 
 And omicron were not deficient. 
 But in this passage we want the final v which ought to have ended the
 word. Since all the ancients used the omicron not only with the power which it has
 now, but also when they meant to indicate the diphthong ει they wrote it by o only. And they did the same when they wished
 to write the vowel ε, whether it is sounded by
 itself, or when they wish to indicate the diphthong ει by the addition of iota. And accordingly, in the above-cited
 verses, the Satyrs wrote the final syllable of the genitive case διονύσου with ο only; as
 being short to engrave: so that we are in these lines to understand the final
 upsilon, so as to make the whole word διονύσου. 
 And the Dorians called sigma san; for the musicians, as Aristoxenus often tells
 us, used to avoid saying sigma whenever they could, because it was a hard-sounding
 letter, and unsuited to the flute; but they were fond of using the letter rho,
 because of the ease of pronouncing it. And the horses which have the letter
 ς branded on them, they call samphoras.
 Aristophanes, in his Clouds, says— 
 Neither you, nor the carriage-horse, nor samphoras. 
 And Pindar says— 
 Before long series of songs were heard, 
 And the ill-sounding san from out men's mouths. 
 And Eubulus also, in his Neottis, speaks of a lettered cup as being
 called by that identical name, saying— 
 
 A. Above all things I hate a letter'd cup, 
 Since he, my son, the time he went away, 
 Had such a cup with him. 
 
 B. There are many like it.

There is a kind of cup also called gyala. Philetas, in his Miscellanies, says that
 the Megarians call their cups gyalæ. And Parthenius, the pupil of Dionysius, in
 the first book of his Discussions upon Words found in the Historians,
 says— The gyala is a kind of drinking-cup, as Marsyas the priest of
 Hercules writes, where he says, 'Whenever the king comes into the city, a man
 meets him having a cup ( γυάλην ) full of wine;
 and the king takes it, and pours a libation from it.'

There is another sort of cup called the deinus. And that this is the name of a cup
 we are assured by Dionysius of Sinope, in his Female Saviour, where he gives a
 catalogue of the names of cups, and mentions this among them,
 speak- ing as follows— 
 And as for all the kinds of drinking-cups, 
 Lady, all fair to see,—dicotyli, 
 Tricotyli besides, the mighty deinus, 
 Which holds an entire measure, and the cymbion 
 The scyphus and the rhytum; on all these 
 The old woman keeps her eyes, and minds nought else. 
 And Cleanthes the philosopher, in his book on Interpretation, says, that
 the cups called the Thericlean, and that called the Deinias, are both named from
 the original makers of them. And Seleucus, saying that the deinus is a kind of
 cup, quotes some lines of Stratis, from his Medea— 
 Dost know, O Creon, what the upper part 
 Of your head doth resemble? I can tell you: 
 'Tis like a deinus turned upside down. 
 And Archedicus, in his Man in Error, introducing a servant speaking of
 some courtesans, says— 
 
 A. I lately introduced a hook-nosed woman, 
 Her name Nicostrata; but surnamed also 
 Scotodeina, since (at least that is the story) 
 She stole a silver deinus in the dark. 
 
 B. A terrible thing ( δεινὸν ), by Jove; a terrible thing! 
 
 
 The deinus is also the name of a kind of dance, as Apollophanes tells us in his
 Dalis, where he says— 
 A strange thing ( δεινὸν ) is this deinus and
 calathiscus. 
 And Telesilla the Argive calls a threshing-floor also δεῖνος. And the Cyrenæans give the same name to a
 foot-tub, as Philetas tells us in his Attic Miscellanies.

There is also a kind of drinking-cup called δέπαστρον. Silenus and Clitarchus, in their Dialects, say that this
 is a name given to drinking-cups among the Clitorians; but Antimachus the
 Colophonian, in the fifth book of his Thebais, says— And carefully they all
 commands obey'd Which wise Adrastus laid on them. They took A silver goblet, and
 they pour'd therein Water, and honey pure, compounding deftly; And quickly then
 they all distributed The cups ( δέπαστπα ) among the
 princes of the Greeks, Who there were feasting; and from a golden jug They pour'd
 them wine for due libations. And in another place he says— 
 Let others bring the bowl of solid silver, 
 Or golden cups ( δέπαστρα ), which in my halls
 are stored. 
 
 And immediately afterwards he says— 
 And golden cups ( δέπαστρα ), and a pure
 untouch'd vessel 
 Of honey sweet, which will be beat for him.

There is also a kind of cup called δακτυλωτὸν, 
 with finger-like handles; and it is called so by Ion, in the Agamemnon— 
 And you shall have a gift worth running for, 
 A finger handled cup, not touch'd by fire, 
 The mighty prize once given by Pelias, 
 And by swift Castor won. 
 But by this expression Epigenes understands merely having two ears, into
 which a person could put his fingers on each side. Others, again, explain it as
 meaning, having figures like fingers engraved all round it; or having small
 projections like the Sidonian cups;—or, again, some interpret the word as meaning
 merely smooth. But when he says, untouched by fire, that has the same meaning as
 Homer's phrase— 
 
 ἄπυρον κατέθηκε λέβητα, 
 
 meaning a caldron fit for the reception of cold water, or suitable for
 drinking cold drinks out of. But by this expression some understand a horn; and
 about the Molossian district the oxen are said to have enormous horns; and the way
 in which they are made into cups is explained by Theopompus: and it is very likely
 that Pelias may have had cups made of these horns; and Iolcos is near the
 Molossian district, and it was at Iolcos that these contests spoken of were
 exhibited by Pelias.— But, says Didymus, in his Explanation of the
 play here spoken of, it is better to say that Ion misunderstood Homer's
 words, where he says— 
 And for the fifth he gave a double bowl, 
 Which fire had never touch'd; 
 for he fancied that this meant a drinking-cup, while it was in reality
 a large flat vessel made of brass in the form of a caldron, suitable to receive
 cold water. And he has spoken of the dactylotus cup, as if it were a goblet
 that had a hollow place all round the inside of it, so as to be taken hold of
 inside by the fingers of the drinkers. And some say that the cup which has
 never been touched by fire means a cup of horn; for that that is not worked by
 the agency of fire. And perhaps a man might call a φιάλη a drinking-cup by a metaphorical use of the word. 
 But Philemon, in his treatise on Attic Nouns and Attic Dialects, under the word
 καλπὶς says, "The dactylotus cup is the same as
 the two-headed cup into which a person can insert his fingers
 on both sides. But some say that it is one which has figures in the shape of
 fingers carved all round it."

There is also the elephant; and this was the name of a kind of cup, as we are told
 by Damoxenus, in the Man who laments himself— 
 
 A. If that is not enough, here is the boy 
 Bringing the elephant. 
 
 B. In God's name tell me, 
 What beast is that? 
 
 A. 'Tis a mighty cup, 
 Pregnant with double springs of rosy wine, 
 And able to contain three ample measures; 
 The work of Alcon. When I was at Cypseli, 
 Adæus pledged me in this selfsame cup. 
 And Epinicus also mentions this cup, in his Supposititious Damsels; and I
 will quote his testimony when I come to speak of the rhytum.

There is another kind of cup called the Ephebus. And Philemon the Athenian, in his
 treatise on Attic Nouns and Attic Dialects, says that this cup is also called the
 embasicoitas; but Stephanus the comic poet, in his Friend of the Lacedæmonians,
 says— 
 
 Sos. The king then pledged him in a certain
 village. 
 
 B. A wondrous thing. What can you mean? Is this 
 A kind of goblet? 
 
 Sos. No; I mean a village 
 Near Thyria. 
 
 B. Why, my whole thoughts were borne 
 Off to the Rhodian cups, O Sosia, 
 And to those heavy bowls they call ephebi.

There are also some cups which are called ἡδυποτίδες. 
 These, says Lynceus the Samian, "were made by the Rhodians in
 emulation of the Thericlean goblets which were in use at Athens. But as the
 Athenians, on account of the great weight of metal employed in them, only made
 this shape for the use of the richer classes, the Rhodians made theirs so light
 that they were able to put these ornaments within the reach even of the poor. And
 Epigenes mentions them, in his Heroine, in these words— 
 A psycter, and a cyathus, and cymbia, 
 Four rhyta, and three hedypotides, 
 A silver strainer, too. 
 And Sermus, in the fifth book of his Delias, says that there is among the offerings at Delos a golden hedypotis, the gift of
 Echenica, a woman of the country, whom he mentions also, in his eighth book. And
 Cratinus the younger says, using the diminutive form,— 
 And Archephon had twelve ἡδυπότια.

There was another kind of cup called the Herculeum. Pisander, in the second book
 of his Herculead, says that the cup in which Hercules sailed across the ocean
 belonged to the Sun; and that Hercules received it from Oceanus for that purpose.
 But, perhaps, as the hero was fond of large cups, the poets and historians jesting
 because of the great size of this one, invented the fable of his having gone to
 sea in a cup. But Panyasis, in the first book of his Herculead, says that Hercules
 obtained the cup of the Sun from Nereus, and sailed even to Erythea in it. And we
 have said before that Hercules was one of the inordinate drinkers. And that the
 sun was borne on towards his setting in a cup, Stesichorus tells us, where he
 says— 
 And then the Sun, great Hyperion's offspring, 
 Embarked in his golden cup, that he 
 Might cross the ocean's wide expanse, and come 
 To the deep foundations of immortal Night; 
 To his fond mother, and his virgin bride, 
 And his dear children. And the son of Jove 
 Came to the grove 
 Shaded with laurels and with bays. 
 And Antimachus speaks thus— 
 And then the most illustrious Erythea 
 Sent the Sun forth in a convenient cup. 
 And Aeschylus, in his Daughters of the Sun, says— 
 There in the west is found the golden cup, 
 Great Vulcan's work, your father's property, 
 In which he's borne along his rapid course 
 O'er the dark waters of the boundless sea. 
 When, his work done, he flies before dark Night, 
 Borne on her black-horsed chariot.

And Mimnermus, in his Nannus, says that the Sun when asleep is borne round to the
 east, lying on a golden bed which was made for this express purpose by Vulcan; by
 which enigmatical statement he indicates the hollow form of the cup; and he speaks
 thus— 
 For the Sun labours every day, nor ever 
 Do he or his fleet steeds know pleasing rest 
 From that bright hour when the rosy Morn, 
 Leaving her ocean-bed, mounts up to heaven. 
 
 For all across the sea, a lovely bed 
 Of precious gold, the work of Vulcan's hands, 
 Conveys the god; passing on rapid wings 
 Along the water, while he sleeps therein, 
 From the bright region of th' Hesperides, 
 To th' Ethiopian shore, where his swift car 
 And fiery horses wait within their stalls 
 Till bright Aurora comes again and opes 
 Her rosy portals. Then Hyperion's son 
 Ascends again his swift untiring car. 
 But Theolytus, in the second book of his Annals, says that the Sun
 crosses the sea in a cup, and that the first person who invented this statement
 was the author of the poem called the Battle of the Titans. And Pherecydes, in the
 third book of his Histories, having previously spoken about the ocean,
 adds— But Hercules drew his bow against him, as if he meant to shoot him:
 and the Sun bade him desist, and so he, being afraid, did desist. And in return
 for his forbearance, the Sun gave him the golden cup in which he himself used
 to travel with his horses when he has set, going all night across the ocean to
 the east, where he again rises. And so then Hercules went in this cup to
 Erythea. And when he was at sea, Oceanus, to tempt him, appeared to him in
 visible form, tossing his cup about in the waves; and he then was on the point
 of shooting Oceanus; but Oceanus being frightened desired him to
 forbear.

There is also a cup of the name of ethanion. Hellanicus, in his account of the
 History and Manners of the Egyptians, writes thus— In the houses of the
 Egyptians are found a brazen φιάλη, and a
 brazen κύαθος, and a brazen ἠθάνιον. 
 
 
 There is another kind called hemitomus; a sort of cup in use among the Athenians,
 so called from its shape and it is mentioned by Pamphilus, in his Dialects.

Then there is the cup called the thericlean cup; this kind is depressed at the
 sides, sufficiently deep, having short ears, as being of the class of cup called
 κύλιξ. 
 And, perhaps, it is out of a thericlean cup that Alexis, in his Hesione,
 represents Hercules to be drinking, when he speaks thus— 
 
 And when he had, though scarcely, come t' himself, 
 He begg'd a cup of wine ( κύλικα ), and when
 he'd got it, 
 He drank down frequent draughts, and drain'd it well; 
 And, as the proverb says, the man sometimes 
 Is quite a bladder, and sometimes a sack. 
 And that the thericlean cup belongs to the class κύλιξ is plainly stated by Theophrastus, in his History of Plants.
 For speaking of the turpentine-tree, be says— And thericlean cups ( κύλικες θηρίκλειοι ) are turned of this wood, in such
 a manner that no one can distinguish them from earthenware ones. And
 Thericles the Corinthian is said to have been the first maker of this kind of cup,
 and he was a potter originally, and it is after him that they have their name; and
 he lived about the same time as Aristophanes the comic poet. And Theopompus speaks
 of this cup, in his Nemea, where he says— 
 
 A. Come hither you, you faithful child of
 Thericles, 
 You noble shape, and what name shall we give you 
 Are you a looking-glass of nature? If 
 You were but full, then I could wish for nothing 
 Beyond your presence. Come then— 
 
 B. How I hate you, 
 You old Theolyta. 
 
 A. Old dost thou call me, friend? 
 
 B. What can I call you else? but hither come, 
 Let me embrace you; come to your fellow-servant: 
 Is it not so? 
 
 A. . . . . . . . . . . . . . you try me. 
 
 B. See here I pledge you in fair friendship's
 cup. 
 
 A. And when you've drunk your fill, then hand the
 cup 
 Over to me the first. 
 But Cleanthes, in his treatise on Interpretation, says— And as for
 all these inventions, and whatever others there are of the same kind, such as
 the thericlean cup, the deinias, the iphicratis, it is quite plain that these,
 by their very names, indicate their inventors. And the same appears to be the
 case even now. And if they fail to do so, the name must have changed its
 meaning a little. But, as has been said before, one cannot in every case trust
 to a name. But others state that the thericlean cup has its name from
 the skins of wild beasts ( θηρίων ) being carved on
 it. And Pamphilus of Alexandria says that it is so called from the fact of Bacchus
 disturbing the beasts ( τοὺς θῆρας ) by pouring
 libations out of these cups over them.

And Antiphanes mentions this kind of cup, in his Similitudes, saying— 
 And when they had done supper, (for I wish 
 To put all things that happen'd in the interval 
 Together,) then the thericlean cup 
 Of Jove the Saviour was introduced, 
 Full of the luscious drops which o'er the sea 
 Came from the isle of the delicious drinks, 
 The sea-girt Lesbos, full, and foaming up, 
 And each one in his right hand gladly seized it. 
 And Eubulus, in his Dolon, says— 
 I never drain'd a cup more carefully, 
 For I did make the earthen cask more clean 
 Than Thericles did make his well-turn'd cups 
 E'en in his youth. 
 And, in his Dice-players, he says— 
 And then they drain'd the valiant cup yclept 
 The thericlean; foaming o'er the brim, 
 With Lacedæmonian lip, loud sounding 
 As if 'twere full of pebbles, dark in colour, 
 A beauteous circle, with a narrow bottom, 
 Sparkling and brilliant, beautifully wash'd, 
 All crown'd with ivy; and the while they call'd 
 On the great name of Jove the Saviour. 
 And Ararus, or Eubulus, whichever it was who was the author of the
 Campylion, says— 
 O potter's earth, you whom great Thericles 
 Once fashion'd, widening out the circling depth 
 Of your large hollow sides; right well must you 
 Have known the natures and the hearts of women, 
 That they are not well pleased with scanty cups. 
 And Alexis, in his Horseman, says— 
 There is, besides, a thericlean cup, 
 Having a golden wreath of ivy round it, 
 Carved on it, not appended. 
 And in his Little Horse he says— 
 He drank a thericlean cup of unmix'd wine, 
 Right full, and foaming o'er the brim.

But Timæus, in the twenty-eighth book of his History, calls the cup thericlea,
 writing thus:— There was man of the name of Polyxenus who was appointed one
 of the ambassadors from Tauromenium, and he returned having received several
 other presents from Nicodemus, and also a cup of the kind called
 thericlea. And Adæus, in his treatise on
 Descriptions, considers that the thericleum and the car- chesium are the same. But
 that they are different is plainly shown by Callixenus, who, in his Account of
 Alexandria and its customs, says— And some people marched in the procession,
 bearing thericlea (and he uses the masculine form θηρικλείους ), and others bearing carchesia. And what kind
 of cup the carchesium was, shall be explained in due time. There is also another
 kind called the thericlean bowl ( θηρίκλειος
 κρατὴρ ), which is mentioned by Alexis, in his Cycnus— 
 And in the midst a thericlean bowl 
 Resplendent stood; full of old clear white wine, 
 And foaming to the brim. I took it empty, 
 And wiped it round, and made it shine, and placed it 
 Firm on its base, and crown'd it round with branches 
 Of Bacchus' favourite ivy. 
 Menander also has used the form θηρίκλειος as feminine, in his Fanatic Woman, when he says— 
 And being moderately drunk, he took 
 And drain'd the thericleum ( τὴν
 θηρίκλειον ). 
 And in his Begging Priest he says— 
 Drinking a thericleum of three pints. 
 And Deoxippus, in his Miser, says— 
 
 A. I want now the large thericlean cup ( τῆς θηρικλείου τῆς μεγάλης ). 
 
 B. I know it well. 
 
 A. Likewise the Rhodian cups; 
 For when I've pour'd the liquor into them, 
 I always seem to drink it with most pleasure. 
 And Polemo, in the first book of his treatise on the Acropolis at Athens,
 has used the word in the neuter gender, saying— Neoptolemus offered up some
 golden thericlean cups ( τὰ 
 θηρίκλεια ) wrought on foundations of
 wood.

And Apollodorus of Gela, in his Philadelphi, or the Man who killed himself by
 Starvation, says— 
 Then there were robes of fine embroidery, 
 And silver plate, and very skilful chasers 
 Who ornament the thericlean cups, 
 And many other noble bowls besides. 
 And Aristophon, in his Philonides, says— 
 Therefore my master very lately took 
 The well-turn'd orb of a thericlean cup, 
 Full foaming to the brim with luscious wine, 
 Mix'd half-and-half, a most luxurious draught, 
 
 And gave it me as a reward for virtue; 
 I think because of my tried honesty; 
 And then, by steeping me completely in it, 
 He set me free. 
 And Theophilus, in his Bœotia, says— 
 He mixes beautifully a large cup 
 Of earthenware, of thericlean fashion, 
 Holding four pints, and foaming o'er the brim; 
 Not Autocles himself, by earth I swear, 
 Could in his hand more gracefully have borne it. 
 And, in his Prœtides, he says— 
 And bring a thericlean cup, which holds 
 More than four pints, and's sacred to good fortune. 
 There is also a cup called the Isthmian cup: and Pamphilus, in his
 treatise on Names, says that this is a name given to a certain kind of cup by the
 inhabitants of Cyprus.

There is also a kind of vessel called cadus; which Simmias states to be a kind of
 cup, quoting this verse of Anacreon— 
 I breakfasted on one small piece of cheesecake, 
 And drank a cadus full of wine. 
 And Epigenes, in his Little Monument, says— 
 
 A. Craters, and cadi, olkia, and crunea. 
 
 B. Are these crunea? 
 
 A. To be sure these are, 
 Luteria, too. But why need I name each 
 For you yourself shall see them. 
 
 B. Do you say 
 That the great monarch's son, Pixodarus, 
 Has come to this our land? 
 And Hedylus, in his Epigrams, says— 
 Let us then drink; perhaps among our cups 
 We may on some new wise and merry plan 
 With all good fortune light. Come, soak me well 
 In cups ( κάδοις ) of Chian wine, and say to
 me, 
 
 Come, sport and drink, good Hedylus; I hate 
 To live an empty life, debarr'd from wine. 
 And in another place he says— 
 From morn till night, and then from night till morn, 
 The thirsty Pasisocles sits and drinks, 
 In monstrous goblets ( κάδοις ), holding quite
 four quarts, 
 And then departs whatever way he pleases. 
 But midst his cups he sports more mirthfully, 
 And is much stronger than Sicelides. 
 How his wit sparkles I Follow his example, 
 And ever as you write, my friend, drink too. 
 
 But Clitarchus, in his treatise on Dialects, says that the
 Ionians call an earthenware cask κάδος. And
 Herodotus, in his third book, speaks of a cask ( κάδος ) of palm wine.

There is also the καδίσκος Philemon, in his
 treatise before mentioned, says that this too is a species of cup. And it is a
 vessel in which they place the Ctesian Jupiters, as Anticlides says, in his Book
 on Omens, where he writes,— The statuettes of Jupiter Ctesius ought to be
 erected in this manner. One ought to place a new cadiscus with two ears . .
 .—and crown the ears with white wool; and on the right shoulder, and on the
 forehead . . . . and put on it what you find there, and pour ambrosia over it.
 But ambrosia is compounded of pure water, and oil, and all kinds of fruits; and
 these you must pour over. Stratis the comic poet also mentions the
 cadiscus, in his Lemnomeda, where he says— 
 The wine of Mercury, which some draw forth 
 From a large jug, and some from a cadiscus, 
 Mix'd with pure water, half-and-half.

There is also the cantharus. Now, that this is the name of a kind of boat is well
 known. And that there is a kind of cup also called by this name we find from
 Ameipsias, in his Men Playing at the Cottabus, or Madness, where he says— 
 Bring here the vinegar cruets, and canthari. 
 And Alexis, in his Creation (the sentence refers to some one drinking in
 a wine-shop), says— 
 And then I saw Hermaiscus turning over 
 One of these mighty canthari, and near him 
 There lay a blanket, and his well-fill'd wallet. 
 And Eubulus, who often mentions this cup by name, in his Pamphilus, says—
 
 But I (for opposite the house there was 
 A wine-shop recently establish'd) 
 There watch'd the damsel's nurse; and bade the vintner 
 Mix me a measure of wine worth an obol, 
 And set before me a full-sized cantharus. 
 And in another place he says— 
 How dry and empty is this cantharus! 
 And again, in another place- 
 Soon as she took it, she did drink it up,— 
 How much d'ye think? a most enormous draught; 
 And drain'd the cantharus completely dry. 
 
 And Xenarchus, in his Priapus, says this— 
 Pour, boy, no longer in the silver tankard, 
 But let us have again recourse to the deep. 
 Pour, boy, I bid you, in the cantharus, 
 Pour quick, by Jove, aye, by the Cantharus, pour. 
 And Epigenes, in his Heroine, says— 
 But now they do no longer canthari make, 
 At least not large ones; but small shallow cups 
 Are come in fashion, and they call them neater, 
 As if they drank the cups, and not the wine.

And Sosicrates, in his Philadelphi, says— 
 A gentle breeze mocking the curling waves, 
 Sciron's fair daughter, gently on its course 
 Brought with a noiseless foot the cantharus; 
 here cantharus evidently means a boat. 
 And Phrynichus, in his Revellers, says– 
 And then Chærestratus, in his own abode, 
 Working with modest zeal, did weep each day 
 A hundred canthari well fill'd with wine. 
 And Nicostratus, in his Calumniator, says— 
 
 A. Is it a ship of twenty banks of oars, 
 Or a swan, or a cantharus? For when 
 I have learnt that, I then shall be prepared 
 Myself t' encounter everything. 
 
 B. It is 
 A cycnocantharus, an animal 
 Compounded carefully of each. 
 And Menander, in his Captain of a Ship, says— 
 
 A. Leaving the salt depths of the Aegean sea, 
 Theophilus has come to us, O Strato. 
 How seasonably now do I say your son 
 Is in a prosperous and good condition, 
 And so's that golden cantharus. 
 
 B. What cantharus? 
 
 A. Your vessel. 
 And a few lines afterwards he says— 
 
 B. You say my ship is safe? 
 
 A. Indeed I do, 
 That gallant ship which Callicles did build, 
 And which the Thurian Euphranor steer'd. 
 And Polemo, in his treatise on Painters, addressed to Antigonus, says—"At
 Athens, at the marriage of Pirithous, Hippeus made a wine jug
 and goblet of stone, inlaying its edges with gold. And he provided also couches of
 pinewood placed on the ground, adorned with coverlets of every sort, and for
 drinking cups there were canthari made of earthenware. And moreover, the lamp
 which was suspended from the roof, had a number of lights all kept distinct from
 one another. And that this kind of cup got its name originally from Cantharus a
 potter, who invented it, Philetærus tells us in his Achilles— 
 Peleus—but Peleus is a potter's name, 
 The name of some dry withered lamp-maker, 
 Known too as Cantharus, exceeding poor, 
 Far other than a king, by Jove. 
 And that cantharus is also the name of a piece of female ornament, we may
 gather from Antiphanes in his Bœotia.

There is also a kind of cup called carchesium. Callixenus the Rhodian, in' his
 History of the Affairs and Customs of Alexandria, says that it is a cup of an
 oblong shape, slightly contracted in the middle, having ears which reach down to
 the bottom. And indeed, the carchesium is a tolerably oblong cup, and perhaps it
 has its name from its being stretched upwards. But the carchesium is an extremely
 old description of cup; if at least it is true that Jupiter, when he had gained
 the affections of Alcmena, gave her one as a love gift, as Pherecydes relates in
 his second book, and Herodorus of Heraclea tells the same story. But Asclepiades
 the Myrlean says that this cup derives its name from some one of the parts of the
 equipment of a ship. For the lower part of the mast is called the pterna, which
 goes down into the socket; and the middle of the mast is called the neck; and
 towards the upper part it is called carchesium. And the carchesium has yards
 running out on each side, and in it there is placed what is called the
 breastplate, being four-cornered on all sides, except just at the bottom and at
 the top. Both of which extend a little outwards in a straight line. And above the
 breastplate is a part which is called the distaff, running up to a great height,
 and being sharp-pointed. And Sappho also speaks of the carchesia, where she says—
 
 
 And they all had well-fill'd carchesia, 
 And out of them they pour'd libations, wishing 
 All manner of good fortune to the bridegroom. 
 And Sophocles, in his Tyro, says— 
 And they were at the table in the middle, 
 Between the dishes and carchesia; 
 saying that the dragons came up to the table, and took up a position
 between the meats and the carchesia, or cups of wine. For it was the fashion among
 the ancients to place upon the table goblets containing mixed wine; as Homer also
 represents the tables in his time. And the carchesium was named so from having on
 it rough masses like millet ( κεγχροειδὴς ), and the
 α is by enallage instead of ε, καρχήσιον for κερχήσιον. On which account Homer calls those who are overcome by
 thirst καρ- 
 χαλέους. And Charon of Lampsacus, in his Annals,
 says that among the Lacedæmonians there is still shown the very same cup which was
 given by Jupiter to Alcmena, when he took upon himself the likeness of
 Amphitryon. 
 There is another kind of cup called calpium, a sort of Erythræan goblet, as
 Pamphilus says; and I imagine it is the same as the one called scaphium.

There is another kind of cup called celebe. And this description of drinking-cup
 is mentioned by Anacreon, where he says— 
 Come, O boy, and bring me now 
 A celebe, that I may drink 
 A long deep draught, and draw no breath. 
 It will ten measures of water hold, 
 And five of mighty Chian wine. 
 But it is uncertain what description of cup it is, or whether every cup
 is not called celebe, because one pours libations into it ( ἀπὸ τοῦ χέειν λοιβὴν ),or from one's pouring libations ( λείβειν ). And the verb λείβω is applied habitually to every sort of liquid, from which also
 the word λέβης is derived. But Silenus and
 Clitarchus say that celebe is a name given to drinking-cups by the Aeolians. But
 Pamphilus says that the celebe is the same cup which is also called thermopotis, a
 cup to drink warm water from. And Nicander the Colophonian, in his Dialects, says
 that the celebe is a vessel used by the shepherds in which they preserve honey.
 For Anti- machus the Colophonian, in the fifth book of his Thebais, says— 
 
 He bade the heralds bear to them a bladder 
 Fill'd with dark wine, and the most choice of all, 
 The celebea in his house which lay, 
 Fill'd with pure honey. 
 And in a subsequent passage he says— 
 But taking up a mighty celebeum 
 In both his hands, well filled with richest honey, 
 Which in great store he had most excellent. 
 And again he says— 
 And golden cups of wine, and then besides, 
 A celebeum yet untouch'd by man, 
 Full of pure honey, his most choice of treasures. 
 And in this passage he very evidently speaks of the celebeum as some kind
 of vessel distinct from a drinking-cup, since he has already mentioned
 drinking-cups under the title of δέπαστρα. And
 Theocritus the Syracusan, in his Female Witches, says— 
 And crown this celebeum with the wool, 
 Well dyed in scarlet, of the fleecy sheep. 
 And Euphorion says— 
 Or whether you from any other stream 
 Have fill'd your celebe with limpid water. 
 And Anacreon says— 
 And the attendant pour'd forth luscious wile, 
 Holding a celebe of goodly size. 
 But Dionysius, surnamed the Slender, explaining the poem of Theodoridas,
 which is addressed to Love, says that celebe is a name given to a kind of
 upstanding cup, something like the prusias and the thericleum.

There is also the horn. It is said that the first men drank out of the horns of
 oxen; from which circumstance Bacchus often figured with horns on his head, and is
 moreover called a bull by many of the poets. And at Cyzicus there is a statue of
 him with a bull's head. But that men drank out of horns ( κέρατα ) is plain from the fact that to this very day, when men mix
 water with wine, they say that they κερᾶσαι (mix
 it). And the vessel in which the wine is mixed is called κρατὴρ, from the fact of the water being mingled ( συγκιρνᾶσθαι ) in it, as if the word were κερατὴρ, from the drink being poured εἰς τὸ κέρας (into the horn); and even to this day the
 fashion of making horns into cups con- tinues: but some people call these cups
 rhyta. And many of the poets represent the ancients as
 drinking out of horns. Pindar, speaking of the Centaurs, says— 
 After those monsters fierce 
 Learnt the invincible strength of luscious wine; 
 Then with a sudden fury, 
 With mighty hands they threw the snow-white milk 
 Down from the board, 
 And of their own accord 
 Drank away their senses in the silver-mounted horns. 
 And Xenophon, in the seventh book of his Anabasis, giving an account of
 the banquet which was given by the Thracian Seuthes, writes thus: But when
 Xenophon, with his companions, arrived at Seuthes's palace, first of all they
 embraced one another, and then, according to the Thracian fashion, they were
 presented with horns of wine. And in his sixth book he says, when he is
 speaking of the Paphlagonians, And they supped lying on couches made of
 leaves, and they drank out of cups made of horn. And Aeschylus, in his
 Perrhæbi, represents the Perrhæbi as using horns for cups, in the following
 lines:— 
 With silver-mounted horns, 
 Fitted with mouthpieces of rich-wrought gold. 
 And Sophocles, in his Pandora, says— 
 And when a man has drain'd the golden cup, 
 She, pressing it beneath her tender arm, 
 Returns it to him full. 
 And Hermippus, in his Fates, says— 
 Do you now know the thing you ought to do? 
 Give not that cup to me; but from this horn 
 Give me but once more now to drink a draught. 
 And Lycurgus the orator, in his Oration against Demades, says that Philip
 the king pledged those men whom he loved in a horn. And Theopompus, in the second
 book of his history of the Affairs and Actions of Philip, says that the kings of
 the Pæonians, as the oxen in their countries have enormous horns, so large as to
 contain three or four choes of wine, make drinking-cups of them, covering over the
 brims with silver or with gold. And Philoxenus of Cythera, in his poem entitled
 The Supper, says— 
 He then the sacred drink of nectar quaff'd 
 From the gold-mounted brims of th' ample horns, 
 And then they all did drink awhile. 
 And the Athenians made also silver goblets in the shape of horns, and drank out of them. And one may ascertain that by
 seeing the articles mentioned in writing among the list of confiscated goods on
 the pillar which lies in the Acropolis, which contains the sacred
 offerings— There is also a silver horn drinking-cup, very solid.

There is also the cernus. This is a vessel made of earthenware, having many little
 cup-like figures fastened to it, in which are white poppies, wheat-ears, grains of
 barley, peas, pulse, vetches, and lentils. And he who carries it, like the man who
 carries the mystic fan, eats of these things, as Ammonius relates in the third
 book of his treatise on Altars and Sacrifices.

There is also the cup called the cissybium. This is a cup with but one handle, as
 Philemon says. And Neoptolemus the Parian, in the third book of his Dialects, says
 that this word is used by Euripides in the Andromache, to signify a cup made of
 ivy ( κίσσινον )— 
 And all the crowd of shepherds flock'd together, 
 One bearing a huge ivy bowl of milk, 
 Refreshing medicine of weary toil; 
 Another brought the juice o' the purple vine. 
 For, says he, the cissybium is mentioned in a rustic assembly, where it
 is most natural that the cups should be made of wood. But Clitarchus says that the
 Aeolians called the cup which is elsewhere called scyphus, cissybium. And Marsyas
 says that it is a wooden cup, the same as the κύπελλον. But Eumolpus says that it is a species of cup which
 perhaps (says he) was originally made of the wood of the ivy. But Nicander the
 Colophonian, in the first book of his History of Aetolia, writes thus:—"In the
 sacred festival of Jupiter Didymæus they pour libations from leaves of ivy
 ( κισσοῦ ), from which circumstance the ancient
 cups are called cissybia. Homer says— 
 Holding a cup ( κισσύβιον ) of dark
 rich-colour'd wine. 
 And Asclepiades the Myrlean, in his essay on the cup called Nestoris,
 says, No one of the men in the city or of the men of moderate fortune used
 to use the σκύφος or the κισσύβιον, but only the swineherds and the shepherds, and the men
 in the fields. Polyphemus used the cissybium, and Eumæus the other
 kind. But Callimachus seems to make a blunder in the use of these
 names, speaking of an intimate friend of his who was
 entertained with him at a banquet by Pollis the Athenian, for he says— 
 For he abhorr'd to drink at one long draught 
 Th' amystis loved in Thrace, not drawing breath: 
 And soberly preferr'd a small cissybium: 
 And when for the third time the cup ( ἄλεισον ) went round, 
 I thus addressed him . . . . . . 
 For, as he here calls the same cup both κισσύβιον and ἄλεισον, he does not
 preserve the accurate distinction between the names. And any one may conjecture
 that the κισσύβιον was originally made by the
 shepherds out of the wood of the ivy ( κισσός ). But
 some derive it from the verb χεύμαι, used in the
 same sense as χωρέω, to contain; as it occurs in
 the fol- lowing line:— 
 This threshold shall contain ( χείσεται ) them
 both. 
 And the hole of the serpent is also called χείη, as containing the animal; and they also give the name of
 κήθιον, that is, χήτιον, to the box which holds the dice. And Dionysius of Samos, in
 his treatise on the Cyclic Poets, calls the cup which Homer calls κισσύβιον, κύμβιον, writing thus— And Ulysses,
 when he saw him acting thus, having filled a κύμβιον with wine, gave it to him to drink.

There is also the ciborium. Hegesander the Delphian says that Euphorion the poet,
 when supping with the Prytanis, when the Prytanis exhibited to him some ciboria,
 which appeared to be made in a most exquisite and costly manner, . . . . . . . .
 And when the cup had gone round pretty often, he, having drunk very hard and being
 intoxicated, took one of the ciboria and defiled it. And Didymus says that it is a
 kind of drinking-cup; and perhaps it may be the same as that which is called
 scyphium, which derives its name from being contracted to a narrow space at the
 bottom, like the Egyptian ciboria.

There is also the condu, an Asiatic cup. (Menander, in his play entitled the
 Flatterer, says— 
 Then, too, there is in Cappadocia, 
 O Struthion, a noble golden cup, 
 Called condu, holding ten full cotyle. 
 And Hipparchus says, in his Men Saved,— 
 
 A. Why do you so attend to this one soldier? 
 He has no silver anywhere, I know well; 
 But at the most one small embroider'd carpet, 
 
 (And that is quite enough for him,) on which 
 Some Persian figures and preposterous shapes 
 Of Persian griffins, and such beasts, are work'd. 
 
 B Away with you, you wretch. 
 
 A. And then he has 
 A condu, a wine-cooler, and a cymbium. 
 And Nicomachus, in the first book of his treatise on the Egyptian
 Festivals, says— But the condu is a Persian cup; and it was first introduced
 by Hermippus the astrologer. . . . . . . . . . . .
 . on which account libations are poured out of it. But Pancrates, in
 the first book of his Conchoreis, says— 
 But he first pour'd libations to the gods 
 From a large silver condu; then he rose, 
 And straight departed by another road. 
 
 
 There is also the cononius. Ister, the pupil of Callimachus, in the first book of
 his History of Ptolemais, the city in Egypt, writes thus:—"A pair of cups, called
 cononii, and a pair of therielean cups with golden covers.

There is also the cotylus. The cotylus is a cup with one handle, which is also
 mentioned by Alcæus. But Diodorus, in his book addressed to Lycophron, says that
 this cup is greatly used by the Sicyonians and Tarentines, and that it is like a
 deep luterium, and sometimes it has an ear. And Ion the Chian also mentions it,
 speaking of a cotylus full of wine. ! And Hermippus, in his Gods,
 says— 
 He brought a cotylus first, a pledge for his neighbours. 
 And Plato, in his Jupiter Afflicted, says— 
 He brings a cotylus. 
 Aristophanes also, in his Babylonians, mentions the cotylus; and Eubulus,
 in his Ulysses, or the Panoptæ, says— 
 And then the priest utt'ring well-omen'd prayers, 
 Stood in the midst, and in a gorgeous dress, 
 Pour'd a libation from the cotylus. 
 And Pamphilus says that it is a kind of cup, and peculiar to Bacchus. But
 Polemo, in his treatise on the Fleece of the Sheep sacrificed to Jupiter,
 says— And after this he celebrates a sacrifice, and takes the sacred
 fleece out of its shrine, and distributes it among all those who have borne the
 cernus in the procession: and this is a vessel made of earthenware, having a
 number of little cups glued to it; and in these little 
 cups there is put sage, and white poppies, and ears of wheat, and grains of
 barley, and peas, and pulse, and rye, and lentils, and beans, and vetches, and
 bruised figs, and chaff and oil, and honey, and milk, and wine, and pieces of
 unwashed sheep's-wool. And he who has carried this cernus eats of all these
 things, like the man who has carried the mystic fan.

There is also the cotyle. Aristophanes, in his Cocalus, says— 
 And other women, more advanced in age, 
 Into their stomachs pour'd, without restraint, 
 From good-sized cotylæ, dark Thasian wine, 
 The whole contents of a large earthen jar, 
 Urged by their mighty love for the dark wine. 
 And Silenus, and Clitarchus, and also Zenodotus; say that it is a kind of
 κύλιξ, and say— 
 And all around the corpse the black blood flow'd, 
 As if pour'd out from some full cotyle. 
 And again— 
 There is many a slip 
 'Twixt the cup ( κοτύλης ) and the lip. 
 And Simaristus says that it is a very small-sized cup which is called by
 this name; and Diodorus says that the poet has here called the cup by the name of
 cotyle, which is by others called cotylus, as where we find- πύρνον (bread) καὶ κοτύλην; and that
 it is not of the class κύλιξ, for that it has no
 handles, but that it is very like a deep luterium, and a kind of drinking cup
 ( ποτηρίου ); and that it is the same as that
 which by the Aetolians, and by some tribes of the Ionians, is called cotylus,
 which is like those which have been already described, except that it has only one
 ear: and Crates mentions it in his Sports, and Hermippus in his Gods. But the
 Athenians give the name of κοτύλη to a certain
 measure. Thucydides says— They gave to each of them provisions for eight
 months, at the rate of a cotyla of water and two cotylæ of corn a-day. 
 Aristophanes, in his Proagon, says— 
 And having bought three chœnixes of meal, 
 All but one cotyla, he accounts for twenty. 
 But Apollodorus says that it is a kind of cup, deep and hollow; and he
 says— The ancients used to call everything that was hollow κοτύλη, as, for instance, the hollow of the hand; on
 which account we find the expression κοτολήρυτον 
 
 αἷμα— meaning, blood in such quantities that it
 could be taken up in the hand. And there was a game called ἐγκοτύλη, in which those who are defeated make their
 hands hollow, and then take hold of the knees of those who have won the game
 and carry them. And Diodorus, in his Italian Dialects, and Heraclitus
 (as Pamphilus says), relate that the cotyla is also called hemina, quoting the
 following passage of Epicharmus:— 
 And then to drink a double measure, 
 Two heminæ of tepid water full, 
 And Sophron says— 
 Turn up the hemina, O boy. 
 But Pherecrates calls it a cotylisca, in his Corianno, saying— 
 The cotylisca? By no means. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Acharnians, uses a still more diminutive form,
 and says— 
 A cotyliscium ( κοτυλίσκιον ) with a broken
 lip. 
 And even the hollow of the hip is called κοτύλη; and the excrescences on the feelers of the polypus are, by a
 slight extension of the word, called κοτυληδών. 
 And Aeschylus, in his Edonians, has called cymbals also κότυλαι, saying— 
 And he makes music with his brazen κότυλαι. 
 
 But Marsyas says that the bone of the hip is also called ἄλεισον and κύλιξ. And
 the sacred bowl of Bacchus is called κοτυλίσκος; 
 and so are those goblets which the initiated use for their libations; as Nicander
 of Thyatira says, adducing the following passage from the Clouds of Aristophanes:—
 
 Nor will I crown the cotyliscus. 
 
 
 And Simmias interprets the word κοτύλη by
 ἄλεισον.

There is also the cottabis. Harmodius of Lepreum, in his treatise on the Laws and
 Customs of Phigalea, going through the entertainments peculiar to different
 countries, writes as follows:— When they have performed all these
 purificatory ceremonies, a small draught is offered to each person to drink in
 a cottabis of earthenware; and he who offers it says, 'May you sup
 well.' But Hegesander the Delphian, in his Commentaries (the beginning
 of which is In the best Form of Government ), says— That which
 is called the cottabus has been introduced into entertainments, the Sicilians
 (as Dicæarchus relates) having been the first people to introduce it. And such
 great fondness was ex- hibited for this amusement, that
 men even introduced into entertainments contests, which were called cottabia
 games; and then cups of the form which appeared to be most suitable for such an
 exercise were made, called cottabide. And besides all this, rooms were built of
 a round figure, in order that all, the cottabus being placed in the middle
 might contest the victory, all being at an equal distance, and in similar
 situations. For they vied with one another, not only in throwing their liquor
 at the mark, but also in doing everything with elegance; for a man was bound to
 lean on his left elbow, and, making a circuit with his right hand, to throw his
 drops ( τὴν λάταγα ) over gently—for that was the
 name which they gave to the liquor which fell from the cup: so that some prided
 themselves more on playing elegantly at the cottabus than others did on their
 skill with the javelin.

There is also the cratanium. But perhaps this is the same cup, under an ancient
 name, as that which is now called the craneum: accordingly, Polemo (or whoever it
 is who wrote the treatise on the Manners and Customs of the Greeks), speaking of
 the temple of the Metapontines which is at Olympia, writes as follows:— The
 temple of the Metapontines, in which there are a hundred and thirty-two silver
 phialæ, and two silver wine-jars, and a silver apothystanium, and three gilt
 phialæ. The temple of the Byzantians, in which there is a figure of Triton,
 made of cypress-wood, holding a silver cratanium, a silver siren, two silver
 carchesia, a silver culix, a golden wine-jar, and two horns. But in the old
 temple of Juno, there are thirty silver phialæ, two silver cratania, a silver
 dish, a golden apothystanium, a golden crater (the offering of the Cyrenæans),
 and a silver batiacium. 
 
 There is also the crounea. Epigenes, in his Monument, says— 
 
 A. Crateres, cadi, holcia, crounea, 
 
 B. Are these crounea? 
 
 A. Yes, indeed these are. 
 There is the cyathis also. This is a vessel with a great resemblance to
 the cotyla. Sophron, in his play entitled the Buffoon, represents the women who
 profess to exhibit the goddess as present, as saying— 
 Three sovereign antidotes for poison 
 Are buried in a single cyathis.

Then there is the κύλιξ. Pherecrates, in his Slave
 Tutor, says— 
 Now wash the κύλιξ out; I'll give you
 then 
 Some wine to drink: put o'er the cup a strainer, 
 And then pour in some wine. 
 
 
 But the κύλιξ is a drinking-cup made of
 earthenware, and it is so called from being made circular ( ἀπὸ τοῦ κυλίεσθαι ) by the potter's wheel; from which also the
 κυλικεῖον, the place in which the cups are
 stored up, gets its name, even when the cups put away in it are made of silver.
 There is also the verb κυλικηγορέω, derived from
 the same source, when any one makes an harangue over his cups But the Athenians
 also call a medicine chest κυλικὶς, because it is
 made round in a turning-lathe. And the κύλικες, 
 both at Argos and at Athens, were in great repute; and Pindar mentions the Attic
 κύλικες in the following lines— 
 O Thrasybulus, now I send 
 This pair of pleasantly-meant odes 
 As an after-supper entertainment for you. 
 May it, I pray, be pleasing 
 To all the guests, and may it be a spur 
 To draw on cups of wine, 
 And richly-fill'd Athenian κύλικες.

But the Argive κύλικες appear to have been of a
 different shape from the Athenian ones. At all events, they tapered towards a
 point at the brims, as Simonides of Amorgos says— 
 But this is taper-brimm'd ( φοξίχειλος ), 
 that is to say, drawn up to a point towards the top; such as those which
 are called ἄμβικες. For they use the word φοξὸς in this sense, as Homer does when speaking of
 Thersites— 
 His head was sharp at top. 
 And the word is equivalent to φαοξὸς, —it
 being perceived to be sharp ( ὀξὺς ) in the part
 where the eyes ( τὰ φάη ) are. 
 And very exquisitely wrought κύλικες are made at
 Naucratis, the native place of our companion Athenæus. For some are in the form of
 phialæ, not made in a lathe, but formed by hand, and having four handles, and
 being widened considerably towards the bottom: (and there are a great many potters
 at Naucratis, from whom the gate nearest to the potteries ( κεραμείων ) is called the Ceramic gate:) and they are dyed in such a
 manner as to appear like silver. The Chian κύλικες also are highly extolled, which Hermippus
 mentions in his Soldiers— 
 And a Chian κύλιξ hung on a peg aloft. 
 But Glaucon, in his Dialects, says that the inhabitants of Cyprus call
 the cotyle culix. And Hipponax, in his Synonymes, writes thus— The aleisum,
 the poterium, the cupellum, the amphotis, the scyphus, the culix, the cothon,
 the carchesium, the phiale. And Achæus of Eretria, in his Alcmæon,
 instead of κύλικες, has lengthened the word, and
 written κυλιχνίδες, in these lines— 
 But it is best to bring, as soon as possible, 
 Dark wine, and one large common bowl for all, 
 And some κυλιχνίδες besides 
 And Alcæus says— 
 Let us at once sit down and drink our wine, 
 Why do we wait for lights? Our day is but 
 A finger's span. Bring forth large goblets ( κύλιχναι ) now 
 Of various sorts. For the kind liberal son 
 Of Jove and Semele gave rosy wine, 
 Which bids us all forget our griefs and cares; 
 So pour it forth, and mix in due proportion. 
 And in his tenth Ode he says— 
 Drops of wine ( λάταγες ) fly from Teian
 culichnæ, 
 showing, by this expression, that the κύλικες of Teos were exceedingly beautiful.

Pherecrates also says, in his Corianno— 
 
 A. For I am coming almost boil'd away 
 From the hot bath; my throat is parch'd and dry; 
 Give me some wine. I vow my mouth and all 
 My jaws are sticky with the heat. 
 
 B. Shall I 
 Then take the κυλίσκη, O damsel, now? 
 
 A. By no means, 'tis so small; and all my bile 
 Has been stirr'd up since I did drink from it, 
 Not long ago, some medicine. Take this cup 
 Of mine, 'tis larger, and fill that for me. 
 And that the women were in the habit of using large cups, Pherecrates
 himself expressly tells us in his Tyranny, where he says— 
 And then they bade the potter to prepare 
 Some goblets for the men, of broader shape, 
 Having no walls, but only a foundation, 
 And scarcely holding more than a mere shell. 
 More like to tasting cups; but for themselves 
 
 They order good deep κύλικες, 
 good-sized, 
 Downright wine-carrying transports, wide and round, 
 Of delicate substance, swelling in the middle. 
 A crafty order: for with prudent foresight 
 They were providing how, without much notice, 
 They might procure the largest quantity 
 Of wine to drink themselves; and then when we 
 Reproach them that 'tis they who've drunk up everything, 
 They heap abuse on us, and swear that they, 
 Poor injured dears, have only drunk one cup, 
 Though their one's larger than a thousand common cups.

Then there are cymbia. These are a small hollow kind of cup, according to
 Simaristus. But Dorotheus says, The cymbium is a kind of deep cup, upright,
 having no pedestal and no handles. But Ptolemy the father of
 Aristonicus calls them curved goblets. And Nicander of Thyatira
 says that Theopompus, in his Mede, called a cup without handles cymbium. Philemon,
 in his Vision, says— 
 But when fair Rhode came and shook above you 
 A cymbium full of mighty unmix'd wine. 
 But Dionysius of Samos, in the sixth book of his treatise on the Cyclic
 Poets, thinks that the κισσύβιον and the κύμβιον are the same. For he says that Ulysses, having
 filled a cymbium with unmixed wine, gave it to the Cyclops. But the cup mentioned
 in Homer, as having been given to him by Ulysses, is a good-sized cissybium; for
 if it had been a small cup, he, who was so enormous a monster, would not have been
 so quickly overcome by drunkenness, when he had only drunk it three times. And
 Demosthenes mentions the cymbium in his oration against Midias, saying that he was
 accompanied by rhyta and cymbia: and in his orations against Euergus and
 Mnesibulus. But Didymus the grammarian says that is a cup of an oblong shape, and
 narrow in figure, very like the shape of a boat. And Anaxandrides, in his Clowns,
 says— 
 Perhaps large cups ( ποτήρια ) immoderately
 drain'd, 
 And cymbia full of strong unmixed wine, 
 Have bow'd your heads, and check'd your usual spirit. 
 And Alexis, in his Knight, says— 
 
 A. Had then those cymbia the faces of damsels 
 Carved on them in pure gold? 
 
 B. Indeed they had. 
 
 A. Wretched am I, and wholly lost . . . .

But Eratosthenes, in his letter addressed to Ageton the Lacedæmonian, says, that
 the cymbium is a vessel of the shape of the cyathus, writing thus— But these
 men marvel how a man who had not got a cyathus, but only a cymbium, had,
 besides that, also a phiale. Now it seems to me, that he had one for the use of
 men, but the other for the purpose of doing honour to the Gods. And at that
 time they never used the cyathus nor the cotyla. For they used to employ, in
 the sacrifices of the Gods, a crater, not made of silver nor inlaid with
 precious stones, but made of Coliad clay. And as often as they replenished
 this, pouring a libation to the Gods out of the phiale, they then poured out
 wine to all the company in order, bailing out the newly-mixed wine in a
 cymbium, as they do now among us at the phiditia. And if ever they wished to
 drink more, they also placed on the table beside them the cups called cotyli,
 which are the most beautiful of all cups, and the most convenient to drink out
 of. And these, too, were all made of the same earthenware. But when
 Ephippus says, in his Ephebi— 
 Chæremon brings no culices to supper, 
 Nor did Euripides with cymbia fight, 
 he does not mean the tragic poet, but some namesake of his, who was
 either very fond of wine, or who had an evil reputation on some other account, as
 Antiochus of Alexandria says, in his treatise on the Poets, who are ridiculed by
 the comic writers of the Middle Comedy. For the circumstance of cymbia being
 introduced into entertainments, and being used to fight with in drunken quarrels,
 bears on each point. And Anaxandrides mentions him in his Nereids— 
 Give him a choeus then of wine, O messmate, 
 And let him bring his cymbium, and be 
 A second Euripides to-day. 
 And Ephippus, in his Similitudes, or Obeliaphori, says— 
 But it were well to learn the plays of Bacchus, 
 And all the verses which Demophoon 
 Made upon Cotys; and, at supper-time, 
 To spout the eclogues of the wise Theorus. 
 * * * * * * 
 And let Euripides, that banquet-hunter, 
 Bring me his cymbia. 
 And that the κύμβη is the name of a boat
 too we are shown by Sophocles, who, in his Andromeda, says— 
 Come you on horseback hither, or in a boat ( κύμβαισι )? 
 
 And Apollodorus, in his Paphians, says there is a kind of
 drinking-cup called κύμβα.

Then there is the κύπελλον. Now, is this the same
 as the ἄλεισον and the δέπας, and different from them only in name 
 Then rising, all with goblets ( κυπέλλοις ) in
 their hands, 
 The peers and leaders of the Achaian bands 
 Hail'd their return. 
 Or was their form different also? For this kind has not the character of
 the amphicupellum, as the depas and aleison have, but is only of a curved form.
 For the κύπελλον is so called from its curved
 shape, as also is the ἀμφικύπελλον. Or is it so
 called as being in shape like a milk-pail ( πέλλα ),
 only contracted a little, so as to have an additional curve? And the word ἀμφικύπελλα is equivalent to ἀμφίκυρτα, being so called from its handles, because they are of a
 curved shape. For the poet calls this cup— 
 Golden, two-handled. 
 But Antimachus, in the fifth book of his Thebais, says— 
 And heralds, going round among the chiefs, 
 Gave each a golden cup ( κύπελλον ) with
 labour wrought. 
 And Silenus says, the κύπελλα are a kind
 of cup resembling the σκύφα, as Nicander the
 Colophonian says— 
 The swineherd gave a goblet ( κύπελλον ) full
 to each. 
 And Eumolpus says that it is a kind of cup, so called from its being of a
 curved shape ( κυφόν. ) But Simaristus says that
 this is a name given by the Cyprians to a cup with two handles, and by the Cretans
 to a kind of cup with two handles, and to another with four. And Philetas says
 that the Syracusans give the name of κύπελλον to
 the fragments of barley-cakes and loaves which are left on the tables. 
 There is also the κύμβη. Philemon, in his Attic
 Dialect, calls it a species of κύλιξ. 
 And Apollodorus, in his treatise on Etymologies, says, that the Paphians
 call a drinking-cup κύμβα.

Then there is the κώθων, which is mentioned by
 Xenophon, in the first book of his Cyropædia. But Critias, in his Constitution of
 the Lacedæmonians, writes as follows— And other small things besides which
 belong to human life; such as the Lacedæmonian shoes, which are the best, and
 the Lacedæmonian garments, which are the most pleasant to wear, and the most
 useful. There is also the Lacedæmonian 
 κώθων, which is a kind of drinking-cup most
 convenient when one is on an expedition, and the most easily carried in a
 knapsack. And the reason why it is so peculiarly well-suited to a soldier is,
 because a soldier often is forced to drink water which is not very clean; and,
 in the first place, this cup is not one in which it can be very easily seen
 what one is drinking; and, secondly, as its brim is rather curved inwards, it
 is likely to retain what is not quite clean in it. And Polemo, in his
 work addressed to Adæus and Antigonus, says that the Lacedæmonians used to use
 vessels made of earthenware; and proceeds to say further— And this was a
 very common practice among the ancients, such as is now adopted in some of the
 Greek tribes. At Argos, for instance, in the public banquets, and in Lacedæmon,
 they drink out of cups made of earthenware at the festivals, and in the feasts
 in honour of victory, and at the marriage-feasts of their maidens. But at other
 banquets and at their Phiditia they use small
 casks. And Archilochus also mentions the cothon as a kind of cup, in
 his Elegies, where he says— 
 But come now, with your cothon in your hand, 
 Move o'er the benches of the speedy ship, 
 And lift the covers from the hollow casks, 
 And drain the rosy wine down to the dregs; 
 For while we're keeping such a guard as this, 
 We shan't be able to forego our wine; 
 as if the κύλιξ were here called κώθων. Aristophanes, in his Knights, says— 
 They leapt into th' horse-transports gallantly, 
 Buying cothones; but some bought instead 
 Garlic and onions. 
 And Heniochus, in his Gorgons, says— 
 Let a man give me wine to drink at once, 
 Taking that capital servant of the throat, 
 The ample cothon—fire-wrought, and round, 
 Broad-ear'd, wide-mouth'd. 
 And Theopompus, in his Female Soldiers, says— 
 Shall I, then, drink from out a wryneck'd cothon, 
 Breaking my own neck in the hard attempt? 
 
 And Alexis, in his Spinners, says— 
 And then he hurl'd a four-pint cothon at me, 
 An ancient piece of plate, an heirloom too. 
 And it is from this cup that they call those who drink a great deal of
 unmixed wine ( ἀκράτον ) as Hyperides does in his
 oration against Demosthenes. But Callixenus, in the fourth book of his History of
 Alexandria, giving an account of the procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and
 giving a catalogue of a number of drinking-cups, adds these words: And two
 cothons, each holding two measures of wine.

But with respect to drinking, (which from the name of this kind of cup is
 sometimes called in the verb κωθωνί- 
 ζομαι, and in the substantive κωθωνισμὸς, that occasional drinking is good for the
 health is stated by Mnesitheus the Athenian physician, in his letter on the
 subject of Drinking ( κωθωνισμὸς ), where he speaks
 as follows: It happens that those who drink a great quantity of unmixed
 wine at banquets often receive great injury from so doing, both in their bodies
 and minds; but still occasional hard drinking ( κωθωνι- 
 ζεσθαι ) for some days appears to me to produce
 a certain purging of the body and a certain relaxation of the mind. For there
 are some little roughnesses on the surface, arising from daily banquets; now
 for getting rid of these there is no easier channel than the wine. But of all
 modes of purging, that which' is caused by hard drinking is the most
 advantageous; for then the body is as it were washed out by the wine; for the
 wine is both liquid and heating: but the wine which we secrete is harsh;
 accordingly, fullers use it as a cleanser when they are cleaning garments. But
 when you are drinking hard, you should guard against three things,— against
 drinking bad wine, against drinking unmixed wine, and against eating sweetmeats
 while you are drinking. And when you have had enough, then do not go to sleep,
 until you have had a vomit, moderate or copious as the case may be; and when
 you have vomited, then go to sleep after having taken a slight bath. And if you
 are not able to empty yourself sufficiently, then you must take a more copious
 bath, and lie down in the bath in exceedingly warm water. But Polemo,
 in the fifth book of his treatise addressed to Antigonus and Adæus,
 says— Bacchus being full grown, sitting on a rock,
 and on his left hand a satyr, bald, holding in his right hand a cothon of
 striped colours, with one handle.

There is also the labronia. This is a species of Persian drinking-cup, so named
 from the eagerness ( λαβρότης ) with which people
 drink: and its shape is wide, and its size large, and it has large handles.
 Menander, in his Fisherman, says— 
 We are abundantly well off at this time 
 For golden cylinders; and all those robes 
 From Persia, all those quaintly carved works, 
 Are now within, and richly-chased goblets, 
 Figures and faces variously carved, 
 Tragelaphi and labronia. 
 And in his Philadelphi he says— 
 And now the drinking of healths began, and now 
 Labroniæ, inlaid with precious stones, 
 Were set upon the board; and slaves stood round 
 With Persian fly-flappers. 
 And Hipparchus, in his Thais, says— But this labronius is an omen now. O
 Hercules! it is a cup which weighs Of standard gold more than two hundred pieces.
 Just think, my friend, of this superb labronius. And Diphilus, in his Pithraustes,
 giving a catalogue of other kinds of cups, says— 
 
 A. The tragelaphus, and likewise the pristis, 
 The batiace, and labronius too. 
 
 B. These seem to me to be the names of slaves. 
 
 A. By no means; they are all the names of cups; 
 And this lambronius is worth twenty pieces. 
 And Didymus says that it resembles the bombylium and the batiacium.

There is also the lacæna. And this is a kind of cup so called either from the
 potter, as the Attic vessels, usually are, or from the form which is usual in that
 district, on the same principle as the thericlean cups derive their name. 
 Aristophanes, in his Daitaleis, says— 
 He gladly shared the Sybaritic feasts, 
 And drank the Chian wine from out the cups 
 Called the lacecnæ, with a cheerful look.

Then there is the lepaste. Some mark this word λεπαστη with an acute accent on the last syllable, like καλή; but some mark the penultima with an acute, as
 μεγάλη. And this kind of cup derived its name
 from those who spend a great deal of money on their drinking
 and intemperance, whom men call λάφυκται. 
 Aristophanes, in his Peace, says— 
 What will you do, then, when you've drunk 
 One single lepaste full of new wine? 
 And it is from this word λεπαστὴ that the
 verb λάπτω comes, which means to swallow all at
 once, having a meaning just opposite to the bombylium; for the same author says,
 somewhere or other,— 
 You've drunk up all my blood, O king, my master! 
 which is as much as to say, you have utterly drained me. And in his
 Gerytades he says— 
 But there was then a festival: a slave 
 Went round, and brought us all a lepaste, 
 And pour'd in wine dark as the deep-blue sea; 
 but the poet means here to indicate the depth of the cup. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Aesculapius, says— 
 He took an agèd woman, who had been 
 A long time ill, sick of a ling'ring fever, 
 And bruising some small root, and putting it 
 Into a noble-sized lepaste there, 
 He made her drink it all, to cure her sickness. 
 Philyllius, in his Auge, says— 
 For she was always in the company 
 Of young men, who did nothing else but drink; 
 And with a lot of aged women too, 
 Who always do delight in good-sized cups. 
 And Theopompus says in his Pamphila— 
 A sponge, a dish, a feather; and, besides, 
 A stout lepaste, which, when full, they drain 
 To the Good Deity, raising loud his praises, 
 As chirps a grasshopper upon a tree. 
 And in his Mede he says— 
 Callimachus, 'tis stated, once did charm 
 The Grecian heroes by some promised gain, 
 When he was seeking for their aid and friendship. 
 The only thing he fail'd in was th' attempt 
 To gain the poor, thin-bodied Rhadamanthus 
 Lysander with a cothon, ere he gave him 
 A full lepaste. 
 But Amerias says that the ladle with which the wine is poured into the
 cups is called lepaste; but Aristophanes and Apollodorus say that it is a sort of
 cup of the class κύλιξ. Pherecrates, in his
 Crapatalli, says— 
 
 If there was one of the spectators thirsty, 
 He would a full lepaste seize, and drain 
 The whole contents. 
 But Nicander the Colophonian says that "the Dolopans give the name of
 λεπαστὴ to the κύλιξ; but Lycophron, in the ninth book of his treatise on Comedy,
 quoting this passage of Pherecrates, himself also asserts the lepaste to be kind
 of κύλιξ; but Moschus, in his Interpretation of
 Rhodiat Words, says that it is an earthenware vessel resembling those which are
 called ptomatides, but flatter and wider: but Artemidorus, the pupil of
 Aristophanes, says that it is some sort of drinking-cup. And Apollophanes, in his
 Cretans, says— 
 And the lepasta, fill'd with fragrant wine, 
 Shall fill me with delight the livelong day. 
 And Theopompus says in his Pamphila— 
 A stout lepaste, which, well-fill'd with wine, 
 They drain in honour of the Happy Deity, 
 Rousing the village with their noise and clamour. 
 But Nicander of Thyatira says it is a larger kind of κύλιξ, quoting the expressions of Teleclides out of his
 Prytanes— 
 To drink sweet wine from a sweet-smelling lepaste. 
 And Hermippus, in his Fates, says— 
 If anything should happen to me when 
 I've drain'd this promising lepaste, then 
 I give my whole possessions unto Bacchus.

There is also the loibasium. This, too, is a κύλιξ, as Clearchus and Nicander of Thyatira say; with which they
 pour libations of oil over the sacred offerings and victims. 
 Spondeum is the name given to the cup out of which they pour libations of wine.
 And he says that the spondea are also called loibides, by Antimachus of
 Colophon. 
 Then we have the lesbium. This also is a kind of cup, as Hedylus proves in his
 Epigrams, where he says— 
 Callistion, contending against men 
 In drinking, ('tis a marvellous thing, but true,) 
 When fasting, drank three whole choeis of wine; 
 And now her cup, fashion'd of purple glass, 
 Adorn'd with bands fragrant of luscious wine, 
 She offers here to you, O Paphian queen. 
 Preserve this first, that so your walls may bear 
 The spoils of all the love excited so. 
 
 
 There is also the luterium. Epigenes, in his Tomb, where he gives a catalogue of
 cups of different kinds, says— 
 
 Craters, cadi, holcia, cruneia— 
 Are they cruneia? aye, and luteria. 
 But why need I each separate article 
 Enumerate? for you yourself shall see them.

There is also the Lyciurges. The things which are so called are some kinds of
 phialæ, which derive their name from Lycon who made them, just as the Cononii are
 the cups made by Conon. Now, Demosthenes, in his Oration for the Crown, mentions
 Lycon; and he does so again, in his oration against Timotheus for an assault,
 where he says— Two lyciurgeis Phialæ. And in his speech against
 Timotheus he also says — He gives Phormion, with the money, also two
 lyciurgeis Phialæ to put away. And Didymus the grammarian says that
 these are cups made by Lycius. And this Lycius was a Bœotian by birth, of the town
 of Eleutheræ, a son of Myron the sculptor, as Polemo relates in the first book of
 his treatise on the Acropolis of Athens; but the grammarian is ignorant that one
 could never find such a formation of a word as that derived from proper names, but
 only from cities or nations. For Aristophanes, in his Peace, says— 
 The vessel is a ναξιονργὴς cantharus; 
 that is to say, made at Naxos. 
 And Critias, in his Constitution of the Lacedæmonians, has the expressions,
 κλίνη μιλησιουργὴς, and again, δίφρος 
 λησιουργής : and κλινὴ
 χιουργὴς, and τράπεξα ρηνιοεργής :
 made at Miletus, or Chios, or Rhenea. And Herodotus, in his seventh book, speaks
 of two spears, λυκοεργέες. 
 But perhaps we ought to read λυκιοεργέες 
 in Herodotus as we do in Demosthenes, so as to understand by the word things made
 in Lycia.

There is also the mele. This is a name given to some cups which are mentioned by
 Anaxippus in his Well, where he says— 
 And you, Syriscus, now this mele take, 
 And bring it to her tomb—do you understand 
 Then pour a due libation. 
 
 
 There is also the metaniptrum. This is the kind of cup which is offered after
 dinner, when men have washed their hands. Autiphanes, in his Lamp, says— 
 The metaniptrum of the Fortunate God; 
 Feasting, libations, and applause . . . 
 
 And Diphilus, in his Sappho, says— 
 Archilochus, receive this metaniptris, 
 The brimming cup of Jupiter the Saviour. 
 
 
 But some people say that this is rather the name of the draught itself which was
 given to the guests after they had washed their hands; as, for instance, Seleucus
 says in his Dialects. But Callias, in his Cyclops, says— 
 Receive this metaniptris of Hygeia. 
 And Philetærus, in his Aesculapius, says— 
 He raised aloft a mighty metaniptris, 
 Brimfull of wine, in equal portions mix'd, 
 Repeating all the tine Hygeia's name. 
 And Philoxenus the Dithyrambic poet, in his ode entitled the Supper,
 pledging some one after they have washed their hands, says— 
 Do you, my friend, receive 
 This metaniptris full of wine, 
 The sweetly dewy gift of Bacchus. 
 Bromius gives this placid joy, 
 To lead all men to happiness. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Torch, says— 
 Our table shall now be this barley cake, 
 And then this metaniptrum of Good Fortune . . . . . 
 Nicostratus, in his Woman returning Love, says— 
 Pour over him the metaniptrum of health.

Then there is the mastus. Apollodorus the Cyrenæan, as Pamphilus says, states that
 this is a name given to drinking-cups by the Paphians. 
 There are also the mathalides. Blæsus, in his Saturn, says— 
 Pour out for us now seven mathalides 
 Full of sweet wine. 
 And Pamphilus says, Perhaps this is a kind of cup, or is it only a
 measure like the cyathus But Diodorus calls it a cup of the κύλιξ class.

There is also the manes, which is a species of cup. Nicon, in his Harp-player,
 says— 
 And some seasonably then exclaim'd, 
 My fellow-countryman, I drink to you; 
 And in his hand he held an earthenware manes, 
 Of ample size, well able to contain 
 Five cotylæ of wine; and I received it. 
 And both Didymus and Pamphilus have quoted these iambics. But that is also called manes which stands upon the cottabus,
 on which they throw the drops of wine in that game, which Sophocles, in his
 Salmoneus, called the brazen head, saying— 
 This is a contest, and a noise of kisses; 
 I give a prize to him who gains the victory 
 In elegantly throwing the cottabus, 
 And striking with just aim the brazen head. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Birthday of Venus, says— 
 
 A. I then will show you how: whoever throws 
 The cottabus direct against the scale ( πλώστιγξ, ) 
 So as to make it fall— 
 
 B. What scale? Do you 
 Mean this small dish which here is placed above? 
 
 A. That is the scale-he is the conqueror. 
 
 B. How shall a man know this? 
 
 A. Why, if he throw 
 So as to reach it barely, it will fall 
 Upon the manes, and there'll be great noise. 
 
 B. Does manes, then, watch o'er the cottabus, 
 As if he were a slave? 
 And Hermippus says in his Fates— 
 You'll see, says he, a cottabus rod. 
 Wallowing round among the chaff; 
 But the manes hears no drops,— 
 And you the wretched scale may see 
 Lying by the garden gate, 
 And thrown away among the rubbish.

There is the Nestoris also. Now concerning the shape of the cup of Nestor, the
 poet speaks thus— 
 Next her white hand a spacious goblet brings, 
 A goblet sacred to the Pylian kings 
 From eldest times; the massy, sculptured vase, 
 Glittering with golden studs, four handles grace, 
 And curling vines, around each handle roll'd, 
 Support two turtle-doves emboss'd in gold. 
 On two firm bases stood the mighty bowl, 
 Lest the top weight should make it loosely roll: 
 A massy weight, yet heaved with ease by him, 
 Though all too great for men of lesser limb. 
 Now with reference to this passage a question is raised, what is the
 meaning of glittering with golden studs: —and again, what is meant
 by the massy, sculptured vase four handles grace. For Asclepiades
 the Myrlean, in his treatise on the Nestoris, says that the other cups have two
 handles. And again, how could any one give a representation
 of turtle- doves feeding around each of the handles? How also can he say,
 On two firm bases stood the mighty bowl? And this also is a very
 peculiar statement that he makes, that he could heave it with ease, though
 all too great for men of lesser limb. Now Asclepiades proposes all
 these difficulties, and especially raises the question about the studs, as to how
 we are to understand that they were fastened on. Now some say that golden studs
 must be fastened on a silver goblet from the outside, on the principles of
 embossing, as is mentioned in the case of the sceptre of Achilles— 
 He spoke,—and, furious, hurl'd against the ground 
 His sceptre, starr'd with golden studs around; 
 for it is plain here that the studs were let into the sceptre, as clubs
 are strengthened with iron nails. He also says of the sword of Agamemnon— 
 A radiant baldric, o'er his shoulder tied, 
 Sustain'd the sword that glittered at his side: 
 Gold were the studs—a silver sheath encased 
 The shining blade. 
 
 
 But Apelles the engraver, he says, showed us on some articles of Corinthian
 workmanship the way in which studs were put on. For there was a small projection
 raised up by the chisel, to form, as it were, the heads of the nails. And these
 studs are said by the poet to be fixed in, not because they are on the outside and
 are fixed by nails, but because they resemble nails driven through, and project a
 little on the outside, being above the rest of the surface.

And with respect to the handles, they tell us that this cup had indeed two handles
 above, like other cups; but that it had also two more on the middle of its convex
 surface, one on each side, of small size, resembling the Corinthia water- ewers.
 But Apelles explained the system of the four handles very artistically in the
 following manner. He said, tat from one root, as it were, which is attached to the
 bottom of the cup, there are diverging lines extending along each handle, at no
 great distance from each other: and these reach up to the brim of the cup, and
 even rise a little above it, and are at the greatest distance from each other at
 the point where they are furthest from the vessel itself; but at the lower
 extremity, where they join the rim, they are again united. And in this way there are four handles; but this kind of ornament is not
 seen in every cup, but only on some, and especially on those which are called
 seleucides. But with respect to the question raised about the two bases, how it
 can be said, On two firm bases stood the mighty bowl, some people
 explain that line thus:—that some cups have one bottom, the natural one, being
 wrought at the same time as, and of one piece with, the whole cup; as for
 instance, those which are called cymbia, and the phialæ, and others of the same
 shape as the phialæ. But some have two bottoms; as for instance, the egg-shaped
 cups called ooscyphia, and those called cantharia, and the seleucides, and the
 carchesia, and others of this kind. For they say that one of these bottoms is
 wrought of the same piece as the entire cup, and the other is attached to it,
 being sharp at the upper part, and broader towards the lower end, as a support for
 the cup; and this cup of Nestor's, they say, was of this fashion. But the poet may
 have represented this cup as having two bottoms; the one, that is to say, bearing
 the whole weight of the cup, and having an elevation proportionate to the height,
 in accordance, with its greater circumference; and the other bottom might be
 smaller in circumference, so as to be contained within the circumference of the
 larger circle, where the natural bottom of the cup becomes sharper; so that the
 whole cup should be supported on two bases. 
 But Dionysius the Thracian is said to have made the cup called Nestor's, at
 Rhodes, all his pupils contributing silver for the work; of which Promethidas of
 Heraclea, explaining the way in which it was made on the system of Dionysius, says
 that it is a cup having its handles made side by side, as the ships with two prows
 have their prows made; and that turtle-doves are represented sitting on the
 handles; and that two small sticks, as it were, are placed under the cup as a
 support to it, running transversely across in a longitudinal direction, and that
 these are the two bottoms meant by Homer. And we may to this day see a cup of that
 fashion at Capua, a city of Campania, consecrated to Diana; and the Capuans assert
 that that is the identical cup which belonged to Nestor. And it is a silver cup,
 having on it the lines of Homer engraved in golden characters.

But I, said the Myrlean, "have this to say about the cup:—the ancients, who first brought men over to a more civilized system of
 life, believing that the world was spherical, and taking their ideas of form from
 the visible forms of the sun and moon which they beheld, and adapting these
 figures to their own use in the daily concerns of life, thought it right to make
 all their vessels and other articles of furniture resemble, in shape at least, the
 heaven which surrounds everything: on which account they made tables round; and so
 also they made the tripods which they dedicated to the Gods, and they also made
 their cakes round and marked with stars, which they also call moons. And this is
 the origin of their giving bread the name of ἄρτος, because of all figures the circle is the one which is the
 most complete ( ἀπήρτισται ), and it is a perfect
 figure. And accordingly they made a drinking-cup, being that which receives moist
 nourishment, circular, in imitation of the shape of the world. But the cup of
 Nestor has something peculiar about it, for it has stars on it, which the poet
 compares to studs, because the stars are as round as the studs, and are, as it
 were, fixed in the heaven; as also Aratus says of them— 
 There do they shine in heaven,—ornaments 
 Fix'd there for ever as the night comes round. 
 But the poet has expressed this very beautifully, attaching the golden
 studs to the main body of the silver cup, and so indicating the nature of the
 stars and of the heaven by the colour of the ornaments. For the heaven is like
 silver, and the stars resemble gold from their fiery colour.

"So after the poet had represented the cup of Nestor as studded with stars, he
 then proceeds on to the most brilliant of the fixed stars, by contemplating which
 men form their conjectures of what is to happen to them in their lives. I mean the
 Pleiades. For when he says δύο δὲ πελειάδες were
 placed in gold around each handle, he does not mean the birds called πελειάδες, that is to say, turtle-doves; and those who
 think that he does use πελειάδες here as
 synonymous with περιστεραὶ are wrong. For
 Aristotle says expressly that the πελειὰς is one
 bird, and the περιστερὰ another. But the poet
 calls that constellation πελειάδες which at
 present w call πλειάδες; by the rising of which
 men regulate their swing and their reaping, and the beginning of their raising
 their crops, and their collection of them; as Hesiod says:— 
 
 When the seven daughters of the Libyan king 
 Rise in the heavens, then begin to mow; 
 And when they hide their heads, then plough the ground. 
 And Aratus says— 
 Their size is small, their light but moderate, 
 Yet are they famous over all the world; 
 At early dawn and late at eve they roll, 
 Jove regulating all their tranquil motions; 
 He has ordain'd them to give signs to men, 
 When winter, and when summer too begins,— 
 What is the time for ploughing, what for sowing. 
 And accordingly it is with great appropriateness that the poet has
 represented the Pleiades, who indicate the time of the generation and approach to
 perfection of the fruits of the earth, as forming parts of the ornaments of the
 cup of that wise prince Nestor. For this vessel was intended to contain any kind
 of food, whether solid or liquid; on which account he also says that the
 turtle-doves bring ambrosia to Jupiter:— 
 No bird of air, nor dove of trembling wing, 
 That bears ambrosia to th' ethereal king, 
 But shuns these rocks. 
 For we must not think here that it is really the birds called
 turtle-doves which bring ambrosia to Jupiter, which is the opinion of many; for
 that were inconsistent with the majesty of Jupiter; but the daughters of Atlas,
 turned into the constellation of Pleiades or doves. For it is natural enough that
 they who indicate the appropriate seasons to the human race should also bring
 ambrosia to Jupiter, on which account also he distinguishes between them and other
 birds, saying— 
 No bird of air, nor dove of trembling wing; 
 and that he considers the Pleiades as the most famous of all fixed stars
 is plain, from his having placed them in the first rank when giving a list of
 other constellations:— 
 There earth, there heaven, there ocean he design'd,— 
 Th' unwearied sun, the moon completely round,— 
 The starry lights, that heaven's high convex crown'd,— 
 The Pleiads, Hyads, with the Northern Team, 
 And great Orion's more refulgent beam; 
 To which, around the axle of the sky, 
 The Bear, revolving, points his golden eye; 
 Still shines exalted on th' ethereal plain, 
 Nor bathes his blazing forehead in the main,— 
 The Bear, whom trusting rustics call the Wain. 
 
 
 
 "But people in general have been deceived by fancying the πελειάδες here spoken of to be birds, first of all from the poetical
 form of the word, because of the insertion of the letter ε; and secondly, because they have taken the word τρήρωνες, 'trembling,' as an epithet only of doves;
 since, owing to its weakness, that is a very cautious bird; and when he calls it
 τρήρων, this word is derived from τρέω, and τρέω is the
 same as εὐλαβέομαι, to be cautious. But still
 there is a good deal of reason in attributing the same characteristic also to the
 Pleiades: for the fable is, that they are always fleeing from Orion, since their
 mother Pleione is constantly pursued by Orion.

"And the variation of the name, so that the Pleiades are called both πέλειαι and πελειάδες, 
 occurs in many poets. First of all, Myro the Byzantian admirably caught the
 feeling of the Homeric poems, saying in her poem entitled Memory, that the
 Pleiades convey ambrosia to Jupiter. But Crates the critic, endeavouring to
 appropriate to himself the credit due to her, produces that assertion as his own.
 Simonides also has called the Pleiades πελειάδες, 
 in the following lines:— 
 And may great Mercury, whose protecting pow'r 
 Watches o'er contests, Maia's mighty son, 
 Grant you success. But Atlas was the sire 
 Of seven dark-hair'd daughters, beautiful, 
 Surpassing all the maidens upon earth, 
 And now in heaven they're call'd Peleiades. 
 Here he distinctly calls the Pleiades πελειάδες, for they it was who were the daughters of Atlas; as
 Pindar says— 
 And it is natural 
 That great Oarion should advance 
 Not far from the seven Pleiades, at the tail ( ὀρίας ). 
 For, in the arrangement of the stars, Orion is not far from the Pleiades;
 from which circumstance has arise the fable about them, that they, with their
 mother Pleione, are always fleeing from Orion. But when he calls the Pleiades
 ὄριαι here, he means οὔριαι, only he has left out the v, because
 the Pleiades are close to the tail of the Bull. And Aechylus has spoken still more
 plainly, playing on their name on account of the resemblance of its sound, where
 he says— 
 The seven celebrated daughters of 
 The mighty Atlas, much bewail'd with tears 
 
 Their father's heaven-supporting toil; where they 
 Now take the form of night-appearing visions, 
 The wingless Peleiades. 
 For he calls them here wingless on account of the similarity of the sound
 of their name to that of the birds πελειάδες And
 Myro herself also speaks in the same manner— 
 The mighty Jove was nourished long in Crete, 
 Nor yet had any of the heav'nly beings 
 E'er recognised their king; meanwhile he grew 
 In all his limbs; and him the trembling doves 
 Cherish'd, while hidden in the holy cave, 
 Bringing him, from the distant streams of ocean, 
 Divine ambrosia: and a mighty eagle, 
 Incessant drawing with his curved beak 
 Nectar from out the rock, triumphant brought 
 The son of Saturn's necessary drink. 
 Him, when the God of mighty voice had cast 
 His father Saturn from his unjust throne, 
 He made immortal, and in heaven placed. 
 And so, too, did he give the trembling doves ( πελειάσιν ) 
 Deserved honour; they who are to men 
 Winter's and summer's surest harbingers. 
 And Simmias, in his Gorge, says— 
 The swiftest ministers of air came near, 
 The quivering peleiades. 
 And Posidippus, in his Asopia, says— 
 Nor do the evening cool πέλειαι set. 
 But Lamprocles the Dithyrambic poet has also expressly and poetically
 said that the word πελειάδες is in every sense
 synonymous with περιστεραὶ, in the following
 lines— 
 And now you have your home in heaven, 
 Showing your title with the winged doves. 
 And the author of the poem called Astronomy, which is attributed to
 Hesiod, always calls the Pleiades πελειάδες, 
 saying— 
 Which mortals call Peleiades. 
 And in another place he says— 
 And now the Peleiades of winter set. 
 And in another passage we find— 
 Then the Peleiades do hide their heads; 
 so that there is nothing at all improbable in the idea of Homer having
 lengthened the name πλειάδες by poetic licence
 into πελειάδες.

"Since, then, it is demonstrated that it is the Pleiades who
 were embossed on the goblet, we must understand that two were affixed to each
 handle, whether we choose to fancy that the damsels were represented under the
 form of birds or under human form;—at all events they were studded with stars: and
 as for the expression, Around each there were golden peleiades, we
 are not to understand that as meaning around each separate one; for that would
 make eight in number: but as each of the handles was divided into two sections,
 and as these again were united towards the bottom, the poet has used the word
 ἕκαστος, speaking as if there were four
 sections of handles; but if he had said ἑκάτερον, 
 that would have applied to the fact of their again becoming united at the highest
 point which they respectively reach. And accordingly, when he says— 
 And curling vines, around each handle roll'd, 
 Bear two Peleiades emboss'd in gold; 
 On two firm bases stood the mighty bowl; 
 we are by that to understand one Peleias to. each section of the handles.
 And he has called them δοιὰς, as being united to
 one another and grown together as it were. For the word δοιαὶ , signifies simply the number two, as in the passage— 
 Two tripods ( δοιοὺς δὲ τρίποδας ), and ten
 golden talents; 
 and again— 
 Two attendants ( δοιοὶ θεράπογτες ): 
 and it also at times intimates a natural connexion subsisting between the
 two things spoken of, as well as that they are two in number; as in these lines:—
 
 There grew two ( δοιοὶ ) olives, closest of
 the grove, 
 With roots entwined and branches interwove, 
 Alike their leaves, but not alike they smiled 
 With sister fruits,—one fertile, one was wild:— 
 and accordingly this calculation will give altogether four Peleiades upon
 the handles.

"And, then, when he adds this— 
 And curling vines, around each handle roll'd, 
 Bear two Peleiades emboss'd in gold: 
 On two firm bases stood the mighty bowl; 
 we are to understand not two actual separate bases, nor indeed ought we
 to read ὑποπυθμένες as two words, like Dionysius
 the Thracian, but we ought to read it as one word, 
 υποπυθμενες, in order to understand it with
 reference to the Peleiades, that there were four Peleiades on the handles, and two
 more ὑποπυθμένες, which is equivalent to ὑπὸ τῷ πυθμένι, that is to say, under the pedestal, as
 if the word were ὑποπυθ- 
 μένιοι. So that the goblet is supported by two
 Peleiades which lie under the bottom, and in that way there are altogether six
 Pleiades in all, since that is the number which are seen, though they are said to
 be seven in number, as Aratus says— 
 They are indeed declared by mortal man 
 To be in number seven; yet no more 
 Than six have e'er been seen by mortal eyes. 
 Not that a star can e'er have disappear'd 
 Unnoticed from the pure expanse of heaven 
 Since we have heard of its existence; but 
 The number has been stated carelessly, 
 And therefore they are usually call'd seven. 
 Accordingly, what is seen in the stars the poet has very suitably
 described among the ornaments made on the occasion. And many fancy that the poet
 is here referring to Jupiter, when he says— 
 No bird of air, nor dove of trembling wing, 
 That bears ambrosia to th' ethereal king, 
 But shuns these rocks. In vain she cuts the skies, 
 They fearful meet, and crush her as she flies. 
 Meaning in reality, that one of the Pleiades was destroyed by the
 sharpness of the rocks and their smooth edge, and that another is substituted in
 her place by Jupiter for the sake of keeping the number undiminished. Expressing
 by the enigmatical figures of speech common to poets, that, though there are only
 six Pleiades seen, still their real number is not actually diminished; but there
 are said to be seven in number, and also the names of the seven are distinctly
 given.

But as for those people who contend that there is no appropriateness in embossing
 the Pleiades on this cup, as they are rather indicative of dry food, we must state
 that this kind of cup is calculated to receive both solid and liquid food; for
 κυκεὼν 
 is
 made in it; and this is a kind of potion, having mixed in it cheese and meal; and
 the poet tells us that both these ingredients are stirred up
 ( κυκωμένα ) together and so drunk:— 
 The draught prescribed fair Hecamede prepares, 
 Arsinous' daughter, graced with golden hairs 
 (Whom to his aged arms a royal slave 
 Greece, as the prize of Nestor's wisdom, gave): 
 A table first with azure feet she placed, 
 Whose ample orb a brazen charger graced; 
 Honey, new press'd, the sacred flour of wheat, 
 And wholesome garlic crown'd the savoury treat 
 Next her white hand a spacious goblet brings, 
 A goblet sacred to the Pylian kings; 
 Temper'd in this, the nymph of form divine 
 Pours a large portion of the Pramnian wine; 
 With goats'-milk cheese a flavorous taste bestows, 
 And last with flour the smiling surface strows. 
 This for the wounded prince the dame prepares; 
 The cordial beverage reverend Nestor shares.

And as for the lines— 
 A massy weight, yet heav'd with ease by him, 
 Though all too great for men of smaller limb; 
 we are not to understand this as referring only to Machaon and Nestor, as
 some people think, who refer ὃς to Machaon, taking
 it as if it were ὁ, and say, 
 
 ʼἀλλʼ δ̓ς μὲν μογέων ἀποκινήσασκε τραπέζης,— 
 
 thinking that heaved with ease by him is said of Machaon,
 as he was the person for whom the cup has been mixed as he had been wounded; but
 we shall show hereafter that Machaon is never represented in Homer as wounded. But
 these men do not perceive, that when Homer says ἄλλος, he is not speaking of Machaon and Nestor alone (for these two
 are drinking of the cup), for in that case he would have said ἕτερος. For ἕτερος is
 the proper word for the other of two, as in this line— οἴσετε δʼ ἄρνʼ ἕτερον λευκὸν, ἑτέρην δὲ μέλαιναν,— 
 
 And bring two lambs, one male, with snow-white fleece, 
 The other black, who shall the breed increase. 
 Besides, Homer never uses ὃς for the
 demonstrative pronoun ὁ; but, on the contrary, he
 sometimes uses the demonatrative ὃ for the
 relative ὃς, as in the line— 
 
 ἒνθα δὲ σὶσυφος ἒσκεν ὃ κέρδιστος γὲνετʼ
 ἀνδρῶν, — 
 
 
 There Sisyphus, who of all men that lived 
 Was the most crafty, held his safe abode. 
 
 "But still, in this line, τις 
 is wanting, for the sentence, when complete, should run— 
 
 ᾶλλος μέν τις μογέων ἀποκινήσασκε τραπέζης 
 
 
 πλεῖον ἐὸν, νέστωρ δʼ ὁ γέρων ἀμογητὶ
 ἄειρεν· 
 
 so that the meaning would be, that there is no man who could lift the cup
 up from the table without an effort, but that Nestor raised it easily, without any
 labour or distress. For the cup is described as having been large in size, and
 very heavy in weight; which however Nestor, being very fond of drinking, was
 easily able to lift, from his constant practice.

"But Sosibius, the solver of questions, quoting the lines— 
 
 ἄλλος μὲν μογέων ἀποκινήσασκε τραπέζης 
 
 
 πλεῖον ἐόν· νέστωρ δʼ ζ γέρων ἀμογητὶᾶειρεν, 
 
 writes on this expression-'Now, the poet has been often reproached for
 making that the rest of the men could only lift this cup by a great effort, but
 that Nestor alone could do so without any extraordinary exertion. For it appeared
 unreasonable, that when Diomede and Ajax, and even Achilles too were present,
 Nestor should be represented as more vigorous than they, when he was so far
 advanced in years. But though these accusations are brought against him, we may
 release the poet from them by transposing the order. For in that hexameter— 
 
 πλεῖον ἐὸν, νέστωρ δʼ ὁ γέρων ἀμογητὶ
 ἄειρεν, 
 
 if we take γέρων out of the middle, we
 shall unite that to the beginning of the preceding line, after ἄλλος μὲν, and then we shall connect the words as
 before— 
 
 ἄλλος μὲν γέρων μογέων ἀποκινήσασκε
 τραπέζης· 
 
 
 πλεῖον ἐὸν, ο ʽδὲ νέστωρ ἀπονητὶ ἄειρεν. 
 
 Now then, when the words are arranged in this way, Nestor only appears to
 be represented as the only one of the old men who could lift the cup without an
 extraordinary effort.' 
 
 These are the observations of that admirable solver of difficulties,
 Sosibius. But Ptolemy Philadelphus the king jested upon him with some wit, on
 account of this and other much talked-of solutions. For as Sosibius received a
 royal stipend, Ptolemy, sending for his treasurers, desired them, when Sosibius
 came to demand his stipend, to tell him that he had received it already. And
 when, not long after, he did come and ask for his money, they said they had
 given it to him already, and said no more. But he, going to the king, accused the treasurers. And Ptolemy sent for them, and
 ordered them to come with their books, in which were the lists of those who
 received those stipends. And when they had arrived, the king took the books
 into his hands and looking into them himself, also asserted that Sosibius had
 received his money; making it out in this way:—These names were set
 down,—Soter, Sosigenes, Bion, Apollon, Dion; and the king, looking on these
 names, said—My excellent solver of difficulties, if you take σω from σωτὴρ, and
 σι from σωσιγένης, and the first syllable βι from βίων and the last
 syllable from ʼαʼπόλλωνος, you will find, on
 your own principles, that you have received your stipend. And you are caught in
 this way, not owing to the actions of others, but by your own feathers, as the
 incomparable Aeschylus says, since you yourself are always occupied about
 solutions of difficulties which are foreign to the subject in hand.

There is the holmus also. This, too, is a drinking-cup, made in the fashion of a
 horn. Menesthenes, in the fourth book of his Politics, writes thus— A
 twisted albatanes and a golden holmus. But the holmus is a cup wrought after
 the fashion of a horn, about a cubit in height.

There is also the oxybaphum. Now common usage gives this name to the cruet that
 holds the vinegar; but it is also the name of a cup; and it is mentioned by
 Cratinus, in his Putina, in this way:— 
 How can a man now make him leave off this 
 Excessive drinking? I can tell a way; 
 For I will break his jugs and measures all, 
 And crush his casks as with a thunderbolt, 
 And all his other vessels which serve to drink: 
 Nor shall he have a single oxybaphum left, 
 Fit to hold wine. 
 But that the oxybaphum is a kind of small κύλιξ, made of earthenware, Antiphanes proves plainly enough, in his
 Mystis, in the following words. There is a wine-bibbing old woman praising a large
 cup, and disparaging the oxybaphum as small. So when some one says to her— 
 Do you, then, drink; 
 she answers— 
 There I will obey you. 
 And, by the gods, the figure of the cup 
 Is quite inviting, worthy of the fame 
 Of this high festival; for have we not— 
 Have we not, and not long ago, I say, 
 Drunk out of earthenware oxybapha? 
 But may the gods, my son, give many blessings 
 To him who made this cup-a noble cup, 
 As to its beauty and its good capacity. 
 And also in the Babylonians of Aristophanes we hear of the oxybaphum as a
 drinking-cup, when Bacchus speaks of the demagogues at Athens, saying that they
 demanded of him two oxybapha when he was going away to trial. For we cannot think
 that they asked him for anything but cups. And the oxybaphum, which is put before
 the people who play at the cottabus, into which they pour their drops of wine, can
 be nothing else but a flat cup. Eubulus also, in his Mylothris, mentions the
 oxybaphum as a cup— 
 And besides, I measure out for drinking 
 An oxybaphum all round; and then he swore 
 The wine was nothing but pure vinegar, 
 And that the vinegar was wine, at least 
 Superior to the other.

There is the oinisteria too. The young men, when they are going to cut their hair,
 says Pamphilus, fill a large cup with wine, and bring it to Hercules; and they
 call this cup an oinisteria. And when they have poured a libation, they give it to
 the assembled people to drink. 
 There is the ollix also. Pamphilus, in his Attic Words, describes this as a wooden
 cup.

There is also the panathenaicum. Posidonius the philosopher, in the thirty-sixth
 book of his History, mentions some cups called by this name, speaking
 thus— There were also cups made of an onyx, and also of several precious
 stones joined together, holding about two cotylæ. And very large cups, called
 panathenaica, some holding two choes, and some even larger. 
 
 There is the proaron too. This was a wooden cup, into which
 the Athenians used to pour mixed wine. In hollow proara, says
 Pamphilus.

Then there is the pelica. Callistratus, in his Commentary on the Thracian Women of
 Cratinus, calls this a κύλιξ. But Crates, in the
 second book of his treatise on the Attic Dialect, writes thus:— Choes, as we
 have already said, were called pelicæ. But the form of this vessel was it first
 like that of the panathenaica, when it was called pelica; but afterwards it was
 made of the same shape as the œnochoe, such as those are which are put on the
 table at festivals, which they formerly used to call olpæ, using them for
 infus- ing the wine, as Ion the Chian, in his Sons of Eurytus, says— 
 You make a noise, intemperately drawing 
 Superfluous wine from the large casks with olpæ. 
 But now a vessel of that sort, which has been consecrated in some
 fashion or other, is placed on the table at festivals alone. And that which
 comes into every-day use has been altered in form, being now generally made
 like a ladle, and we call it choeus. But Clitarchus says that the
 Corinthians, and Byzantians, and Cyprians call an oil-cruet, which is usually
 called lecythus, olpa; and the Thessalians call it prochous. But Seleucus says
 that the Bœotians call a κύλιξ pelichna; but
 Euphronius, in his Commentaries, says that they give this name to a choeus.

There is the pella. This is a vessel resembling the scyphus, having a wider
 bottom, into which men used to milk the cattle. Homer says— 
 Thick as beneath some shepherd's thatch'd abode, 
 The pails πέλλαι high foaming with a milky
 flood, 
 The buzzing flies, a persevering train, 
 Incessant swarm, and chased, return again. 
 But Hipponax calls this pellis; saying,— 
 Drinking from pellides; for there was not 
 A culix there,—the slave had fallen down, 
 And broken it to pieces; 
 showing, I imagine, very plainly that the pellis was not a drinking-cup,
 but that on this occasion they use it as one, from want of a regular culix. And in
 another place he says— 
 And they at different times from out the pella 
 Did drink; and then again Arete pledged them. 
 But Phœnix the Colophonian, in his Iambics, interprets this word as
 identical with the phiala; saying,— 
 
 For Thales,—honestest of all the citizens, 
 And, as they say, by far the best of men 
 Who at that time were living upon earth,— 
 Took up a golden pellis. 
 And in another part he says— 
 And with one hand he pours from out the pellis, 
 Weak as he was in all his limbs and fingers, 
 A sharp libation of sour vinegar, 
 Trembling, like age, by Boreas much shaken. 
 But Clitarchus, in his Dialects, says that the Thessalians and Aeolians
 call the milk-pail pelleter; but that it is a drinking-cup which they call pella.
 But Philetas, in his Miscellanies, says that the Bœotians give the name of
 pelleter to a culix.

There is also the pentaploa. Philochorus mentions this, in the second book of his
 treatise on Attic Affairs. But Aristodemus, in the third book of his Commentary on
 Pindar, says that on the third day of the Scira, games are celebrated at Athens,
 in which the young men run races; and that they run, holding in their hands a
 branch of the vine loaded with fruit, which is called oschus. And they run from
 the temple of Bacchus to the temple of Minerva Sciras; and he who has gained the
 victory takes a cup of the species called pentaplous, and feasts with the rest of
 the runners. But the cup is called pentaplous, as containing five πέντε ingredients; inasmuch as it has in it wine, and
 honey, and cheese, and meal, and a little oil. 
 There is the petachnum. This is a cup of a flat shape, which is mentioned by
 Alexis, in his Dropidas; and the passage has been already cited. And Aristophanes
 also mentions it in his Dramas, where he says— 
 And every one in-doors drinks out of petachna.

There is the plemochoe, too. This is an earthenware vessel, shaped like a top, not
 very steady; and some people call it the cotyliscus, as Pamphilus tells us. But
 they use it at Eleusis on the last day of the Mysteries, which day they call
 Plemochoai, from the cups. And on this day they fill two plemochoæ, and place one
 looking towards the east, and the other looking towards the west, saying over them
 a mystic form of words; and the author of the Pirithous names them (whoever he
 was, whether Critias the tyrant, or Euripides), saying,— 
 That with well-omen'd words we now may pour 
 These plemochoæ into the gulf below. 
 
 
 
 There is a vessel, too, called the pristis; and that this is a species of cup has
 been already stated in the discussion on the batiacium.

There is the prochytes, too. This is a kind of drinking-cup, as Simaristus says,
 in the fourth book of his Synonymes. But Ion the Chian, in his Elegies, says—
 
 But let the cupbearing maidens fill for us 
 A crater with their silver prochytæ; 
 and Philetas, in his Miscellanies, says it is a wooden vessel, from which
 the countrymen drink: and Alexander also mentions it in his Tigon. And Xenophon,
 in the eighth book of his Cyropædia, calls some kinds of culices, prochoides,
 writing thus (and it is of the Persians that he is speaking):— But it was a
 custom among them not to bring prochoides into their banquets, evidently
 because they think that not drinking too much is good both for the body and the
 mind. And even now the custom prevails that they do not bring them; but they
 drink such a quantity of wine that, instead of carrying in their cups, they
 themselves are carried out, when they can no longer go out themselves in an
 upright attitude. 
 
 There is also the Prusias; and it has been already said that this is an upright
 kind of cup, and that it derived its name from Prusias king of Bithynia, who was a
 man very notorious for his luxury and effeminacy; as is mentioned by Nicander the
 Chalcedonian, in the fourth book of his History of the Events of the Life of
 Prusias.

There are also rheonta; for this was a name given to some cups: and Astydamas
 mentions them in his Mercury, speaking thus:— 
 First of all were two silver craters large, 
 And fifty phialæ, and ten cymbia, 
 And twelve rheonta, two of which were gold, 
 The others silver;-of the gold ones, one 
 Was like a griffin, one like Pegasus. 
 
 
 There is also the rhysis. This is called a golden phiala by Theodorus; and
 Cratinus, in his Laws, says— Pouring a libation from a rhysis.

There is also the Rhodias. Diphilus, in his Stormer of Walls (but Callimachus
 calls the play The Eunuch), speaks thus— 
 And they intend to drink more plenteously 
 Than rhodiaca or rhyta can supply. 
 
 Dioxippus, too, mentions this cup, in his Miser; and so does
 Aristotle, in his treatise on Drunkenness; and so also does Lynceus the Samian, in
 his Letters.

There is also the rhytum— ῥυτόν. The υ is short, and the word has an acute accent on the last
 syllable. Demosthenes, in his speech against Midias, speaks of rhyta, and
 cymbia, and phialæ. But Diphilus, in his Eunuch, or The Soldier, (and
 this play is a new edition of his Stormer of Walls,) says— 
 And they intend to drink more plenteously 
 Than rhodiaca or rhyta can supply. 
 And Epinicus, in his Supposititious Damsels, says— 
 
 A. And of the large-sized rhyta three are here; 
 To-day one will be forced to drink more steadily, 
 By the clepsydra. 
 
 B. This, I think, will act 
 Both says. 
 
 A. Why, 'tis an elephant! 
 
 B. Yes, he 
 Is bringing round his elephants. 
 
 A. A rhytus, 
 Holding two choes, such as e'en an elephant 
 Could hardly drink; but I have drunk it often. 
 
 B. Yes, for you're very like an elephant. 
 
 A. There is besides another kind of cup, 
 Its name a trireme; this, too, holds one choeus. 
 And, speaking of the rhytum, he says— 
 
 A. Bellerophon, on Pegasus's back, 
 Fought and subdued the fire-breathing Chimænra. 
 
 B. Well, take this cup. 
 But formerly a drinking-horn was also called a rhytum; and it appears
 that this kind of vessel was first made by Ptolemy Philadelphus the king, to be
 carried by the statues of Ar- sinoe: for in her right hand she bears a vessel of
 this kind, full of all the fruits of the season; by which the makers of it
 designed to show that this horn is richer than the horn of Amalthea. And it is
 mentioned by Theocles, in his Ithyphallics, thus— 
 For all the journeymen to-day 
 Have sacrificed Soteria; 
 And in their company I've drunk this cup, 
 And now I go to my dear king. 
 But Dionysius of Sinope, in his Female Saviour, giving a list of some
 cups, has also mentioned the rhytus, as I have said before;
 but Hedylus, in his Epigrams, mentioning the rhytum made by Ctesibius the engineer
 or machinist, speaks thus— 
 Come hither, all ye drinkers of sheer wine,— 
 Come, and within this shrine behold this rhytus, 
 The cup of fair Arsinoe Zephyritis, 
 The true Egyptian Besa, which pours forth 
 Shrill sounds, what time its stream is open'd wide,— 
 No sound of war; but from its golden mouth 
 It gives a signal for delight and feasting, 
 Such as the Nile, the king of flowing rivers, 
 Pours as its melody from its holy shrines, 
 Dear to the priests of sacred mysteries. 
 But honour this invention of Ctesibius, 
 And come, O youths, to fair Arsinoe's temple. 
 But Theophrastus, in his treatise on Drunkenness, says that the cup
 called the rhytum is given to heroes alone. Dorotheus the Sidonian, says that the
 rhyta resemble horns, but are perforated at both ends, and men drink of them at
 the bottom as they send forth a gentle stream; and that it derives its name from
 the liquor flowing from them ἀπὸτῆς ῥύσεως

There is the sannacra too. Crates, in the fifth book of his treatise on the Attic
 Dialect, says that it is a drinking-cup which bears this name, but it is a Persian
 cup. But Philemon, in his Widow, mentioning the batiacia, and jesting on the
 ridiculousness of the name, says— 
 The sannacra, and hippotragelaphi, 
 And batiacia, and sannacia. 
 There is also the Seleuci; and we have already stated that this cup
 derives its name from king Seleucus; Apollodorus the Athenian having made the same
 statement. But Polemo, in the first chapter of his treatise addressed to Adæus,
 says these goblets are very like one another, the Seleucis, the Rhodias, and the
 Antigonis. 
 Then, there is the scallium. This is a small cup ʽκ̔υλίκιον̓, with which the Aeolians pour libations, as Philetas
 tells us, in his Miscellanies.

There is also the scyphus. Now some people form the genitive of this word σκύθος with a ς 
 invariably; but they are mistaken: for sometimes σκύθος is masculine, like λύχνος, 
 and then we form its genitive case without ς but
 when σκύθος is neuter, then we must decline with
 the ς, 
 σκύθος σκύθος, like τεῖχος
 τείχος. . But the Attic writers use the 
 nominative case in both the masculine and neuter genders. And Hesiod, in the
 second book of his Melampodia, writes the word with a π,
 σκύπθοσ- — 
 To him came Mares, a swift messenger, 
 Straight from his house; he fill'd a silver cup ʽσ̔κύθοσ̓, 
 
 And brought it in his hand, and gave it to the king. 
 And in another place he says— 
 And then the prophet in his right hand took 
 The chain that held the bull; and on his back 
 Iphiclus laid his hand: and following then, 
 Holding a cup σκύπθος in one hand, in the
 other 
 Raising a staff, brave Phylacus advanced, 
 And, standing amid the servants, thus he spoke. 
 And in the same manner Anaximander in his Heroology speaks, where he
 says, But Amphitryon, when he had divided the booty among his allies, and
 having the cup ʽσ̔κύπθοσ̓ which he had selected
 for himself, . . . And in another place he says— But Neptune gives
 his σκύπθος to Teleboas his own son, and
 Teleboas to Pteselaus; and he when he received it sailed away. And in
 the same manner Anacreon has said— 
 But I, in my right hand holding 
 A σκύπθος full of wine, 
 Drank to the health of the white-crested Erxion. 
 (And in this last line he uses the verb ἐξέπινον instead of προέεπινον For
 properly speaking προπίνω means to give to some
 one else to drink before yourself. And so Ulysses, in Homer,— 
 Gave to Arete first the well-fill'd cup. 
 And in the Iliad he says— 
 And first he fill'd a mighty cup of wine, 
 Then pledg'd the hero, Peleus' son divine; 
 for they used, when they had filled their cups, to pledge one another
 with a friendly address.) Panyasis, in the third book of his Heraclea, says—
 
 This wine he pour'd into an ample bowl, 
 Radiant with gold, and then with frequent draughts 
 He drain'd the flowing cup. 
 Euripides, in his Eurystheus, uses the word in the masculine gender—
 
 And a long cup σκύφος τε μακρός 
 
 And so does Achæus, in his Omphale— 
 The goblet of the god invites me ʽὁδὲ σκύθος με τοῦ
 θεοῦ ʽἈλεἶ. 
 
 
 And Simonides too, speaking of a cup with handles, says,
 οὐατόεντα σκύφον. But Ion, in his Omphale,
 says— 
 There is no wine in the cup οἶνος οὐκ ἔνι ἐν τῷ
 σκύφεἰ, 
 
 forming σκύφελ regularly from σκύφος, as a neuter noun. And in the same way
 Epicharmus, in his Cyclops, says— 
 Come, pour the wine into the cup ʽἑ̓ς τὸ
 σκύφοσ̓. 
 
 And Alexis, in his Leucadia, says— 
 And with his aged lips he drank 
 A mighty cup ʽμ̔έγα σκύφοσ̓ of fragrant
 wine. 
 And Epigenes, in his Bacchea, says— 
 I rejoiced when I received τὸ σκύφος. 
 
 And Phædimus, in the first book of his Heraclea, says— 
 A mighty cup ʽἑὐρὺ σκύφοσ̓ of well-grain'd
 timber framed, 
 And fill'd with honied wine. 
 And also in Homer, Aristophanes the Byzantian writes— 
 But having filled a cup ʽσ̔κύφοσ̓, he gave
 it him, 
 Having himself drunk from the same. 
 
 
 But Aristarchus in this line writes σκύφον, 
 not σκύφος. 
 
 
 
 But Asclepiades the Myrlean, in his treatise on the Nestoris, says that none of
 those who lived in the city, and none of the men of moderate property, used the
 scyphus τῷ σκύφει and the cissybium; but only the
 swine-herds, and shepherds, and men in the fields, as Eumæus, for instance, 
 Gave him the cup ʽσ̔κύφοσ̓ from which he
 drank himself, 
 Well filled with wine. 
 And Alæman says— 
 And often on the highest mountain tops, 
 When some most tuneful festival of song 
 Is held in honour of the Gods, you hold 
 A golden vessel,—a fine, ample cup ʽσ̔κύφον̓, 
 
 Such as the shepherds, pasturing their flocks 
 On the high hills, delight in, . . . . . . . . 
 . . . . . . . . . . . . have made cheese 
 Most delicate and white to look upon. 
 And Aeschylus, in his Perrhæbians, says— 
 Where are my many gifts and warlike spoils,— 
 Where are my gold and silver cups ʽσ̔κυφώματἀ? 
 
 And Stesichorus cans the cup on the board of Pholus the Centaur σκύφειον δέπας, using σκύφειον as synonymous to σκυφοειδές. . And he says, when speaking of Hercules– 
 And taking a huge scyphus-shaped cup ʽσ̔κύπφειον
 δέπασ̓, 
 
 Holding three measures, to his lips he raised it, 
 
 Full of rich wine, which Pholus wisely mix'd 
 And gave him; and at one good draught he drank it. 
 And Archippus, in his Amphitryon, has used the word in the neuter
 gender.

But as for the word λάγυνον, they say that that is
 the name of a measure among the Greeks, as also are the words χοὸς and κοτύλη. And
 they say that the λάγυνον contains twelve Attic
 κότυλαι. . And at Patræ they say that there is a
 regular measure called ἡ λάγυνος. But Nicostratus,
 in his Hecate, has used the word in the masculine gender, ὁ
 λάγυνος, where he says— 
 
 A. And yet among the flagons into which 
 We pour'd the wine out of the casks, now tell me 
 What is the measure some of them contain ʽπ̔ηλίκοι
 τινέσ̓? 
 
 
 B. They hold three choes each. 
 And again he says— 
 Bring us the full flagon ʽτ̔ὸν μεστὸν
 λάγυνον̓. 
 
 And, in the play entitled The Couch, he says— 
 And this most odious flagon's ʽλ̔άγυνος
 οὗτοσ̓ full of vinegar. 
 Diphilus, in his People Saved, says— 
 I have an empty flagon, my good woman, 
 And a full wallet. 
 And Lynceus the Samian, in his letter to Diagoras, says, — At the
 time that you sojourned in Samos, O Diagoras, I know that you often came to
 banquets at my house, at which a flagon was placed by each man, and filled with
 wine, so as to allow every one to drink at his pleasure. And Aristotle,
 in his Constitution of the Thessalians, says that the word is used by the
 Thessalians in the feminine gender, as ἡ λάγυνος. 
 And Rhianus the epic poet, in his Epigrams, says— 
 This flagon ʽἥδε λάγυνοσ̓ O Archinus, seems
 to hold 
 One half of pitch from pines, one half of wine; 
 And I have never met a leaner kid: 
 And he who sent these dainties to us now, 
 Hippocrates, has done a friendly deed, 
 And well deserves to meet with praise from all men. 
 But Diphilus, in his Brothers, has used the word in the neuter gender—
 
 O conduct worthy of a housebreaker 
 Or felon, thus to take a flagon now 
 Under one's arm, and so go round the inns; 
 And then to sell it, while, as at a picnic, 
 
 One single vintner doth remain behind, 
 Defrauded by his wine-merchant. 
 And the line in the Geryonis of Stesichorus— A measure of three flagons
 ʽἑ̓́μμετρον ὡς τριλάγυνον̓ leaves it quite
 uncertain under what gender the word is to be classed as far as respects that
 line. But Eratosthenes says that the words πέτασος 
 and στάμνος are also used as feminine nouns by
 some authors.

But the name σκύφος is derived from σκαφὶς, a little boat. And this likewise is a round
 vessel made of wood, intended to receive milk, or whey; as it is said in Homer—
 
 Capacious chargers all around were laid, 
 Full pails ʽσ̔καφίδεσ̓, and vessels of the
 milking trade. 
 Unless, indeed, σκύφος is quasi σκύθος, because the Scythians were in the habit of
 drinking more than was decent. But Hieronymus the Rhodian, in his treatise on
 Drunkenness, says to get drunk is called σκυθίζω; ;
 for that θ is a cognate letter to φ . But at subsequent times scyphi were made of
 earthenware and of silver, in imitation of the wooden ones. And the first makers
 of cups of this kind were the Bœotians, who obtained a high reputation for their
 manufacture; because Hercules originally used these cups in his expeditions. On
 which account they are called Heracleotici by some people. And they are different
 from other cups; for they have on their handles what is called the chain of
 Hercules. And Bacchylides mentions the Bœotian scyphi in these words, (addressing
 his discourse to Castor and Pollux, and invoking their attendance at a banquet)—
 
 Here there are no mighty joints 
 Of oxen slain,—no golden plate, 
 No purple rich embroidery; 
 But there is a cheerful mind, 
 And a sweetly-sounding Muse, 
 And plenty of delicious wine, 
 In cups of Theban workmanship ʽβ̔οιωτίοισιν ἐν
 σκύφοισιν̓. 
 
 And next to the Bœotian scyphi, those which had the highest reputation
 were the Rhodian ones, of the workmanship of Damocrates. And the next to them were
 the Syracusan cups. But the σκύφος is called by
 the Epirotes λυρτὸς, as Seleucus reports; and by
 the Methymnæans it is called σκύθος, as Parmeno
 says, in his book on Dialects. And Dercyllidas the
 Lacedæmonian was nicknamed σκύθος, as Ephorus
 relates in his eighteenth book, where he speaks as follows:— The
 Lacedæmonians sent Dercyllidas into Asia in the place of Thymbron, having heard
 that the barbarians were in the habit of doing everything by deceit and trick;
 on which account they sent Dercyllidas, thinking that he was the least likely
 of all men to be taken in; for he was not at all of a Lacedæmonian and simple
 disposition, but exceedingly cunning and fierce; on which account the
 Lacedæmonians themselves used to call him σκύθον.

There is the tabaitas also. Amyntas, in the first book of his treatise on the
 Stations of Asia, speaking of what is called aerial honey, writes as
 follows:— They gather it with the leaves, and store it up, making it up
 in the same manner as the Syrian cakes of fruit, but some make it into balls;
 and when they are about to use it for food, they break pieces off these cakes
 into wooden cups, which they call tabaitæ, and soak them, and then strain them
 off and drink the liquor; and the drink is very like diluted honey, but this is
 much the sweeter of the two. 
 
 There is also the tragelaphus. And this is the name given to some cups, as Alexis
 mentions, in his Coniates— 
 Cymbia, phialæ, tragelaphi, culices. 
 And Eubulus, in his Man Glued on, says— 
 But there are five phialæ, and two tragelaphi. 
 And Menander, in his Fisherman, says— 
 Tragelaphi, labronii. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Chrysis, says— 
 And for this rich and sordid bridegroom now, 
 Who owns so many talents, slaves, and stewards, 
 And pairs of horses, camels, coverlets,— 
 Such loads of silver plate, such phialæ, 
 Triremes, tragelaphi, carchesia, 
 Milkpails of solid gold, vessels of all sorts; 
 For all the gluttons and the epicures 
 Call casks brimful of wine mere simple milkpails. 
 
 
 There is also the trireme. And that trireme is the name of a species of
 drinking-cup Epicurus has shown, in his Supposititious Damsels; and the passage
 which is a proof of this has been already quoted. 
 There is also the hystiacum, which is some sort of drinking-cup. Rhinthon, in his
 Hercules, says— 
 
 You swallow'd, in one small hystiacum, 
 A cheesecake of pure meal, and groats, and flour.

There is the phiale too. Homer, when he says— 
 He placed a phiale upon the board, 
 By both hands to be raised ( ἀμφίθετον ),
 untouch'd by fire; 
 and again, when he says— 
 A golden phiale, and doubled fat; 
 is not speaking of a drinking-cup, but of a brazen vessel of a flat shape
 like a caldron, having perhaps two handles, one on each side. But Parthenius the
 pupil of Dionysius understands by ἀμφίθετον a
 phiale without any bottom. But Apollodorus the Athenian, in his short essay on the
 Crater, says that it means a cup which cannot be firmly placed and steadied on its
 bottom, but only on its mouth. But some say, that just as the word ἀμφιφορεὺς is used for a cup which can be lifted by its
 handles on both sides, the same is meant by the expression ἀμφίθετος φιάλη. But Aristarchus says that it means a cup which can
 be placed on either end, on its mouth or on its bottom. But Dionysius the Thracian
 says that the word ἀμφίθετος means round, running
 round ( ἀμφιθέων ) in a circular form. And
 Asclepiades the Myrlean says,—"The word φιάλη, by
 a change of letters, becomes πιάλη, a cup which
 contains enough to drink ( πιεῖν ἅλις ); for it is
 larger than the ποτήριον. But when Homer calls it
 also ἀπύρωτος, he means either that it was wrought
 without fire, or never put on the fire. On which account he calls a kettle which
 may be put on the fire ἐμπυριβήτης, and one which
 is not so used ἄπυρος. And when he says— 
 An ample charger, of unsullied frame, 
 With flowers high wrought, not blacken'd yet by flame, 
 he perhaps means one intended to receive cold water. So that the phiale
 would in that case resemble a flat brazen vessel, holding cold water. But when he
 calls it ἀμφίθετος, can we understand that it has
 two bases, one on each side; or is ἀμφὶ here to be
 taken as equivalent to περὶ, and t en again is
 περὶ to be taken as equivalent to περιττὸν, so that in fact all that is meant by the
 epithet is beautifully made; since θεῖναι was
 often used by the ancients for 'to make?' It may also mean, ' being capable of
 being placed either on its bottom or upon its mouth;' and such a placing of cups
 is an Ionian and an ancient fashion. And even now the
 Massilians often adopt it, and set their goblets down on their mouths."

But as Cratinus has said, in his Female Runaways— 
 Receive from me these round-bottom'd phialæ, 
 Eratosthenes, in the eleventh book of his treatise on Comedy, says that
 Lycophron did not understand the meaning of the word ( βαλανειόμφαλος ), for that the word ὀμφαλὸς, as applied to a phiale, and the word θόλος, as applied to a bath, were nearly similar in meaning; and
 that, in the word, allusion is neatly enough made to the umbilical form. But Apion
 and Diodorus say, There are some kinds of phialæ of which the boss is
 similar to a strainer. But Asclepiades the Myrlean, in his Essays on
 Cratinus, says— 
 βαλανειόμφαλοι are the Phialæ called, because
 their bosses and the vaulted roofs of the baths are much alike. And
 Didymus, saying the same thing, cites the words of Lycophron, which run thus:—
 From the bosses in the women's baths, out of which they ladle the water
 in small cups. But Timarchus, in the fourth book of his Essay on the
 Mercury of Eratosthenes, says,—"Any one may suppose that this word contains a
 secret allusion in it, because most of the baths at Athens, being circular in
 their shape, and in all their furniture, have slight projections in the middle, on
 which a brazen boss is placed. Ion, in his Omphale, says— 
 Go quick, O damsels; hither bring the cups, 
 And the mesomphali;— 
 and by μεσόμφαλοι here, he means the same
 things as those which Cratinus calls βαλανειόμφαλοι, where he says— 
 Receive from me these round-bottom'd phialæ. 
 And Theopompus, in his Althæa, said— 
 She took a golden round-bottom'd ( μεσόμφαλον ) phiale, 
 Brimful of wine; to which Telestes gave 
 The name of acatos; 
 as Telestes had called the phiale an acatos, or boat. But Pherecrates, or
 whoever the poet was who composed the Persæ, which are attributed to him, says, in
 that play— 
 Garlands to all, and well-boss'd chrysides ( ὀμφαλωταὶ
 χρυσίδες ).

But the Athenians call silver phialæ ἀργυρίδες, 
 and golden ones they call χρυσίδες. And
 Pherecrates mentions the silver phiale in the following words in his Persæ— 
 
 Here, you sir; where are you now carrying 
 That silver phiale ( τὴν ἀργυρίδα τηνδί )? 
 And Cratinus mentions the golden one in his Laws— 
 Making libations with a golden phiale ( χρυσίδἰ, 
 
 He gave the serpents drink. 
 And Hermippus, in his Cercopes, says— 
 He first completely drain'd an ample cup, 
 Golden ( χρυσίδα ) and round, then carried it
 away. 
 
 
 There was also a kind of cup called the βαλανωτὴ 
 phiale, under the bottom of which were placed golden feet. And Teneus says, that
 among the offerings at Delos there was a brazen palm-tree, the offering of the
 Naxians, and some golden phialæ, to which he gives the epithet καρυωταί. But Anaxandrides calls cups of this fashion
 the phialæ of Mars. But the AEolians call the phiale an aracis.

There is also the phthoïs these are wide-shaped Phialæ with bosses. Eupolis says—
 
 He pledged the guests in phthoïdes, 
 writing the dative plural φθοῖσι; but it
 ought to have an acute on the last syllable; like καρσὶ,
 παισὶ, φθειρσί. 
 
 There is the philotesia also. This is a kind of κύλιξ, in which they pledged one another out of friendship, as
 Pamphilus says. And Demosthenes says, And he pledged him in the
 philotesia. And Alexis says— 
 We, in our private and public capacity, 
 Do pledge you now in this philotesian culix. 
 
 
 But, besides being the name of a cup, a company feasting together was also called
 φιλοτήσιον. Aristophanes says— 
 Now does the shadow of the descending sun 
 Mark seven feet: 'tis time for supper now, 
 And the philotesian company invites me. 
 But it was from the system of pledging one another at these banquets that
 the cup got the name of philotesia—as in the Lysistrata— 
 O thou Persuasion, mistress of my soul! 
 And you, O philotesian cup of wine. 
 There are also chonni. Among the Gortynians this is the name given to a
 species of cup resembling the thericleum, made of brass, which Hermonax says is
 given by lovers to the objects of their affection. 
 There are also Chalcidic goblets, having their name and reputation perhaps from
 Chalcis in Thrace.

There are also χυτρίδες; Alexis, in his
 Supposititious Child, says— 
 I, seeking to do honour to the king, 
 To Ptolemy and to his sister, took 
 Four χυτρίδια of strong, untemper'd
 wine, 
 And drank them at a draught, with as much pleasure 
 As any one ever swallow'd half-and-half: 
 And, for the sake of this agreement, why 
 Should I not now feast in this splendid light? 
 But Herodotus, in the fifth book of his History, says that the
 Argives and Aeginetans made a law that no one should ever use any Attic vessel
 of any kind in their sacrifices, not even if made of earthenware; but that for
 the future every one should drink out of the χυτρίδες of the country. And Meleager the Cynic, in his
 Symposium, writes as follows— And in the meantime he proposed a deep pledge
 to his health, twelve deep χυτρίδια full of
 wine.

There is also the ψυγεὺς or ψυκτήρ. Plato, in his Symposium, says,— But, O boy, bring,
 said he, that psycter hither (for he had seen one which held more than eight
 cotylæ). Accordingly, when' he had filled it, first of all he drank it himself,
 and then he ordered it to be filled again for Socrates . . . . . as Archebulus
 was attempting to be prolix, the boy, pouring the wine out at a very seasonable
 time, overturned the psycter. And Alexis, in his Colonist, says— 
 A psygeus, holding three full cotylæ. 
 And Dioxippus, in his Miser, says— 
 And from Olympicus he then received 
 Six thericlean cups, and then two psycters. 
 And Menander, in his play entitled The Brazier's Shop, says— 
 And, as the present fashion is, they shouted 
 For more untemper'd wine; and some one took 
 A mighty psycter, giving them to drink, 
 And so destroy'd them wretchedly. 
 And Epigenes, in his Heroine, giving a list of many cups, among them
 mentions the psygeus thus— 
 Now take the boys, and make them hither bring 
 The thericlean and the Rhodian cups; 
 But bring yourself the psycter and the cyathus, 
 Some cymbia too. 
 And Strattis, in his Psychaste— 
 
 And one man having stolen a psycter, 
 And his companion, who has taken away 
 A brazen cyathus, both lie perplex'd, 
 Looking for a chœnix and a cotylis. 
 But Alexis, in his Hippiscus, uses the diminutive form, and calls it a
 ψυκτηρίδιον, saying— 
 I went to see my friend while at his inn, 
 And there I met a dark-complexion'd man, 
 And told my slaves, for I brought two from home, 
 To put in sight the well-clean'd drinking-cups: 
 There was a silver cyathus, and cups 
 Weighing two drachmas each; a cymbium, 
 Whose weight was four; a ψυκτηρίδιον, 
 
 Weighing two obols, thinner than Philippides.

But Heracleon of Ephesus says, The cup which we call ψυγεὺς some name the ψυκτηρία, 
 but the Attic writers make jokes upon the ψυγεὺς, as being a foreign name. Euphorion, in his Woman
 Restoring, says— 
 But when they call a ψυγεὺς a ψυκτηρίς, 
 
 And σεύτλιον τεῦλα, and the φακῆ φακεὺς, 
 
 What can one do? For I rightly said, 
 Give me, I pray, Pyrgothemis, some change 
 For this your language, as for foreign money. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Knights, says— 
 How then are we to live? Our bedclothes are 
 A saddlecloth, and our well-fitting hat 
 Only a psycter. What would you have more? 
 Here is the very Amalthean horn. 
 And in the Carna he declares plainly that, when pouring out wine, they
 used the psycter for a cyathus. For after he had said— 
 And putting on the board a tripod and cask, 
 And psycter too, he gets drunk on the wine; 
 in the passage following, he represents his man as saying— 
 So will the drink be fiercer: therefore now, 
 If any one should say it is not fit 
 T' indulge in wine at present, just leave out 
 This cask, and this one single drinking-cup, 
 And carry all the rest away at once. 
 
 
 But Dionysius the pupil of Tryphon, in his treatise on Names, says— The
 ancients used to call the psygeus dinus. But Nicander of Thyatira says,
 that woods and shady places dedicated to the gods are also called ψυκτῆρες, as being places where one may cool oneself
 ( ἀναψύξαι ). Aeschylus, in his Young Men, says—
 
 And gentle airs, in the cool, shady places ( ψυκτηρίυις ); 
 
 and Euripides, in his Phaethon, says— 
 The trees, affording a cool shade ( ψυκτήρια ), 
 Shall now embrace him in their loving arms; 
 and the author of the poem called Aegimius, whether it really was Hesiod,
 or only Cecrops of Miletus, says— 
 There shall my cool shade ( ψυκτήριον ) be, O
 king of men.

There is also the oidos. This was the name of a drinking-cup, as we are told by
 Tryphon, in his Onomasticon; a cup given to him who sang the scolia—as Antiphanes
 shows in his Doubles— 
 
 A. What will there be, then, for the gods 
 
 B. Why, nothing, 
 Unless now some one mixes wine for them. 
 
 A. Stop; take this ᾠδὸς, and abandon all 
 Those other worn-out fashions; sing no more 
 Of Telamon, or Pæon, or Harmodius. 
 There are also the ooscyphia. Now respecting the shape of these cups,
 Asclepiades the Myrlean, in his Essay on the Nestoris, says that it has two
 bottoms, one of them wrought on to the bowl of the cup, and of the same piece with
 it; but the other attached to it, beginning with a sharp point, and ending in a
 broad bottom, on which the cup stands. 
 There is also the ὠὸν, or egg-cup. Dinon, in the
 third book of his Affairs of Persia, speaks as follows:—There is also a bread
 called potibazis, made of barley and roasted wheat; and a crown of cypress leaves;
 and wine tempered in a golden oon, from which the king himself drinks."

Plutarch having said this, and being applauded by every one, asked for a phiala,
 from which he made a libation to the Muses, and to Mnemosyne their mother, and
 drank the health of every one present, saying,—As if any one, taking a cup in his
 hand, being a rich man, were to make a present of it, foaming over with the juice
 of the vine;"— and drinking not only to the young bridegroom, but also to all his
 friends; and he gave the cup to the boy, desiring him to carry it round to every
 one, saying that this was the proper meaning of the phrase κύκλῳ πίνειν, reciting the verses of Menander in his Perinthian
 Woman— 
 And the old woman did not leave untouch'd 
 One single cup, but drank of all that came. 
 And again, in his Fanatical Woman, he says— 
 
 And then again she carries round to all 
 A cup of unmix'd wine. 
 And Euripides, in his Cretan Women, says— 
 Farewell all other things, as long 
 As cups of wine go freely round. 
 And then, when Leonidas the grammarian demanded a larger cup, and
 said,—Let us drink hard ( κρατηρίζωμεν ), my
 friends, (for that was the word which Lysanias the Cyrenean says that Herodorus
 used to apply to drinking parties, when he says, But when they had finished
 the sacrifice they turned to the banquet, and to craters, and prayers, and
 peas; and the poet, who was the author of the poem called the
 Buffoons—a play which Duris says that the wise Plato always had in his hands—says,
 somewhere, ἐκεκρατηρίχημες, for we had
 drunk; ) But now, in the name of the gods, said Pontianus, you are
 drinking in a manner which is scarcely becoming, out of large cups, having that
 most delightful and witty author Xenophon before your eyes, who in his Banquet
 says,— But Socrates, in his turn, said, But it seems to me now, O men,
 that we ought to drink hard. For wine, in reality, while it moistens the
 spirit, lulls the griefs to sleep as mandragora does men; but it awakens all
 cheerful feelings, as oil does fire. And it appears to me that the bodies of
 men are liable to the same influences which affect the bodies of those things
 which grow in the ground; for the very plants, when God gives them too much to
 drink, cannot hold up their heads, nor can they expand at their proper seasons.
 But when they drink just as much as is good for them, and no more, then they
 grow in an upright attitude, and flourish, and come in a flourishing state to
 produce fruit. And so, too, in our case, if we take too much drink all at once,
 our bodies and our minds rapidly get disordered, and we cannot even breathe
 correctly, much less speak. But if our slaves bedew us (to use Gorgias-like
 language) in small quantities with small cups, then we are not compelled to be
 intoxicated by the wine; but being gently induced, we proceed to a merry and
 cheerful temperament.

Now, any one who considers these expressions of the accomplished Xenophon, may
 understand how it as that the brilliant Plato displayed such jealousy of him. But
 perhaps the fact may partly be because these men did from the very beginning feel a spirit of rivalry towards one another, each
 being aware of his own powers; and perhaps they began very early to contend for
 the preeminence, as we may conjecture not only from what they have both written
 about Cyrus, but also from other writings of theirs on similar subjects. For they
 have both written a piece called the Banquet; and in these two pieces, one of them
 turns out the female flute-players, and the other introduces them; and one, as has
 been already said, refuses to drink out of large cups, but the other represents
 Socrates as drinking out of a psycter till morning. And in his treatise concerning
 the Soul, Plato, reckoning up all who were present, does not make even the
 slightest mention of Xenophon. And concerning Cyrus, the one says that from his
 earliest youth he was trained up in all the national practices of his country; but
 Plato, as if in the express spirit of contradiction, says, in the third book of
 his Laws,— But with respect to Cyrus, I consider that, as to other things,
 he was indeed a skilful and careful general, but that he had never had the very
 least particle of a proper education, and that he had never turned his mind the
 least in the world to the administration of affairs. But he appears from his
 earliest youth to have been engaged in war, and to have given his children to
 his wives to bring up. And again, Xenophon, who joined Cyrus with the
 Ten Thousand Greeks, in his expedition into Persia, and who was thoroughly
 acquainted with the treachery of Meno the Thessalian, and knew that he was the
 cause of the murder of Clearchus by Tissaphernes, and who knew also the
 disposition of the man, how morose and debauched he was,—has given us a full
 account of everything concerning him. But the exquisite Plato, who all but says,
 All this is not true, goes through a long panegyric on him, who
 was incessantly calumniating every one else. And in his Polity, he banishes Homer
 from his city, and all poetry of the theatrical kind; and yet he himself wrote
 dialogues in a theatrical style,—a manner of writing of which he himself was not
 the inventor; for Alexamenus the Teian had, before him, invented this style of
 dialogue, as Nicias of Nicæa and Sotion both agree in relating. And Aristotle, in
 his treatise on Poets, writes thus:— Let us not then call those Mimes, as
 they are called, of Sophron, which are written in metre, Discourses and
 Imitations; or those Dialogues of Alexamenus of Teos,
 which were written before the Scratic Dialogues; — Aristotle, the most
 learned of all men, stating here most expressly that Alexamenus composed his
 Dialogues before Plato. And Plato also calumniates Thrasymachus of Chalcedon,
 saying that he was a sophist in a way consistent with his name. And he also attacks
 Hippias, and Gorgias, and Parmenides; and in one dialogue, called Protagoras, he
 attacks a great many;—a man who in his Republic has said, When, as I think,
 a city which has been governed by a democracy, feels a thirst far liberty, and
 meets with bad cupbearers, and so it gets intoxicated by too untempered a
 draught . . .

And it is said also, that Gorgias himself, when he read the dialogue to which
 Plato has given his name, said to his friends, How well Plato knows how to
 write iambics! And Hermippus, in his book on Gorgias, says,— When
 Gorgias was sojourning at Athens, after he had offered up at Delphi the golden
 image of himself which is there now, and when Plato said when he had seen it,
 The beautiful and golden Gorgias is come among us, Gorgias replied, This is
 indeed a fine young Archilochus whom Athens has now brought forth. But
 others say that Gorgias, having read the dialogue of Plato, said to the bystanders
 that he had never said any of the things there attributed to him, and had never
 heard any such things said by Plato. And they say that Phædo also said the same
 when he had read the treatise on the Soul, on which account it was well said by
 Timon, respecting him,— 
 
 How that learned Plato invented fictitious marvels! 
 
 For their respective ages will scarcely admit of the Socrates of Plato
 ever having really had a conference with Parmenides, so as to have addressed him
 and to have been addressed by him in such language. And what is worst of all is,
 that he has said, though there was not the slightest occasion for making any such
 assertion, that Zeno had been beloved by Parmenides, who was his fellow-citizen.
 Nor, indeed, is it possible that Phædrus should have lived in the time of
 Socrates, much less that he should have been beloved by him. Nor, again, is it
 possible that Paralus and Xanthippus, the sons of Pericles, who died of the
 plague, should have conversed with Protagoras when he came the second time to Athens, as they had died before. And we might mention many
 other particulars respecting his works to show how wholly fictitious his Dialogues
 are.

But that Plato was ill-natured to everybody is plain from what he says in his
 dialogue entitled Ion; in which first of all he abuses all the poets, and then all
 those who have been promoted to the highest dignities by the people, such as
 Phanosthenes of Andros, and Apollodorus of Cyzicus, and also Heraclides of
 Clazomenæ. And in his Menon he abuses those who have been the greatest men among
 the Athenians—Aristides and Themistocles; and he extols Meno, who betrayed the
 Greeks. But in his Euthydemus he attacks this same Meno and his brother
 Dionysiodorus, and calls them men slow to learn any good thing, and contentious
 people, reproaching them with their flight from Chios, which was their native
 place, from which they went and settled in Thurii. And, in his essay on Manly
 Courage, he attacks Melesias, the son of that Thucydides who headed the opposite
 party to Pericles, and Lysimachus, the son of Aristides the Just, saying that they
 both fell far short of their fathers' virtues. And as to what he said about
 Alcibiades, in his Banquet, that is not fit to be produced to light; nor is what
 he says in the first of the Dialogues which go by his name. For the second
 Alcibiades is said by some people to be the work of Xenophon; as also the Halcyon
 is said to be the work of Leon the Academician, as Nicias of Nicæa says. Now, the
 things which he has said against Alcibiades I will pass over; but I cannot forbear
 to mention his calling the Athenian people a random judge, guided only by outward
 appearance. And he praises the Lacedæmonians, and extols also the Persians, who
 are the enemies of all the Greeks. 
 And he calls Cleinias the brother of Alcibiades a madman; and the sons of Pericles
 he makes out to be fools; and Meidias he calls a man fit for nothing but killing
 quails; and of the people of the Athenians he says, that it wears a fair mask, but
 that one ought to strip the mask off, and look at it then; for he says that it
 will then be seen that it is only clothed with a specious appearance of a beauty
 which is not genuine.

But in the Cimon he does not abstain from accusing Themistocles, and Alcibiades,
 and Myronides, and even Cimon himself; and his Crito contains an invective against
 Sopho- cles; and his Gorgias contains an invective not only
 against the man from whom it is named, but also against Archelaus, king of
 Macedon, whom he reproaches not only with his ignoble birth, but also with having
 killed his master. And this is the very same Plato whom Speusippus represents as
 having, while he professed to be a great friend of Archelaus assisted Philip to
 get possession of the kingdom. At all events, Carystius of Pergamus, in his
 Historical Commentaries, writes as follows:— Speusippus, hearing that Philip
 used calumnious language respecting Plato, wrote something of this sort in his
 letter to him: 'Just as if men did not know that Philip originally obtained the
 kingdom by the assistance of Plato.' For Plato sent Euphræus of Oreum to
 Perdiccas, who persuaded him to apportion a certain district to Philip; and so
 he, maintaining a force in that country, when Perdiccas died, having all his
 forces in a state of preparation, seized the supreme power. But whether
 all this is true or not, God knows. 
 But his fine Protagoras, besides that it contains attacks on many poets and wise
 men, also shows up the life of Callias with much greater severity than Eupolis
 does in his flatterers. And in his Menexenus, not only is Hippias the Elean turned
 into ridicule, but also Antipho the Rhamnusian, and Lamprus the musician. And the
 day would fail me, if I were inclined to go through the names of all those who
 have been abused by that wise man. Nor indeed do I praise Antisthenes; for he,
 having abused many men, did not abstain even from Plato himself, but, having given
 him the odious name of Sathon, he then published a dialogue under this name.

But Hegesander the Delphian, in his Commentaries, speaking about the universal
 ill-nature of Plato towards everybody, writes as follows:— After the death
 of Socrates, when a great many of his friends, being present at a banquet, were
 very much out of spirits, Plato, being present, taking the cup, exhorted them
 not to despond, as he himself was well able to lead the school; and, so saying,
 he pledged Apollodorus: and he said, I would rather have taken the cup of
 poison from Socrates than that pledge of wine from you.' For Plato was
 considered to be an envious man, and to have a disposition which was far from
 praiseworthy; for he ridiculed Aristippus when he went to
 visit Dionysius, though he himself had three times sailed to Sicily,—once for
 the purpose of investigating the torrents of lava which flow from Mount Aetna,
 when he lived with the elder Dionysius, and was in danger from his displeasure;
 and twice he went to visit the younger Dionysius. 
 
 And again, though Aeschines was a poor man, and had but one pupil, Xenocrates, he
 seduced him from him; and he was also detected in instigating the commencement of
 a prosecution against Phædo, which, if successful, would have reduced him to
 slavery; and altogether he displayed the feelings of a stepmother towards all the
 pupils of Socrates. On which account, Socrates, making a not very unreasonable
 Conjecture respecting him, said in the presence of several persons that he had had
 a dream, in which he thought he had seen the following vision. For I
 thought, said he, that Plato had become a crow, and leaped on my
 head, and began to scratch my bald place, and to take a firm hold, and so to
 look about him. I think, therefore, said he, that you, O Plato,
 will say a good many things which are false about my head. And Plato,
 besides his ill-nature, was very ambitious and vainglorious; and he said,
 My last tunic, my desire of glory, I lay aside in death itself—in my
 will, and in my funeral procession, and in my burial; as Dioscorides
 relates in his Memorabilia. And as for his desire of founding cities and making
 laws, who will not say that these are very ambitious feelings? And this is plain
 from what he says in the Timæus— I have the same feelings towards my
 constitution that a painter would have towards his works; for as he would wish
 to see them possessed of the power of motion and action, so too do I wish to
 see the citizens whom I here describe.

But concerning the things which he has said in his Dialogues, what can any one
 say? For the doctrine respecting the soul, which he makes out to be immortal, even
 after it is separated from the body, and after the dissolution of this latter, was
 first mentioned by Homer; for he has said, that the soul of Patroclus— 
 Fled to the shades below, 
 Lamenting its untimely fate, and leaving 
 Its vigour and its youth. 
 If, then, any one were to say that this is also the argument of Plato, still I do not see what good we have got from him; for
 if any one were to agree that the souls of those who are dead do migrate into
 other natures, and do mount up to some higher and purer district, as partaking of
 its lightness, still what should we get by that theory? For, as we have neither
 any recollection of where we formerly were, nor any perception whether we really
 existed at all, what do we get by such an immortality as that? 
 And as to the book of the Laws composed by him, and the Polity which was written
 before the Laws, what good have they done us? And yet he ought (as Lycurgus did
 the Lacedæmonians, and as Solon did the Athenians, and Zaleucus the Thurians), if
 they were excellent, to have persuaded some of the Greeks to adopt them. For a law
 (as Aristotle says) is a form of words decided on by the common agreement of a
 city, pointing out how one ought to do everything. And how can we consider Plato's
 conduct anything but ridiculous; since, when there were already three Athenian
 lawgivers who had a great name,—Draco, and Plato himself, and Solon,—the citizens
 abide by the laws of the other two, but ridicule those of Plato? And the case of
 the Polity is the same. Even if his Constitution is the best of all possible
 constitutions, yet, if it does not persuade us to adopt it, what are we the better
 for it? Plato, then, appears to have written his laws, not for men who have any
 real existence, but rather for a set of men invented by himself; so that one has
 to look for people who will use them. But it would have been better for him to
 write such things as he could persuade men of; and not to act like people who only
 pray, but rather like those who seize hold of what offers itself to them.

However, to say no more on this point, if any one were to go through his Timæus
 and his Gorgias, and his other dialogues of the same character, in which he
 discuss the different subjects of education, and subjects of natural philosophy,
 and several other circumstances,—even when considered in this light, he is not to
 be admired on this account; for one may find these same topics handled by others,
 either better than by him, or at all events not worse. For Theopompus the Chian,
 in his book Against the School of Plato, says— We shall find the greater
 part of his Dialogues useless and false, and a still greater number borrowed
 from other people; as some of them come from the school of
 Aristippus, and some from that of Antisthenes, and a great many from that of
 Bryson of Heraclea. And as to the disquisitions which he enters into
 about man, we also seek in his arguments for what we do not find. But what we do
 find are banquets, and conversations about love, and other very unseemly
 harangues, which he composed with great contempt for those who were to read them,
 as the greater part of his pupils were of a tyrannical and calumnious
 disposition.

For Euphræus, when he was sojourning with king Perdiccas in Macedonia, was not
 less a king than the other, being a man of a depraved and calumnious disposition,
 who managed all the companionship of the king in so cold a manner, that no one was
 allowed to partake of his entertainments unless he knew something about geometry
 or philosophy; on which account, after Philip obtained the government, Parmenio,
 having caught him in Oreum, put him to death; as Carystius relates in his
 Historical Com- mentaries. And Callippus the Athenian, who was himself a pupil of
 Plato, having been a companion and fellow-pupil of Dion, and having travelled with
 him to Syracuse, when he saw that Dion was attempting to make himself master of
 the kingdom, slew him; and afterwards, attempting to usurp the supreme power
 himself, was slain too. And Euagon of Lampsacus (as Eurypylus says, and Dicæocles
 of Cnidus, in the ninety-first book of his Commentaries, and also Demochares the
 orator, in his argument in defence of Sophocles, against Philo), having lent his
 native city money on the security of its Acropolis, and being afterwards unable to
 recover it, endeavoured to seize on the tyranny, until the Lampsacenes attacked
 him, and repaid him the money, and drove him out of the city. And Timæus of
 Cyzicus (as the same Demochares relates), having given largesses of money and corn
 to his fellow-citizens, and being on this account believed by the Cyzicenes to be
 an excellent man, after having waited a little time, attempted to overturn the
 constitution with the assistance of Aridæus; and being brought to trial and
 convicted, and branded with infamy, he remained in the city to an extreme old age,
 being always, however, considered dishonoured and infamous. 
 And such now are some of the Academicians, who live in a
 scandalous and infamous manner. For they, having by impious and unnatural means
 acquired vast wealth by trickery, are at present highly thought of; as Chæon of
 Pellene, who was not only a pupil of Plato, but of Xenocrates also. And he too,
 having usurped the supreme power in his country, and having exercised it with
 great severity, not only banished the most virtuous men in the city, but also gave
 the property of the masters to their slaves, and gave their wives also to them,
 compelling them to receive them as their husbands; having got all these admirable
 ideas from that excellent Polity and those illegal Laws of Plato.

On which account Ephippus the comic poet, in his Shipwrecked Man, has turned into
 ridicule Plato himself, and some of his acquaintances, as being sycophants for
 money, showing that they used to dress in a most costly manner, and that they paid
 more attention to the elegance of their persons than even the most extravagant
 people among us. And he speaks as follows— 
 Then some ingenious young man rising up, 
 Some pupil of the New Academy, 
 Brought up at Plato's feet and those of Bryso, 
 That bold, contentious, covetous philosopher,— 
 And urged by strong necessity, and able, 
 By means of his small-wages-seeking art, 
 To speak before th' assembly, in a manner 
 Not altogether bad; having his hair 
 Carefully trimm'd with a new-sharpen'd razor, 
 And letting down his beard in graceful fall, 
 Putting his well-shod foot in his neat slipper, 
 Binding his ancles in the equal folds 
 Of his well-fitting hose, and well protected 
 Across the chest with the breastplate of his cloak, 
 And leaning, in a posture dignified, 
 Upon his staff; said, as it seems to me, 
 With mouthing emphasis, the following speech, 
 More like a stranger than a citizen,— 
 
 Men of the land of wise Athenians. 
 
 And here let us put an end to this part of the discussion, my friend
 Timocrates. And we will next proceed to speak of those who have been notorious for
 their luxury.

You appear to me, my good friend Timocrates, to be a man of Cyrene, according to
 the Tyndareus of Alexis— 
 For there if any man, invites another 
 To any banquet, eighteen others come; 
 Ten chariots, and fifteen pairs of horses, 
 And for all these you must provide the food, 
 So that 'twere better to invite nobody 
 And it would be better for me also to hold my tongue, and not to add
 anything more to all that has been said already; but since you ask me very
 earnestly for a discussion on those men who have been notorious for luxury, and on
 their effeminate practices, you must be gratified.

For enjoyment is connected, in the first instance, with appetite; and in the
 second place, with pleasure. And Sophocles the poet, being a man fond of
 enjoyment, in order to avoid accusing old age, attributed his impotence in amatory
 pleasures to his temperance, saying that he was glad to be released from them as
 from some hard master. But I say that the Judgment of Paris is a tale originally
 invented by the 'ancients, as a comparison between pleasure and virtue.
 Accordingly, when Venus, that is to say pleasure, was preferred, everything was
 thrown into confusion. And that excellent writer Xenophon seems to me to have
 invented his fable about Hercules and Virtue on the same principle. For according
 to Empedocles— 
 Mars was no god to them, nor gallant War, 
 Nor Jupiter the king, nor Saturn old, 
 Nor Neptune; Venus was their only queen. 
 Her they propitiate and duly worship 
 With pious images, with beauteous figures 
 Skilfully carved; with fragrant incenses, 
 And holy offerings of unmix'd myrrh, 
 And sweetly smelling frankincense; and many. . 
 A pure libation of fresh golden honey 
 They pour'd along the floor. 
 
 And Menander, in his Harp-player, speaking of some one who
 was very fond of music, says— 
 He was to music much devoted, and 
 Sought ever pleasing sounds to gratify 
 His delicate taste.

And yet some people say that the desire of pleasure is a natural desire, as may be
 proved by all animals becoming enslaved by it; as if cowardice, and fear, and all
 sorts of other passions were not also common to all animals, and yet these are
 rejected by all who use their reason. Accordingly, to be very eager in the pursuit
 of pleasure is to go hunting for pain. On which account Homer, wishing to
 represent pleasure in an odious light, says that the greatest of the gods receive
 no advantage from their power, but are even much injured by it, if they will allow
 themselves to be hurried away by the pursuit of pleasure. For all the anxiety
 which Jupiter, when awake, lavished on the Trojans, was lost in open day, when he
 abandoned himself to pleasure. And Mars, who was a most valiant deity, was put in
 chains by Vulcan, who was very powerless, and incurred great disgrace and
 punishment, when he had given himself up to irrational love; and therefore he says
 to the Gods, when they came to see him in fetters— 
 Behold, on wrong 
 Swift vengeance waits, and art subdues the strong. 
 Dwells there a god on all th' Olympian brow 
 More swift than Mars, and more than Vulcan slow? 
 Yet Vulcan conquers, and the God of arms 
 Must pay the penalty for lawless charms. 
 
 But no one ever calls the life of Aristides a life of pleasure ( ἡδὺς ), but that is an epithet they apply to Smindyrides
 the Sybarite, and to Sardanapalus, though as far as glory went, as Theophrastus
 says in his book on Pleasure, it was a far more splendid one; but Aristides never
 devoted himself to luxury as those other men did. Nor would any one call the life
 of Agesilaus the king of the Lacedæmonians ἡδύς; 
 but this name they would apply rather to the life of Ananis, a man who, as far as
 real glory is concerned, is totally unknown. Nor would one call the life of the
 heroes who fought against Troy ἡδύς; but they would speak in that way much more of the men of the
 present time; and naturally enough. For the lives of those men were destitute of
 any luxurious preparation, and, as I might almost say, had no seasoning to them,
 inasmuch as at that time there was no commercial intercourse between nations, nor
 were the arts of refinement carried to any degree of accuracy; but the life of men
 of the present day is planned with entire reference to laziness, and enjoyment,
 and to all sorts of pastimes.

But Plato, in his Philebus, says— Pleasure is the most insolent of all
 things; and, as it is reported, in amatory enjoyments, which are said to be the
 most powerful of all, even perjury has been pardoned by the Gods, as if
 pleasure was like a child, incapable of distinguishing between right and
 wrong. And in the eighth book of his Polity, the same Plato has
 previously dilated upon the doctrine so much pressed by the Epicureans, that, of
 the desires, some are natural but not necessary, and others neither natural nor
 necessary, writing thus— Is not the desire to eat enough for health and
 strength of body, and for bread and meat to that extent, a necessary desire?—I
 think it is.—At all events, the desire for food for these two purposes is
 necessary, inasmuch as it is salutary, and inasmuch as it is able to remove
 hunger? —No doubt.—And the desire for meat, too, is a necessary desire, if it
 at all contributes to a good habit of body?— Most undoubtedly.—What, then, are
 we to say? Is no desire which goes beyond the appetite for this kind of food,
 and for other food similar to it, and which, if it is checked in young people,
 can be entirely stifled, and which is injurious also to the body, and injurious
 also to the mind, both as far as its intellectual powers are concerned, and
 also as to its temperance, entitled to be called a necessary one?—Most
 certainly not.

But Heraclides of Pontus, in his treatise on Pleasure, speaks as follows—“Tyrants
 and kings, having all kinds of good things in their power, and having had
 experience of all things, place pleasure in the first rank, on the ground that
 pleasure makes the nature of man more magnanimous. Accordingly, all those who have
 honoured pleasure above everything, and who have deliberately chosen to live a
 life of luxury, have been magnanimous and magnificent people, as, for instance, the Medes and the Persians. For they, of all
 men, are those who hold pleasure and luxury in the highest honour; and they, at
 the same time, are the most valiant and magnanimous of all the barbarians. For to
 indulge in pleasure and luxury is the conduct of freeborn men and of a liberal
 disposition. For pleasure relaxes the soul and invigorates it. But labour belongs
 to slaves and to mean men; on which account they are contracted in their natural
 dispositions. And the city of the Athenians, while it indulged in luxury, was a
 very great city, and bred very magnanimous men. For they wore purple garments, and
 were clad in embroidered tunics; and they bound up their hair in knots, and wore
 golden grasshoppers over their foreheads and in their hair: and their slaves
 followed them, bearing folding chairs for them, in order that, if they wished to
 sit down, they might not be without some proper seat, and forced to put up with
 any chance seat. And these men were such heroes, that they conquered in the battle
 of Marathon, and they alone worsted the power of combined Asia. And all those who
 are the wisest of men, and who have the greatest reputation for wisdom, think
 pleasure the greatest good, Simonides certainly does when he says— 
 For what kind of human life 
 Can be worth desiring, 
 If pleasure be denied to it? 
 What kingly power even? 
 Without pleasure e'en the gods 
 Have nothing to be envied for. 
 And Pindar, giving advice to Hiero the tyrant of Syracuse, says— 
 Never obscure fair pleasure in your life; 
 A life of pleasure is the best for man. 
 And Homer, too, speaks of pleasure and indulgence in the following terms—
 
 How sweet the products of a peaceful reign,— 
 The heaven-taught poet and enchanting strain, 
 The well-fill'd palace, the perpetual feast, 
 A loud rejoicing, and a people blest! 
 How goodly seems it ever to employ 
 Man's social days in union and in joy; 
 The plenteous board high heap'd with cates divine, 
 And o'er the foaming bowl the laughing wine. 
 
 And again, he calls the gods living at ease. 
 And at ease certainly means without labour; as if he
 meant to show by this expression, that the greatest of all evils is labour and
 trouble in life.

On which account Megaclides finds fault with those poets who came after Homer and
 Hesiod, and have written about Hercules, relating how he led armies and took
 cities,— who passed the greater part of his life among men in the most excessive
 pleasure, and married a greater number of women than any other man; and who had
 unacknowledged children, by a greater number of virgins, than any other man. For
 any one might say to those who do not admit all this—“Whence, my good friends, is
 it that you attribute to him all this excessive love of eating; or whence is it
 that the custom has originated among men of leaving nothing in the cup when we
 pour a libation to Hercules, if he had no regard for pleasure? or why are the hot
 springs which rise out of the ground universally said to be sacred to Hercules; or
 why are people in the habit of calling soft couches the beds of Hercules, if he
 despised all those who live luxuriously? Accordingly, says he, the later poets
 represent him as going about in the guise of a robber by himself, having a club,
 and a lion's hide, and his bow. And they say that Stesichorus of Himera was the
 original inventor of this fable. But Xanthus the lyric poet, who was more ancient
 than Stesichorus, as Stesichorus himself tells us, does not, according to the
 statement of Megaclides, clothe him in this dress, but in that which Homer gives
 him. But Stesichorus perverted a great many of the accounts given by Xanthus, as
 he does also in the case of what is called the Orestea. But Antisthenes, when he
 said that pleasure was a good, added— such as brought no repentance in its
 train.

But Ulysses, in Homer, appears to have been the original guide to Epicurus, in the
 matter of that pleasure which he has always in his mouth; for Ulysses says to
 Alcinous— 
 . . . . . . . . Thou whom first in sway, 
 As first in virtue, these thy realms obey, 
 How goodly seems it ever to employ 
 Man's social days in union and in joy I 
 The plenteous board high heap'd with cates divine, 
 And o'er the foaming bowl the laughing wine, 
 
 The well-fill'd palace, the perpetual feast, 
 Are of all joys most lasting and the best. 
 But Megaclides says that Ulysses is here adapting himself to the times,
 for the sake of appearing to be of the same disposition as the Phæacians; and that
 with that view he embraces their luxurious habits, as he had already heard from
 Alcinous, speaking of his whole nation— 
 To dress, to dance, to sing, our sole delight, 
 The feast or bath by day, and love by night; 
 for he thought that that would be the only way by which he could avoid
 failing in the hopes he cherished. And a similar man is he who recommends
 Amphilochus his son— 
 Remember thou, my son, to always dwell 
 In every city cherishing a mind 
 Like to the skin of a rock-haunting fish; 
 And always with the present company 
 Agree, but when away you can change your mind. 
 And Sophocles speaks in a like spirit, in the Iphigenia— 
 As the wise polypus doth quickly change 
 His hue according to the rocks he's near, 
 So change your mind and your apparent feelings. 
 And Theognis says— 
 Imitate the wary cunning of the polypus. 
 And some say that Homer was of this mind, when he often prefers the
 voluptuous life to the virtuous one, saying— 
 And now Olympus' shining gates unfold; 
 The Gods with Jove assume their thrones of gold; 
 Immortal Hebe, fresh with bloom divine, 
 The golden goblet crowns with purple wine; 
 While the full bowl flows round the Powers employ 
 Their careful eyes on long-contended Troy. 
 And the same poet represents Menelaus as saying— 
 Nor then should aught but death have torn apart 
 From me so loving and so glad a heart. 
 And in another place— 
 We sat secure, while fast around did roll 
 The dance, and jest, and ever-flowing bowl. 
 And in the same spirit Ulysses, at the court of Alcinous, represents
 luxury and wantonness as the main end of life.

But of all nations the Persians were the first to become notorious for their
 luxury; and the Persian kings even spent their winters at Susa and their summers
 at Ecbatana. And Aristocles and Chares say that Susa derives
 its name from the seasonable and beautiful character of the place: for that what
 the Greeks call the lily, is called in the Persian language σοῦσον. But they pass their autumns in Persepolis; and the rest of
 the year they spend in Babylon. And in like manner the kings of the Parthians
 spend their spring in Rhagæ, and their winter in Babylon, and the rest of the year
 at Hecatompylus. And even the very thing which the Persian monarchs used to wear
 on their heads, showed plainly enough their extreme devotion to luxury. For it was
 made, according to the account of Dinon, of myrrh and of something called labyzus.
 And the labyzus is a sweet-smelling plant, and more valuable than myrrh. And
 whenever, says Dinon, the king dismounts from his chariot, he does not jump down,
 however small the height from the chariot to the ground may be, nor is he helped
 down, leaning on any one's hand, but a golden chair is always put by him, and he
 gets on that to descend; on which account the king's chairbearer always follows
 him. And three hundred women are his guard, as Heraclides of Cumæ relates, in the
 first book of his history of Persia. And they sleep all day, that they may watch
 all night; and they pass the whole night in singing and playing, with lights
 burning. And very often the king takes pleasure with them in the hall of the
 Melophori. The Melophori are one of his troops of guards, all Persians by birth,
 having golden apples ( μῆλα ) on the points of their
 spears, a thousand in number, all picked men out of the main body of ten thousand
 Persians who are called the Immortals. And the king used to go on foot through
 this hall, very fine Sardian carpets being spread in his road, on which no one but
 the king ever trod. And when he came to the last hall, then he mounted a chariot,
 but sometimes he mounted a horse; but on foot he was never seen outside of his
 palace. And if he went out to hunt, his concubines also went with him. And the
 throne on which he used to sit, when he was transacting business, was made of
 gold; and it was surrounded by four small pillars made of gold, inlaid with
 precious stones, and on them there was spread a purple cloth richly
 embroidered.

But Clearchus the Solensian, in the fourth book of his Lives, having previously
 spoken about the luxury of the Medes, and having said that on
 this account they made eunuchs of many citizens of the neighbouring tribes, adds,
 that the institution of the Melophori was adopted by the Persians from
 the Medes, being not only a revenge for what they had suffered themselves, but
 also a memorial of the luxury of the bodyguards, to indicate to what pitch of
 effeminacy they had come. For, as it seems, the unseasonable and superfluous
 luxury of their daily life could make even the men who are armed with spears,
 mere mountebanks. And a little further on he says— And
 accordingly, while he gave to all those who could invent him any new kind of
 food, a prize for their invention, he did not, while loading them with honours,
 allow the food which they had invented to be set before them, but enjoyed it
 all by himself, and thought this was the greatest wisdom. For this, I imagine,
 is what is called the brains of Jupiter and of a king at the same time. 
 
 But Chares of Mitylene, in the fifth book of his History of Alexander,
 says— The Persian kings had come to such a pitch of luxury, that at the
 head of the royal couch there was a supper-room laid with five couches, in
 which there were always kept five thousand talents of gold; and this was called
 the king's pillow. And at his feet was another supper-room, prepared with three
 couches, in which there were constantly kept three thousand talents of silver;
 and this was called the king's footstool. And in his bed-chamber there was also
 a golden vine, inlaid with precious stones, above the king's bed. And
 this vine, Amyntas says in his Posts, had bunches of grapes, composed of most
 valuable precious stones; and not far from it there was placed a golden bowl, the
 work of Theodorus of Samos. And Agathocles, in the third book of his History of
 Cyzicus, says, that there is also among the Persians a water called the golden
 water, and that it rises in seventy springs; and that no one ever drinks of it but
 the king alone, and the eldest of his sons. And if any one else drinks of it, the
 punishment is death.

But Xenophon, in the eighth book of his Cyropædia, says— They still used at
 that time to practise the discipline of the Persians, but the dress and
 effeminacy of the Medes. But now they disregard the sight of the ancient
 Persian bravery becoming extinct, and they are solicitous only to preserve the
 effeminacy of the Medes. And I think it a good opportunity
 to give an account of their luxurious habits. For, in the first place, it is
 not enough for them to have their beds softly spread, but they put even the
 feet of their couches upon carpets in order that the floor may not present
 resistance to them, but that the carpets may yield to their pressure. And as
 for the things which are dressed for their table, nothing is omitted which has
 been discovered before, and they are also continually inventing something new;
 and the same is the way with all other delicacies. For they retain men whose
 sole business it is to invent things of this kind. And in winter it is not
 enough for them to have their head, and their body, and their feet covered, but
 on even the tips of their fingers they wear shaggy gloves and finger-stalls;
 and in summer they are not satisfied with the shade of the trees and of the
 rocks, but they also have men placed in them to contrive additional means of
 producing shade. And in the passage which follows this one, he proceeds
 to say— But now they have more clothes laid upon their horses than they have
 even on their beds. For they do not pay so much attention to their horsemanship
 as to sitting softly. Moreover, they have porters, and bread-makers, and
 confectioners, and cup-bearers, and men to serve up their meals and to take
 them away, and men to lull them to sleep and men to wake them, and dressers to
 anoint them and to rub them, and to get them up well in every respect.

The Lydians, too, went to such a pitch of luxury, that they were the first to
 castrate women, as Xanthus the Lydian tells us, or whoever else it was who wrote
 the History which is attributed to him, whom Artemon of Cassandra, in his treatise
 on the Collection of Books, states to have been Pionysius who was surnamed
 Leather-armed; but Artemon was not aware that Ephorus the historian mentions him
 as being an older man than the other, and as having been the man who supplied
 Herodotus with some of his materials. Xanthus, then, in the second book of his
 Affairs of Lydia, says that Adramyttes, the king of the Lydians, was the first man
 who ever castrated women, and used female eunuchs instead of male eunuchs. But
 Clearchus, in the fourth book of his Lives, says—“The Lydians, out of luxury, made
 parks; and having planted them like gardens, made them very shady, thinking it a
 refinement in luxury if the sun never touched them with its rays at all; and at
 last they carried their insolence to such a height, that they
 used to collect other men's wives and maidens into a place that, from this
 conduct, got the name of Hagneon, and there ravished them. And at last, having
 become utterly effeminate, they lived wholly like women instead of like men; on
 which account their age produced even a female tyrant, in the person of one of
 those who had been ravished in this way, by name Omphale. And she was the first to
 inflict on the Lydians the punishment that they deserved. For to be governed and
 insulted by a woman is a sufficient proof of the severity with which they were
 treated. Accordingly she, being a very intemperate woman herself, and meaning to
 revenge the insults to which she herself had been subjected, gave the maiden
 daughters of the masters to their slaves, in the very same place in which she
 herself had been ravished. And then having forcibly collected them all in this
 place, she shut up the mistresses with their slaves. 
 On which account the Lydians, wishing to soften the bitterness of the transaction,
 call the place the Woman's Contest —the Sweet Embrace. And not only were the wives
 of the Lydians exposed to all comers, but those also of the Epizephyrian Locrians,
 and also those of the Cyprians—and, in fact, those of all the nations who devote
 their daughters to the lives of prostitutes; and it appears to be, in truth, a
 sort of reminding of, and revenge for, some ancient insult. So against her a
 Lydian man of noble birth rose up, one who had been previously offended at the
 government of Midas; while Midas lay in effeminacy, and luxury, and a purple robe,
 working in the company of the women at the loom. But as Omphale slew all the
 strangers whom she admitted to her embraces, he chastised both-the one, being a
 stupid and illiterate man, he dragged out by his ears; a man who, for want of
 sense, had the surname of the most stupid of all animals: but the woman . . . .
 .

And the Lydians were also the first people to introduce the use of the sauce
 called caruca; concerning the preparation of which all those who have written
 cookery books have spoken a good deal-namely, Glaucus the Locrian, and Mithæcus,
 and Dionysius, and the two Heraclidæ (who were by birth Syracusans), and Agis, and
 Epænetus, and Dionysius, and also Hegesippus, and Erasistratus, and Euthydemus,
 and Criton; and besides these, Stephanus, and Archytas, and
 Acestius, and Acesias, and Diocles, and Philistion; for I know that all these men
 have written cookery books. And the Lydians, too, used to speak of a dish which
 they called candaulus; and there was not one kind of candaulus only, but three, so
 wholly devoted were they to luxury. And Hegesippus the Tarentine says, that the
 candaulus is made of boiled meat, and grated bread, and Phrygian cheese, and
 aniseed, and thick broth: and it is mentioned by Alexis, in his Woman Working all
 Night, or The Spinners; and it is a cook who is represented as speaking:— 
 
 A. And, besides this, we now will serve you up 
 A dish whose name's candaulus. 
 
 B. I've ne'er tasted 
 Candaulus, nor have I e'er heard of it. 
 
 A. 'Tis a most grand invention, and 'tis mine; 
 And if I put a dish of it before you, 
 Such will be your delight that you'll devour 
 Your very fingers ere you lose a bit of it. 
 We here will get some balls of snow-white wool. 
 You will serve up an egg well shred, and twice 
 Boil'd till it's hard; a sausage, too, of honey; 
 Some pickle from the frying-pan, some slices 
 Of new-made Cynthian cheese; and then 
 A bunch of grapes, steep'd in a cup of wine: 
 But this part of the dish is always laugh'd at, 
 And yet it is the mainstay of the meal. 
 
 B. Laugh on, my friend; but now be off, I beg, 
 With all your talk about candauli, and 
 Your sausages, and dishes, and such luxuries. 
 Philemon also mentions the candaulus in his Passer-by, where he says—
 
 For I have all these witnesses in the city, 
 That I'm the only one can dress a sausage, 
 A candaulus, eggs, a thrium, all in no time: 
 Was there any error or mistake in this? 
 And Nicostratus, in his Cook, says— 
 A man who could not even dress black broth, 
 But only thria and candauli. 
 And Menander, in his Trophonius, says— 
 Here comes a very rich Ionian, 
 And so I make a good thick soup, and eke 
 A rich candaulus, amatory food. 
 And the Lydians, when going out to war, array themselves to the tune of flutes and pipes, as Herodotus says; and the
 Lacedæmonians also attack their enemies keeping time to their flutes, as the
 Cretans keep time to the lyre.

But Heraclides of Cumæ, who wrote the History of Persia, having said in his book
 entitled The Preparation, that in the country which produces frankincense the king
 is independent, and responsible to no one, proceeds as follows:— And he
 exceeds every one in luxury and indolence; for he stays for ever in his palace,
 passing his whole life in luxury and extravagance; and he does no single thing,
 nor does he see many people. But he appoints the judges, and if any one thinks
 that they have decided unjustly, there is a window in the highest part of the
 palace, and it is fastened with a chain: accordingly, he who thinks that an
 unjust decision has been given against him, takes hold of the chain, and drags
 the window; and when the king hears it, he summons the man, and hears the cause
 himself. And if the judges appear to have decided unjustly, they are put to
 death; but if they appear to have decided justly, then the man who has moved
 the window is put to death. And it is said that the sum expended every
 day on the king, and on his wives and friends, amounts to fifteen Babylonian
 talents.

And among the Tyrrhenians, who carry their luxury to an extraordinary pitch,
 Timæus, in his first book, relates that the female servants wait on the men in a
 state of nudity. And Theopompus, in the forty-third book of his History, states,
 that it is a law among the Tyrrhenians that all their women should be in
 common: and that the women pay the greatest attention to their persons, and
 often practise gymnastic exercises, naked, among the men, and sometimes with
 one another; for that it is not accounted shameful for them to be seen naked.
 And that they sup not with their own husbands, but with any one who happens to
 be present; and they pledge whoever they please in their cups: and that they
 are wonderful women to drink, and very and some. And that the Tyrrhenians bring
 up all the children that are born, no one knowing to what father each child
 belongs: and the children, too, live in the same manner as those who have
 brought them up, having feasts very frequently, ad being intimate with all the
 women. Nor is it reckoned among the Tyrrhenians at all disgraceful either to do
 or suffer anything in the open air, or to be seen while it
 is going on; for it is quite the custom of their country: and they are so far
 from thinking it disgraceful, that they even say, when the master of the house
 is indulging his appetites, and any one asks for him, that he is doing so and
 so, using the coarsest possible words for his occupation. But when they are
 together in parties of companions or relations, they act in the following
 manner. First of all, when they have stopped drinking, and are about to go to
 sleep, while the lights are still burning, the servants introduce sometimes
 courtesans, and sometimes beautiful boys, and sometimes women; and when they
 have enjoyed them, they proceed to acts of still grosser licentiousness: and
 they indulge their appetites, and make parties on purpose, sometimes keeping
 one another in sight, but more frequently making tents around the beds, which
 are made of plaited laths, with cloths thrown over them. And the objects of
 their love are usually women; still they are not invariably as particular as
 they might be; and they are very beautiful, as is natural for people to be who
 live delicately, and who take great care of their persons. 
 
 And all the barbarians who live towards the west, smooth their bodies by rubbing
 them with pitch, and by shaving them; and among the Tyrrhenians there are many
 shops in which this trade is practised, and many artists whose sole employment it
 is, just as there are barbers among us. And when the Tyrrhenians go to these men,
 they give themselves wholly up to them, not being ashamed of having spectators, or
 of those who may be passing by. And many of the Greeks, and of those who inhabit
 Italy, adopt this practice, having learnt it from the Samnites and Messapians. But
 the Tyrrhenians (as Alcimus relates) are so far gone in luxury, that they even
 make bread, and box, and flog people to the sound of the flute.

The tables of the Sicilians also are very notorious for their luxury. And
 they say that even the sea in their region is sweet, delighting in the food
 which is procured from it, as Clearchus says, in the fifth book of his
 Lives. And why need we mention the Sybarites, among whom bathing men and pourers
 of water were first introduced in fetters, in order to prevent their going too
 fast, and to prevent also their scalding the bathers in their haste? And the Sybarites were the first people to forbid those who practise
 noisy arts from dwelling in their city; such as braziers, and smiths, and
 carpenters, and men of similar trades; providing that their slumbers should always
 be undisturbed. And it used to be unlawful to rear a cock in their city. 
 And Timæus relates concerning them, that a citizen of Sybaris once going into the
 country, seeing the husbandmen digging, said that he himself felt as if he had
 broker his bones by the sight; and some one who heard him replied, I, when
 I heard you say this, felt as if I had a pain in my side. And once, at
 Crotona, some Sybarites were standing by some one of the athletes who was digging
 up dust for the palæstra, and said they marvelled that men who had such a city had
 no slaves to dig the palæstra for them. But another Sybarite, coming to Lacedæmon,
 and being invited to the phiditium, sitting down on a wooden seat and eating with
 them, said that originally he had been surprised at hearing of the valour of the
 Lacedæmonians; but that now that he had seen it, he thought that they in no
 respect surpassed other men: for that the greatest coward on earth would rather
 die a thousand times than live and endure such a life as theirs.

And it is a custom among them that even their children, up to the age when they
 are ranked among the ephebi, should wear purple robes, and curls braided with
 gold. And it is a custom with them also to breed up in their houses little
 mannikins and dwarfs (as Timon says) who are called by some people στίλπωνες; and also little Maltese dogs, which follow
 them even to the gymnasia. And it was these men, and men like them, to whom
 Masinissa, king of Mauritania, made answer (as Ptolemy relates, in the eighth book
 of his Commentaries), when they were seeking to buy some monkeys: Why,—do
 not your wives, my good friends, produce any offspring? For Masinissa
 was very fond of children, and kept about him and brought up the children of his
 sons, and of his daughters equally, and he had a great many of them: and he
 brought them all up till they were three years old, and after that he sent them to
 their parent, having the younger ones to take their places. And Eublus the comic
 writer has said the same thing in his Graces:— 
 For is it not, I pray you, better far 
 For one man, who can well afford such acts, 
 
 To rear a man, than a loud gaping goose, 
 Or sparrow, or ape—most mischievous of beasts? 
 And Athenodorus, in his treatise on Serious Studies and Amusements, says
 that Archytas of Tarentum, who was both a statesman and a philosopher,
 having many slaves, was always delighted at his entertainments when any of them
 came to his banquets. But the Sybarites delighted only in Maltese puppy dogs,
 and in men which were no men.

The Sybarites used to wear also garments made of Milesian wool, from which there
 arose a great friendship between the two cities, as Timæus relates. For of the
 inhabitants of Italy, the Milesians gave the preference to the Tyrrhenians, and of
 foreigners to the Ionians, because they were devoted to luxury. But the cavalry of
 the Sybarites, being in number more than five thousand, used to go in procession
 with saffron-coloured robes over their breastplates; and in the summer their
 younger men used to go away to the caves of the Lusiades Nymphs, and live there in
 all kinds of luxury. And whenever the rich men of that country left the city for
 the country, although they always travelled in chariots, still they used to
 consume three days in a day's journey. And some of the roads which led to their
 villas in the country were covered with awnings all over; and a great many of them
 had cellars near the sea, into which their wine was brought by canals from the
 country, and some of it was then sold out of the district, but some was brought
 into the city in boats. They also celebrate in public numbers of feasts; and they
 honour those who display great magnificence on such occasions with golden crowns,
 and they proclaim their names at the public sacrifices and games; announcing not
 only their general goodwill towards the city, but also the great magnificence
 which they had displayed in the feasts. And on these occasions they even crown
 those cooks who have served up the most exquisite dishes. And among the Sybarites
 there were found baths in which, while they lay down, they were steamed with warm
 vapours. And they were the first people who introduced the custom of bringing
 chamber-pots into entertainments. But laughing at those who left their countries
 to travel in foreign lands, they themselves used to boast that they had grown old
 without ever having crossed the bridges which led over their frontier rivers.

But it seems to me, that besides the fact of the riches of the Sybarites, the very
 natural character of their country,— since there are no harbours on their coasts,
 and since, in consequence, nearly all the produce of the land is consumed by the
 citizens themselves,—and to some extent also an oracle of the God, has excited
 them all to luxury, and has cased them to live in practices of most immoderate
 dissoluteness. But their city lies in a hollow, and in summer is liable to excess
 of cold both morning and evening, but in the middle of the day the heat is
 intolerable, so that the greater part of them believe that the rivers contribute a
 great deal to the health of the inhabitants; on which account it has been said,
 that an man who, living at Sybaris, wishes not to die before his time,
 ought never to see the sun either rise or set. And once they sent to
 the oracle to consult the God (and one of the ambassadors was named Amyris), and
 to ask how long their prosperity should last; and the priestess of Delphi answered
 them— 
 You shall be happy, Sybarite,—very happy, 
 And all your time in entertainments pass, 
 While you continue to th' immortal gods 
 The worship due: but when you come, at length, 
 To honour mortal man beyond the gods, 
 Then foreign war and intestine sedition 
 Shall come upon you, and shall crush your city. 
 When they had heard this they thought the God had said to them that they
 should never have their luxury terminated; for that there was no chance of their
 ever honouring a man more than God. But in agreement with the oracle they
 experienced a change of fortune, when one of them flogging one of his slaves,
 continued to beat him after he had sought an asylum in a temple; but when at last
 he fled to the tomb of his father, he let him go, out of shame. But their whole
 revenues were dissipated by the way in which then rivalled one another in luxury.
 And the city also rivalled all other cities in luxury. And not long after this
 circumstance, when many omens of impending destruction, which it is not necessary
 to allude to further at present, had given them notice, they were destroyed.

But they had carried their luxury to such a pitch that they had taught even their
 horses to dance at their feasts to the music of the flute. Accordingly the people
 of Crotona, knowing this, and being at war with them, as
 Aristotle relates in his History of the Constitution of Sybaris, played before
 their horses the air to which they were accustomed to dance; for the people of
 Crotona also had fluteplayers in military uniform. And as soon as the horses heard
 them playing on the flute, they not only began to dance, but ran over to the army
 of the Crotonians, carrying their riders with them. 
 And Charon of Lampsacus tells a similar story about the Cardians, in the second
 book of his Annals, writing as follows:— The Bisaltæ invaded the territory
 of the Cardians, and conquered them. But the general of the Bisaltæ was Onaris;
 and he, while he was a boy, had been sold as a slave in Cardia; and having
 lived as a slave to one of the Cardians, he had been taught the trade of a
 barber. And the Cardians had an oracle warning them that the Bisaltæ would some
 day invade them; and they very often used to talk over this oracle while
 sitting in this barber's shop. And Onaris, escaping from Cardia to his own
 country, prompted the Bisaltæ to invade the Cardians, and was himself elected
 general of the Bisaltæ. But all the Cardians had been in the habit of teaching
 their horses to dance at their feasts to the music of the flute; and they,
 standing on their hind feet, used to dance with their fore feet in time to the
 airs which they had been taught. Onaris then, knowing these things, got a
 female fluteplayer from among the Cardians. And this female fluteplayer coming
 to the Bisaltæ, taught many of their fluteplayers; and when they had learnt
 sufficiently, he took them in his army against the Cardians. And when the
 battle took place, he ordered the fluteplayers to play the airs which they had
 learnt, and which the horses of the Cardians knew. And when the horses heard
 the flute, they stood up on their hind feet, and took to dancing. But the main
 strength of the Cardians was in their cavalry, and so they were
 conquered. 
 
 And one of the Sybarites, once wishing to sail over to Crotona, hired a vessel to
 carry him by himself, on condition that no one was to splash him, and that no one
 else was to be taken on board, and that he might take his horse with him. And when
 the captain of the ship had agreed to these terms, he put his horse on board, and
 ordered some straw to be spread under the horse. And
 afterwards he begged one of those who had accompanied him down to the vessel to go
 with him, saying, I have already stipulated with the captain of the ship to
 keep along the shore. But he relied, I should have had great
 difficulty in complying with your wishes if you had been going to walk along
 the seashore, much less can I do so when you are going to sail along the
 land.

But Phylarchus, in the twenty-fifth book of his History, (having said that there
 was a law at Syracuse, that the women should not wear golden ornaments, nor
 garments embroidered with flowers, nor robes with purple borders, unless they
 professed that they were public prostitutes; and that there was another law, that
 a man should not adorn his person, nor wear any extraordinarily handsome robes,
 different from the rest of the citizens, unless he meant to confess that he was.
 an adulterer and a profligate: and also, that a freewoman was not to walk abroad
 when the sun had set, unless she was going to commit adultery; and even by day
 they were not allowed to go out without the leave of the regulators of the women,
 and without one female servant following them,)— Phylarchus, I say, states, that
 the Sybarites, having given loose to their luxury, made a law that women
 might be invited to banquets, and that those who intended to invite them to
 sacred festivities must make preparation a year before, in order that they
 might have all that time to provide themselves with garments and other
 ornaments in a suitable manner worthy of the occasion, and so might come to the
 banquet to which they were invited. And if any confectioner or cook invented
 any peculiar and excellent dish, no other artist was allowed to make this for a
 year; but he alone who invented it was entitled to all the profit to be derived
 from the manufacture of it for that time; in order that others might be in-
 duced to labour at excelling in such pursuits. And the same way, it was
 provided that those who sold eels were not to be liable to pay tribute, nor
 those who caught them either. And in the same way the laws exempted from all
 burdens those who dyed the marine purple and those who imported it.

They, then, having carried their luxury and insolence to a great height, at last,
 when thirty ambassadors came to them from the people of Crotona, slew them all,
 and threw their bodies down over the wall, and left them
 there to be eaten by beasts. And this was the beginning of great evils to them, as
 the Deity was much offended at it. Accordingly, a few days afterwards all their
 chief magistrates appeared to see the same vision on one night; for they thought
 that they saw Juno coming into the midst of the market-place, and vomiting gall;
 and a spring of blood arose in her temple. But even then they did not desist from
 their arrogance, until they were all destroyed by the Crotonians. But Heraclides
 of Pontus, in his treatise on Justice, says,— The Sybarites having put down
 the tyranny of Telys, and having destroyed all those who had exercised
 authority, met them and slew them at the altars of the gods. And at the sight
 of this slaughter the statue of Juno turned itself away, and the floor sent up
 a fountain of blood, so that they were forced to cover all the place around
 with brazen tablets, wishing to stop the rising of the blood: on which account
 they were all driven from their city and destroyed. And they had also been
 desirous to obscure the glory of the famous games at Olympia; for watching the
 time when they are celebrated, they attempted to draw over the athletes to
 their side by the extravagance of the prizes which they offered.

And the men of Crotona, as Timæus says, after they had destroyed the people of
 Sybaris, began to indulge in luxury; so that their chief magistrate went about the
 city clad in a purple robe, and wearing a golden crown on his head, and wearing
 also white sandals. But some say that this was not done out of luxury, but owing
 to Democedes the physician, who was by birth a native of Crotona; and who having
 lived with Polycrates the tyrant of Samos, and having been taken prisoner by the
 Persians after his death, was taken to the king of Persia, after Orœtes had put
 Polycrates to death. And Democedes, having cured Atossa, the wife of Darius, and
 daughter of Cyrus, who had a complaint in her breast, asked of her this reward, to
 be sent back to Greece, on condition of returning again to Persia; and having
 obtained his request he came to Crotona. And as he wished to remain there, when
 some Persian laid hold of him and said that he was a slave of the king of Persia,
 the Crotonians took him away, and having stripped the Persian of his robe, dressed
 the lictor of their chief magistrate in it. And from that
 time forward, the lictor, having on the Persian robe, went round with the chief
 magistrate to all the altars every seventh day; not for the sake of luxury or
 insolence, but doing it for the purpose of insulting the Persians. But after this
 the men of Crotona, as Timæus says, attempted to put an end to the Assembly at
 Olympia, by appointing a meeting for games, with enormously rich prizes, to be
 held at exactly the same time as the Olympian games; but some say that the
 Sybarites did this.

But Clearchus, in the fourth book of his Lives, says that the people of Tarentum,
 being a very valiant and powerful people, carried their luxury to such a height,
 that they used to make their whole body smooth, and that they were the first
 people who set other nations an example of this smoothness. They also, says he,
 all wore very beautiful fringes on their garments; such as those with which now
 the life of woman is refined. And afterwards, being led on by their luxury to
 insolence, they overthrew a city of the Iapyges, called Carbina, and collected all
 the boys and maidens, and women in the flower of their age, out of it into the
 temples of the Carbinians; and building tents there, they exposed them naked by
 day for all who chose to come and look at them, so that whoever pleased, leaping,
 as it were, on this unfortunate band, might satiate his appetites with the beauty
 of those who were there assembled, in the sight of every one, and above all of the
 Gods, whom they were thinking of but little. And this aroused the indignation of
 the Deity, so that he struck all the Tarentines who behaved so impiously in
 Carbina with his thunderbolts. And even to this day at Tarentum every one of the
 houses has the same number of pillars before its doors as that of the people whom
 it received back of those who were sent to Iapygia. And, when the day comes which
 is the anniversary of their death, they do not bewail those who perished at those
 pillars, nor do they offer the libations which are customary in other cases, but
 they offer sacrifices to Jupiter the Thunderer.

Now the race of the Iapygians came originally from Crete, being descended from
 those Cretans who came to seek for Glaucus, and settled in that part of Italy; but
 afterwards, they, forgetting the orderly life of the Cretans came to such a pitch
 of luxury, and from thence to such a degree of insolence,
 that they were the first people who painted their faces, and who wore headbands
 and false hair, and who clothed themselves in robes embroidered with flowers, and
 who considered it disgraceful to cultivate the land, or to do any kind of labour.
 And most of them made their houses more beautiful than the temples of the gods;
 and so they say, that the leaders of the Iapygians, treating the Deity with
 insult, destroyed the images of the gods out of the temples, ordering them to give
 place to their superiors. On which account, being struck with fire and
 thunderbolts, they gave rise to this report; for indeed the thunderbolts with
 which they were stricken down were visible a long time afterwards. And to this
 very day all their descendants live with shaven heads and in mourning apparel, in
 want of all the luxuries which previously belonged to them.

But the Spaniards, although they go about in robes like those of the tragedians,
 and richly embroidered, and in tunics which reach down to the feet, are not at all
 hindered by their dress from displaying their vigour in war; but the people of
 Massilia became very effeminate, wearing the same highly ornamented kind of dress
 which the Spaniards used to wear; but they behave in a shameless manner, on
 account of the effeminacy of their souls, behaving like women, out of luxury: from
 which the proverb has gone about,—May you sail to Massilia. And the inhabitants of
 Siris, which place was first inhabited by people who touched there on their return
 from Troy, and after them by the Colophonians, as Timæus and Aristotle tell us,
 indulged in luxury no less than the Sybarites; for it was a peculiar national
 custom of theirs to wear embroidered tunics, which they girded up with expensive
 girdles ( μίτραι ); and on this account they were
 called by the inhabitants of the adjacent countries μιτροχίτωνες, since Homer calls those who have no girdles ἀμιτροχίτωνες. And Archilochus the poet marvelled beyond
 anything at the country of the Siritans, and at their prosperity. Accordingly,
 speaking of Thasos as inferior to Siris, he says— 
 For there is not on earth a place so sweet, 
 Or lovely, or desirable as that 
 Which stands upon the stream of gentle Siris. 
 But the place was called Siris, as Timæus asserts, and as Euripides says
 too in his play called The Female Prisoner, or Melanippe,
 from a woman named Siris, but according to Archilochus, from a river of the same
 name. And the number of the population was very great in proportion to the size of
 the place and extent of the country, owing to the luxurious and delicious
 character of the climate all around. On which account nearly all that part of
 Italy which was colonised by the Greeks was called Magna Græcia.

But the Milesians, as long as they abstained from luxury, conquered the
 Scythians, as Ephorus says, "and founded all the cities on the
 Hellespont, and settled all the country about the Euxine Sea with beautiful
 cities. And they all betook themselves to Miletus. But when they were enervated by
 pleasure and luxury, all the valiant character of the city disappeared, as
 Aristotle tells us; and indeed a proverb arose from them,— 
 Once on a time Milesians were brave." 
 Heraclides of Pontus, in the second book of his treatise on Justice,
 says,—"The city of the Milesians fell into misfortunes, on account of the
 luxurious lives of the citizens and on account of the political factions; for the
 citizens, not loving equity, destroyed their enemies root and branch. For all the
 rich men and the populace formed opposite factions (and they call the populace
 Gergithæ). At first the people got the better, and drove out the rich men, and,
 collecting the children of those who fled into some threshing-floors, collected a
 lot of oxen, and so trampled them to death, destroying them in a most impious
 manner. Therefore, when in their turn the rich men got the upper hand, they
 smeared over all those whom they got into their power with pitch, and so burnt
 them alive. And when they were being burnt, they say that many other prodigies
 were seen, and also that a sacred olive took fire of its own accord; on which
 account the God drove them for a long time from his oracle; and when they asked
 the oracle on what account they were driven away, he said— 
 My heart is grieved for the defenceless Gergithæ, 
 So helplessly destroy'd; and for the fate 
 Of the poor pitch-clad bands, and for the tree 
 Which never more shall flourish or bear fruit. 
 And Clearchus, in his fourth book, says that the Milesians, imitating the
 luxury of the Colophonians, disseminated it among their
 neighbours. And then he says that they, when reproved for it, said one to another,
 Keep at home your native Milesian wares, and publish them not.

And concerning the Scythians, Clearchus, in what follows these last words,
 proceeds to say—-"The nation of the Scythians was the first to use common laws;
 but after that, they became in their turn the most miserable of all nations, on
 account of their insolence: for they indulged in luxury to a degree in which no
 other nation did, being prosperous in everything, and having great resources of
 all sorts for such indulgences. And this is plain from the traces which exist of
 it to this day in the apparel worn, and way of life practised, by their chief men.
 For they, being very luxurious, and indeed being the first men who abandoned
 themselves wholly to luxury, proceeded to such a pitch of insolence that they used
 to cut off the noses of all the men wherever they came; and their descendants,
 after they emigrated to other countries, even now derive their name from this
 treatment. But their wives used to tattoo the wives of the Thracians, (of those
 Thracians, that is, who lived on the northern and western frontiers of Scythia,)
 all over their bodies, drawing figures on them with the tongues of their buckles;
 on which account, many years afterwards, the wives of the Thracians who had been
 treated in this manner effaced this disgrace in a peculiar manner of their own,
 tattooing also all the rest of their skin all over, in order that by this means
 the brand of disgrace and insult which was imprinted on their bodies, being
 multiplied in so various a manner, might efface the reproach by being called an
 ornament. And they lorded it over all other nations in so tyrannical a manner,
 that the offices of slavery, which are painful enough to all men, made it plain to
 all succeeding ages what was the real character of a Scythian
 command. 
 
 Therefore, on account of the number of disasters which oppressed them, since every
 people had lost, through grief, all the comforts of life, and all their hair at
 the same time, foreign nations called all cutting of the hair which is done by way
 of insult, ἀποσκυθίζομαι.

And Callias, or Diocles, (whichever was the author of the Cyclopes), ridiculing
 the whole nation of the Ionians in that play, says— 
 
 What has become of that luxurious 
 Ionia, with the sumptuous supper-tables? 
 Tell me, how does it fare? 
 And the people of Abydus (and Abydus is a colony of Miletus) are very
 luxurious in their way of life, and wholly enervated by pleasure; as Hermippus
 tells us, in his Soldiers— 
 
 A. I do rejoice when I behold an army 
 From o'er the sea,—to see how soft they are 
 And delicate to view, with flowing hair, 
 And well-smooth'd muscles in their tender arms. 
 
 B. Have you heard Abydus has become a man? 
 And Aristophanes, in his Triphales, ridiculing (after the fashion of the
 comedians) many of the Ionians, says— 
 Then all the other eminent foreigners 
 Who were at hand, kept following steadily, 
 And much they press'd him, begging he would take 
 The boy with him to Chios, and there sell him: 
 Another hoped he'd take him to Clazomenæ; 
 A third was all for Ephesus; a fourth 
 Preferred Abydus on the Hellespont: 
 And all these places in his way did lie. 
 But concerning the people of Abydus, Antipho, in reply to the attacks of
 Alcibiades, speaks as follows:— After you had been considered by your
 guardians old enough to be your own master, you, receiving your property from
 their hands, went away by sea to Abydus,—not for the purpose of transacting any
 private business of your own, nor on account of any commission of the state
 respecting any public rights of hospitality; but, led only by your own lawless
 and intemperate disposition, to learn lascivious habits and actions from the
 women at Abydus, in order that you might be able to put them in practice during
 the remainder of your life.

The Magnesians also, who lived on the banks of the Meander, were undone because
 they indulged in too much luxury, as Callinus relates in his Elegies; and
 Archilochus confirms this: for the city of Magnesia was taken by the Ephesians.
 And concerning these same Ephesians, Democritus, who was himself an Ephesian,
 speaks in the First book of his treatise on the Temple of Diana at Ephesus; where,
 relating their excessive effeminacy, and the dyed garments which they used to
 wear, he uses these expressions:— And as for the violet and purple robes of
 the Ionians, and their saffron garments, embroidered with
 round figures, those are known to every one; and the caps which they wear on
 their heads are in like manner embroidered with figures of animals. They wear
 also garments called sarapes, of yellow, or scarlet, or white, and some even of
 purple: and they wear also long robes called calasires, of Corinthian
 workmanship; and some of these are purple, and some violet-coloured, and some
 hyacinth-coloured; and one may also see some which are of a fiery red, and
 others which are of a sea-green colour. There are also Persian calasires, which
 are the most beautiful of all. And one may see also, continues
 Democritus, the garments which they call actææ; and the actæa is the most
 costly of all the Persian articles of dress: and this actæa is woven for the
 sake of fineness and of strength, and it is ornamented all over with golden
 millet-grains; and all the millet-grains have knots of purple thread passing
 through the middle, to fasten them inside the garment. And he says that
 the Ephesians use all these things, being wholly devoted to luxury.

But Duris, speaking concerning the luxury of the Samians, quotes the poems of
 Asius, to prove that they used to wear armlets on their arms; and that, when
 celebrating the festival of the Heræa, they used to go about with their hair
 carefully combed down over the back of their head and over their shoulders; and he
 says that this is proved to have been their regular practice by this
 proverb— To go, like a worshipper of Juno, with his hair braided. 
 
 Now the verses of Asius run as follows:—- 
 And they march'd, with carefully comb'd hair 
 To the most holy spot of Juno's temple, 
 Clad in magnificent robes, whose snow-white folds 
 Reach'd to the ground of the extensive earth, 
 And golden knobs on them like grasshoppers, 
 And golden chaplets loosely held their hair, 
 Gracefully waving in the genial breeze; 
 And on their arms were armlets, highly wrought, 
 . . . . . . . . . and sung 
 The praises of the mighty warrior. 
 But Heraclides of Pontus, in his treatise on Pleasure, says that the
 Samians, being most extravagantly luxurious, destroyed the city, out of their
 meanness to one another, as effectually as the Sybarites destroyed theirs.

But the Colophonians (as Phylarchus says), who ori- ginally
 adopted a very rigid course of life, when, in conse- quence of the alliance and
 friendship which they formed with the Lydians, they began to give way to luxury,
 used to go into public with their hair adorned with golden ornaments, as
 Xenophanes tells us— 
 They learnt all sorts of useless foolishness 
 From the effeminate Lydians, while they 
 Were held in bondage to sharp tyranny. 
 They went into the forum richly clad 
 In purple garments, in numerous companies, 
 Whose strength was not less than a thousand men, 
 Boasting of hair luxuriously dress'd, 
 Dripping with costly and sweet-smelling oils. 
 And to such a degree did they carry their dissoluteness and their
 unseemly drunkenness, that some of them never once saw the sun either rise or set:
 and they passed a law, which continued even to our time, that the female
 fluteplayers and female harpers, and all such musicians and singers, should
 receive pay from daybreak to midday, and until the lamps were lighted; but after
 that they set aside the rest of the night to get drunk in. And Theopompus, in the
 fifteenth book of his History, says, that a thousand men of that city used
 to walk about the city, wearing purple garments, which was at that time a
 colour rare even among kings, and greatly sought after; for purple was
 constantly sold for its weight in silver. And so, owing to these practices,
 they fell under the power of tyrants, and became torn by factions, and so were
 undone with their country. And Diogenes the Babylonian gave the same
 account of them, in the first book of his Laws. And Antiphanes, speaking generally
 of the luxury of all the Ionians, has the following lines in his Dodona:— 
 Say, from what country do you come, what land 
 Call you your home? Is this a delicate 
 Luxurious band of long and soft-robed men 
 From cities of Ionia that here approaches? 
 And Theophrastus, in his essay on Pleasure, says that the Ionians, on
 account of the extraordinary height to which they carried their luxury, gave rise
 to what is now known as the golden proverb.

And Theopompus, in the eighth book of his History of the Affairs of Philip, says
 that some of those tribes which live on the sea-coast are exceedingly luxurious in
 their manner of living. But about the Byzantians and
 Chalcedonians, the same Theopompus makes the following statement:— But the
 Byzantians, because they had been governed a long time by a democracy, and
 because their city was so situated as to be a kind of mart, and because the
 whole people spent the whole of their time in the market-place and about the
 harbour, were very intemperate, and in the constant habit of feasting and
 drinking at the wine-sellers'. But the Chalcedonians, before they became
 members of the same city with them, were men who at all times cultivated better
 habits and principles of life; but after they had tasted of the democracy of
 the Byzantians, they fell into ruinous luxury, and, from having been most
 temperate and moderate in their daily life, they became a nation of hard
 drinkers, and very extravagant. And, in the twenty-first book of the
 History of the Affairs of Philip, he says that the nation of the Umbrians (and
 that is a tribe which lives on the shores of the Hadriatic) was exceedingly
 devoted to luxury, and lived in a manner very like the Lydians, and had a fertile
 country, owing to which they advanced in prosperity.

But speaking about the Thessalians, in his fourth book, he says that they
 spend all their time among dancing women and flute-playing women, and some
 spend all the day in dice and drinking, and similar pastimes; and they are more
 anxious how they may display their tables loaded with all kinds of food, than
 how they may exhibit a regular and orderly life. But the Pharsalians, 
 says he, are of all men the most indolent and the most extravagant. 
 And the Thessalians are confessed (as Critias says) to be the most extravagant of
 all the Greeks, both in their way of living and in their apparel; which was a
 reason why they conducted the Persians into Greece, desiring to copy their luxury
 and expense. 
 But concerning the Aetolians, Polybius tells us, in the thirteenth book of his
 History, that on account of their continual wars, and the extravagance of their
 lives, they became involved in debt. And Agatharchides, in the twelfth book of his
 Histories, says— The Aetolians are so much the more ready to encounter
 death, in proportion as they seek to live extravagantly and with greater
 prodigality than any other nation.

But the Sicilians, and especially the Syracusans, are very
 notorious for their luxury; as Aristophanes also tells us, in his Daitaleis, where
 he says— 
 But after that I sent you, you did not 
 Learn this at all; but only learnt to drink, 
 And sing loose songs at Syracusan feasts, 
 And how to share in Sybaritic banquets, 
 And to drink Chian wine in Spartan cups. 
 But Plato, in his Epistles, says— It was with this intention that I
 went to Italy and Sicily, when I paid my first visit there. But when I got
 there, the way of life that I found there was not at all pleasing to me; for
 twice in the day they eat to satiety, and they never sleep alone at night; and
 they indulge also in all other such practices as naturally follow on such
 habits: for, after such habits as these, no man in all the world, who has been
 bred up in them from his youth, can possibly turn out sensible; and as for
 being temperate and virtuous, that none of them ever think of. And in
 the third book of his Polity he writes as follows:—"It seems to me, my friend,
 that you do not approve of the Syracusan tables, and the Sicilian variety of
 dishes; and you do not approve either of men, who wish to preserve a vigorous
 constitution, devoting themselves to Corinthian mistresses; nor do you much admire
 the delicacy which is usually attributed to Athenian sweetmeats.

But Posidonius, in the sixteenth book of his Histories, speaking of the cities in
 Syria, and saying how luxurious they were, writes as follows:— The
 inhabitants of the towns, on account of the great fertility of the land, used
 to derive great revenues from their estates, and after their labours for
 necessary things used to celebrate frequent entertainments, at which they
 feasted incessantly, using their gymnasia for baths, and anointing themselves
 with very costly oils and perfumes; and they passed all their time in their
 γραμματεῖα, for that was the name which they
 gave to their public banqueting-rooms, as if they had been their own private
 houses; and the greater part of the day they remained in tem, filling their
 bellies with meat and drink, so as even to carry away a good deal to eat at
 home; and they delighted their ears with the music of a noisy lyre, so that
 whole cities resounded with such noises. But Agatharchides, in the
 thirty-fifth book of his Affairs of Europe, says— The Arycandians of Lycia,
 being neighbours of the Limyres, having got involved in
 debt, on account of the intemperance and extravagance of their way of living,
 and, by reason of their indolence and devotion to pleasure, being unable to
 discharge their debts, placed all their hopes on Mithridates, thinking that he
 would reward them with a general abolition of debts. And, in his
 thirty-first book, he says that the Zacynthians were inexperienced in war, because
 they were accustomed to live in ease and opulence.

And Polybius, in his seventh book, says, that the inhabitants of Capua in
 Campania, having become exceedingly rich through the excellence of their soil,
 fell into habits of luxury and extravagance, exceeding all that is reported of the
 inhabitants of Crotona or Sybaris. Accordingly, says he,
 they, not being able to bear their present prosperity, called in
 Hannibal, owing to which act they afterwards suffered intole- rable calamities
 at the hands of the Romans. But the people of Petelia, who kept the promises
 which they had made to the Romans, behaved with such resolution and fortitude
 when besieged by Hannibal, that they did not surrender till they had eaten all
 the hides which there were in the city, and the bark and young branches of all
 the trees which grew in the city, and till they had endured a siege for eleven
 months, without any one coming to their assistance; and they did not even then
 surrender without the permission of the Romans.

And Phylarchus, in the eleventh book of his History, says that Aeschylus says that
 the Curetes derived their name from their luxurious habits— 
 And their luxurious curls, like a fond girl's, 
 On which account they call'd him κουρῆτες. 
 
 
 And Agathon in his Thyestes says, that "the suitors who courted the
 daughter of Pronax came sumptuously dressed in all other points, and also with
 very long, carefully dressed hair. And when they failed in obtaining her hand—
 
 At least (say they) we cut and dress'd our hair, 
 To be an evidence of our luxury, 
 A lovely action of a cheerful mind; 
 And thence we gain'd the glory of a name,— 
 To be κουρῆτες, from our well-cut ( κούριμος ) hair." 
 And the people of Cumæ in Italy, as Hyperochus tells us, or whoever else
 it was who wrote the History of Cumæ which is attributed to
 him, wore golden brocaded garments all day, and robes embroidered with flowers;
 and used to go to the fields with their wives, riding in chariots.—And this is
 what I have to say about the luxury of nations and cities.

But of individual instances I have heard tile following stories:—Ctesias, in the
 third book of his History of Persia, says, that all those who were ever kings in
 Asia devoted themselves mainly to luxury; and above all of them, Ninyas did so,
 the son of Ninus and Semiramis. He, therefore, remaining in-doors and living
 luxuriously, was never seen by any one, except by his eunuchs and by his own
 women. 
 And another king of this sort was Sardanapalus, whom some call the son of
 Anacyndaraxes, and others the son of Anabaxarus. And so, when Arbaces, who was one
 of the generals under him, a Mede by birth, endeavoured to manage, by the
 assistance of one of the eunuchs, whose name was Sparamizus, to see Sardanaplus;
 and when he with difficulty prevailed upon him, with the consent of the king
 himself,—when the Mede entered and saw him, pointed with vermilion and adorned
 like a woman, sitting among his concubines carding purple wool, and sitting among
 them with his feet up, wearing a woman's robe, and with his beard carefully
 scraped, and his face smoothed with pumice-stone (for he was whiter than milk, and
 pencilled under his eyes and eyebrows; and when he saw Arbaces, he was just
 putting a little more white under his eyes), most historians, among whom Duris is
 one, relate that Arbaces, being indignant at his countrymen being ruled over by
 such a monarch as that, stabbed him and slew him. But Ctesias says that he went to
 war with him, and collected a great army, and then that Sardanapalus, being
 dethroned by Arbaces, died, burning himself alive in his palace, having heaped up
 a funeral pile four plethra in extent, on which he placed a hundred and fifty
 golden couches, and a corresponding number of tables, these, too, being all made
 of gold. And he also erected on the funeral pile a chamber a hundred feet long,
 made of wood; and in it he had couches spread, and there he himself lay down with
 his wife, and his concubines lay on other couches around. For he had sent on his
 three sons and his daughters, when he saw that his affairs were getting in a
 dangerous state, to Nineveh, to the king of that city, giving them three thousand
 talents of gold. And he made the roof of this apartment of
 large stout beams, and then all the walls of it he made of numerous thick planks,
 so that it was impossible to escape out of it. And in it he placed ten millions of
 talents of gold, and a hundred millions of talents of silver, and robes, and
 purple garments, and every kind of apparel imaginable. And after that he bade the
 slaves set fire to the pile; and it was fifteen days burning. And those who saw
 the smoke wondered, and thought that he was celebrating a great sacrifice; but the
 eunuchs alone knew what was really being done. And in this way Sardanapalus, who
 had spent his life in extraordinary luxury, died with as much magnanimity as
 possible.

But Clearchus, relating the history of the king of Persia, says that— in a
 very prudent manner he proposed prizes for any one who could invent any
 delicious food. For this is what, I imagine, is meant by the brains of Jupiter
 and the king. On which account, continues he, Sardanapalus was
 the most happy of all monarchs, who during his whole life preferred enjoyment
 to everything else, and who, even after his death, shows by his fingers, in the
 figure carved on his tomb, how much ridicule all human affairs deserve, being
 not worth the snap of his fingers which he makes . . . . . . . . anxiety about
 other things. 
 
 However, Sardanapalus does not appear to have lived all his life in entire
 inaction; for the inscription on his tomb says—- 
 Sardanapalus 
 The king, and son of Anacyndaraxes, 
 In one day built Anchiale and Tarsus; 
 But now he's dead. 
 And Amyntas, in the third book of his Account of the Posts, says that at
 Nineveh there is a very high mound, which Cyrus levelled with the ground when he
 besieged the city, and raised another mound against the city; and that this mound
 was said to have been erected by Sardanapalus the son of King Ninus; and that on
 it there was said to be inscribed, on a marble pillar and in Chaldaic characters,
 the following inscription, which Chærilus translated into Greek, and reduced to
 metre. And the inscription is as follows— 
 I was the king, and while I lived on earth, 
 And saw the bright rays of the genial sun, 
 I ate and drank and loved; and knew full well 
 
 The time that men do live on earth was brief, 
 And liable to many sudden changes, 
 Reverses, and calamities. Now others 
 Will have th' enjoyment of my luxuries, 
 Which I do leave behind me. For these reasons 
 I never ceased one single day from pleasure. 
 But Clitarchus, in the fourth book of his History of Alexander, says that
 Sardanapalus died of old age after he had lost the sovereignty over the Syrians.
 And Aristobulus says— "In Anchiale, which was built by Sardanapalus, did
 Alexander, when he was on his expedition against the Persians, pitch his camp. And
 at no great distance was the monument of Sardanapalus, on which there was a marble
 figure putting together the fingers of its right hand, as if it were giving a
 fillip. And there was on it the following inscription in Assyrian characters—
 
 Sardanapalus 
 The king, and son of Anacyndaraxes, 
 In one day built Anchiale and Tarsus. 
 Eat, drink, and love; the rest's not worth e'en this,— 
 by this meaning the fillip he was giving with his
 fingers.

But Sardanapalus was not the only king who was very luxurious, but so was also
 Androcotus the Phrygian. For he also used to wear a robe embroidered with flowers;
 and to adorn himself more superbly than a woman, as Mnaseas relates, in the third
 book of his History of Europe. But Clearchus, in the fifth book of his Lives, says
 that Sagaus the king of the Mariandyni used, out of luxury, to eat, till he
 arrived at old age, out of his nurse's mouth, that he might not have the trouble
 of chewing his own food; and that he never put his hand lower than his navel; on
 which account Aristotle, laughing at Xenocrates the Chalcedonian, for a similar
 preposterous piece of laziness, says— 
 His hands are clean, but sure his mind is not. 
 And Ctesias relates that Annarus, a lieutenant of the king of Persia, and
 governor of Babylon, wore the entire dress and ornaments of a woman; and though he
 was only a slave of the king, there used to come into the room while he was at
 supper a hundred and fifty women playing the lyre and singing. And they played and
 sang all the time that he was eating. And Phoenix of Colophon, the poet, speaking
 of Ninus, in the first book of his Iambics, says— 
 
 There was a man named Ninus, as I hear, 
 King of Assyria, who had a sea 
 Of liquid gold, and many other treasures, 
 More than the whole sand of the Caspian sea. 
 He never saw a star in all his life, 
 But sat still always, nor did wish to see one; 
 He never, in his place among the Magi, 
 Roused the sacred fire, as the law bids, 
 Touching the God with consecrated wand; 
 He was no orator, no prudent judge, 
 He never learn'd to speak, or count a sum, 
 But was a wondrous man to eat and drink 
 And love, and disregarded all besides: 
 And when he died he left this rule to men, 
 Where Nineveh and his monument now stands:— 
 "Behold and hear, whether from wide Assyria 
 You come, or else from Media, or if 
 You're a Choraxian, or a long-hair'd native 
 Of the lake country in Upper India, 
 For these my warnings are not vain or false: 
 I once was Ninus, a live breathing man, 
 Now I am nothing, only dust and clay, 
 And all I ate, and all I sang and jested, 
 And all I loved. . . . 
 But now my enemies have come upon me, 
 They have my treasures and my happiness, 
 Tearing me as the Bacchæ tear a kid; 
 And I am gone, not taking with me gold, 
 Or horses, or a single silver chariot; 
 Once I did wear a crown, now I am dust.

But Theopompus, in the fifteenth book of his History of Philip, says that
 Straton the king of Sidon surpassed all men in luxury and devotion to
 pleasure. For as Homer has represented the Phæacians as living feasting and
 drinking, and listening to harp-players and rhapsodists, so also did Straton
 pass the whole of his life; and so much the more devoted to pleasure was he
 than they, that the Phæacians, as Homer reports, used to hold their banquets in
 the company of their own wives and daughters; but Straton used to prepare his
 entertainments with flute-playing and harp-playing and lyre-playing women. And
 he sent for many courtesans from Peloponnesus, and for many musicians from
 Ionia, and for other girls from every part of Greece; some skilful in singing
 and some in dancing, for exhibitions of skill in which they had contests before
 himself and his friends; and with these women he spent a great deal of his
 time. He then, delighting in such a life as this, and
 being by nature a slave to his passions, was also especially urged on by
 rivalry with Nicocles. For he and Nicocles were always rivalling one another;
 each of them devoted all his attention to living more luxuriously and
 pleasantly than the other. And so they carried their emulation to such a
 height, as we have heard, that when either of them heard from his visitors what
 was the furniture of the other's house, and how great was the expense gone to
 by the other for any sacrifice, he immediately set to work to surpass him in
 such things. And they were anxious to appear to all men prosperous and
 deserving of envy. Not but what neither of them continued prosperous throughout
 the whole of their lives, but were both of them destroyed by violent
 deaths. 
 
 And Anaximenes, in his book entitled the Reverses of Kings, giving the same
 account of Straton, says that he was always endeavouring to rival Nicocles, who
 was the king of Salamis in Cyprus, and who was exceedingly devoted to luxury and
 debauchery, and that they both came to a violent end.

And in the first book of his History of the Affairs of Philip, Theopompus,
 speaking of Philip, says— And on the third day he comes to Onocarsis, which
 was a strong place in Thrace, having a large grove kept in beautiful order, and
 full of every resource for living pleasantly, especially during the summer. For
 it was one of the places which had been especially selected by Cotys, who, of
 all the kings that ever lived in Thrace, was the most eager in his pursuit of
 pleasure and luxury. And going round all the country, wherever he saw any place
 shaded with trees and well watered with springs, he made it into a banqueting
 place. And going to them whenever he chose, he used to celebrate sacrifices to
 the Gods, and there he would stay with his lieutenants, being a very happy and
 enviable man, until he took it into his head to blaspheme Minerva, and to treat
 her with contempt. And the historian goes on to say, that Cotys once
 prepared a feast, as if Minerva had married him; and prepared a bedchamber for
 her, and then, in a state of intoxication, he waited for the goddess. And being
 already totally out of his mind, he sent one of his body-guards to see whether the
 goddess had arrived at the bedchamber. And when he came there, and went back and
 reported that there was nobody there, he shot him and killed
 him. And he treated a second in the same way, until a third went, and on his
 return told him that the goddess had been a long time waiting for him. And this
 king, being once jealous of his wife, cut her up with his own hands, beginning at
 her legs.

But in the thirteenth book of his History of the Affairs of Philip, speaking of
 Chabrias the Athenian, he says — But he was unable to live in the city,
 partly on account of his intemperance, and partly because of the extravagant
 habits of his daily life, and partly because of the Athenians. For they are
 always unfavourable to eminent men; on which account their most illustrious
 citizens preferred to live out of the city. For instance, Iphicrates lived in
 Thrace, and Conon in Cyprus, and Timotheus in Lesbos, and Chares at Sigeum, and
 Chabrias himself in Egypt. And about Chares he says, in his forty-fifth
 book—"But Chares was a slow and stupid man, and one wholly devoted to pleasure.
 And even when he was engaged in his military expeditions, he used to take about
 with him female flute-players, and female harp-players, and a lot of common
 courtesans. And of the money which was contributed for the purposes of the war,
 some he expended on this sort of profligacy, and some he left behind at Athens, to
 be distributed among the orators and those who propose decrees, and on those
 private individuals who had actions depending. And for all this the Athenian
 populace was so far from being indignant, that for this very reason he became more
 popular than any other citizen; and naturally too: for they all lived in this
 manner, that their young men spent all their time among flute-players and
 courtesans; and those who were a little older than they, devoted themselves to
 gambling, and profligacy of that sort; and the whole people spent more money on
 its public banquets and entertainments than on the provision necessary for the
 well-doing of the state. 
 But in the work of Theopompus, entitled, Concerning the Money of which the
 Temple at Delphi was pillaged, he says— Chares the Athenian got
 sixty talents by means of Lysander. And with this money he gave a banquet to
 the Athenians in the market-place, celebrating a triumphal sacrifice in honour
 of their victory gained in the battle which took place
 against the foreign troops of Philip. And these troops were commanded
 by Adæus, surnamed the Cock, con- cerning whom Heraclides the comic poet speaks in
 the following manner— 
 But when he caught the dunghill cock of Philip 
 Crowing too early in the morn, and straying, 
 He killed him; for he had not got his crest on. 
 And having killed this one, then Chares gave 
 A splendid banquet to the Athenian people; 
 So liberal and magnificent was he. 
 And Duris gives the same account.

But Idomeneus tells us that the Pisistratidæ also, Hippias and Hipparchus,
 instituted banquets and entertainments; on which account they had a vast quantity
 of horses and other articles of luxury. And this it was that made their government
 so oppressive. And yet their father, Pisistratus, had been a moderate man in his
 pleasures, so that he never stationed guards in his fortified places, nor in his
 gardens, as Theopompus relates in his twenty-first book, but let any one who chose
 come in and enjoy them, and take whatever he pleased. And Cimon afterwards adopted
 the same conduct, in imitation of Pisistratus. And Theopompus mentions Cimon in
 the tenth book of his History of the Affairs of Philip, saying— Cimon the
 Athenian never placed any one in his fields or gardens to protect the fruit, in
 order that any of the citizens who chose might go in and pick the fruit, and
 take whatever they wanted in those places. And besides this, he opened his
 house to every one, and made a daily practice of providing a plain meal for a
 great number of people; and all the poor Athenians who came that way might
 enter and partake of it. He also paid great attention to all those who from day
 to day came to ask something of him; and they say that he used always to take
 about with him one or two young men bearing bags of money. And he ordered them
 to give money to whoever came to him to ask anything of him. And they say that
 he also often contributed towards the expense of funerals. And this too is a
 thing that he often did; whenever he met any citizen badly clad, he used to
 order one of the young men who were following him to change cloaks with him.
 And so by all these means he acquired a high reputation, and was the fist of
 all the citizens. 
 
 
 But Pisistratus was in many respects very oppressive; and some say that that
 statue of Bacchus which there is at Athens was made in his likeness.

And Heraclides of Pontus, in his treatise on Pleasure, says that Pericles,
 nicknamed the Olympian, after he got rid of his wife out of his house, and devoted
 himself to a life of pleasure, lived with Aspasia, the courtesan from Megara, and
 spent the greater part of his substance on her. And Themistocles, when the
 Athenians were not yet in such a state of intoxication, and had not yet begun to
 use courtesans, openly filled a chariot with prostitutes, and drove early in the
 morning through the Ceramicus when it was full. But Idomeneus has made this
 statement in an ambiguous manner, so as to leave it uncertain whether he means
 that he harnessed the prostitutes in his chariot like horses, or merely that he
 made them mount his four-horsed chariot. And Possis, in the third book of his
 History of the Affairs of Magnesia, says, that Themistocles, having been invested
 with a crowned magistracy in Magnesia, sacrificed to Minerva, and called the
 festival the Panathenæa. And he sacrificed also to Dionysius Choopotes, and
 celebrated the festival of the Choeis there. But Clearchus, in the first book of
 his treatise on Friendship, says that Themistocles had a triclinium of great
 beauty made for him, and said that he should be quite contented if he could fill
 that with friends.

And Chamæleon of Pontus, in his Essay on Anacreon, having quoted these lines—
 
 And Periphoretus Artemon 
 Is loved by golden-hair'd Eurypyle, 
 says that Artemo derived this nickname from living luxuriously, and being
 carried about ( περιφέρεσθαι ) on a couch. For
 Anacreon says that he had been previously very poor, and then became on a sudden
 very luxurious, in the following verses— 
 Having before a poor berberium cloak, 
 And scanty cap, and his poor ears 
 With wooden earrings decorated, 
 And wearing round his ribs a newly-bought 
 Raw ox-hide, fitter for a case 
 For an old-fashion'd shield, this wretch 
 Artemon, who long has lived 
 With bakers' women, and the lowest of the low, 
 Now having found a new style of life, 
 
 Often thrusts his neck into the yoke, 
 Or beneath the spear doth crouch; 
 And many a weal he can display, 
 Mark'd on his back with well-deserved scourge; 
 And well pluck'd as to hair and beard. 
 But now he mounts his chariot, he the son 
 Of Cyca, and his golden earrings wears; 
 And like a woman bears 
 An ivory parasol o'er his delicate head.

But Satyrus, speaking of the beautiful Alcibiades, says, —“It is said that when he
 was in Ionia, he was more luxurious than the Ionians themselves. And when he was
 in Thebes he trained himself, and practised gymnastic exercises, being more of a
 Bœotian than the Thebans themselves. And in Thessaly he loved horses and drove
 chariots; being fonder of horses than the Aleuadæ: and at Sparta he practiced
 courage and fortitude, and surpassed the Lacedæmonians themselves. And again, in
 Thrace he out-drank even the Thracians themselves. And once wishing to tempt his
 wife, he sent her a thousand Darics in another man's name: and being exceedingly
 beautiful in his person, he cherished his hair the greater part of his life, and
 used to wear an extraordinary kind of shoe, which is called Alcibias from him. And
 whenever he was a choregus, he made a procession clad in a purple robe; and going
 into the theatre he was admired not only by the men, but also by the women: on
 which account Antisthenes, the pupil of Socrates, who often had seen Alcibiades,
 speaks of him as a powerful and manly man, and impatient of restraint, and
 audacious, and exceedingly beautiful through all his life. 
 
 And whenever he went on a journey he used four of the allied cities as his
 maid-servants. For the Ephesians used to put up a Persian tent for him; and the
 Chians used to find him food for his horses; and the people of Cyzicus supplied
 him with victims for his sacrifices and banquet; and the Lesbians gave him
 wine, and everything else which he wanted for his daily food. And when he came
 to Athens from Olympia, he offered up two pictures, the work of Aglaophon: one
 of which represented the priestesses of Olympia and Delphi crowning him; and in
 the other Nemea was sitting, and Alcibiades on her knees, appearing more
 beautiful than any of the women. And even when on military expeditions he
 wished to appear beautiful; accordingly he had a shield 
 made of gold and ivory, on which was carved Love brandishing a thunderbolt as
 the ensign. And once having gone to supper at the house of Anytus, by whom he
 was greatly beloved, and who was a rich man, when one of the company who was
 supping there with him was Thrasyllus, (and he was a poor man,) he pledged
 Thrasyllus in half the cups which were set out on the side-board, and then
 ordered the servants to carry them to Thrasyllus's house; and then he very
 civilly wished Anytus good night, and so departed. But Anytus, in a very
 affectionate and liberal spirit, when some one said what an inconsiderate thing
 Alcibiades had done; 'No, by Jove,' said he, ' but what a kind and considerate
 thing; for when he had the power to have taken away everything, he has left me
 half.'

And Lysias the orator, speaking of his luxury, says— For Axiochus and
 Alcibiades having sailed to the Hellespont, married at Abydus, both of them
 marrying one wife, Medontias of Abydus, and both cohabited with her. After this
 they had a daughter, and they said that they could not tell whose daughter she
 was; and when she was old enough to be married, they both cohabited with her
 too; and when Alcibiades came to her, he said that she was the daughter of
 Axiochus, and Axiochus in his turn said she was the daughter of
 Alcibiades. And he is ridiculed by Eupolis, after the fashion of the
 comic writers, as being very intemperate with regard to women; for Eupolis says in
 his Flatterers— 
 
 A. Let Alcibiades leave the women's rooms. 
 
 B. Why do you jest. . . . . . . . 
 Will you not now go home and try your hand 
 On your own wife? 
 And Pherecrates says— 
 For Alcibiades, who's no man ( ἀνὴρ ) at
 all, 
 Is, as it seems, now every woman's husband ( ἀνήρ ). 
 And when he was at Sparta he seduced Timæa, the wife of Agis the king.
 And when some people reproached him for so doing, he said, that he did not
 intrigue with her out of incontinence, but in order that a son of his might be
 king at Sparta; and that the kings might no longer be said to be descended from
 Hercules, but from Alcibiades: and when he was engaged in his military
 expeditions, he used to take about with him Timandra, the mother of Lais the
 Corinthian, and Theodote, who was an Athenian courtesan.

But after his banishment, having made the Athenians masters of the Hellespont, and
 having taken more than five thousand Peloponnesians prisoners, he sent them to
 Athens; and after this, returning to his country, he crowned the Attic triremes
 with branches, and mitres, and fillets. And fastening to his own vessels a
 quantity of ships which he had taken, with their beaks broken off, to the number
 of two hundred, and conveying also transports full of Lacedæmonian and
 Peloponnesian spoils and arms, he sailed into the Piræus: and the trireme in which
 he himself was, ran up to the very bars of the Piræus with purple sails; and when
 it got inside the harbour, and when the rowers took their oars, Chrysogonus played
 on a flute the trieric air, clad in a Persian robe, and Callippides the tragedian,
 clad in a theatrical dress, gave the word to the rowers. On account of which some
 one said with great wit— Sparta could never have endured two Lysanders, nor
 Athens two Alcibiadeses. But Alcibiades was imitating the Medism of
 Pausanias, and when he was staying with Pharnabazus, he put on a Persian robe, and
 learnt the Persian language, as Themistocles had done.

And Duris says, in the twenty-second book of his History,— Pausanias, the
 king of Lacedæmon, having laid aside the national cloak of Lacedæmon, adopted
 the Persian dress. And Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, adopted a theatrical
 robe and a golden tragic crown with a clasp. And Alexander, when he became
 master of Asia, also adopted the Persian dress. But Demetrius outdid them all;
 for the very shoes which he wore he had made in a most costly manner; for in
 its form it was a kind of buskin, made of most expensive purple wool; and on
 this the makers wove a great deal of golden embroidery, both before and behind;
 and his cloak was of a brilliant tawny colour; and, in short, a representation
 of the heavens was woven into it, having the stars and twelve signs of the
 Zodiac all wrought in gold; and his head-band was spangled all over with gold,
 binding on a purple broad-brimmed hat in such a manner that the outer fringes
 hung down the back. And when the Demetrian festival was celebrated at Athens,
 Demetrius himself was painted on the proscenium, sitting on the world. 
 
 And Nymphis of Heraclea, in the sixth book of his treatise on his Country,
 says—"Pausanias, who defeated Mardonius at Platæa, having transgressed the laws of
 Sparta, and given himself up to pride, when staying near
 Byzantium, dared to put an inscription on the brazen goblet which is there
 consecrated to the gods, whose temple is at the entrance of the strait, (and the
 goblet is in existence to this day,) as if he had dedicated it himself; putting
 this inscription on it, forgetting himself through his luxury and arrogance—
 
 Pausanias, the general of broad Greece, 
 Offered this goblet to the royal Neptune, 
 A fit memorial of his deathless valour, 
 Here in the Euxine sea. He was by birth 
 A Spartan, and Cleombrotus's son, 
 Sprung from the ancient race of Hercules."

Pharax the Lacedæmonian also indulged himself in luxury, as
 Theopompus tells us in the fourteenth book of his History, and he abandoned
 himself to pleasure in so dissolute and unrestrained a manner, that by reason
 of his intemperance he was much oftener taken for a Sicilian, than for a
 Spartan by reason of his country. And in his fifty-second book he says
 that Archidamus the Lacedæmonian, having abandoned his national customs,
 adopted foreign and effeminate habits; so that he could not endure the way of
 life which existed in his own country, but was always, by reason of his
 intemperance, anxious to live in foreign countries. And when the Tarentines
 sent an embassy about an alliance, he was anxious to go out with them as an
 ally; and being there, and having been slain in the wars, he was not thought
 worthy even of a burial, although the Tarentines offered a great deal of money
 to the enemy to be allowed to take up his body. 
 
 And Phylarehus, in the tenth book of his Histories, says that Isanthes was the
 king of that tribe of Thracians called Crobyzi, and that he surpassed all the men
 of his time in luxury; and he was a rich man, and very handsome. And the same
 historian tells us, in his twenty-second book, that Ptolemy the Second, king of
 Egypt, the most admirable of all princes, and the most learned and accomplished of
 men, was so beguiled and debased in his mind by his unseasonable luxury, that he
 actually dreamed that he should live for ever, and said that he alone had found
 out how to become immortal. And once, after he had been afflicted by the gout for
 many days, when at last he got a little better, and saw through his window-blinds
 some Egyptians dining by the river side, and eating whatever it might be that they
 had, and lying at random on the sand, O wretched man
 that I am, said he, that I am not one of those men!

Now Callias and his flatterers we have already sufficiently mentioned. But since
 Heraclides of Pontus, in his treatise on Pleasures, speaks of him, we will return
 to the subject and quote what he says:—"When first the Persians made an expedition
 against Greece, there was, as they say, an Eretrian of the name of Diomnestus, who
 became master of all the treasures of the general; for he happened to have pitched
 his tent in his field, and to have put his money away in some room of his house.
 But when the Persians were all destroyed, then Diomnestus took the money without
 any one being aware of it; but when the king of Persia sent an army into Eretria
 the second time, ordering his generals utterly to destroy the city, then, as was
 natural, all who were at all well off carried away their treasures. Accordingly
 those of the family of Diomnestus who were left, secretly removed their money to
 Athens, to the house of Hipponicus the son of Callias, who was surnamed Ammon; and
 when all the Eretrians had been driven out of their city by the Persians, this
 family remained still in possession of their wealth, which was great. So
 Hipponicus, who was the son of that man who had originally received the deposit,
 begged the Athenians to grant him a place in the Acropolis, where he might
 construct a room to store up all this money in, saying that it was not safe for
 such vast sums to remain in a private house. And the Athenians did grant him such
 a place; but afterwards, he, being warned against such a step by his friends,
 changed his mind. 
 "Callias, therefore, became the master of all this money, and lived a life of
 pleasure, (for what limit was there to the flatterers who surrounded him, or to
 the troops of companions who were always about him? and what extravagance was
 there which he did not think nothing of?) However, his voluptuous life afterwards
 reduced him so low, that he was compelled to pass the rest of his life with one
 barbarian old woman for a servant, and he was in want of actual daily necessaries,
 and so he died. 
 
 But who was it who got rid of the riches of Nicias of Pergasa, or of
 Ischomachus? was it not Autoclees and Epiclees, who preferred living with one
 another, an who considered everything second to pleasure? and after they had
 squandered all this wealth, they drank hemlock
 together, and so perished.

But, concerning the luxury of Alexander the Great, Ephippus the Olynthian, in his
 treatise on the Deaths of Alexander and Hephæstion, says that he had in his
 park a golden throne, and couches with silver feet, on which he used to sit and
 transact business with his companions. But Nicobule says, that
 while he was at supper all the morris dancers and athletes studied to
 amuse the king; and at his very last banquet, Alexander, remembering an episode
 in the Andromeda of Euripides, recited it in a declamatory manner, and then
 drank a cup of unmixed wine with great eagerness, and compelled all the rest to
 do so too. And Ephippus tells us that Alexander used to wear
 even the sacred vestments at his entertainments; and sometimes he would wear
 the purple robe, and cloven sandals, and horns of Ammon, as if he had been the
 god; and sometimes he would imitate Diana, whose dress he often wore while
 driving in his chariot; having on also a Persian robe, but displaying above his
 shoulders the bow and javelin of the goddess. Sometimes also he would appear in
 the guise of Mercury; at other times, and indeed almost every day, he would
 wear a purple cloak, and a tunic shot with white, and a cap which had a royal
 diadem attached to it. And when he was in private with his friends he wore the
 sandals of Mercury, and the petasus on his head, and held the caduceus in his
 hand. Often also he wore a lion's skin, and carried a club, like
 Hercules. 
 
 What wonder then is it, if in our time the emperor Com- modus, when he drove
 abroad in his chariot, had the club of Hercules lying beside him, with a lion's
 skin spread at his feet, and liked to be called Hercules, when even Alexander, the
 pupil of Aristotle, represented himself as like so many gods, and even like Diana?
 And Alexander used to have the floor sprinkled with exquisite perfumes and with
 fragrant wine; and myrrh was burnt before him, and other kinds of incense; and all
 the bystanders kept silence, or spoke only words of good omen, out of fear. For he
 was a very violent man, with no regard for human life; for he appeared to be a man
 of a melancholic constitution. And on one occasion, at Ecbatana, when he was
 offering a sacrifice to Bacchus, and when everything was prepared in a most lavish
 manner for the banquet, . . . and Satrabates the satrap,
 feasted all the soldiers . . . . . But when a great multitude was collected
 to see the spectacle, says Ephippus, "there were on a sudden some
 arrogant proclamations published, more insolent even than Persian arrogance was
 wont to dictate. For, as different people were publishing different proclamations,
 and proposing to make Alexander large presents, which they called crowns, one of
 the keepers of his armoury, going beyond all previous flattery, having previously
 arranged the matter with Alexander, ordered the herald to proclaim that Gorgos,
 the keeper of the armoury, presents Alexander, the son of Ammon, with three
 thousand pieces of gold; and will also present him, when he lays siege to Athens,
 with ten thousand complete suits of armour, and with an equal number of catapults
 and all weapons required for the war.

And Chares, in the tenth book of his History of Alexander, says—"When he took
 Darius prisoner, he celebrated a marriage-feast for himself and his companions,
 having had ninety-two bedchambers prepared in the same place. There was a house
 built capable of containing a hundred couches; and in it every couch was adorned
 with wedding paraphernalia to the value of twenty minæ, and was made of silver
 itself; but his own bed had golden feet. And he also invited to the banquet which
 he gave, all his own private friends, and those he arranged opposite to himself
 and the other bridegrooms; and his forces also belonging to the army and navy, and
 all the ambassadors which were present, and all the other strangers who were
 staying at his court. And the apartment was furnished in the most costly and
 magnificent manner, with sumptuous garments and cloths, and beneath them were
 other cloths of purple, and scarlet, and gold. And, for the sake of solidity,
 pillars supported the tent, each twenty cubits long, plated all over with gold and
 silver, and inlaid with precious stones; and all around these were spread costly
 curtains embroidered with figures of animals, and with gold, having gold and
 silver curtain-rods. And the circumference of the court was four stadia. And the
 banquet took place, beginning at the sound of trumpet, at that marriage feast, and
 on other occasions whenever the king offered a solemn sacrifice, so that all the
 army knew it. 
 
 And this marriage feast lasted five days. And a great num- ber both of barbarians
 and Greeks brought contributions to it; and also some of the Indian tribes did so.
 And there were present some wonderful conjurors—Scymnus of Tarentum, and
 Philistides of Syracuse, and Heraclitus of Mitylene; after whom also Alexis of
 Tarentum, the rhapsodist, exhibited his skill. There came also harp-players, who
 played without singing,—Cratinus of Methymne, and Aristonymus the Athenian, and
 Athenodorus the Teian. And Heraclitus the Tarentine played on the harp,
 accompanying himself with his voice, and so did Aristocrates the Theban. And of
 fluteplayers accompanied with song, there were present Dionysius of Heraclea, and
 Hyperbolus of Cyzicus. And of other fluteplayers there were the following, who
 first of all played the air called The Pythian, and afterwards played with the
 choruses,—Timotheus, Phrynichus, Caphesias, Diophantus, and also Evius the
 Chalcidian. And from this time forward, those who were formerly called
 Dionysio-colaces, were called
 Alexandro-colaces, on account of the extravagant liberality of their presents,
 with which Alexander was pleased. And there were also tragedians who
 acted,—Thessalus, and Athenodorus, and Aristocritus; and of comic actors there
 were Lycon, and Phormion, and Ariston. There was also Phasimelus the harp-player.
 And the crowns sent by the ambassadors and by other people amounted in value to
 fifteen thousand talents.

But Polycletus of Larissa, in the eighth book of his History, says that Alexander
 used to sleep on a golden couch, and that flute-playing men and women followed him
 to the camp, and that he used to drink till daybreak. And Clearchus, in his
 treatise on Lives, speaking of Darius who was dethroned by Alexander, says,
 The king of the Persians offered prizes to those who could invent
 pleasures for him, and by this conduct allowed his whole empire and sovereignty
 to be subverted by pleasures. Nor was he aware that he was defeating himself
 till others had wrested his sceptre from him and had been proclaimed in his
 place. And Phylarchus, in the twenty-third book of his History, and
 Agatharchides of Cnidus, in the tenth book of his History of Asia, say that the
 companions also of Alexander gave way to the most extravagant 
 luxury. And one of them was a man named Agnon, who used to wear golden studs in
 his sandals and shoes. And Cleitus, who was surnamed The White, whenever he was
 about to transact business, used to converse with every one who came to him while
 walking about on a purple carpet. And Perdiccas and Craterus, who were fond of
 athletic exercises, had men follow them with hides fastened together so as to
 cover a place an entire stadium in extent; and then they selected a spot within
 the encampment which they had covered with these skins as an awning; and under
 this they practised their gymnastics. 
 They were followed also by numerous beasts of burden, which carried sand for the
 use of the palæstra. And Leonnatus and Menelaus, who were very fond of hunting,
 had curtains brought after them calculated to enclose a space a hundred stadia in
 circumference, with which they fenced in a large space and then practised hunting
 within it. And as for the golden plane-trees, and the golden vine—having on it
 bunches of grapes made of emeralds and Indian carbuncles, and all sorts of other
 stones of the most costly ad magnificent description, under which the kings of
 Persia used often to sit when transacting business,—the expense of all this, says
 Phylarchus, was far less than the daily sums squandered by Alexander; for he had a
 tent capable of containing a hundred couches, and fifty golden pillars supported
 it. And over it were spread golden canopies wrought with the most superb and
 costly embroidery, to shade all the upper part of it. And first of all, five
 hundred Persian Melophori stood all round the inside of it, clad in robes of
 purple and apple-green; and besides them there were bowmen to the number of a
 thousand, some clad in garments of a fiery red, and others in purple; and many of
 them had blue cloaks. And in front of them stood five hundred Macedonian
 Argyraspides; and in the middle of the tent was placed a golden chair, on which
 Alexander used to sit and transact business, his body-guards standing all around.
 And on the outside, all round the tent, was a troop of elephants regularly
 equipped, and a thousand Macedonians, having Macedonian dresses; and then ten
 thousand Persians: and the number of those who wore purple amounted to five
 hundred, to whom Alexander gave this dress for them to wear. And though he had
 such a numerous retinue of friends and servants, still no one
 dared to approach Alexander of his own accord; so great was his dignity and the
 veneration with which they regarded him. And at that time Alexander wrote letters
 to the cities in Ionia, and to the Chians first of all, to send him a quantity of
 purple; for he wished all his companions to wear purple robes. And when his letter
 was read among the Chians, Theocritus the philosopher being present, said— 
 He fell by purple death and mighty fate.

And Posidonius, in the twenty-eighth book of his History, says that
 Antiochus the king, who was surnamed Grypus, when he was celebrating the
 games at Daphne, gave a magnificent entertainment; at which, first of all, a
 distribution of entire joints took place, and after that another distribution
 of geese, and hares, and antelopes all alive. There were also, says he,
 distributed golden crowns to the feasters, and a great quantity of
 silver plate, and of servants, and horses, and camels. And every one was
 expected to mount a camel, and drink; and after that he was presented with the
 camel, and with all that was on the camel, and the boy who stood by it. 
 And in his fourteenth book, speaking of his namesake Antiochus, who made war upon
 Arsaces, and invaded Media, he says that "he made a feast for a great multitude
 every day; at which, besides the things which were consumed, and the heaps of
 fragments which were left, every one of the guests carried away with him entire
 joints of beasts, and birds, and fishes which had never been carved, all ready
 dressed, in sufficient quantities to fill a waggon. And after this they were
 presented with a quantity of sweetmeats, and chaplets, and crowns of myrrh and
 frankincense, with turbans as long as a man, made of strips of gold brocade.

But Clytus, the pupil of Aristotle, in his History of Miletus, says that
 Polycrates, the tyrant of Samos, collected everything that was worth
 speaking of everywhere to gratify his luxury, having assembled dogs from
 Epirus, and goats from Scyros, and sheep from Miletus, and swine from
 Sicily. 
 And Alexis, in the third book of his Samian Annals, says that
 Samos was adorned by Polycrates with the productions of many other
 cities; as he imported Molossian and Lacedæmonian dogs, and goats from Scyros
 and Naxos, and sheep from Miletus and Attica. He also, says he,
 sent for artists, promising them enormous wages. But before he became
 tyrant, having prepared a number of costly couches and goblets, he allowed any
 one the use of them who was prepping any marriage-feast or extraordinary
 entertainment. And after hearing all these particulars we may well
 admire the tyrant, because it was nowhere written that he had sent for any women
 or boys from any other countries, although he was of a very amorous constitution,
 and was a rival in love of Anacreon the poet; and once, in a fit of jealousy, he
 cut off all the hair of the object of his passion. And Polycrates was the first
 man who called the ships which he had built Samians, in honour of his country. 
 But Clearchus says that Polycrates, the tyrant of the effeminate Samos, was
 ruined by the intemperance of his life, imitating the effeminate practices of
 the Lydians; on which account, in opposition to the place in Sardis called the
 beautiful Ancon, he prepared a place in the chief city of the Samians, called
 Laura; he made those famous, Samian flowers in opposition to the Lydian. And
 the Samian Laura was a narrow street in the city, full of common women, and of
 all kinds of food calculated to gratify intemperance and to promote enjoyment,
 with which he actually filled Greece. But the flowers of the Samians are the
 preeminent beauty of the men and women, and indeed of the whole city, at its
 festivals and banquets. And these are the words of Clearchus. And I
 myself am acquainted with a narrow street in my native city of Alexandria, which
 to this very day is called the Happy Street, in which every apparatus of luxury
 used to be sold.

But Aristotle, in his treatise on Admirable and Wonderful Things, says that
 Alcisthenes of Sybaris, out of luxury, had a garment prepared for him of
 such excessive expensive-ness that he exhibited it at Lacinium, at the festival
 of Juno, at which all the Italians assemble, and that of all the things which
 were exhibited that was the most admired. And he says that
 Dionysius the elder afterwards became master of it,
 and sold it to the Carthaginians for a hundred and twenty talents. 
 Polemo also speaks of it in his book entitled, A Treatise concerning the Sacred
 Garments at Carthage. But concerning Smindyrides of Sybaris, and his luxury,
 Herodotus has told us, in his sixth book, saying that he sailed from Sybaris to
 court Agariste, the daughter of Clisthenes the tyrant of Sicyon.
 And, says he, there came from Italy Smindyrides, the son
 of Hippocrates, a citizen of Sybaris; who carried his luxury to the greatest
 height that ever was heard of among men. At all events he was attended by a
 thousand cooks and bird-catchers. Timæus also mentions him in his
 seventh book. But of the luxury of Dionysius the younger, who was also tyrant of
 Sicily, an account is given by Satyrus the Peripatetic, in his Lives. For he says
 that he used to fill rooms holding thirty couches with feasters. And Clearchus, in
 the fourth book of his Lives, writes as follows:— But Dionysius, the son of
 Dionysius, the cruel oppressor of all Sicily, when he came to the city of the
 Locrians, which was his metropolis, (for Doris his mother was a Locrian woman
 by birth,) having strewed the floor of the largest house in the city with wild
 thyme and roses, sent for all the maidens of the Locrians in turn; and then
 rolled about naked, with them naked also, on this layer of flowers, omitting no
 circumstance of infamy. And so, not long afterwards, they who had been insulted
 in this manner having got his wife and children into their power, prostituted
 them in the public roads with great insult, sparing them no kind of
 degradation. And when they had wreaked their vengeance upon them, they thrust
 needles under the nails of their fingers, and put them to death with torture.
 And when they were dead, they pounded their bones in mortars, and having cut up
 and distributed the rest of their flesh, they imprecated curses on all who did
 not eat of it; and in accordance with this unholy imprecation, they put their
 flesh into the mills with the flour, that it might be eaten by all those who
 made bread. And all the other parts they sunk in the sea. But Dionysius
 himself, at last going about as a begging priest of Cybele, and beating the
 drum, ended his life very miserably. We, therefore, ought to guard against what
 is called luxury, which is the ruin of a man's life; and we ought to think
 insolence the destruction of everything.

But Diodorus Siculus, in his books On the Library, says that the citizens
 of Agrigentum prepared for Gelon a very costly swimming-bath, being seven
 stadia in circumference and twenty cubits deep; and water was
 introduced into it from the rivers and fountains, and it serve for a great pond to
 breed fish in, and supplied great quantities of fish for the luxury and enjoyment
 of Gelon. A great number of swans also," as he relates, flew into it; so
 that it was a very beautiful sight. But afterwards the lake was destroyed by
 becoming filled with mud. And Duris, in the tenth book of his History
 of Agathocles, says that near the city of Hip- ponium a grove is shown of
 extraordinary beauty, excellently well watered; in which there is also a place
 called the Horn of Amalthea; and that this grove was made by Gelon. But Silenus of
 Calatia, in the third book of his History of Sicily, says that near Syracuse there
 is a garden laid out in a most expensive manner, which is called Mythus, in which
 Hiero the king used to transact his business. And the whole country about
 Panormus, in
 Sicily, is called The Garden, because it is full of highly-cultivated trees, as
 Callias tells us in the eighth book of his History of Agathocles. 
 And Posidonius, in the eighth book of his History, speaking of Damophilus the
 Sicilian, by whose means it was that the Servile war was stirred up, and saying
 that he was a slave to his luxury, writes as follows:—"He therefore was a slave to
 luxury and debauchery. And he used to drive through the country on a four-wheeled
 chariot, taking with him horses, and servants of great personal beauty, and a
 disorderly crowd of flatterers and military boys running around his chariot. And
 ultimately he, with his whole family, perished in a disgraceful manner, being
 treated with the most extreme violence and insult by his own slaves.

And Demetrius Phalereus, as Duris says in the sixteenth volume of his Histories,
 being possessed of a revenue of twelve hundred talents a-year, and spending a
 small portion of it on his soldiers, and on the necessary expenses of the state,
 squandered all the rest of it on gratifying his innate love of debauchery, having
 splendid banquets eve y day, and a great number of guests to feast with him. And
 in the prodigality of his expense in his entertainments he outdid even the Macedonians, and, at the same time, in the elegance of
 them, he surpassed the Cyprians and Phœnicians. And perfumes were sprinkled over
 the ground, and many of the floors in the men's apartments were inlaid with
 flowers, and were exquisitely wrought in other ways by the artists. There were
 also secret meetings with women, and other scenes more shameful still. And
 Demetrius, who gave laws to others, and who regulated the lives of others,
 exhibited in his own life an utter contempt of all law. He also paid great
 attention to his personal appearance, and dyed the hair of his head with a yellow
 colour, and anointed his face with rouge, and smeared himself over with other
 unguents also; for he was anxious to appear agreeable and beautiful in the eyes of
 all whom he met. 
 And in the procession of the Dionysia, which he celebrated when he was archon at
 Athens, a chorus sang an ode of Siromen the Solensian, addressed to him, in which
 he was called, Like the Sun:— 
 And above all the noble prince 
 Demetrius, like the sun in face, 
 Honours you, Bacchus, with a holy worship. 
 And Carystius of Pergamus, in the third book of his Commentaries,
 says— Demetrius Phalereus, when his brother Himeræus was put to death by
 Antipater, was himself staying with Nicanor; and he was accused of having
 sacrificed the Epiphaneia in honour of his brother. And after he became a
 friend of Cassander, he was very powerful. And at first his dinner consisted of
 a kind of pickle, containing olives from all countries, and cheese from the
 islands; but when he became rich, he bought Moschion, the most skilful of all
 the cooks and confectioners of that age. And he had such vast quantities of
 food prepared for him every day, that, as he gave Moschion what was left each
 day, he (Moschion) in two years purchased three detached houses in the city;
 and insulted free-born boys, and some of the wives of the most eminent of the
 citizens: and all the boys envied Theognis, with whom he was in love. And so
 important an honour was it considered to be allowed to come near Demetrius,
 that, as he one day had walked about after dinner near the Tripods, on all the
 following days all the most beautiful boys came together to that place, in the
 hopes of being seen by him.

And Nicolaus the Peripatetic, in the tenth book of his History, and again in the
 twentieth book, says that Lucullus, when he came to Rome and celebrated his
 triumph, and gave an account of the war against Mithridates, ran into the most
 unbounded extravagance, after having previously been very moderate; and was
 altogether the first guide to luxury, and the first example of it, among the
 Romans, having become master of the riches of two kings, Mithridates and Tigranes.
 And Sittius, also, was a man very notorious among the Romans for his luxury and
 effeminacy, as Rutilitius tells us; for as to Apicius, we have already spoken of
 him. And almost all historians relate that Pausanias and Lysander were very
 notorious for their luxury; on which account Agis said of Lysander, that Sparta
 had produced him as a second Pausanias. But Theopompus, in the tenth book of his
 History of the Affairs of Greece, gives exactly the contrary account of Lysander,
 saying that he was a most laborious man, able to earn the goodwill of both
 private individuals and monarchs, being very moderate and temperate, and
 superior to all the allurements of pleasure; and accordingly, when he had
 become master of almost the whole of Greece, it will be found that he never in
 any city indulged in amatory excesses, or in unreasonable drinking parties and
 revels.

But luxury and extravagance were so very much prac- tised among the ancients, that
 even Parrhasius the painter always wore a purple robe, and a golden crown on his
 head, as Clearchus relates, in his Lives: for he, being most immoderately
 luxurious, and also to a degree beyond what was becoming to a painter, laid claim,
 in words, to great virtue, and inscribed upon the works which were done by him—
 
 Parrhasius, a most luxurious man, 
 And yet a follower of purest virtue, 
 Painted this work. 
 But some one else, being indignant at this inscription, wrote by the side
 of it, ῥαβδοδίαιτος (worthy of a stick).
 Parrhasius also put the following inscription on many of his works:— 
 Parrhasius, a most luxurious man, 
 And yet a follower of purest virtue, 
 Painted this work: a worthy citizen 
 Of noble Ephesus. His father's name 
 Evenor was, and he, his lawful son, 
 Was the first artist in the whole of Greece. 
 
 He also boasted, in a way which no one could be indignant at,
 in the following lines:— 
 This will I say, though strange it may appear, 
 That clear plain limits of this noble art 
 Have been discovered by my hand, and proved. 
 And now the boundary which none can pass 
 Is well defined, though nought that men can do 
 Will ever wholly escape blame or envy. 
 And once, at Samos, when he was contending with a very inferior painter
 in a picture of Ajax, and was defeated, when his friends were sympathising with
 him and expressing their indignation, he said that he himself cared very little
 about it, but that he was sorry for Ajax, who was thus defeated a second time. And
 so great was his luxury, that he wore a purple robe, and a white turban on his
 head; and used to lean on a stick, ornamented all round with golden fretted work:
 and he used even to fasten the strings of his sandals with golden clasps. However,
 as regarded his art, he was not churlish or ill-tempered, but affable and
 good-humoured; so that he sang all the time that he was painting, as Theophrastus
 relates, in his treatise on Happiness. 
 But once he spoke in a marvellous strain, more like a quack, when he said, when he
 was painting the Hercules at Lindus, that the god had appeared to him in a dream,
 in that form and dress which was the best adapted for painting; on which account
 he inscribed on the picture— 
 Here you may see the god as oft he stood 
 Before Parrhasius in his sleep by night.

We find also whole schools of philosophers which have openly professed to have
 made choice of pleasure. And there is the school called the Cyrenaic, which
 derives its origin from Aristippus the pupil of Socrates: and he devoted himself
 to pleasure in such a way, that he said that it was the main end of life; and that
 happiness was founded on it, and that happiness was at best but short-lived. And
 he, like the most debauched of men, thought that he had nothing to do either with
 the recollection of past enjoyments, or with the hope of future ones; but he
 judged of all good by the present alone, and thought that having enjoyed, and
 being about to enjoy, did not at all concern him; since the one case had no longer
 any existence, and the other did not yet exist and was necessarily uncertain:
 acting in this respect like thoroughly dissolute men, who are
 content with being prosperous at the present moment. And his life was quite
 consistent with his theory; for he spent the whole of it in all kinds of luxury
 and extravagance, both in perfumes, and dress, and women. Accordingly, he openly
 kept Lais as his mistress; and he delighted in all the extravagance of Dionysius,
 although he was often treated insultingly by him. 
 Accordingly, Hegesander says that once, when he was assigned a very mean place at
 a banquet by Dionysius, he endured it patiently; and when Dionysius asked him what
 he thought of his present place, in comparison of his yesterday's seat, he said,
 That the one was much the same as the other; for that one, says
 he, is a mean seat to-day, because it is deprived of me; but it was
 yesterday the most respectable seat in the room, owing to me: and this one
 to-day has become respectable, because of my presence in it; but yesterday it
 was an inglorious seat, as I was not present in it. And in another
 place Hegesander says— Aristippus, being ducked with water by Dionysius's
 servants, and being ridiculed by Antiphon for bearing it patiently, said, 'But
 suppose I had been out fishing, and got wet, was I to have left my employment,
 and come away? ' And Aristippus sojourned a considerable time in
 Aegina, indulging in every kind of luxury; on which account Xenophon says in his
 Memorabilia, that Socrates often reproved him, and invented the apologue of Virtue
 and Pleasure to apply it to him. And Aristippus said, respecting Lais, I
 have her, and I am not possessed by her. And when he was at the court
 of Diony- sius, he once had a quarrel with some people about a choice of three
 women. And he used to wash with perfumes, and to say that— 
 E'en in the midst of Bacchanalian revels 
 A modest woman will not be corrupted. 
 And Alexis, turning him into ridicule in his Galatea, represents one of
 the slaves as speaking in the following banner of one of his disciples:— 
 For this my master once did turn his thoughts 
 To study, when he was a stripling young, 
 And set his mind to learn philosophy. 
 And then a Cyrenean, as he calls himself, 
 Named Aristippus, an ingenious sophist, 
 And far the first of all the men of his time, 
 
 But also far the most intemperate, 
 Was in the city. Him my master sought, 
 Giving a talent to become his pupil: 
 He did not learn, indeed, much skill or wisdom, 
 But got instead a sad complaint on his chest. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Antæus, speaking of the luxurious habits of the
 philosophers, says— 
 My friend, now do you know who this old man 
 Is called By his look he seems to be a Greek. 
 His cloak is white, his tunic fawn-colour'd, 
 His hat is soft, his stick of moderate size, 
 His table scanty. Why need I say more, 
 I seem to see the genuine Academy.

And Aristoxenus the musician, in his Life of Archytas, represents ambassadors as
 having been sent by Dionysius the younger to the city of the Tarentines, among
 whom was Polyarchus, who was surnamed the Luxurious, a man wholly devoted to
 sensual pleasures, not only in deed, but in word and profession also. And he was a
 friend of Archytas, and not wholly unversed in philosophy; and so he used to come
 with him into the sacred precincts, and to walk with him and with his friends,
 listening to his lectures and arguments: and once, when there was a long dispute
 and discussion about the passions, and altogether about sensual pleasures,
 Polyarchus said— I, indeed, my friends, have often considered the matter,
 and it has seemed to me that this system of the virtues is altogether a long
 way removed from nature; for nature, when it utters its own voice, orders one
 to follow pleasure, and says that this is the conduct of a wise man: but that
 to oppose it, and to bring one's appetites into a state of slavery, is neither
 the part of a wise man, nor of a fortunate man, nor indeed of one who has any
 accurate understanding of what the constitution of human nature really is. And
 it is a strong proof of this, that all men, when they have acquired any power
 worth speaking of, betake themselves to sensual pleasures, and think the power
 of indulging them the principal advantage to be gained from the possession of
 power, and everything else, so to say, as unimportant and superfluous. And we
 may adduce the example of the Persian king at present, and every other tyrant
 possessed of any power worth speaking of,—and in former times, the sovereigns
 of the Lydians and of the Medes,—and even in earlier times still, the tyrants
 of the Syrians behaved in the same manner; for all these
 men left no kind of pleasure unexplored: and it is even said that rewards were
 offered by the Persians to any one who was able to invent a new pleasure. And
 it was a very wise offer to make; for the nature of man is soon satiated with
 long-continued pleasures, even if they be of very exquisite nature. So that,
 since novelty has a very great effect in making a pleasure appear greater, we
 must not despise it, but rather pay great attention to it. And on this account
 it is that many different kinds of dishes have been invented, and many sorts of
 sweetmeats; and many discoveries have been made in the articles of incenses and
 perfumes, and clothes, and beds, and, above all, of cups and other articles of
 furniture. For all these things contribute some amount of pleasure, when the
 material which is admired by human nature is properly employed: and this
 appears to be the case with gold and silver, and with most things which are
 pleasing to the eye and also rare, and with all things which are elaborated to
 a high degree of perfection by manual arts and skill.

And having discussed after this all the attendance with which the king of the
 Persians is surrounded, and what a number of servants he has, and what their
 different offices are, and also about his amorous indulgences, and also about the
 sweet perfume of his skin, and his personal beauty, and the way in which he lives
 among his friends, and the pleasing sights or sounds which are sought out to
 gratify him, he said that he considered the king of Persia the happiest of
 all men now alive. For there are pleasures prepared for him which are both most
 numerous and most perfect in their kind. And next to him, said he,
 any one may fairly rank our sovereign, though he falls far short of the
 king of Persia. For this latter has all Asia to supply him with luxury, but the
 store which supplies Dionysius will seem very contemptible if compared with
 his. That, then, such a life as h s is worth struggling for, is plain from what
 has happened. For the Medes, after encountering the greatest dangers, derived
 the Syrians of the supremacy, for no other object except to possess themselves
 of the unrestrained licence of the Syria ns. And the Persians overthrew the
 Medes for the same reason, namely, in order to have an unrestrained enjoyment
 of sensual pleasures. And the lawgivers who wish the whole race of men to be on
 an equality, and that no citizens shall indulge in 
 superfluous luxury, have made some species of virtue hold its head up. And they
 have written laws about contracts and other matters of the same kind, and
 whatever appeared to be necessary for political communion, and also with
 respect to dress, and to all the other circumstances of life, that they should
 be similar among all the citizens. And so, as all the lawgivers made war upon
 every kind of covetousness, then first the praises of justice began to be more
 thought of: and one of the poets spoke of— 
 The golden face of justice; 
 and in another passage some one speaks of— 
 The golden eye of justice. 
 And the very name of justice came to be accounted divine, so that in
 some countries there were altars erected and sacrifices instituted to Justice.
 And next to this they inculcated a respect for modesty and temperance, and
 called an excess in enjoyment covetousness; so that a man who obeyed the laws
 and was influenced by the common conversation of men in general, was
 necessarily moderate with respect to sensual pleasures.

And Duris says, in the twenty-third volume of his History, that in ancient times
 the nobles had a positive fondness for getting drunk. On which account Homer
 represents Achilles as reproaching Agamemnon, and saying— 
 
 
 O thou whose senses are all dimm'd with wine, 
 
 Iliad, i. 225. 
 
 Thou dog in forehead. 
 And when he is describing the death of the king, he makes Agamemnon say—
 
 
 
 E'en in my mirth, and at the friendly feast, 
 O'er the full bowl the traitor stabb'd his guest; 
 
 Odyss. ii. 418. 
 
 pointing out that his death was partly caused by his fondness for
 drunkenness. 
 Speusippus also, the relation of Plato, and his successor in his school, was a man
 very fond of pleasure. At all events Dionysius, the tyrant of Sicily, in his
 letter to him blaming him for his fondness for pleasure, reproaches him also for
 his covetousness, and for his love of Lasthenea the Arcadian, who had been a pupil
 of Plato.

But not only did Aristippus and his followers embrace that
 pleasure which consists in motion, but also Epicurus and his followers did the
 same. And not to say anything of those sudden motions, and irritations, and
 titillations, ad also those prickings and stimuli which Epicurus often brigs
 forward, I will merely cite what he has said in his treatise on the End For he
 says— For I am not able to perceive any good, if I take away all the
 pleasures which arise from flavours, and if I leave out of the question all the
 pleasures arising from amorous indulgences, and all those which are caused by
 hearing sweet sounds, and all those motions which are excited by figures which
 are pleasant to the sight. And Metrodorus in his Epistles
 says— My good natural philosopher Timocrates, reason which proceeds
 according to nature devotes its whole attention to the stomach. And
 Epicurus says— The origin and root of all good is the pleasure of the
 stomach; and all excessive efforts of wisdom have reference to the
 stomach. And again, in his treatise concerning the End, he says—
 You ought therefore to respect honour and the virtues, and all things of
 that sort, if they produce pleasure; but if they do not, then we may as well
 have nothing to do with them: evidently in these words making virtue
 subordinate to pleasure, and performing as it were the part of a handmaid to it.
 And in another place he says— I spit upon honour, and those who worship it
 in a foolish manner, when it produces no pleasure.

Well then did the Romans, who are in every respect the most admirable of men,
 banish Alcius and Philiscus the Epicureans out of their city, when Lucius
 Postumius was consul, on account of the pleasures which they sought to introduce
 into the city. And in the same manner the Messenians by a public decree banished
 the Epicureans. But Antiochus the king banished all the philosophers out of his
 kingdom, writing thus—"King Antiochus to Phanias: We have written to you before,
 that no philosopher is to remain in the city, nor in the country. But we hear tat
 there is no small number of them, and that they do great injury to the young men,
 because you have done none of the things about which we wrote to you. As soon,
 therefore, as you receive this letter, order a proclamation to be made, that all
 the philosophers do at once depart from those place, and that as many young men as
 are detected in going to them, shall be fastened to a pillar
 and flogged, and their fathers shall be held in great blame. And let not this
 order be transgressed. 
 But before Epicurus, Sophocles the poet was a great instigator to pleasure,
 speaking as follows in his Antigone — 
 For when men utterly forsake all pleasure, 
 I reckon such a man no longer living, 
 But look upon him as a breathing corpse. 
 He may have, if you like, great wealth at home, 
 And go in monarch's guise; but if his wealth 
 And power bring no pleasure to his mind, 
 I would not for a moment deem it all 
 Worthy a moment's thought compared with pleasure.

And Lycon the Peripatetic, as Antigonus the Carystian says, "when
 as a young man he had come to Athens for the sake of his education, was most
 accurately informed about everything relating to banquets and drinking parties,
 and as to how much pay every courtesan required. But afterwards having become the
 chief man of the Peripatetic school, he used to entertain his friends at banquets
 with excessive arrogance and extravagance. For, besides the music which was
 provided at his entertainments, and the silver plate and coverlets which were
 exhibited, all the rest of the preparation and the superb character of the dishes
 was such, and the multitude of tables and cooks was so great, that many people
 were actually alarmed, and, though they wished to be admitted into his school,
 shrunk back, fearing to enter, as into a badly governed state, which was always
 burdening its citizens with liturgies and other expensive offices. 
 For men were compelled to undertake the regular office of chief of the Peripatetic
 school. And the duties of this office were, to superintend all the novices for
 thirty days, and see that they conducted themselves with regularity. And then, on
 the last day of the month, having received nine obols from each of the novices, he
 received at supper not only all those who contributed their share, but all those
 also whom Lycon might chance to invite, and also all those of the elders who were
 diligent in attending the school; so that the money which was collected was not
 sufficient even for providing sufficient unguents and garlands. He also was bound
 to perform the sacrifices, and to become an overseer of the Muses. All which duties appeared to have but little connexion with reason or
 with philosophy, but to be more akin to luxury and parade. For if any people were
 admitted who were not able to spend money on these objects, they, setting out with
 a very scanty and ordinary choregia . . . . and the money was very much out of
 proportion . . . . . For Plato and Speusippus had not established these
 entertainments, in order that people might dwell upon the pleasures of the table
 from day-break, or for the sake of getting drunk; but in order that men might
 appear to honour the Deity, and to associate with one another in a natural manner;
 and chiefly with a view to natural relaxation and conversation; all which things
 afterwards became in their eyes second to the softness of their garments, and to
 their indulgence in their before-mentioned extravagance. Nor do I except the rest.
 For Lycon, to gratify his luxurious and insolent disposition, had a room large
 enough to hold twenty couches, in the most frequented part of the city, in Conon's
 house, which was well adapted for him to give parties in. And Lycon was a skilful
 and clever player at ball."

And of Anaxarchus, Clearchus the Solensian writes, in the fifth book of his Lives,
 in the following manner— Anaxarchus, who was one of those who called
 themselves Eudæmonici, after he had become a rich man through the folly of
 those men who supplied him with means out of their abundance, used to have a
 naked full-grown damsel for his cup-bearer, who was superior in beauty to all
 her fellows; she, if one is to look at the real truth, thus exposing the
 intemperance of all those who employed her. And his baker used to knead the
 dough wearing gloves on his hands, and a cover on his mouth, to prevent any
 perspiration running off his hands, and also to prevent him from breathing on
 his cakes while he was kneading them. So that a man might fairly quote
 to this wise philosopher the verses of Anaxilas the lyric poet— 
 And anointing one's skin with a gold-colour'd ointment, 
 And wearing long cloaks reaching down to the ground, 
 And the thinnest of slippers, and eating rich truffle 
 And the richest of cheese, and the newest of eggs; 
 And all sorts of shell-fish, and drinking strong wine 
 From the island of Chios, and having, besides, 
 A lot of Ephesian beautiful letters, 
 In carefully-sewn leather bags.

But how far superior to these men is Gorgias the Leontine; of whom the same
 Clearchus says, in the eighth book of his Lives, that because of the temperance of
 his life he lived nearly eighty years in the full possession of all his intellect
 and faculties. And when some one asked him what his system had been which had
 caused him to live with such comfort, and to retain such full possession of his
 senses, he said, I have never done anything merely for the sake of
 pleasure. But Demetrius of Byzantium, in the fourth book of his
 treatise on Poems, says— Gorgias the Leontine, being once asked by some one
 what was the cause of his living more than a hundred years, said that it was
 because he had never done anything to please any one else except
 himself. And Ochus, after he had had a long enjoyment of kingly power,
 and of all the other things which make life pleasant, being asked towards the
 close of his life by his eldest son, by what course of conduct he had preserved
 the kingly power for so many years, that he also might imitate it; replied,
 By behaving justly towards all men and all gods. And Carystius
 of Pergamus, in his Historical Commentaries, says— Cephisodorus the Theban
 relates that Polydorus the physician of Teos used to live with Antipater; and
 that the king had a common kind of coarse carpet worked in rings like a
 counterpane, on which he used to recline; and brazen bowls and only a small
 number of cups; for that he was a man fond of plain living and averse to
 luxury.

But the story which we have of Tithonus represents him as a person sleeping from
 daybreak to sunset, so that his appetites scarcely awakened him by evening. On
 which account he was said to sleep with Aurora, because he was so wholly enslaved
 by his appetites. And as he was at a later period of life prevented from indulging
 them by old age, and being wholly dependent on them. . . . And Melanthius,
 stretching out his neck, was choked by his enjoyments, being a greater glutton
 than the Melanthius of Ulysses. And many other men have destroyed their bodily
 strength entirely by their unreasonable indulgence; and some have become
 inordinately fat; and others have become stupid and insensible by reason of their
 inordinate luxury. Accordingly, Nymphis of Heraclea, in the second book of his
 History of Heraclea, says — Dionysius the son of Clearchus, who was the
 first tyrant of Heraclea, and who was himself afterwards
 tyrant of his country, grew enormously fat without perceiving it, owing to his
 luxury and to his daily gluttony; so the on account of his obesity he was
 constantly oppressed by difficulty of breathing and a feeling of suffocation.
 On which account his physicians ordered thin needles of an exceedingly great
 length to be made, to be run into his sides an chest whenever he fell into a
 deeper sleep than usual. And up to a certain point his flesh was so callous by
 reason of the fat, that it never felt the needles; but if ever they touched a
 part that was not so overloaded, then he felt them, and was awakened by them.
 And he used to give answers to people who came to him, holding a chest in front
 of his body so as to conceal all the rest of his person, and leave only his
 face visible; and in this condition he conversed with these who came to
 him. And Menander also, who was a person as little given to
 evil-speaking as possible, mentions him in his Fishermen, introducing some exiles
 from Heraclea as saying— 
 For a fat pig was lying on his face; 
 and in another place he says— 
 He gave himself to luxury so wholly, 
 That he could not last long to practise it; 
 and again he says— 
 Forming desires for myself, this death 
 Does seem the only happy one,—to grow 
 Fat in my heart and stomach, and so lie 
 Flat on my back, and never say a word, 
 Drawing my breath high up, eating my fill, 
 And saying, Here I waste away with pleasure. 
 
 And he died when he was fifty-five years of age, of which he had been
 tyrant thirty-three,—being superior to all the tyrants who had preceded him in
 gentleness and humanity.

And Ptolemy the Seventh, king of Egypt was a man of this sort, the same who caused
 himself to be styled Euergetes, but who was called Cacergetes by the
 Alexandrians, Accordingly, Posidonius the Stoic, who went with Scipio Africanus
 when he was sent to Alexandria, and w o there saw this Ptolemy, writes thus, in
 the seventh book of his History, —But owing to his luxury his whole body was eaten
 up with fat, and with the greatness of his belly, which was so large that no one
 could put his arms all round it; and he wore over it a tunic
 which reached down to his feet, having sleeves which reached to his wrists, and he
 never by any chance walked out except on this occasion of Scipio's visit." And
 that this king was not averse to luxury, he tells us when he speaks of himself,
 relating, in the eighth book of his Commentaries, how he was priest of Apollo at
 Cyrene, and how he gave a banquet to those who had been priests before him;
 writing thus:— The Artemitia is the great festival of Cyrene, on which
 occasion the priest of Apollo (and that office is one which lasts a year) gives
 a banquet to all those who have been his predecessors in the office; and he
 sets before each of them a separate dish. And this dish is an earthenware
 vessel, holding about twenty artabæ, in which there are many kinds of game
 elaborately dressed, and many kinds of bread, and of tame birds, and of
 sea-fish, and also many species of foreign preserved meats and pickled-fish.
 And very often some people also furnish them with a handsome youth as an
 attendant. But we ourselves omitted all this, and instead we furnished them
 with cups of solid silver, each being of as much value as all the things which
 we have just enumerated put together; and also we presented each man with a
 horse properly harnessed, and a groom, and gilt trappings; and we invited each
 man to mount his horse and ride him home. 
 
 His son Alexander also became exceedingly fat, the one, I mean, who put his mother
 to death who had been his partner in the kingdom. Accordingly Posidonius, in the
 forty-seventh book of his History, mentions him in the following terms:— But
 the king of Egypt being detested by the multitude, but flattered by the people
 whom he had about him, and living in great luxury, was not able even to walk,
 unless he went leaning on two friends; but for all that he would, at his
 banquets, leap off from a high couch, and dance barefoot with more vigour than
 even those who made dancing their profession.

And Agatharchides, in the sixteenth book of his History of Europe, says that
 Magas, who was king of Cyrene for fifty years, and who never had any wars, but
 spent all his time in luxury, became, towards the end of his life, so im- mensely bulky and burdensome to himself, that he was at last
 actually choked by his fat, from the inactivity of his body, and the enormous
 quantity of food which he consumed. But among the Lacedæmonians, the same man
 relates, in his twenty-seventh book, that it is thought a proof of no ordinary
 infamy if any one is of an unmanly appearance, or if any one appears at all
 inclined to have a large belly; as the young men are exhibited naked before the
 ephori every ten days. And the ephori used every day to take notice both of the
 clothes and bedding of the young men; and very properly. For the cooks at
 Lacedæmon were employed solely on dressing meat plainly, and on nothing else. And
 in his twenty-seventh book, Agatharchides says that the Lacedæmonians brought
 Nauclides, the son of Polybiades, who was enormously fat in his body, and who had
 become of a vast size through luxury, into the middle of the assembly; and then,
 after Lysander had publicly reproached him as an effeminate voluptuary, they
 nearly banished him from the city, and threatened him that they would certainly do
 so if he did not reform his life; on which occasion Lysander said that Agesilaus
 also, when he was in the country near the Hellespont, making war against the
 barbarians, seeing the Asiatics very expensively clothed, but utterly useless in
 their bodies, ordered all who were taken prisoners, to be stripped naked and sold
 by the auctioneer; and after that he ordered their clothes to be sold without
 them; in order that the allies, knowing that they had to fight for a great prize,
 and against very contemptible men, might advance with greater spirit against their
 enemies. And Python the orator, of Byzantium, as Leon, his fellow-citizen,
 relates, was enormously fat; and once, when the Byzantians were divided against
 one another in seditious quarrels, he, exhorting his fellow-citizens to unanimity,
 said— You see, my friends, what a size my body is; but I have a wife who
 is much fatter than I am; now, when we are both agreed, one small bed is large
 enough for both of us; but when we quarrel, the whole house is not big enough
 for us.

How much better, then, is it, my good friend Timocrates, to be poor and thinner
 than even those men whom Hermippus mentions in his Cercopes, than to be enormously
 rich, and like that whale of Tanagra, as the before mentioned 
 men were! But Hermippus uses the following language, addressing Bacchus on the
 present occasion— 
 For poor men now to sacrifice to you 
 But maim'd and crippled oxen; thinner far 
 Than e'en Thoumantis or Leotrophides. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Gerytades, gives a list of the following people
 as very thin, who, he says, were sent as ambassadors by the poets on earth down to
 hell to the poets there, and his words are— 
 
 A. And who is this who dares to pierce the gates 
 Of lurid darkness, and the realms o' the dead? 
 
 B. We're by unanimous agreement chosen, 
 (Making the choice in solemn convocation,) 
 One man from each department of our art, 
 Who were well known to be frequenters of the Shades, 
 As often voluntarily going thither. 
 
 A. Are there among you any men who thus 
 Frequent the realms of Pluto? 
 
 B. Aye, by Jove, 
 And plenty; just as there are men who go 
 To Thrace and then come back again. You know 
 The whole case now. 
 
 A. And what may be their names? 
 First, there's Sannyrion, the comic poet; 
 Then, of the tragic chori, Melitus; 
 And of the Cyclic bards, Cinesias. 
 And presently afterwards he says— 
 On what slight hopes did you then all rely! 
 For if a fit of diarrhea came 
 Upon these men, they'd all be carried off. 
 And Strattis also mentions Sannyrion, in his Men fond of Cold, saying—
 
 The leathern aid of wise Sannyrion. 
 And Sannyrion himself speaks of Melitus, in his play called Laughter,
 speaking as follows— 
 Melitus, that carcase from Leanæum rising.

And Cinesias was in reality an exceedingly tall and exceedingly thin man; on whom
 Strattis wrote an entire play, calling him the Phthian Achilles, because in his
 own poetry he was constantly using the word φθιῶτα. And accordingly, he, playing on his appearance, continually
 addresses him— 
 
 φθιῶτʼ ʼαχιλλεῦ. — 
 But others, as, for instance, Aristophanes, often call him φιλύρινος κινησίας, because he took a plank of linden
 wood ( φιλύρα ), and fastened
 it to his waist under his girdle, in order to avoid stooping, because of his great
 height and extreme thin, ness. But that Cinesias was a man of delicate health, and
 badly off in other respects, we are told by Lysias the orator, in his oration
 inscribed, For Phanias accused of illegal Practices, in which he
 says that he, having abandoned his regular profession, had taken to trumping up
 false accusations against people, and to making money by such means. And that he
 means the poet here, and no one else, is plain from the fact that he shows also
 that he had been attacked by the comic poets for impiety. And he also, in the
 oration itself, shows that he was a person of that character. And the words of the
 orator are as follows:—“But I marvel that you are not indignant at such a man as
 Cinesias coming forward in aid of the laws, whom you all know to be the most
 impious of all men, and the greatest violater of the laws that has ever existed.
 Is not he the man who has committed such offences against the gods as all other
 men think it shameful even to speak of, though you hear the comic poets mention
 such actions of his every year? Did not Apollophanes, and Mystalides, and
 Lysitheus feast with him, selecting one of the days on which it was not lawful to
 hold a feast, giving themselves the name of Cacodæmonistæ, instead of Numeniastæ, a name indeed appropriate enough to their
 fortunes Nor, indeed, did it occur to them that they were really doing what that
 name denotes; but they acted in this manner to show their contempt for the gods
 and for our laws. And accordingly, each of those men perished, as it was
 reasonable to expect that such men should. 
 
 But this man, with whom you are all acquainted, the gods have treated in
 such a manner, that his very enemies would rather that he should live than die,
 as an example to all other men, that they may see that the immortal Gods do not
 postpone the punishment due to men who behave insolently towards their Deity,
 so as to reserve it for their children; but that they destroy the men
 themselves in a miserable manner, inflicting on them greater and more terrible
 calamities and diseases than on any other men whatever. For to die, or to be
 afflicted with sickness in an ordinary manner, is the 
 common lot of all of us; but to be in such a condition as they are reduced to,
 and to remain a long time in such a state, and to be dying every day, and yet
 not be able to end one's life, is a punishment allotted to men who act as this
 man has acted, in defiance of all human and divine law. And this orator
 used this language respecting Cinesias.

Philetas also, the Coin poet, was a very thin man; so that, by reason of the
 leanness of his body, he used to wear balls made of lead fastened to his feet, to
 prevent himself from being blown over by the wind. And Polemo, surnamed
 Periegetes, in his treatise on Wonderful People and Things, says that Archestratus
 the soothsayer, being taken prisoner by the enemy, and being put into the scale,
 was found to weigh only one obol, so very thin was he. The same man also relates
 that Panaretus never had occasion to consult a physician, but that he used to be a
 pupil of Arcesilaus the philosopher; and that he was a companion of Ptolemy
 Euergetes, receiving from him a salary of twelve talents every year. And he was
 the thinnest of men, though he never had any illness all his life. 
 But Metrodorus the Scepsian, in the second book of his treatise on the Art of
 Training, says that Hipponax the poet was not only very diminutive in person, but
 also very thin; and that he, nevertheless, was so strong in his sinews, that,
 among other feats of strength, he could throw an empty oil cruise an extraordinary
 distance, although light bodies are not easy to be propelled violently, because
 they cannot cut the air so well. Philippides, also, was extremely thin, against
 whom there is an oration extant of Hyperides the orator, who says that he was one
 of those men who governed the state. And he was very insignificant in appearance
 by reason of his thinness, as Hyperides has related. And Alexis, in his
 Thesprotians, said— 
 O Mercury, sent by the gods above, 
 You who've obtained Philippides by lot; 
 And you, too, eye of darkly-robed night. 
 And Aristophon, in his play called Plato, says— 
 
 A. I will within these three days make this man 
 Thinner than e'en Philippides. 
 
 B. How so? 
 Can you kill men in such a very short time? 
 And Menander, in his Passion, says— 
 
 If hunger should attack your well-shaped person, 
 'Twould make you thinner than Philippides. 
 And the word πεφιλιππιδῶσθαι was used for
 being extremely thin, as we find in Alexis; who, in his Women taking Mandragora,
 says— 
 
 A. You must be ill. You are, by Jove, the very 
 Leanest of sparrows—a complete Philippides ( πεφιλιππίδωσαι ). 
 
 B. Don't tell me such strange things: I'm all but
 dead. 
 
 A. I pity your sad case. 
 At all events, it is much better to look like that, than to be like the
 man of whom Antiphanes in his Aeolus says— 
 This man then, such a sot and glutton is he, 
 And so enormous is his size of body, 
 Is called by all his countrymen the Bladder. 
 And Heraclides of Pontus, in his treatise on Pleasure, says that Dinias
 the perfumer gave himself up to love because of his luxury, and spent a vast sum
 of money on it; and when, at last, he failed in his desires, out of grief he
 mutilated himself, his unbridled luxury bringing him into this trouble.

But it was the fashion at Athens to anoint even the feet of those men who were
 very luxurious with ointment, a custom which Cephisodorus alludes to in his
 Trophonius— 
 Then to anoint my body go and buy 
 Essence of lilies, and of roses too, 
 I beg you, Xanthias; and also buy 
 For my poor feet some baccaris. 
 And Eubulus, in his Sphingocarion, says— 
 . . . . Lying full softly in a bed-chamber; 
 Around him were most delicate cloaks, well suited 
 For tender maidens, soft, voluptuous; 
 Such as those are, who well perfumed and fragrant 
 With amaracine oils, do rub my feet. 
 But the author of the Procris gives an account of what care ought to be
 taken of Procris's dog, speaking of a dog as if he were a man— 
 
 A. Strew, then, soft carpets underneath the dog, 
 And place beneath cloths of Milesian wool; 
 And put above them all a purple rug. 
 
 B. Phœbus Apollo! 
 
 A. Then in goose's milk 
 Soak him some groats. 
 
 B. O mighty Hercules! 
 
 A. And with Megallian oils anoint his feet. 
 
 And Antiphanes, in his Alcestis, represents some one as
 anointing his feet with oil; but in his Mendicant Priest of Cybele, he says—
 
 He bade the damsel take some choice perfumes 
 From the altar of the goddess, and then, first, 
 Anoint his feet with it, and then his knees: 
 But the first moment that the girl did touch 
 His feet, he leaped up. 
 And in his Zacynthus he says— 
 Have I not, then, a right to be fond of women, 
 And to regard them all with tender love, 
 For is it not a sweet and noble thing 
 To be treated just as you are; and to have 
 One's feet anointed by fair delicate hands? 
 And in his Thoricians he says— 
 He bathes completely-but what is't he does? 
 He bathes his hands and feet, and well anoints them 
 With perfume from a gold and ample ewer. 
 And with a purple dye he smears his jaws 
 And bosom; and his arms with oil of thyme; 
 His eyebrows and his hair with marjoram; 
 His knees and neck with essence of wild ivy. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Protesilaus, says— 
 Ointment from Peron, which this fellow sold 
 But yesterday to Melanopus here, 
 A costly bargain fresh from Egypt, which 
 Anoints to day Callistratus's feet. 
 And Teleclides, in his Prytanes, alludes to the lives of the citizens,
 even in the time of Themistocles, as having been very much devoted to luxury. And
 Cratinus in his Chirones, speaking of the luxury of the former generations, says—
 
 There was a scent of delicate thyme besides, 
 And roses too, and lilies by my ear; 
 And in my hands I held an apple, and. 
 A staff, and thus I did harangue the people.

And Clearchus the Solensian, in his treatise on Love Matters, says—“Why is it that
 we carry in our hands flowers, and apples, and things of that sort? Is it that by
 our delight in these things nature points out those of us who have a desire for
 all kinds of beauty? Is it, therefore, as a kind of specimen of beauty that men
 carry beautiful things in their hands, and take delight in them? Or do they carry
 them about for two objects? For by these means the beginning of good fortune, and
 an indication of one's wishes, is to a certain extent
 secured; to those who are asked for them, by their being addressed, and to those
 who give them, because they give an intimation beforehand, that they must give of
 their beauty in exchange. For a request for beautiful flowers and fruits,
 intimates that those who receive them are prepared to give in return the beauty of
 their persons. Perhaps also people are fond of those things, and carry them about
 them in order to comfort and mitigate the vexation which arises from the neglect
 or absence of those whom they love. For by the presence of these agreeable
 objects, the desire for those persons whom we love is blunted; unless, indeed, we
 may rather say that it is for the sake of personal ornament that people carry
 those things, and take delight in them, just as they wear anything else which
 tends to ornament. For not only those people who are crowned with flowers, but
 those also who carry them in their hands, find their whole appearance is improved
 by them. Perhaps also, people carry them simply because of their love for any
 beautiful object. For the love of beautiful objects shows that we are inclined to
 be fond of the productions of the seasons. 
 For the face of spring and autumn is really beautiful, when looked at in their
 flowers and fruits. And all persons who are in love, being made, as it were,
 luxurious by their passion, and inclined to admire beauty, are softened by the
 sight of beauty of any sort. For it is something natural that people who fancy
 that they themselves are beautiful and elegant, should be fond of flowers; on
 which account the companions of Proserpine are represented as gathering flowers.
 And Sappho says— 
 I saw a lovely maiden gathering flowers.

But in former times men were so devoted to luxury, that they dedicated a temple to
 Venus Callipyge on this account. A certain countryman had two beautiful daughters;
 and they once, contending with one another, went into the public roads, disputing
 as they went, which had the most beautiful buttocks. And as a young man was
 passing, who had an aged father, they showed themselves to hi also. And he, when
 he had seen both, decided in favour of the elder; and falling in love with her, he
 returned into the city and fell ill, and took to his bed, and related what had
 happened to his brother, who was younger than he; and he also, going into the
 fields and seeing the damsels himself, fell in love with the 
 other. Accordingly, their father, when with all his exhortations he could not
 persuade his sons to think of a higher marriage, brings these damsels to them out
 of the fields, having persuaded their father to give them to him, and marries them
 to his sons. And they were always called the καλλίπυγοι; as Cercidas of Megalopolis says in his Iambics, in the
 following line— 
 There was a pair of καλλίπυγοι women 
 At Syracuse. 
 So they, having now become rich women, built a temple to Venus, calling
 the goddess καλλίπυγος, as Archelaus also relates
 in his Iambics. 
 And that the luxury of madness is exceedingly great is very pleasantly argued by
 Heraclides of Pontus, in his treatise on Pleasure, where he says— Thrasylaus
 the Aexonensian, the son of Pythodorus, was once afflicted with such violent
 madness, that he thought that all the vessels which came to the Piræus belonged
 to him. And he entered them in his books as such; and sent them away, and
 regulated their affairs in his mind, and when they returned to port he received
 them with great joy, as a man might be expected to who was master of so much
 wealth. And when any were lost, he never inquired about them, but he rejoiced
 in all that arrived safe; and so he lived with great pleasure. But when his
 brother Crito returned from Sicily, and took him and put him into the hands of
 a doctor, and cured him of his madness, he himself related his madness, and
 said that he had never been happier in his life; for that he never felt any
 grief, but that the quantity of pleasure which he experienced was something
 unspeakable.

ANTIPHANES the comic writer, my friend Timocrates, when he was reading one of his
 own comedies to Alexander the king, and when it was plain that the king did not
 think much of it, said to him, The fact is, O king, that a man who is to
 appreciate this play, ought to have often supped at picnic feasts, and must
 have often borne and inflicted blows in the cause of
 courtesans, as Lycophron the Chalcidian relates in his treatise on
 Comedy. And accordingly we, who are now about to set out a discussion on amatory
 matters, (for there was a good deal of conversation about married women and about
 courtesans,) saying what we have to say to people who understand the subject,
 invoking the Muse Erato to be so good as to impress anew on oar memory that
 amatory catalogue, will make our commencement from this point— 
 Come now, O Erato, and tell me truly 
 what it was that was said by the different guests about love and about
 amatory matters.

For our admirable host, praising the married women, said that Hermippus stated in
 his book about lawgivers, that at Lacedæmon all the damsels used to be shut up in
 a dark room, while a number of unmarried young men were shut up with them; and
 whichever girl each of the young men caught hold of he led away as his wife,
 without a dowry. On which account they punished Lysander, because he left his
 former wife, and wished to marry another who was by far more beautiful. But
 Clearchus the Solensian, in his treatise on Proverbs, says,— In Lacedæmon
 the women, on a certain festival, drag the unmarried men to an altar, and then
 buffet them; in order that, for the purpose of avoiding the insult of such
 treatment, they may become more affectionate, and in due season may turn their
 thoughts to marriage. But at Athens, Cecrops was the first person who married a
 man to one wife only, when before his time connexions had taken place at
 random, and men had had their wives in common. On which account it was, as some
 people state, that Cecrops was called διφυὴς, 
 because before his time people did not know who their fathers were, by
 reason of the numbers of men who might have been so. 
 
 And beginning in this manner, one might fairly blame those who attributed to
 Socrates two wives, Xanthippe and Myrto, the daughter of Aristides; not of that
 Aristides who was surnamed the Just, (for the time does not agree,) but of his
 descendant in the third generation. And the men who made this statement are
 Callisthenes, and Demetrius Phalereus, and Satyrus the Peripatetic, and
 Aristoxenus; who were preceded in it by Aristotle, who relates the same story in
 his treatise on Nobleness of Birth. Unless perhaps this
 licence was allowed by a decree at that time on account of the scarcity of men, so
 that any one who pleased might have two wives; to which it must be owing that the
 comic poets make no mention of this fact, though they very often mention Socrates.
 And Hieronymus of Rhodes has cited the decree about wives; which I will send to
 you, since I have the book. But Panætius the Rhodian has contradicted those who
 make this statement about the wives of Socrates.

But among the Persians the queen tolerates the king's having a number of
 concubines, because there the king rules his wife like her master; and also
 because the queen, as Dinon states in his history of Persia, receives a great deal
 of respect from the concubines. At all events they offer her adoration. And Priam,
 too, had a great many women, and Hecuba was not indignant. Accordingly, Priam
 says— 
 
 
 Yet what a race! ere Greece to Ilion came, 
 The pledge of many a loved and loving dame. 
 Nineteen one mother bore—dead, all are dead! 
 
 Iliad, xxiv. 489. 
 
 
 
 But among the Greeks, the mother of Phœnix does not tolerate the concubine of
 Amyntor. And Medea, although well acquainted with the fashion, as one well
 established among the barbarians, refuses to tolerate the marriage of Glauce,
 having been forsooth already initiated in better and Greek habits. And
 Clytæmnestra, being exceedingly indignant at a similar provocation, slays
 Cassandra with Agamemnon himself, whom the monarch brought with him into Greece,
 having given in to the fashion of barbarian marriages. And a man may
 wonder, says Aristotle, "that Homer has nowhere in the Iliad
 represented any concubine as living with Menelaus, though he has given wives to
 every one else. And accordingly, in Homer, even old men sleep with women, such as
 Nestor and Phoenix. For these men were not worn out or disabled in the time of
 their youth, either by intoxication, or by too much indulgence in love; or by any
 weakness of digestion engendered by gluttony; so that it was natural for them to
 be still vigorous in old age. The king of Sparta, then, appears to have too much
 respect for his wedded wife Helena, on whose account he collected all the Grecian
 army; and on this account he keeps aloof from any other
 connexion. But Agamemnon is reproached by Thersites, as a man with many wives—
 
 
 
 'Tis thine, whate'er the warrior's breast inflames, 
 The golden spoil, and thine the lovely dames; 
 With all the wealth our wars and blood bestow, 
 Thy tents are crowded and thy chests o'erflow. 
 
 Iliad, ii. 220. 
 
 
 But it is not natural, says Aristotle, to suppose that all
 that multitude of female slaves were given to him as concubines, but only as
 prizes; since he also provided himself with a great quantity of wine,—but not
 for the purpose of getting drunk himself.

But Hercules is the man who appears to have had more wives than any one else, for
 he was very much addicted to women; and he had them in turn, like a soldier, and a
 man employed at different times in different countries. And by them he had also a
 great multitude of children. For, in one week, as Herodorus relates, he relieved
 the fifty daughters of Thestias of their virginity. Aegeus also was a may of many
 wives. For, first of all he married the daughter of Hoples, and after her he
 married one of the daughters of Chalcodous, and giving both of them to his
 friends, he cohabited with a great many without marriage. Afterwards he took
 Aethra, the daughter of Pittheus; after her he took Medea. And Theseus, having
 attempted to ravish Helen, after that carried off Ariadne. Accordingly Istrus, in
 the fourteenth book of his History of the Affairs of Athens, giving a catalogue of
 those women who became the wives of Theseus, says that some of them became so out
 of love, and that some were carried off by force, and some were married in legal
 marriage. Now by force were ravished Helen, Ariadne, Hippolyta, and the daughters
 of Cercyon and Sinis; and he legally married Melibœa, the mother of Ajax. And
 Hesiod say that he married also Hippe and Aegle; on account of whom he broke the
 oaths which he had sworn to Ariadne, as Cercops tells us And Pherecydes adds
 Pherebœa. And before ravishing Helen he had also carried off Anaxo from Troy; and
 after Hippolyta he also had Phædra. 
 And Philip the Macedonian did not take any women with him to his wars, as Darius
 did, whose power was subverted by Alexander. For he used to take about with him
 three hundred and fifty concubines in all his wars; as
 Dicæarchus relates in the third book of his Life in Greece. But
 Philip, says he, was always marrying new wives in war time. For,
 in the twenty-two years which he reigned, as Satyrus relates in his History of
 his Life, having married Audata the Illyrian, he had by her a daughter named
 Cynna; and he also married Phila, a sister of Derdas and Machatas. And wishing
 to conciliate the nation of the Thessalians, he had children by two Thessalian
 women; one of whom was Nicesipolis of Pheræ, who brought him a daughter named
 Thessalonica; and the other was Philenora of Larissa, by whom he had Aridæus.
 He also acquired the kingdom of the Molossi, when he married Olympias, by whom
 he had Alexander and Cleopatra. And when he subdued Thrace, there came to him
 Cithelas, the king of the Thracians, bringing with him Meda his daughter, and
 many presents: and having married her, he added her to Olympias. And after all
 these, being violently in love, he married Cleopatra, the sister of
 Hippostratus and niece of Attalus. And bringing her also home to Olympias, he
 made all his life unquiet and troubled. For, as soon as this marriage took
 place, Attalus said, 'Now, indeed, legitimate kings shall be born, and not
 bastards.' And Alexander having heard this, smote Attalus with a goblet which
 he had in his hand; and Attalus in return struck him with his cup. And after
 that Olympias fled to the Molossi; and Alexander fled to the Illyrians. And
 Cleopatra bore to Philip a daughter who was named Europa. 
 
 Euripides the poet, also, was much addicted to women: at all events Hieronymus in
 his Historical Commentaries speaks as follows,— When some one told Sophocles
 that Euripides was a woman-hater, 'He may be,' said he, 'in his tragedies, but
 in his bed he is very fond of women. '

But our married women are not such as Eubulus speaks of in his Female
 Garland-sellers— 
 By Jove, we are not painted with vermilion, 
 Nor with dark mulberry juice, as you are often: 
 And then, if in the summer you go out, 
 Two rivulets of dark discoloured hue 
 Flow from your eyes, and sweat drops from your jaws, 
 And makes a scarlet furrow down your neck; 
 And the light hair, which wantons o'er your face, 
 Seems grey, so thickly is it plastered over. 
 
 And Anaxilas, in his Neottis, says— 
 The man whoe'er has loved a courtesan, 
 Will say that no more lawless worthless race 
 Can anywhere be found: for what ferocious 
 Unsociable she-dragon, what Chimæra, 
 Though it breathe fire from its mouth, what Charybdis, 
 What three-headed Scylla, dog o' the sea, 
 Or hydra, sphinx, or raging lioness, 
 Or viper, or winged harpy (greedy race), 
 Could go beyond those most accursed harlots? 
 There is no monster greater. They alone 
 Surpass all other evils put together. 
 And let us now consider them in order:— 
 First there is Plangon; she, like a chimera, 
 Scorches the wretched barbarians with fire; 
 One knight alone was found to rid the world of her, 
 Who, like a brave man, stole her furniture 
 And fled, and she despairing, disappear'd. 
 Then for Sinope's friends, may I not say 
 That 'tis a hydra they cohabit with? 
 For she is old: but near her age, and like her, 
 Greedy Gnathæna flaunts, a twofold evil. 
 And as for Nannion, in what, I pray, 
 Does she from Scylla differ? Has she not 
 Already swallow'd up two lovers, and 
 Open'd her greedy jaws t' enfold a third? 
 But he with prosp'rous oar escaped the gulf. ' 
 Then does not Phryne beat Charybdis hollow? 
 Who swallows the sea-captains, ship and all. 
 Is not Theano a mere Siren pluck'd? 
 Their face and voice are woman's, but their legs 
 Are feather'd like a blackbird's. Take the lot, 
 'Tis not too much to call them Theban Sphinxes. 
 For they speak nothing plain, but only riddles; 
 And in enigmas tell their victims how 
 They love and dote, and long to be caress'd. 
 
 Would that I had a quadruped, says one, 
 That may serve for a bed or easy chair. 
 
 Would that I had a tripod — Or a biped, 
 
 That is, a handmaid. And the hapless fool 
 Who understands these hints, like Œdipus, 
 If saved at all is saved against his will. 
 But they who do believe they're really loved 
 Are much elated, and raise their heads to heaven. 
 And in a word, of all the beasts on earth 
 The direst and most treacherous is a harlot.

After Laurentius had said all this, Leonidas, finding fault with the name of wife
 ( γαμετὴ ), quoted these verses out of the
 Soothsayers of Alexis— Oh wretched are we husbands, who have
 sold 
 All liberty of life, all luxury, 
 And live as slaves of women, not as freemen. 
 We say we have a dowry; do we not 
 Endure the penalty, full of female bile, 
 Compared to which the bile of man's pure honey? 
 For men, though injured, pardon: but the women 
 First injure us, and then reproach us more; 
 They rule those whom they should not; those they should 
 They constantly neglect. They falsely swear; 
 They have no single hardship, no disease; 
 And yet they are complaining without end. 
 And Xenarchus, in his Sleep, says— 
 Are then the grasshoppers not happy, say you? 
 When they have wives who cannot speak a word. 
 And Philetærus, in his Corinthiast, says— 
 O Jupiter, how soft and bland an eye 
 The lady has! 'Tis not for nothing we 
 Behold the temple of Hetæra here; 
 But there is not one temple to a wife 
 Throughout the whole of Greece. 
 And Amphis says in his Athamas— 
 Is not a courtesan much more good-humour'd 
 Than any wedded wife? No doubt she is, 
 And 'tis but natural; for she, by law, 
 Thinks she's a right to sulk and stay at home: 
 But well the other knows that 'tis her manners 
 By which alone she can retain her friends; 
 And if they fail, she must seek out some others.

And Eubulus, in his Chrysille, says— 
 May that man, fool as he is, who marries 
 A second wife, most miserably perish; 
 Him who weds one, I will not blame too much, 
 For he knew little of the ills he courted. 
 But well the widower had proved all 
 The ills which are in wedlock and in wives. 
 And a little further on he says— 
 O holy Jove, may I be quite undone, 
 If e'er I say a word against the women, 
 The choicest of all creatures. And suppose 
 Medea was a termagant,—what then? 
 Was not Penelope a noble creature? 
 If one should say, Just think of Clytæmnestra, 
 
 I meet him with Alcestis chaste and true. 
 Perhaps he'll turn and say no good of Phædra; 
 But think of virtuous . . . . who?. . . . Alas, alas! 
 I cannot recollect another good one, 
 Though I could still count bad ones up by scores. 
 
 And Aristophon, in his Callonides, says— 
 May he be quite undone, he well deserves it, 
 Who dares to marry any second wife; 
 A man who marries once may be excused; 
 Not knowing what misfortune he was seeking. 
 But he who, once escaped, then tries another, 
 With his eyes open seeks for misery. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Philopator, says— 
 
 A. He's married now. 
 
 B. How say you? do you mean 
 He's really gone and married-when I left him, 
 Alive and well, possess'd of all his senses? 
 And Menander, in his Woman carrying the Sacred Vessel of Minerva, or the
 Female Flute-player, says— 
 
 A. You will not marry if you're in your senses 
 When you have left this life. For I myself 
 Did marry; so I recommend you not to. 
 
 B. The matter is decided—the die is cast. 
 
 A. Go on then. I do wish you then well over it; 
 But you are taking arms, with no good reason, 
 Against a sea of troubles. In the waves 
 Of the deep Libyan or Aegean sea 
 Scarce three of thirty ships are lost or wreck'd; 
 But scarcely one poor husband 'scapes at all. 
 And in his Woman Burnt he says— 
 Oh, may the man be totally undone 
 Who was the first to venture on a wife; 
 And then the next who follow'd his example; 
 And then the third, and fourth, and all who followed. 
 And Carcinus the tragedian, in his Semele (which begins, O
 nights ), says— 
 O Jupiter, why need one waste one's words 
 In speaking ill of women? for what worse 
 Can he add, when he once has call'd them women?

But, above all other cases, those who when advanced in years marry young wives, do
 not perceive that they are running voluntarily into danger, which every one else
 foresees plainly; and that, too, though the Megarian poet has given them this warning:— 
 A young wife suits not with an aged husband; 
 For she will not obey the pilot's helm 
 Like a well-managed boat; nor can the anchor 
 Hold her securely in her port, but oft 
 
 She breaks her chains and cables in the night, 
 And headlong drives into another harbour. 
 And Theophilus, in his Neoptolemus, says— 
 A young wife does not suit an old man well; 
 For, like a crazy boat, she not at all 
 Answers the helm, but slips her cable off 
 By night, and in some other port is found.

And I do not think that any of you are ignorant, my friends, that the greatest
 wars have taken place on account of women:—the Trojan war on account of Helen; the
 plague which took place in it was on account of Chryseis; the anger of Achilles
 was excited about Briseis; and the war called the Sacred War, on account of
 another wife (as Duris relates in the second book of his History), who was a
 Theban by birth, by name Theano, and who was carried off by some Phocian. And this
 war also lasted ten years, and in the tenth year was brought to an end by the
 cooperation of Philip; for by his aid the Thebans took Phocis. 
 The war, also, which is called the Crissæan War (as Callisthenes tells us in his
 account of the Sacred War), when the Crissæans made war upon the Phocians, lasted
 ten years; and it was excited on this account,—because the Crissæans carried off
 Megisto, the daughter of Pelagon the Phocian, and the daughters of the Argives, as
 they were returning from the Pythian temple: and in the tenth year Crissa was
 taken. And whole families also have been ruined owing to women;— for instance,
 that of Philip, the father of Alexander, was ruined on account of his marriage
 with Cleopatra; and Hercules was ruined by his marriage with Iole, the daughter of
 Eurytus; and Theseus on account of his marriage with Phædra, the daughter of
 Minos; and Athamas on account of his marriage with Themisto, the daughter of
 Hypseus; and Jason on account of his marriage with Glauce, the daughter of Creon;
 and Agamemnon on account of Cassandra. And the expedition of Cambyses against
 Egypt (as Ctesias relates) took place on account of a woman; for Cambyses, having
 heard that Egyptian women were far more amorous than other women, sent to Amasis
 the king of the Egyptians, asking him for one of his daughters in marriage. But he
 did not give him one of his own daughters, thinking that she would not be honoured
 as a wife, but only treated as a concubine; but he sent him Nitetis, the daughter
 of Apries. And Apries had been deposed from the sovereignty
 of Egypt, because of the defeats which had been received by him from the
 Cyreneans; and afterwards he had been put to death by Amasis. Accordingly,
 Cambyses, being much pleased with Nitetis, and being very violently in love with
 her, learns the whole circumstances of the case from her; and she entreated him to
 avenge the murder of Apries, and persuaded him to make war upon the Egyptians. But
 Dinon, in his History of Persia, and Lynceas of Naucratis, in the third book of
 his History of Egypt, say that it was Cyrus to whom Nitetis was sent by Amasis;
 and that she was the mother of Cambyses, who made this expedition against Egypt to
 avenge the wrongs of his mother and her family. But Duris the Samian says that the
 first war carried on by two women was that between Olympias and Eurydice; in which
 Olympias advanced something in the manner of a Bacchanalian, with drums beating;
 but Eurydice came forward armed like a Macedonian soldier, having been already
 accustomed to war and military habits at the court of Cynnane the Illyrian.

Now, after this conversation, it seemed good to the philosophers who were present
 to say something themselves about love and about beauty: and so a great many
 philosophical sentiments were uttered; among which, some quoted some of the songs
 of the dramatic philosopher, Euripides,— some of which were these:— 
 Love, who is wisdom's pupil gay, 
 To virtue often leads the way: 
 And this great god 
 Is of all others far the best for man; 
 For with his gentle nod 
 He bids them hope, and banishes all pain. 
 May I be ne'er mixed up with those who scorn 
 To own his power, and live forlorn, 
 Cherishing habits all uncouth. 
 I bid the youth 
 Of my dear country ne'er to flee from Love, 
 But welcome him, and willing subjects prove. 
 
 And some one else quoted from Pindar— 
 Let it be my fate always to love, 
 And to obey Love's will in proper season. 
 
 And some one else added the following lines from Euripides—
 
 But you, O mighty Love, of gods and men 
 The sovereign ruler, either bid what's fair 
 To seem no longer fair; or else bring aid 
 To hapless lovers whom you've caused to love, 
 And aid the labours you yourself have prompted. 
 If you do this, the gods will honour you; 
 But if you keep aloof, you will not even 
 Retain the gratitude which now they feel 
 For having learnt of you the way to love.

And Pontianus said that Zeno the Cittiæan thought that Love was the God of
 Friendship and Liberty, and also that he was the great author of concord among
 men; but that he had no other office. On which account, he says in his Polity,
 that Love is a God, being one who cooperates in securing the safety of the city.
 And the philosophers, also, who preceded him considered Love a venerable Deity,
 removed from everything discreditable: and this is plain from their having set up
 holy statues in his honour in their Gymnasia, along with those of Mercury and
 Hercules—the one of whom is the patron of eloquence, and the other of valour. And
 when these are united, friendship and unanimity are engendered; by means of which
 the most perfect liberty is secured to those who excel in these practices. But the
 Athenians were so far from thinking that Love presided over the gratification of
 the mere sensual appetites, that, though the Academy was manifestly consecrated to
 Minerva, they yet erected in that place also a statue of Love, and sacrificed to
 it. 
 The Thespians also celebrate Erotidia, or festivals of Love, just as the Athenians
 do Athenæa, or festivals of Minerva, and as the Eleans celebrate the Olympian
 festivals, and the Rhodians the Halæan. And in the public sacrifices, everywhere
 almost, Love is honoured. And the Lacedæmonians offer sacrifices to Love before
 they go to battle, thinking that safety and victory depend on the friendship of
 those who stand side by side in the battle array. And the Cretans, in their line
 of battle, adorn the handsomest of their citizens, and employ them to offer
 sacrifices to Love on behalf of the state, as Sosicrates relates. And the regiment
 among the Thebans which is called the Sacred Band, is wholly composed of mutual
 lovers, indicating the majesty of the God, as these men
 prefer a glorious death to a shameful and dis- creditable life. But the Samians
 (as Erxias says, in his History of Colophon), having consecrated a gymnasium to
 Love, called the festival which was instituted in his honour the Eleutheria, or
 Feast of Liberty; and it was owing to this God, too, that the Athenians obtained
 their freedom. And the Pisistratidæ, after their banishment, were the first people
 who ever endeavoured to throw discredit on the events which took place through his
 influence.

After this had been said, Plutarch cited the following passage from the Phædrus of
 Alexis:— 
 As I was coming from Piræus lately, 
 In great perplexity and sad distress, 
 I fell to thoughts of deep philosophy. 
 And first I thought that all the painters seem 
 Ignorant of the real nature of Love; 
 And so do all the other artists too, 
 Whoe'er make statues of this deity:, 
 For he is neither male nor female either; 
 Again, he is not God, nor yet is he man: 
 He is not foolish, nor yet is he wise; 
 But he's made up of all kinds of quality, 
 And underneath one form bears many natures. 
 His courage is a man's; his cowardice 
 A very woman's. Then his folly is 
 Pure madness, but his wisdom a philosopher's; 
 His vehemence is that of a wild beast, 
 But his endurance is like adamant; 
 His jealousy equals any other god's. 
 And I, indeed,—by all the gods I swear,— 
 Do not myself precisely understand him; 
 But still he much resembles my description, 
 Excepting in the name. 
 And Eubulus, or Ararus, in his Campylion, says— 
 What man was he, what modeller or painter, 
 Who first did represent young Love as wing'd? 
 He was a man fit only to draw swallows, 
 Quite ignorant of the character of the god. 
 For he's not light, nor easy for a man 
 Who's once by him been master'd, to shake off 
 But he's a heavy and tenacious master. 
 How, then, can he be spoken of as wing'd? 
 The man's a fool who such a thing could say. 
 And Alexis, in his Man Lamenting, says— 
 For this opinion is by all the Sophists 
 Embraced, that Love is not a winged god; 
 
 But that the winged parties are the lovers, 
 And that he falsely bears this imputation: 
 So that it is out of pure ignorance 
 That painters clothe this deity with wings.

And Theophrastus, in his book on Love, says that Chseremon the tragedian said in
 one of his plays, that— 
 As wine adapts itself to the constitution 
 Of those who drink it, so likewise does Love 
 Who, when he's moderately worshipp'd, 
 Is mild and manageable; but if loosed 
 From moderation, then is fierce and troublesome. 
 
 
 On which account the same poet afterwards, distinguishing his powers with some
 felicity, says— 
 For he doth bend a double bow of beauty, 
 And sometimes men to fortune leads, 
 But sometimes overwhelms their lives 
 With trouble and confusion. 
 
 
 
 But the same poet also, in his play entitled The Wounded Man, speaks of people in
 love in this manner:— 
 Who would not say that those who love alone 
 Deserve to be consider'd living men? 
 For first of all they must be skilful soldiers, 
 And able to endure great toil of body, 
 And to stick close to th' objects of their love : 
 They must be active, and inventive too, 
 Eager, and fertile in expedients, 
 And prompt to see their way in difficulties. 
 
 
 And Theophilus, in his Man fond of the Flute, says— 
 Who says that lovers are devoid of sense? 
 He is himself no better than a fool: 
 For if you take away from life its pleasures, 
 You leave it nothing but impending death. 
 And I myself am now indeed in love 
 With a fair maiden playing on the harp; 
 
 
 
 And tell me, pray, am I a fool for that. 
 She's fair, she's tall, she's skilful in her art; 
 And I'm more glad when I see her, than you 
 When you divide your salaries among you. 
 But Aristophon, in his Pythagorean, says— 
 Now, is not Love deservedly cast out 
 From his place among the twelve immortal gods? 
 For he did sow the seeds of great confusion, 
 And quarrels dire, among that heavenly ban 
 When he was one of them. And, as he was 
 Bold and impertinent, they clipp'd his wing 
 That he might never soar again to heaven; 
 And then they banished him to us below; 
 And for the wings which he did boast before 
 Them they did give to Victory, a spoil 
 Well won, and splendid, from her enemy. 
 Amphis, too, in his Dithyrambic, speaks thus of loving— 
 What say'st thou?—dost thou think that all your words 
 Could e'er persuade me that that man's a lover 
 Who falls in love with a girl's manners only 
 And never thinks what kind of face she's got? 
 I call him mad; nor can I e'er believe 
 That a poor man, who often sees a rich one, 
 Forbears to covet some of his great riches. 
 But Alexis says in his Helena— 
 The man who falls in love with beauty's flower, 
 And taketh heed of nothing else, may be 
 A lover of pleasure, but not of his love; 
 And he does openly disparage Love, 
 And causes him to be suspect to others.

Myrtilus, having cited these lines of Alexis, and then looking round on the men
 who were partisans of the Stoic school, having first recited the following passage
 out of the Iambics of Hermeas the Curian— 
 Listen, you Stoiclings, traffickers in nonsense 
 Punners on words,—gluttons, who by yours 
 Eat up the whole of what is in the dishes, 
 And give no single bit to a philosopher. 
 Besides, you are most clearly proved to do 
 All that is contrary to those professions 
 Which you so pompously parade abroad, 
 Hunting for beauty;— 
 went on to say,—And in this point alone you are imitators of the master
 of your school, Zeno the Phœnician, who was always a slave to the most infamous
 passions (as Antigonus the Carystian relates, in his History of his Life); for you
 are always saying that the proper object of love is
 not the body, but the mind; you who say at the same time, that you
 ought to remain faithful to the objects of your love, till they are
 eight-and-twenty years of age. And Ariston of Ceos, the Peripatetic, appears to me
 to have said very well (in the second book of his treatise on Likenesses connected
 with Love), to some Athenian who was very tall for his age, and at the same time
 was boasting of his beauty, (and his name was Dorus,) "It seems to me that one may
 very well apply to you the line which Ulysses uttered when he met Dolon— 
 
 
 Great was thy aim, and mighty is the prize. 
 
 Iliad, x. 401.

But Hegesander, in his Commentaries, says that all men love seasoned dishes, but
 not plain meats, or plainly dressed fish. And accordingly, when seasoned dishes
 are wanting, no one willingly eats either meat or fish; nor does any one desire
 meat which is raw and unseasoned. For anciently men used to love boys (as
 Aristophon relates); on which account it came to pass that the objects of their
 love were called παιδικά. And it was with truth
 (as Clearchus says in the first book of his treatise on Love and the Affairs of
 Love) that Lycophronides said— 
 No boy, no maid with golden ornaments, 
 No woman with a deep and ample robe, 
 Is so much beautiful as modest; for 
 'Tis modesty that gives the bloom to beauty. 
 And Aristotle said that lovers look at no other part of the objects of
 their affection, but only at their eyes, in which modesty makes her abode. And
 Sophocles somewhere represents Hippodamia as speaking of the beauty of Pelops, and
 saying— 
 And in his eyes the charm which love compels 
 Shines forth a light, embellishing his face: 
 He glows himself, and he makes me glow too, 
 Measuring my eyes with his,—as any builder 
 Makes his work correspond to his careful rule.

And Licymnius the Chian, saying that Somnus was in love with Endymion, represents
 him as refusing to close the eyes of the youth even when he is asleep; but the God
 sends his beloved object to sleep with his eyelids still open, so that he may not for a single moment be deprived of the pleasure of
 contemplating them. And his words are these— 
 But Somnus much delighted 
 In the bright beams which shot from his eyes, 
 And lull'd the youth to sleep with unclosed lids. 
 And Sappho says to a man who was admired above all measure for his
 beauty, and who was accounted very handsome indeed— 
 Stand opposite, my love, 
 And open upon me 
 The beauteous grace which from your eyes doth flow. 
 And what says Anacreon?— 
 
 
 Oh, boy, as maiden fair, 
 I fix my heart on you; 
 But you despise my prayer, 
 And little care that you do hold the reins 
 Which my soul's course incessantly do guide. 
 
 Ode 67. 
 
 And the magnificent Pindar says— 
 The man who gazes on the brilliant rays 
 Which shoot from th' eyes 
 Of beautiful Theoxenus, and yet can feel his heart 
 Unmoved within his breast, nor yields to love, 
 Must have a heart 
 Black, and composed of adamant or iron. 
 
 But the Cyclops of Philoxenus of Cythera, in love with Galatea, and
 praising her beauty, and prophesying, as it were, his own blindness, praises every
 part of her rather than mention her eyes, which he does not; speaking thus:—
 
 O Galatea, 
 Nymph with the beauteous face and golden hair, 
 Whose voice the Graces tune, 
 True flower of love, my beauteous Galatea. 
 But this is but a blind panegyric, and not at all to be compared with the
 encomium of Ibycus:— 
 Beauteous Euryalus, of all the Graces 
 The choicest branch,—object of love to all 
 The fair hair'd maidens,—sure the soft-eyed goddess, 
 The Cyprian queen, and soft Persuasion 
 Combin'd to nourish you on beds of roses. 
 And Phrynichus said of Troilus— 
 The light of love shines in his purple cheeks.

But you prefer having all the objects of your love shaved and hairless. And this
 custom of shaving the beard originated in the age of Alexander, as Chrysippus
 tells us in the fourth book of his treatise on The Beautiful and on Pleasure. And
 I think it will not be unseasonable if I quote what he says; for he is an author
 of whom I am very fond, on account of his great learning and his gentle
 good-humoured disposition. And this is the language of the philosopher:—
 The custom of shaving the beard was introduced in the time of Alexander,
 for the people in earlier times did not practise it; and Timotheus the
 flute-player used to play on the flute having a very long beard. And at Athens
 they even now remember that the man who first shaved his chin, (and he is not a
 very ancient man indeed,) was given the surname of κόρσης; 
 : on which account Alexis says—
 
 Do you see any man whose beard has been 
 Removed by sharp pitch-plasters or by razors? 
 In one of these two ways he may be spoken of: 
 Either he seems to me to think of war, 
 And so to be rehearsing acts of fierce 
 Hostility against his beard and chin; 
 Or else he's some complaint of wealthy men. 
 For how, I pray you, do your beards annoy you?— 
 Beards by which best you may be known as men? 
 Unless, indeed, you're planning now some deed 
 Unworthy of the character of men. 
 And Diogenes, when he saw some one once whose chin was smooth, said,
 'I am afraid you think you have great ground to accuse nature, for having made
 you a man and not a woman.' And once, when he saw another man, riding a horse,
 who was shaved in the same manner, and perfumed all over, and clothed, too, in
 a fashion corresponding to those particulars, he said that he had often asked
 what a ʽἱππόπορνος was; and now he had found
 out. And at Rhodes, though there is a law against shaving, still no one ever
 prosecutes another for doing so, as the whole population is shaved. And at
 Byzantium, though there is a penalty to which any barber is liable who is
 possessed of a razor, still every one uses a razor none the less for that
 law. And this is the statement of the admirable Chrysippus.

But that wise Zeno, as Antigonus the Carystian says, speaking, as it should seem,
 almost prophetically of the lives and professed discipline of
 your sect, said that those who misunderstood and failed rightly to enter
 into the spirit of his words, would become dirty and ungentlemanlike-looking;
 just as those who adopted Aristippus's sect, but perverted his precepts, became
 intemperate and shameless. And the greater portion of you are such as
 that, men with contracted brows, and dirty clothes, sordid not only in your
 dispositions, but also in your appearance. For, wishing to assume the character of
 independence and frugality, you are found at the gate of covetousness, living
 sordidly, clothed in scanty cloaks, filling the soles of your shoes with nails,
 and giving hard names to any one who uses the very smallest quantity of perfume,
 or who is dressed in apparel which is at all delicate. But men of your sect have
 no business to be attracted by money, or to lead about the objects of their love
 with their beards shaved and smooth, who follow you about the Lyceum— 
 Thin, starved philosophers, as dry as leather, 
 as Antiphanes calls them.

But I am a great admirer of beauty myself. For, in the contests [at Athens] for
 the prize of manliness, they select the handsomest, and give them the post of
 honour to bear the sacred vessels at the festivals of the gods. And at Elis there
 is a contest as to beauty, and the conqueror has the vessels of the goddess given
 to him to carry; and the next handsomest has the ox to lead, and the third places
 the sacrificial cakes on the head of the victim. But Heraclides Lembus relates
 that in Sparta the handsomest man and the handsomest woman have special honours
 conferred on them; and Sparta is famous for producing the handsomest women in the
 world. On which account they tell a story of king Archidamus, that when one wife
 was offered to him who was very handsome, and another who was ugly but rich, and
 he chose the rich one, the Ephori imposed a fine upon him, saying that he had
 preferred begetting kinglings rather than kings for the Spartans. And Euripides
 has said— 
 
 
 Her very mien is worthy of a kingdom. 
 
 From the Aeolus. 
 
 And in Homer, the old men among the people marvelling at the beauty of
 Helen, are represented as speaking thus to one another— 
 
 
 
 They cried, "No wonder such celestial charms 
 For nine long years have set the world in arms;— 
 What winning graces! what majestic mien! 
 She moves a goddess, and she looks a queen." 
 
 Illiad, iii. 156. 
 
 And even Priam himself is moved at the beauty of the woman, though he is
 in great distress. And also he admires Agamemnon for his beauty, and uses the
 following language respecting him— 
 
 
 Say, what Greek is he 
 Around whose brow such martial graces shine,— 
 So tall, so awful, and almost divine? 
 Though some of larger stature tread the green, 
 None match his grandeur and exalted mien. 
 
 Ib. iii. 170. 
 
 And many nations have made the handsomest men their kings on that
 account. As even to this day that Aethiopian tribe called the Immortals does; as
 Bion relates in his History of the Affairs of Aethiopia. For, as it would seem,
 they consider beauty as the especial attribute of kings. And goddesses have
 contended with one another respecting beauty; and it was on account of his beauty
 that the gods carried off Ganymede to be their cupbearer— 
 
 
 The matchless Ganymede, divinely fair, 
 Whom Heaven, enamour'd, snatch'd to upper air. 
 
 Ib. xx. 234. 
 
 And who are they whom the goddesses have carried off? are they not the
 handsomest of men? And they cohabit with them; as Aurora does with Cephalus and
 Clitus and Tithonus; and Ceres with Jason; and Venus with Anchises and Adonis. And
 it was for the sake of beauty also that the greatest of the gods entered through a
 roof under the form of gold, and became a bull, and often transformed himself into
 a winged eagle, as he did in the case of Aegina. And Socrates the philosopher, who
 despised everything, was, for all that, subdued by the beauty of Alcibiades; as
 also was the venerable Aristotle by the beauty of his pupil Phaselites. And do not
 we too, even in the case of inanimate things, prefer what is the most beautiful?
 The fashion, too, of Sparta is much praised, I mean that of displaying their
 virgins naked to their guests; and in the island of Chios it is a beautiful sight
 to go to the gymnasia and the race-courses, and to see the young men wrestling
 naked with the maidens, who are also naked.

And Cynulcus said:—And do you dare to talk in this way, you who are not
 rosy fingered, as Cratinus says, but who have one foot made of
 cow-dung? and do you bring up again the recollection of that poet your namesake,
 who spends all his time in cookshops and inns? although Isocrates the orator has
 said, in his Areopagitic Oration, But not one of their servants ever would
 have venture to eat or drink in a cookshop; for they studied to keep up the
 dignity of their appearance, and not to behave like buffoons. And
 Hyperides, in his oration against Patrocles, (if, at least, the speech is a
 genuine one,) says that they forbade a man who had dined at a cookshop from going
 up to the Areopagus. But you, you sophist, spend your time in cookshops, not with
 your friends ( ἑταίρων ), but with prostitutes
 ( ἑταιρῶν ), having a lot of pimps and
 procuresses about you, and always carrying about these books of Aristophanes, and
 Apollodorus, and Ammonius, and Antiphanes, and also of Gorgias the Athenian, who
 have all written about the prostitutes at Athens. 
 Oh, what a learned man you are! how far are you from imitating Theomandrus of
 Cyrene, who, as Theophrastus, in his treatise on Happiness, says, used to go about
 and profess that he gave lessons in prosperity. You, you teacher of love, are in
 no respect better than Amasis of Elis, whom Theophrastus, in his treatise on Love,
 says was extraordinarily addicted to amatory pursuits. And a man will not be much
 out who calls you a πορνογράφος, just as they call
 Aristides and Pausanias and Nicophanes ζωγράφοι. 
 And Polemo mentions them, as painting the subjects which they did paint
 exceedingly well, in his treatise on the Pictures at Sicyon. Think, my friends, of
 the great and varied learning of this grammarian, who does not conceal what he
 means, but openly quotes the verses of Eubulus, in his Cercopes— 
 I came to Corinth; there I ate with pleasure 
 Some herb called basil (ocimum), and was ruined by it; 
 And also, trifling there, I lost my cloak. 
 And the Corinthian sophist is very fine here, explaining to his pupils
 that Ocimum is the name of a harlot. And a great many other plays also, you
 impudent fellow, derived their names from courtesans. There is the Thalassa of
 Diocles, the Corianno of Pherecrates, the Antea of Eunicus or Philyllus, the
 Thais, and the Phanion of Menander, the Opara of Alexis, the
 Clepsydra of Eubulus—and the woman who bore this name, had it because she used to
 distribute her company by the hour-glass, and to dismiss her visitors when it had
 run down; as Asclepiades, the son of Areas, relates in his History of Demetrius
 Phalereus; and he says that her proper name was Meticha.

There is a courtesan. . . . . 
 (as Antiphanes says in his Clown)— 
 . . . who is a positive 
 Calamity and ruin to her keeper; 
 And yet he's glad at nourishing such a pest. 
 On which account, in the Neæra of Timocles, a man is represented as
 lamenting his fate, and saying— 
 But I, unhappy man, who first loved Phryne 
 When she was but a gatherer of capers, 
 And was not quite as rich as now she is,— 
 I who such sums of money spent upon her, 
 Am now excluded from her doors. 
 And in the play entitled Orestantoclides, the same Timocles says— 
 And round the wretched man old women sleep, 
 Nannium and Plangon, Lyca, Phryne too, 
 Gnathæna, Pythionica, Myrrhina, 
 Chrysis, Conallis, Hieroclea, and 
 Lapadium also. 
 And these courtesans are mentioned by Amphis, in his Curis, where he
 says— 
 Wealth truly seems to me to be quite blind, 
 Since he ne'er ventures near this woman's doors, 
 But haunts Sinope, Nannium, and Lyca, 
 And others like them, traps of men's existence, 
 And in their houses sits like one amazed, 
 And ne'er departs.

And Alexis, in the drama entitled Isostasium, thus describes the equipment of a
 courtesan, and the artifices which some women use to make themselves up— 
 For, first of all, to earn themselves much gain, 
 And better to plunder all the neighbouring men, 
 They use a heap of adventitious aids— 
 They plot to take in every one. And when, 
 By subtle artifice, they've made some money, 
 They enlist fresh girls, and add recruits, who ne'er 
 Have tried the trade, unto their cunning troop, 
 And drill them so that they are very soon 
 
 Different in manners, and in look, and semblance 
 From all they were before. Suppose one's short— 
 They put cork soles within the heels of her shoes: 
 Is any one too tall—she wears a slipper 
 Of thinnest substance, and, with head depress'd 
 Between the shoulders, walks the public streets, 
 And so takes off from her superfluous height. 
 Is any one too lean about the flank— 
 They hoop her with a bustle, so that all 
 Who see her marvel at her fair proportions. 
 Has any one too prominent a stomach— 
 They crown it with false breasts, such as perchance 
 At times you may in comic actors see; 
 And what is still too prominent, they force 
 Back, ramming it as if with scaffolding. 
 Has any one red eyebrows—those they smear 
 With soot. Has any one a dark complexion— 
 White-lead will that correct. This girl's too fair— 
 They rub her well with rich vermilion. 
 Is she a splendid figure—then her charms 
 Are shown in naked beauty to the purchaser. 
 Has she good teeth-then she is forced to laugh, 
 That all the bystanders may see her mouth, 
 How beautiful it is; and if she be 
 But ill-inclined to laugh, then she is kept 
 Close within doors whole days, and all the things 
 Which cooks keep by them when they sell goats' heads, 
 Such as a stick of myrrh, she's forced to keep 
 Between her lips, till they have learnt the shape 
 Of the required grin. And by such arts 
 They make their charms and persons up for market.

And therefore I advise you, my Thessalian friend with the handsome chairs, to be
 content to embrace the women in the brothels, and not to spend the inheritance of
 your children on vanities. For, truly, the lame man gets on best at this sort of
 work; since your father, the boot-maker, did not lecture you and teach you any
 great deal, and did not confine you to looking at leather. Or do you not know
 those women, as we find them called in the Pannuchis of Eubulus— 
 Thrifty decoys, who gather in the money,— 
 Fillies well-train'd of Venus, standing naked 
 In long array, clad in transparent robes 
 Of thinnest web, like the fair damsels whom 
 Eridanus waters with his holy stream; 
 From whom, with safety and frugality, 
 You may buy pleasure at a moderate cost. 
 And in his Nannium, (the play under this name is the work of Eubulus, and
 not of Philippides)— 
 
 For he who secretly goes hunting for 
 Illicit love, must surely of all men 
 Most miserable be; and yet he may 
 See in the light of the sun a willing row 
 Of naked damsels, standing all array'd 
 In robes transparent, like the damsels whom 
 Eridanus waters with his holy stream, 
 And buy some pleasure at a trifling rate, 
 Without pursuing joys he 's bound to hide, 
 (There is no heavier calamity,) 
 Just out of wantonness and not for love. 
 I do bewail the fate of hapless Greece, 
 Which sent forth such an admiral as Cydias. 
 
 
 Xenarchus also, in his Pentathlum, reproaches those men who live as you do, and
 who fix their hearts on extravagant courtesans, and on freeborn women; in the
 following lines— 
 It is a terrible, yes a terrible and 
 Intolerable evil, what the young 
 Men do throughout this city. For although 
 There are most beauteous damsels in the brothels, 
 Which any man may see standing all willing 
 In the full light of day, with open bosoms, 
 Showing their naked charms, all of a row, 
 Marshall'd in order; and though they may choose 
 Without the slightest trouble, as they fancy, 
 Thin, stout, or round, tall, wrinkled, or smooth-faced, 
 Young, old, or middle-aged, or elderly, 
 So that they need not clamber up a ladder, 
 Nor steal through windows out of free men's houses, 
 Nor smuggle themselves in in bags of chaff; 
 For these gay girls will ravish you by force, 
 And drag you in to them; if old, they'll call you 
 Their dear papa; if young, their darling baby: 
 And these a man may fearlessly and cheaply 
 Amuse himself with, morning, noon, or night, 
 And any way he pleases; but the others 
 He dares not gaze on openly nor look at, 
 But, fearing, trembling, shivering, with his heart, 
 As men say, in his mouth, he creeps towards them. 
 And how can they, O sea-born mistress mine, 
 Immortal Venus! act as well they ought, 
 E'en when they have the opportunity, 
 If any thought of Draco's laws comes o'er them?

And Philemon, in his Brothers, relates that Solon at first, on account of the
 unbridled passions of the young, made a law that women might be brought to be
 prostituted at brothels; as Nicander of Colophon also states, in the third book of
 his History of the Affairs of Colophon,—saying that he first
 erected a temple to the Public Venus with the money which was earned by the women
 who were prostituted at these brothels. 
 But Philemon speaks on this subject as follows:— 
 But you did well for every man, O Solon; 
 For they do say you were the first to see 
 The justice of a public-spirited measure, 
 The saviour of the state—(and it is fit 
 For me to utter this avowal, Solon);— 
 You, seeing that the state was full of men, 
 Young, and possess'd of all the natural appetites, 
 And wandering in their lusts where they'd no business, 
 Bought women, and in certain spots did place them, 
 Common to be, and ready for all comers. 
 They naked stand: look well at them, my youth,— 
 Do not deceive yourself; a'nt you well off 
 You're ready, so are they: the door is open— 
 The price an obol: enter straight—there is 
 No nonsense here, no cheat or trickery; 
 But do just what you like, and how you like. 
 You're off: wish her good-bye; she 's no more claim on you. 
 And Aspasia, the friend of Socrates, imported great numbers of beautiful
 women, and Greece was entirely filled with her courtesans; as that witty writer
 Aristophanes (in his Acharnenses ) relates,—saying, that the Peloponnesian war was excited by
 Pericles, on account of his love for Aspasia, and on account of the girls who had
 been carried away from her by the Megarians. 
 For some young men, drunk with the cottabus 
 Going to Megara, carry off by stealth 
 A harlot named Simætha. Then the citizens 
 Of Megara, full of grief and indignation, 
 Stole in return two of Aspasia's girls; 
 And this was the beginning of the war 
 Which devastated Greece, for three lewd women.

I therefore, my most learned grammarian, warn you to beware of the courtesans who
 want a high price, because 
 You may see other damsels play the flute, 
 All playing th' air of Phœbus, or of Jove; 
 But these play no air save the air of the hawk, 
 as Epicrates says in his Anti-Lais; in which play he also uses the
 following expressions concerning the celebrated Lais:— 
 But this fair Lais is both drunk and lazy, 
 And cares for nothing, save what she may eat 
 
 And drink all day. And she, as I do think, 
 Has the same fate the eagles have; for they, 
 When they are young, down from the mountains stoop, 
 Ravage the flocks and eat the timid hares, 
 Bearing their prey aloft with fearful might. 
 But when they're old, on temple tops they perch, 
 Hungry and helpless; and the soothsayers 
 Turn such a sight into a prodigy. 
 And so might Lais well be thought an omen; 
 For when she was a maiden, young and fresh, 
 She was quite savage with her wondrous riches; 
 And you might easier get access to 
 The satrap Pharnabazus. But at present, 
 Now that she 's more advanced in years, and age 
 Has meddled with her body's round proportions, 
 'Tis easy both to see her and to scorn her. 
 Now she runs everywhere to get some drink; 
 She'll take a stater—aye, or a triobolus; 
 She will admit you, young or old; and is 
 Become so tame, so utterly subdued, 
 That she will take the money from your hand. 
 Anaxandrides also, in his Old Man's Madness, mentions Lais, and includes
 her with many other courtesans in a list which he gives in the following lines:-
 
 
 A. You know Corinthian Lais? 
 
 B. To be sure; 
 My countrywoman. 
 
 A. Well, she had a friend, 
 By name Anthea. 
 
 B. Yes; I knew her well. 
 
 A. Well, in those days Lagisca was in beauty; 
 Theolyta, too, was wondrous fair to see, 
 And seemed likely to be fairer still; 
 And Ocimon was beautiful as any.

This, then, is the advice I want to give you, my friend Myrtilus; and, as we read
 in the Cynegis of Philetærus,— 
 Now you are old, reform those ways of yours; 
 Know you not that 'tis hardly well to die 
 In the embraces of a prostitute, 
 As men do say Phormisius perished? 
 Or do you think that delightful which Timocles speaks of in his
 Marathonian Women?— 
 How great the difference whether you pass the night 
 With a lawful wife or with a prostitute! 
 Bah! Where 's the firmness of the flesh, the freshness 
 Of breath and of complexion? Oh, ye gods! 
 What appetite it gives one not to find 
 Everything waiting, but to be constrain'd 
 
 To struggle a little, and from tender hands 
 To bear soft blows and buffets; that, indeed, 
 Is really pleasure. 
 And as Cynulcus had still a good deal which he wished to say, and as
 Magnus was preparing to attack him for the sake of Myrtilus,—Myrtilus, being
 beforehand with him (for he hated the Syrian), said— 
 But our hopes were not so clean worn out, 
 As to need aid from bitter enemies; 
 as Callimachus says. For are not we, O Cynulcus, able to defend
 ourselves? 
 How rude you are, and boorish with your jokes! 
 Your tongue is all on the left side of your mouth; 
 as Ephippus says in his Philyra. For you seem to me to be one of those
 men 
 Who of the Muses learnt but ill-shaped letters, 
 as some one of the parody writers has it.

I therefore, my friends and messmates, have not, as is said in the Auræ of
 Metagenes, or in the Mammacythus of Aristagoras, 
 Told you of female dancers, courtesans 
 Who once were fair; and now I do not tell you 
 Of flute-playing girls, just reaching womanhood, 
 Who not unwillingly, for adequate pay, 
 Have borne the love of vulgar men; 
 but I have been speaking of regular professional Hetæræ— that is to say,
 of those who are able to preserve a friendship free from trickery; whom Cynulcus
 does not venture to speak ill of, and who of all women are the only ones who have
 derived their name from friendship, or from that goddess who is named by the
 Athenians Venus Hetæra: concerning whom Apollodorus the Athenian speaks, in his
 treatise on the Gods, in the following manner:— And they worship Venus
 Hetæra, who brings together male and female companions ( ἑταίρους 
 καὶ ἑταίρας )—that is to say,
 mistresses. Accordingly, even to this day, freeborn women and maidens
 call their associates and friends their ἑταῖραι; 
 as Sappho does, where she says— 
 And now with tuneful voice I'll sing 
 These pleasing songs to my companions ( ἑταίραις ). 
 And in another place she says— 
 Niobe and Latona were of old 
 Affectionate companions ( ἑταῖραι ) to each
 other. 
 
 They also call women who prostitute themselves for money,
 ἑταῖραι. And the verb which they use for
 prostituting oneself for money is ἑταιρέω, not
 regarding the etymology of the word, but applying a more decent term to the trade;
 as Menander, in his Deposit, distinguishing the ἑταῖροι from the ἑταῖραι, says—
 
 You've done an act not suited to companions ( ἑταίρων ), 
 But, by Jove, far more fit for courtesans ( ἑταιρῶν ), 
 These words, so near the same, do make the sense 
 Not always easily to be distinguished.

But concerning courtesans, Ephippus, in his Merchandise, speaks as follows:—
 
 And then if, when we enter through their doors, 
 They see that we are out of sorts at all, 
 They flatter us and soothe us, kiss us gently, 
 Not pressing hard as though our lips were enemies, 
 But with soft open kisses like a sparrow; 
 They sing, and comfort us, and make us cheerful, 
 And straightway banish all our care and grief, 
 And make our faces bright again with smiles. 
 And Eubulus, in his Campylion, introducing a courtesan of modest
 deportment, says— 
 How modestly she sat the while at supper! 
 Not like the rest, who make great balls of leeks, 
 And stuff their cheeks with them, and loudly crunch 
 Within their jaws large lumps of greasy meat; 
 But delicately tasting of each dish, 
 In mouthfuls small, like a Milesian maiden. 
 And Antiphanes says in his Hydra— 
 But he, the man of whom I now was speaking, 
 Seeing a woman who lived near his house, 
 A courtesan, did fall at once in love with her; 
 She was a citizen, without a guardian 
 Or any near relations, and her manners 
 Pure, and on virtue's strictest model form'd, 
 A genuine mistress ( ἑταῖρα ); for the rest of
 the crew 
 Bring into disrepute, by their vile manners, 
 A name which in itself has nothing wrong. 
 And Anaxilas, in his Neottis, says— 
 
 A. But if a woman does at all times use 
 Fair, moderate language, giving her services 
 Favourable to all who stand in need of her, 
 She from her prompt companionship ( ἑταιρίας )
 does earn 
 The title of companion ( ἑταῖρα ); and
 you, 
 As you say rightly, have not fall'n in love 
 
 With a vile harlot ( πόρνη ), but with a
 companion ( ἑταῖρα ). 
 Is she not one of pure and simple manners 
 
 B. At all events, by Jove, she 's beautiful.

But that systematic debaucher of youths of yours, is such a person as Alexis, or
 Antiphanes, represents him, in his Sleep— 
 On this account, that profligate, when supping 
 With us, will never eat an onion even, 
 Not to annoy the object of his love. 
 And Ephippus has spoken very well of people of that description in his
 Sappho, where he says— 
 For when one in the flower of his age 
 Learns to sneak into other men's abodes, 
 And shares of meals where he has not contributed, 
 He must some other mode of payment mean. 
 And Aeschines the orator has said something of the same kind in his
 Speech against Timarchus.

But concerning courtesans, Philetærus, in his Huntress, has the following lines:—
 
 'Tis not for nothing that where'er we go 
 We find a temple of Hetæra there, 
 But nowhere one to any wedded wife. 
 I know, too, that there in a festival called the Hetæridia, which is
 celebrated in Magnesia, not owing to the courtesans, but to another cause, which
 is mentioned by Hegesander in his Commentaries, who writes thus:— The
 Magnesians celebrate a festival called Hetæridia; and they give this account of
 it: that originally Jason, the son of Aeson, when he had collected the
 Argonauts, sacrificed to Jupiter Hetæias, and called the festival Hetæridia.
 And the Macedonian kings also celebrated the Hetæridia. 
 
 There is also a temple of Venus the Prostitute ( πόρνη ) at Abydus, as Pamphylus asserts:—' For when all the
 city was oppressed by slavery, the guards in the city, after a sacrifice on one
 occasion (as Cleanthus relates in his essays on Fables), having got
 intoxicated, took several courtesans; and one of these women, when she saw that
 the men were all fast asleep, taking the keys, got over the wall, and brought
 the news to the citizens of Abydus. And they, on this, immediately came in
 arms, and slew the guards, and made themselves masters of the walls, and
 recovered their freedom; and to show their gratitude to the prostitute they
 built a temple to Venus the Prostitute. 
 
 
 And Alexis the Samian, in the second book of his Samian Annals, says— The
 Athenian prostitutes who followed Pericles when he laid siege to Samos, having
 made vast sums of money by their beauty, dedicated a statue of Venus at Samos,
 which some call Venus among the Reeds, and others Venus in the Marsh. 
 And Eualces, in his History of the Affairs of Ephesus, says that there is at
 Ephesus also a temple to Venus the Courtesan ( ἑταῖρα ). And Clearchus, in the first book of his treatise on Amatory
 Matters, says— Gyges the king of the Lydians was very celebrated, not only
 on account of his mistress while she was alive, having submitted himself and
 his whole dominions to her power, but also after she was dead; inasmuch as he
 assembled all the Lydians in the whole country, and raised that mound which is
 even now called the tomb of the Lydian Courtesan; building it up to a great
 height, so that when he was travelling in the country, inside of Mount Tmolus,
 wherever he was, he could always see the tomb; and it was a conspicuous object
 to all the inhabitants of Lydia. And Demosthenes the orator, in his
 Speech against Neæra (if it is a genuine one, which Apollodorus says it is),
 says— Now we have courtesans for the sake of pleasure, but concubines for
 the sake of daily cohabitation, and wives for the purpose of having children
 legitimately, and of having a faithful guardian of all our household
 affairs.

I will now mention to you, O Cynulcus, an Ionian story (spinning it out, as
 Aeschylus says,) about courtesans, beginning with the beautiful Corinth, since you
 have reproached me with having been a schoolmaster in that city. It is an ancient
 custom at Corinth (as Chamæleon of Heraclea relates, in his treatise on Pindar),
 whenever the city addresses any supplication to Venus about any important matter,
 to employ as many courtesans as possible to join in the supplication; and they,
 too, pray to the goddess, and afterwards they are present at the sacrifices. And
 when the king of Persia was leading his army against Greece (as Theopompus also
 relates, and so does Timæus, in his seventh book), the Corinthian courtesans
 offered prayers for the safety of Greece, going to the temple of Venus. On which
 account, after the Corinthians had consecrated a picture to the goddess (which
 remains even to this day), and as in this picture they had painted the portraits
 of the courtesans who made this supplication at the time, and
 who were present afterwards, Simonides composed this epigram:— 
 These damsels, in behalf of Greece, and all 
 Their gallant countrymen, stood nobly forth, 
 Praying to Venus, the all-powerful goddess; 
 Nor was the queen of beauty willing ever 
 To leave the citadel of Greece to fall 
 Beneath the arrows of the unwarlike Persians. 
 And even private individuals sometimes vow to Venus, that if they succeed
 in the objects for which they are offering their vows, they will bring her a
 stated number of courtesans.

As this custom, then, exists with reference to this goddess, Xenophon the
 Corinthian, when going to Olympia, to the games, vowed that he, if he were
 victorious, would bring her some courtesans. And Pindar at first wrote a panegyric
 on him, which begins thus:— 
 Praising the house which in th' Olympic games 
 Has thrice borne off the victory. 
 
 But afterwards he composed a scolium on him, which was sung at the sacrificial feasts; in the exordium of Which
 he turns at once to the courtesans who joined in the sacrifice to Venus, in the
 presence of Xenophon, while he was sacrificing to the goddess himself; on which
 account he says— 
 O queen of Cyprus' isle, 
 Come to this grove! 
 Lo, Xenophon, succeeding in his aim, 
 Brings you a band of willing maidens, 
 Dancing on a hundred feet. 
 And the opening lines of the song were these:— 
 O hospitable damsels, fairest train 
 Of soft Persuasion,— 
 Ornament of the wealthy Corinth, 
 Bearing in willing hands the golden drops 
 That from the frankincense distil, and flying 
 
 
 
 To the fair mother of the Loves, 
 Who dwelleth in the sky, 
 The lovely Venus,—you do bring to us 
 Comfort and hope in danger, that we may 
 Hereafter, in the delicate beds of Love, 
 Reap the long-wished-for fruits of joy, 
 Lovely and necessary to all mortal men. 
 And after having begun in this manner, he proceeds to say— 
 But now I marvel, and wait anxiously 
 To see what will my masters say of me, 
 Who thus begin 
 My scolium with this amatory preface, 
 Willing companion of these willing damsels. 
 And it is plain here that the poet, while addressing the courtesans in
 this way, was in some doubt as to the light in which it would appear to the
 Corinthians; but, trusting to his own genius, he proceeds with the following
 verse— 
 We teach pure gold on a well-tried lyre. 
 And Alexis, in his Loving Woman, tells us that the courtesans at Corinth
 celebrate a festival of their own, called Aphrodisia; where he says— 
 The city at the time was celebrating 
 The Aphrodisia of the courtesans: 
 This is a different festival from that 
 Which the free women solemnize: and then 
 It is the custom on those days that all 
 The courtesans should feast with us in common.

But at Lacedæmon (as Polemo Periegetes says, in his treatise on the Offerings at
 Lacedæmon,) there is a statue of a very celebrated courtesan, named Cottina, who,
 he tells us, consecrated a brazen cow; and Polemo's words are these:— And
 the statue of Cottina the courtesan, on account of whose celebrity there is
 still a brothel which is called by her name, near the hill on which the temple
 of Bacchus stands, is a conspicuous object, well known to many of the citizens.
 And there is also a votive offering of hers besides that to Minerva
 Chalciœcos–a brazen cow, and also the before-mentioned image. And the
 handsome Alcibiades, of whom one of the comic poets said— 
 And then the delicate Alcibiades. 
 O earth and all the gods! whom Lacedæmon 
 Desires to catch in his adulteries, 
 though he was beloved by the wife of Agis, used to go and hold his revels
 at the doors of the courtesans, leaving all the Lacedæmonian
 and Athenian women. He also fell in love with Medontis of Abydos, from the mere
 report of her beauty; and sailing to the Hellespont with Axiochus, who was a lover
 of his on account of his beauty, (as Lysias the orator states, in his speech
 against him,) he allowed Axiochus to share her with him. Moreover, Alcibiades used
 always to carry about two other courtesans with him in all his expeditions,
 namely, Damasandra, the mother of the younger Lais, and Theodote; by whom, after
 he was dead, he was buried in Melissa, a village of Phrygia, after he had been
 overwhelmed by the treachery of Pharnabazus. And we ourselves saw the tomb of
 Alcibiades at Melissa, when we went from Synadæ to Metropolis; and at that tomb
 there is sacrificed an ox every year, by the command of that most excellent
 emperor Adrian, who also erected on the tomb a statue of Alcibiades in Parian
 marble.

And we must not wonder at people having on some occasions fallen in love with
 others from the mere report of their beauty, when Chares of Mitylene, in the tenth
 book of his History of Alexander, says that some people have even seen in dreams
 those whom they have never beheld before, and fallen in love with them so. And he
 writes as follows: — Hystaspes had a younger brother whose name was
 Zariadres: and they were both men of great personal beauty: And the story told
 concerning them by the natives of the country is, that they were the offspring
 of Venus and Adonis. Now Hystaspes was sovereign of Media, and of the lower
 country adjoining it; and Zariadres was sovereign of the country above the
 Caspian gates as far as the river Tanais. Now the daughter of Omartes, the king
 of the Marathi, a tribe dwelling on the other side of the Tanais, was named
 Odatis. And concerning her it is written in the Histories, that she in her
 sleep beheld Zariadres, and fell in love with him; and that the very same thing
 happened to him with respect to her. And so for a long time they were in love
 with one another, simply on account of the visions which they had seen in their
 dreams. And Odatis was the most beautiful of all the women in Asia; and
 Zariadres also was very handsome. Accordingly, when Zariadres sent to Omartes
 and expressed a desire to marry the damsel, Omartes would not agree to it,
 because he was destitute of male offspring; for he wished
 to give her to one of his own people about his court. And not long afterwards,
 Omartes having assembled all the chief men of his kingdom, and all his friends
 and relations, held a marriage feast, without saying beforehand to whom he was
 going to give his daughter. And as the wine went round, her father summoned
 Odatis to the banquet, and said, in the hearing of all the guests,—'We, my
 daughter Odatis, are now celebrating your marriage feast; so now do you look
 around, and survey all those who are present, and then take a golden goblet and
 fill it, and give it to the man to whom you like to be married; for you shall
 be called his wife.' And she, having looked round upon them all, went away
 weeping, being anxious to see Zariadres, for she had sent him word that her
 marriage feast was about to be celebrated. But he, being encamped on the
 Tanais, and leaving the army encamped there without being perceived, crossed
 the river with his charioteer alone; and going by night in his chariot, passed
 through the city, having gone about eight hundred stadia without stopping. And
 when he got near the town in which the marriage festival was being celebrated,
 and leaving, in some place near, his chariot with the charioteer, he went
 forward by himself, clad in a Scythian robe. And when he arrived at the palace,
 and seeing Odatis standing in front of the sideboard in tears, and filling the
 goblet very slowly, he stood near her and said, '0 Odatis, here I am come, as
 you requested me to,—I, Zariadres.' And she, perceiving a stranger, and a
 handsome man, and that he resembled the man whom she had beheld in her sleep,
 being exceedingly rejoiced, gave him the bowl. And he, seizing on her, led her
 away to his chariot, and fled away, having Odatis with him. And the servants
 and the handmaidens, knowing their love, said not a word. And when her father
 ordered them to summon her, they said that they did not know which way she was
 gone. And the story of this love is often told by the barbarians who dwell in
 Asia, and is exceedingly admired; and they have painted representations of the
 story in their temples and palaces, and also in their private houses. And a
 great many of the princes in those countries give their daughters the name of
 Odatis.

Aristotle also, in his Constitution of the Massilians, mentions a similar
 circumstance as having taken place, writing as
 follows:— The Phocæans in Ionia, having consulted the oracle, founded
 Marseilles. And Euxenus the Phocæan was connected by ties of hospitality with
 Nanus; this was the name of the king of that country. This Nanus was
 celebrating the marriage feast of his daughter, and invited Euxenus, who
 happened to be in the neighborhood, to the feast. And the marriage was to be
 conducted in this manner: —After the supper was over the damsel was to come in,
 and to give a goblet full of wine properly mixed to whichever of the suitors
 who were present she chose; and to whomsoever she gave it, he was to be the
 bridegroom. And the damsel coming in, whether it was by chance or whether it
 was for any other reason, gives the goblet to Euxenus. And the name of the
 maiden was Petta. And when the cup had been given in this way, and her father
 (thinking that she had been directed by the Deity in her giving of it) had
 consented that Euxenus should have her, he took her for his wife, and cohabited
 with her, changing her name to Aristoxena. And the family which is descended
 from that damsel remains in Marseilles to this day, and is known as the
 Protiadæ; for Protis was the name of the son of Euxenus and Aristoxena.

And did not Themistocles, as Idomeneus relates, harness a chariot full of
 courtesans and drive with them into the city when the market was full? And the
 courtesans were Lamia and Scione and Satyra and Nannium. And was not Themistocles
 himself the son of a courtesan, whose name was Abrotonum? as Amphicrates relates
 in his treatise on Illustrious Men— 
 Abrotonum was but a Thracian woman, 
 But for the weal of Greece 
 She was the mother of the great Themistocles. 
 But Neanthes of Cyzicus, in his third and fourth books of his History of
 Grecian Affairs, says that he was the son of Euterpe. 
 And when Cyrus the younger was making his expedition against his brother, did he
 not carry with him a courtesan of Phocæa, who was a very clever and very beautiful
 woman? and Zenophanes says that her name was originally Milto, but that it was
 afterwards changed to Aspasia. And a Milesian concubine also accompanied him. And
 did not the great Alexander keep Thais about him, who was an Athenian courtesan?
 And Clitarchus speaks of her as having been the cause that
 the palace of Persepolis was burnt down. And this Thais, after the death of
 Alexander, married Ptolemy, who became the first king of Egypt, and she bore him
 sons, Leontiscus and Lagos, and a daughter named Irene, who was married to
 Eunostus, the king of Soli, a town of Cyprus. And the second king of Egypt,
 Ptolemy Philadelphus by name, as Ptolemy Euergetes relates in the third book of
 his Commentaries, had a great many mistresses,—namely, Didyma, who was a native of
 the country, and very beautiful; and Bilisticha; and, besides them, Agathoclea,
 and Stratonice, who had a great monument on the sea-shore, near Eleusis; and
 Myrtium, and a great many more; as he was a man excessively addicted to amatory
 pleasures. And Polybius, in the fourteenth book of his History, says that there
 are a great many statues of a woman named Clino, who was his cupbearer, in
 Alexandria, clothed in a tunic only, and holding a cornucopia in her hand.
 And are not, says he, the finest houses called by the
 names of Myrtium, and Mnesis, and Pothina? and yet Mnesis was only a female
 flute-player, and so was Pothine, and Myrtium was one of the most notorious and
 common prostitutes in the city. 
 
 Was there not also Agathoclea the courtesan, who had great power over king Ptolemy
 Philopator? in fact, was it not she who was the ruin of his whole kingdom? And
 Eumachus the Neapolitan, in the second book of his History of Hannibal, says that
 Hieronymus, the tyrant of Syracuse, fell in love with one of the common
 prostitutes who followed her trade in a brothel, whose name was Pitho, and married
 her, and made her queen of Syracuse.

And Timotheus, who was general of the Athenians, with a very high reputation, was
 the son of a courtesan, a Thracian by birth, but, except that she was a courtesan,
 of very excellent character; for when women of this class do behave modestly, they
 are superior to those who give themselves airs on account of their virtue. But
 Timotheus being on one occasion reproached as being the son of a mother of that
 character, said,— But I am much obliged to her, because it is owing to her
 that I am the son of Conon. And Carystius, in his Historic
 Commentaries, says that Philetærus the king of Pergamus, and of all that country
 which is now called the New Province, was the son of a woman named Boa, who was a flute-player and a courtesan, a Paphlagonian by
 birth. And Aristophon the orator, who in the archonship of Euclides proposed a
 law, that every one who was not born of a woman who was a citizen should be
 accounted a bastard, was himself convicted, by Calliades the comic poet, of having
 children by a courtesan named Choregis, as the same Carystius relates in the third
 book of his Commentaries. 
 Besides all these men, was not Demetrius Poliorcetes evidently in love with Lamia
 the flute-player, by whom he had a daughter named Phila? And Polemo, in his
 treatise on the colonnade called Pæcile at Sicyon, says that Lamia was the
 daughter of Cleanor an Athenian, and that she built the before-mentioned colonnade
 for the people of Sicyon. Demetrius was also in love with Leæna, and she was also
 an Athenian courtesan; and with a great many other women besides.

And Machon the comic poet, in his play entitled the Chriæ, speaks thus:— 
 But as Leæna was by nature form'd 
 To give her lovers most exceeding pleasure, 
 And was besides much favour'd by Demetrius, 
 They say that Lamia also gratified 
 The king; and when he praised her grace and quickness, 
 The damsel answer'd: And besides you can, 
 If you do wish, subdue a lioness ( λέαιναν. ) 
 But Lamia was always very witty and prompt in repartee, as also was
 Gnathæna, whom we shall mention presently. And again Machon writes thus about
 Lamia:— 
 Demetrius the king was once displaying 
 Amid his cups a great variety 
 Of kinds of perfumes to his Lamia: 
 Now Lamia was a female flute-player, 
 With whom 'tis always said Demetrius 
 Was very much in love. But when she scoff'd 
 At all his perfumes, and, moreover, treated 
 The monarch with exceeding insolence, 
 He bade a slave bring some cheap unguent, and 
 He rubbed himself with that, and smear'd his fingers, 
 And said, "At least smell this, O Lamia, 
 And see how much this scent does beat all others." 
 She laughingly replied: "But know, O king, 
 That smell does seem to me the worst of all." 
 
 But, said Demetrius, "I swear, by the gods, 
 That 'tis produced from a right royal nut."

But Ptolemy the son of Agesarchus, in his History of 
 Philopator, giving a list of the mistresses of the different kings,
 says— Philip the Macedonian promoted Philinna, the dancing woman, by whom
 he had Aridæus, who was king of Macedonia after Alexander. And Demetrius
 Poliorcetes, besides the women who have already been mentioned, had a mistress
 named Mania; and Antigonus had one named Demo, by whom he had a son named
 Alcyoneus; and Seleucus the younger had two, whose names were Mysta and
 Nysa. But Heraclides Lenebus, in the thirty-sixth book of his History,
 says that Demo was the mistress of Demetrius; and that his father Antigonus was
 also in love with her: and that he put to death Oxythemis as having sinned a good
 deal with Demetrius; and he also put to the torture and executed the maidservants
 of Demo.

But concerning the name of Mania, which we have just mentioned, the same Machon
 says this:— 
 Some one perhaps of those who hear this now, 
 May fairly wonder how it came to pass 
 That an Athenian woman had a name, 
 Or e'en a nickname, such as Mania. 
 For 'tis disgraceful for a woman thus 
 To bear a Phrygian name; she being, too, 
 A courtesan from the very heart of Greece. 
 And how came she to sink the city of Athens, 
 By which all other nations are much sway'd? 
 The fact is that her name from early childhood 
 Was this—Melitta. And as she grew up 
 A trifle shorter than her playfellows, 
 But with a sweet voice and engaging manners, 
 And with such beauty and excellence of face 
 As made a deep impression upon all men, 
 She 'd many lovers, foreigners and citizens. 
 So that when any conversation 
 Arose about this woman, each man said, 
 The fair Melitta was his madness ( μανία. )
 Aye, 
 And she herself contributed to this name; 
 For when she jested she would oft repeat 
 This word μανία; and when in sport she
 blamed 
 Or praised any one, she would bring in, 
 In either sentence, this word μανία. 
 
 So some one of her lovers, dwelling on 
 The word, appears to have nicknamed the girl 
 Mania; and this extra name prevailed 
 More than her real one. It seems, besides, 
 That Mania was afflicted with the stone.

And that Mania was also excellent in witty repartee, Machon tells us in these
 verses about her,— 
 There was a victor in the pancratium, 
 Named Leontiscus, who loved Mania, 
 And kept her with him as his lawful wife; 
 But finding afterwards that she did play 
 The harlot with Antenor, was indignant: 
 But she replied,—"My darling, never mind; 
 I only wanted just to feel and prove, 
 In a single night, how great the strength might be 
 Of two such athletes, victors at Olympia." 
 They say again that Mania once was ask'd, 
 By King Demetrius, for a perfect sight 
 Of all her beauties; and she, in return, 
 Demanded that he should grant her a favour. 
 When he agreed, she turned her back, and said,— 
 "O son of Agamemnon, now the Gods 
 Grant you to see what you so long have wish'd for." 
 
 On one occasion, too, a foreigner, 
 Who a deserter was believed to be, 
 Had come by chance to Athens; and he sent 
 For Mania, and gave her all she ask'd. 
 It happen'd that he had procured for supper 
 Some of those table-jesters, common buffoons, 
 Who always raise a laugh to please their feeders; 
 And wishing to appear a witty man, 
 Used to politest conversation, 
 While Mania was sporting gracefully, 
 As was her wont, and often rising up 
 To reach a dish of hare, he tried to raise 
 A joke upon her, and thus spoke,—"My friends, 
 Tell me, I pray you by the Gods, what animal 
 You think runs fastest o'er the mountain-tops?" 
 
 Why, my love, a deserter, answer'd Mania. 
 Another time, when Mania came to see him, 
 She laugh'd at the deserter, telling him, 
 That once in battle he had lost his shield. 
 But this brave soldier, looking somewhat fierce, 
 Sent her away. And as she was departing, 
 She said," My love, don't be so much annoy'd; 
 For 'twas not you, who, when you ran away, 
 Did lose that shield, but he who lent it you." 
 Another time they say a man who was 
 A thorough profligate, did entertain 
 Mania at supper; and when he question'd her, 
 
 Do you like being up or down the best 
 
 She laugh'd, and said, "I'd rather be up, my friend, 
 For I'm afraid, lest, if I lay me down, 
 You'd bite my plaited hair from off my head."

But Machon has also collected the witty sayings of other courtesans too; and it
 will not be unseasonable to enumerate some of them now. Accordingly he mentions
 Gnathæna thus:— 
 Diphilus once was drinking with Gnathæna. 
 Said he, Your cup is somewhat cold, Gnathæna; 
 
 And she replied, "'Tis no great wonder, Diphilus, 
 For we take care to put some of your Plays in it." 
 Diphilus was once invited to a banquet 
 At fair Gnathæna's house, as men do say, 
 On the holy day of Venus' festival— 
 (He being a man above her other lovers 
 Beloved by her, though she conceal'd her flame). 
 He came accordingly, and brought with him 
 Two jars of Chian wine, and four, quite full, 
 Of wine from Thasos; perfumes, too, and crowns 
 Sweetmeats and venison; fillets for the head; 
 Fish, and a cook, and a female flute-player. 
 In the meantime a Syrian friend of hers 
 Sent her some snow, and one saperdes; she 
 Being ashamed lest any one should hear 
 She had received such gifts, and, above all men, 
 Fearing lest Diphilus should get at them, 
 And show her up in one of his Comedies, 
 She bade a slave to carry off at once 
 The salt fish to the men who wanted salt, 
 As every one did know; the snow she told him 
 To mix with the wine unseen by any one. 
 And then she bade the boy to fill the cup 
 With ten full cyathi of wine, and bear it 
 At once to Diphilus. He eagerly 
 Received the cup, and drain'd it to the bottom, 
 And, marvelling at the delicious coolness, 
 Said—"By Minerva, and by all the gods, 
 You must, Gnathæna, be allow'd by all 
 To have a most deliciously cool well." 
 
 Yes, said she, "for we carefully put in, 
 From day to day, the prologues of your plays." 
 A slave who had been flogg'd, whose back was mark'd 
 With heavy weals, was once, as it fell out, 
 Reposing with Gnathæna:—then, as she 
 Embraced him, she found out how rough all over 
 His back did feel. Oh wretched man, said she, 
 
 In what engagement did you get these wounds? 
 
 He in a few words answered her, and said, 
 "That when a boy, once playing with his playmates, 
 He'd fallen backwards into the fire by accident." 
 
 Well, said she, "if you were so wanton then, 
 You well deserved to be flogg'd, my friend." 
 Gnathæna once was supping with Dexithea, 
 
 Who was a courtesan as well as she; 
 And when Dexithea put aside with care 
 Nearly all the daintiest morsels for her mother, 
 She said, "I swear by Dian, had I known 
 How you went on, Dexithea, I would rather 
 Have gone to supper with your mother than you" 
 When this Gnathæna was advanced in years, 
 Hastening, as all might see, towards the grave, 
 They say she once went out into the market, 
 And look'd at all the fish, and ask'd the price 
 Of every article she saw. And seeing 
 A handsome butcher standing at his stall, 
 
 Just in the flower of youth,—"Oh, in God's name, 
 Tell me, my youth, what is your price ( πῶς
 ἴστης ) to-day?" 
 He laugh'd, and said, Why, if I stoop, three obols. 
 
 
 But who, said she, "did give you leave, you wretch, 
 To use your Carian weights in Attica?" 
 Stratocles once made all his friends a present 
 Of kids and shell-fish greatly salted, seeming 
 To have dress'd them carefully, so that his friends 
 Should the next morning be o'erwhelm'd with thirst, 
 And thus protract their drinking, so that he 
 Might draw from them some ample contributions. 
 Therefore Gnathæna said to one of her lovers, 
 Seeing him wavering about his offerings, 
 
 After the kids Stratocles brings a storm. 
 
 Gnathæna, seeing once a thin young man, 
 Of black complexion, lean as any scarecrow, 
 Reeking with oil, and shorter than his fellows, 
 Called him in jest Adonis. When the youth 
 Answer'd her in a rude and violent manner, 
 She looking on her daughter who was with her, 
 Said, Ah! it serves me right for my mistake. 
 
 They say that one fine day a youth from Pontus 
 Was sleeping with Gnathæna, and at morn 
 He ask'd her to display her beauties to him. 
 But she replied, "You have no time, for now 
 It is the hour to drive the pigs to feed."

He also mentions the following sayings of Gnathænium, who was the grand-daughter
 of Gnath$ena:— 
 It happen'd once that a very aged satrap, 
 Full ninety years of age, had come to Athens, 
 And on the feast of Saturn he beheld 
 Gnathænium with Gnathæna going out 
 From a fair temple sacred to Aphrodite, 
 And noticing her form and grace of motion, 
 
 He just inquired How much she ask'd a night? 
 
 Gnathæna, looking on his purple robe, 
 And princely bodyguard, said, "A thousand drachmæ." 
 He, as if smitten with a mortal wound, 
 Said, "I perceive, because of all these soldiers, 
 You look upon me as a captured enemy; 
 But take five mince, and agree with me, 
 And let them get a bed prepared for us." 
 She, as the satrap seem'd a witty man, 
 Received his terms, and said, "Give what you like, 
 O father, for I know most certainly, 
 You'll give my daughter twice as much at night." 
 There was at Athens once a handsome smith, 
 When she, Gnathænium, had almost abandon'd 
 Her trade, and would no longer common be, 
 Moved by the love of the actor Andronicus; 
 (But at this moment he was gone away, 
 After she'd brought him a male child;) this smith 
 Then long besought the fair Gnathænium 
 To fix her price; and though she long refused, 
 By long entreaty and liberality, 
 At last he won her over to consent. 
 But being but a rude and ill-bred clown, 
 He, one day sitting with some friends of his 
 In a leather-cutter's shop, began to talk 
 About Gnathænium to divert their leisure, 
 Narrating all their fond love passages. 
 But after this, when Andronicus came 
 From Corinth back again, and heard the news, 
 He bitterly reproach'd her, and at supper 
 He said, with just complaint, unto Gnathænium, 
 That she had never granted him such liberties 
 As this flogg'd slave had had allow'd to him. 
 And then they say Gnathænium thus replied: 
 That she was her own mistress, and the smith 
 Was so begrimed with soot and dirt that she 
 Had no more than she could help to do with him. 
 One day they say Gnathænium, at supper, 
 Would not kiss Andronicus when he wish'd, 
 Though she had done so every day before; 
 But she was angry that he gave her nothing. 
 Said he, on this, "Gnathena, don't you see 
 How haughtily your daughter's treating me?" 
 And she, indignant, said, "You wretched girl, 
 Take him and kiss him if he wishes it." 
 But she replied, "Why should I kiss him, mother, 
 Who does no good to any one in the house, 
 But seeks to have his Argos all for nothing " 
 Once, on a day of festival, Gnathænium 
 Went down to the Piræus to a lover, 
 Who was a foreign merchant, riding cheaply 
 
 On a poor mule, and having after her 
 Three donkeys, three maidservants, and one nurse. 
 Then, at a narrow spot in the road, they met 
 One of those knavish wrestlers, men who sell 
 Their battles, always taking care to lose them; 
 And as he could not pass by easily, 
 Being crowded up, he cried—"You wretched man, 
 You donkey-driver, if you get not quickly 
 Out of my way, I will upset these women, 
 And all the donkeys and the mule to boot." 
 But quick Gnathænium said, "My friend, I pray you, 
 Don't be so valiant now, when you have never 
 Done any feat of spirit or strength before."

And afterwards, Machon gives us the following anec- dotes:— 
 They say that Lais the Corinthian, 
 Once when she saw Euripides in a garden, 
 Holding a tablet and a pen attach'd to it, 
 Cried out to him, "Now, answer me, my poet, 
 What was your meaning when you wrote in your play, 
 'Away, you shameless doer"' And Euripides, 
 Amazed, and wondering at her audacity, 
 Said, "Why, you seem to me to be yourself 
 A shameless doer." And she, laughing, answer'd, 
 
 How shameless, if my partners do not think so I 
 
 Glycerium once received from some lover 
 A new Corinthian cloak with purple sleeves, 
 And gave it to a fuller. Afterwards, 
 When she thought he'd had time enough to clean it, 
 She sent her maidservant to fetch it back, 
 Giving her money, that she might pay for it. 
 But, said the fuller, "You must bring me first 
 Three measures full of oil, for want of that 
 Is what has hindered me from finishing." 
 The maid went back and told her mistress all. 
 
 Wretch that I am! Glycerium said, "for he 
 Is going to fry my cloak like any herring." 
 Demophoon once, the friend of Sophocles, 
 While a young man, fell furiously in love 
 With Nico, called the Goat, though she was old: 
 And she had earn'd this name of Goat, because 
 She quite devour'd once a mighty friend of hers, 
 Named Thallus, when he came to Attica 
 To buy some Chelidonian figs, and also 
 To export some honey from th' Hymettian hill. 
 And it is said this woman was fair to view. 
 And when Demophoon tried to win her over, 
 
 A pretty thing, said she, "that all you get 
 From me you may present to Sophocles." 
 
 Callisto once, who was nicknamed the Sow, 
 Was fiercely quarrelling with her own mother, 
 Who also was nicknamed the Crow. Gnathæna 
 Appeased the quarrel, and when ask'd the cause of it, 
 Said, "What else could it be, but that one Crow 
 Was finding fault with the blackness of the other " 
 Men say that Hippe once, the courtesan, 
 Had a lover named Theodotus, a man 
 Who at the time was prefect of the granaries 
 And she on one occasion late in th' evening 
 Came to a banquet of King Ptolemy, 
 And she'd been often used to drink with him 
 So, as she now was very late, she said, 
 "I'm very thirsty, papa Ptolemy, 
 So let the cup-bearer pour me four gills 
 Into a larger cup." The king replied, 
 "You must have it in a platter, for you seem 
 Already, Hippe, 
 to have had plenty of hay." 
 A man named Morichus was courting Phryne, 
 The Thespian damsel. And, as she required 
 A mina, 'Tis a mighty sum, said Morichus, 
 "Did you not yesterday charge a foreigner 
 Two little pieces of gold?" Wait till I want you, 
 
 Said she, and I will take the same from you. 
 
 'Tis said that Nico, who was call'd the Goat, 
 Once when a man named Pytho had deserted her, 
 And taken up with the great fat Euardis, 
 But after a time did send again for her, 
 Said to the slave who came to fetch her, "Now 
 That Pytho is well sated with his swine, 
 Does he desire to return to a goat?"

Up to this point we have been recapitulating the things mentioned by Macho. For
 our beautiful Athens has produced such a number of courtesans (of whom I will tell
 you as many anecdotes as I can) as no other populous city ever produced. At all
 events, Aristophanes the Byzantian counted up a hundred and thirty-five, and
 Apollodorus a still greater number; and Gorgias enumerated still more, saying
 that, among a great many more, these eminent ones had been omitted by
 Aristophanes—namely, one who was surnamed Paroinos, and Lampyris, and Euphrosyne:
 and this last was the daughter of a fuller. And, besides these, he has omitted
 Megisto, Agallis, Thaumarium, Theoclea (and she was nicknamed the Crow),
 Lenætocystos, Astra, Gnathæna, and her grand-daughter Gnathænium, and Sige, and
 Synoris (who was nicknamed the Candle), and Euclea, and 
 Grymæa, and Thryallis, and Chimæra, and Lampas. But Diphilus the comic poet was
 violently in love with Gnathæna, (as has been already stated, and as Lynceus the
 Samian relates in his Commentaries;) and so once, when on the stage he had acted
 very badly, and was turned out ( ἠρμένος ) of the
 theatre, and, for all that, came to Gnathæna as if nothing had happened; and when
 he, after he had arrived, begged Gnathæna to wash his feet, Why do you want
 that? said she; were you not carried ( ἠρμένος ) hither? And Gnathæna was very ready with her
 repartees. And there were other courtesans who had a great opinion of themselves,
 paying attention to education, and spending a part of their time on literature; so
 that they were very ready with their rejoinders and replies. 
 Accordingly, when on one occasion Stilpo, at a banquet, was accusing Glycera of
 seducing the young men of the city, (as Satyrus mentions in his Lives,) Glycera
 took him up and said, "You and I are accused of the same thing, O Stilpo; for they
 say that you corrupt all who come to you, by teaching them profitless and amorous
 sophistries; and they accuse me of the same thing: for if people waste their time,
 and are treated ill, it makes no difference whether they are living with a
 philosopher or with a harlot." For, according to Agathon, 
 It does not follow, because a woman's body 
 Is void of strength, that her mind, too, is weak.

And Lynceus has recorded many repartees of Gnathæna. There was a parasite who used
 to live upon an old woman, and kept himself in very good condition; and Gnathæna,
 seeing him, said, My young friend, you appear to be in very good
 case. 
 What then do you think, said he, that I should be if I slept
 by myself? 
 Why, I think you would starve, said she. Once, when Pausanius, who
 was nicknamed Laccus, was
 dancing, he fell into a cask. The cellar, says Gnathæna, has
 fallen into the cask. On one occasion, some one put a very little wine
 into a wine-cooler, and said that it was sixteen years old. It is very
 Little of its age, said she, to be as old as that. Once
 at a dinking party, some young men were fighting about her, and seating one
 another, and she said to the one who was worsted, Be of good cheer, my boy; for it is not a contest to be decided by crowns, but by
 guineas. There was a man who once gave her daughter a mina, and never
 brought her anything more, though he came to see her very often. Do you
 think, my boy, said she, that now you have once paid your mina,
 you are to come here for ever, as if you were going to Hippomachus the
 trainer? On one occasion, when Phryne said to her, with some
 bitterness, What would become of you if you had the stone? 
 I would give it to you, said she, to sharpen your wit
 upon. For it was said that Gnathæna was liable to the stone, while the
 other certainly wanted it as Gnathæna hinted. On one occasion, some men were
 drinking in her house, and were eating some lentils dressed with onions ( βολβοφάκη ); as the maidservant was clearing the table,
 and putting some of the lentils in her bosom ( κόλπον ), Gnathæna said, She is thinking of making some
 κολποφάκη. 
 
 
 Once, when Andronicus the tragedian had been acting his part in the representation
 of the Epigoni with great applause, and was coming to a drinking party at her
 house, and sent a boy forward to bid her make preparation to receive him, she
 said— 
 
 O cursed boy, what word is this you've spoken? 
 
 And once, when a chattering fellow was relating that he was just come
 from the Hellespont, Why, then, said she, did you not go to
 the first city in that country? and when he asked what city, To
 Sigeum, 
 said she. Once, when a man came to see her,
 and saw some eggs on a dish, and said, Are these raw, Gnathæna, or
 boiled? 
 They are made of brass, my boy, said she. On one occasion, when
 Chærephon came to sup with her without an invitation, Gnathæna pledged him in a
 cup of wine. Take it, said she, you proud fellow. 
 And he said, I proud? 
 Who can be more so, said she, when you come without even
 being invited? And Nico, who was nicknamed the Goat (as Lynceus tells
 us), once when she met a parasite, who was very thin in consequence of a long
 sickness, said to him, How lean you are. 
 No wonder, says he; for what do you think is all that I have
 had to eat these three days? 
 Why, a leather bottle, says she, or perhaps your
 shoes.

There was a courtesan named Metanira; and when Democles the
 parasite, who was nicknamed Lagynion fell down in a lot of whitewash, she said,
 Yes, for you have devoted yourself to a place where there are
 pebbles. And when he sprung upon a couch which was near him,
 Take care, said she, lest you get upset. These
 sayings are recorded by Hegesander. And Aristodemus, in the second book of his
 Laughable Records, says that Gnathæna was hired by two men, a soldier and a
 branded slave; and so when the soldier, in his rude manner, called her a cistern,
 How can I be so? said she; is it because two rivers,
 Lycus and Eleutherus, fall into me? On one occasion, when some poor
 lovers of the daughter of Gnathæna came to feast at her house, and threatened to
 throw it down, saying that they had brought spades and mattocks on purpose;
 But, said Gnathæna, if you had those implements, you
 should have pawned them, and brought some money with you. And Gnathæna
 was always very neat and witty in all she said; and she even compiled a code of
 laws for banquets, according to which lovers were to be admitted to her and to her
 daughters, in imitation of the philosophers, who had drawn up similar documents.
 And Callimachus has recorded this code of hers in the third Catalogue of Laws
 which he has given; and he has quoted the first words of it as
 follows:— This law has been compiled, being fair and equitable; and it is
 written in three hundred and twenty-three verses.

But a slave who had been flogged hired Callistium, who was nicknamed Poor Helen;
 and as it was summer, and he was lying down naked, she, seeing the marks of the
 whip, said, Where did you get this, you unhappy man? and he said,
 Some broth was spilt over me when I was a boy. And she said,
 It must have been made of neats'-leather. And once, when
 Menander the poet had failed with one of his plays, and came to her house, Glycera
 brought him some milk, and recommended him to drink it. But he said he would
 rather not, for there was some γραῦς 
 on it. But she replied, Blow it away, and take what
 there is beneath. 
 
 Thais said once to a boastful lover of hers, who had borrowed some goblets from a
 great many people, and said that he meant to break them up, and make others of
 them You will destroy what belongs to each private person. Leontium
 was once sitting at table with a lover of hers, when Glycera 
 came in to supper; and as the man began to pay more atten- tion to Glycera,
 Leontium was much annoyed: and presently, when her friend turned round, and asked
 her what she was vexed at, she said, 
 ʽἡ ὑστέρα 
 pains me. 
 
 A lover of hers once sent his seal to Lais the Corinthian, and desired her to come
 to him; but she said, I cannot come; it is only clay. Thais was one
 day going to a lover of hers, who smelt like a goat; and when some one asked her
 whither she was going, she said— 
 To dwell with Aegeus, great Pandion's son. 
 Phryne, too, was once supping with a man of the same description, and,
 lifting up the hide of a pig, she said, Take it, and eat it. And once, when one of her
 friends sent her some wine, which was very good, but the quantity was small; and
 when he told her that it was ten years old; It is very little of its
 age, said she. And once, when the question was asked at a certain
 banquet, why it is that crowns are hung up about banqueting-rooms, she said,
 Because they delight the mind. 
 And once, when a
 slave, who had been flogged, was giving himself airs as a young man towards her,
 and saying that he had been often entangled, she pretended to look vexed; and when
 he asked her the reason, I am jealous of you, said she,
 because you have been so often smitten. 
 Once a very covetous
 lover of hers was coaxing her, and saying to her, You are the Venus of
 Praxiteles; 
 And you, said she, are the Cupid of Phidias.

And as I am aware that some of those men who have been involved in the
 administration of affairs of state have mentioned courtesans, either accusing or
 excusing them, I will enumerate some instances of those who have done so. For
 Demosthenes, in his speech against Androtion, mentions Sinope and Phanostrate; and
 respecting Sinope, Herodicus the pupil of Crates says, in the sixth book of his
 treatise on People mentioned in the Comic Poets, that she was called Abydus,
 because she was an old woman. And Antiphanes mentions her in
 his Arcadian, and in his Gardener, and in his Sempstress, and in his Female
 Fisher, and in his Neottis. And Alexis mentions her in his Cleobuline, and
 Callicrates speaks of her in his Moschion; and concerning Phanostrate,
 Apollodorus, in his treatise on the Courtesans at Athens, says that she was called
 Phtheiropyle, because she used to stand at the door ( πύλη ) and hunt for lice ( φθεῖρες ). 
 And in his oration against Aristagoras, Hyperides says— And again you have
 named, in the same manner, the animals called aphyæ. Now, aphyæ,
 besides meaning anchovies, was also a nickname for some courtesans; concerning
 whom the before-mentioned Apollodorus says— Stagonium and Amphis were two
 sisters, and they were called Aphyæ, because they were white, and thin, and had
 large eyes. And Antiphanes, in his book on Courtesans, says that
 Nicostratis was called Aphya for the same reason. And the same Hyperides, in his
 speech against Mantitheus, who was being prosecuted for an assault, speaks in the
 following manner respecting Glycera— Bringing with him Glycera the daughter
 of Thalassis in a pair-horse chariot. But it is uncertain whether this
 is the same Glycera who was take mistress of Harpalus; concerning whom Theopompus
 speaks in his treatise on the Chian Epistle, saying that after the death of
 Pythionica, Harpalus sent for Glycera to come to him from Athens; and when she
 came, she lived in the palace which is at Tarsus, and was honoured with royal
 honours by the populace, and was called queen; and an edict was issued, forbidding
 any one to present Harpalus with a crown, without at the same time presenting
 Glycera with another. And at Rhossus, he went so far as to erect a brazen statue
 of her by the side of his own statue. And Clitarchus has given the same account in
 his History of Alexander. But the author of Agen, a satyric drama, (whoever he
 was, whether it was Python of Catana, or king Alexander himself,) says— 
 And now they say that Harpalus has sent them 
 Unnumber'd sacks of corn, no fewer than 
 Those sent by Agen, and is made a citizen: 
 But this was Glycera's corn, and it may be 
 Ruin to them, and not a harlot's earnest.

And Lysias, in his oration against Lais, if, indeed, the speech is a genuine one,
 mentions these circumstances— Philyra abandoned the trade of a harlot when
 she was still quite young; and so did Scione, and
 Hippaphesis, and Theoclea, and Psamathe, and Lagisca, and Anthea. But
 perhaps, instead of Anthea, we ought to read Antea. For I do not find any mention
 made by any one of a harlot named Anthea. But there is a whole play named after
 Antea, by either Eunicus or Philyllius. And the author of the oration against
 Neæra, whoever he was, also mentions her. But in the oration against Philonides,
 who was being prosecuted for an assault, Lysias, if at least it is a genuine
 speech of his, mentions also a courtesan called Nais. And in his speech against
 Medon, for perjury, he mentions one by the name of Anticyra; but this was only a
 nickname given to a woman, whose real name was Hoia, as Antiphanes informs us in
 his treatise on Courtesans, where he says that she was called Anticyra, because she was in the habit of drinking with men who were crazy and mad;
 or else because she was at one time the mistress of Nicostratus the physician, and
 he, when he died, left her a great quantity of hellebore, and nothing else.
 Lycurgus, also, in his oration against Leocrates, mentions a courtesan named
 Irenis, as being the mistress of Leocrates. And Hyperides mentions Nico in his
 oration against Patrocles. And we have already mentioned that she used to be
 nicknamed the Goat, because she had ruined Thallus the innkeeper. And that the
 goats are very fond of the young shoots of the olive ( θάλλοι ), on which account the animal is never allowed to approach
 the Acropolis, and is also never sacrificed to Minerva, is a fact which we shall
 dilate upon hereafter. But Sophocles, in his play called The Shepherds, mentions
 that this animal does browse upon the young shoots, speaking as follows— 
 For early in the morning, ere a man 
 Of all the folks about the stable saw me, 
 As I was bringing to the goat a thallus 
 Fresh pluck'd, I saw the army marching on 
 By the projecting headland. 
 Alexis also mentions Nannium, in his Tarentines, thus— 
 But Nannium is mad for love of Bacchus,— 
 
 jesting upon her as addicted to intoxication. And Menander,
 in his false Hercules, says— 
 Did he not try to wheedle Nannium? 
 And Antiphanes, in his treatise on Courtesans, says— Nannium was
 nicknamed the Proscenium, because she had a beautiful face, and used to wear
 very costly garments embroidered with gold, but when she was undressed s e was
 a very bad figure. And Corone was Nannium's daughter, and she was nicknamed
 Tethe, from her exceedingly debauched habits. Hyperides, in his oration
 against Patrocles, also speaks of a female flute-player named Nemeas. And we may
 wonder how it was that the Athenians permitted a courtesan to have such a name,
 which was that of a most honourable and solemn festival. For not only those who
 prostituted themselves, but all other slaves also were forbidden to take such
 names as that, as Polemo tells us, in his treatise on the Acropolis.

The same Hyperides also mentions my Ocimum, as you call her, O Cynulcus, in his
 second oration against Aristagoras, speaking thus— As Lais, who appears to
 have been superior in beauty to any woman who had ever been seen, and Ocimum,
 and Metanira. And Nicostratus, a poet of the middle comedy, mentions
 her also in his Pandrosus, where he says— 
 Then go the same way to Aerope, 
 And bid her send some clothes immediately, 
 And brazen vessels, to fair Ocimum. 
 And Menander, in his comedy called The Flatterer, gives the following
 catalogue of courtesans— 
 Chrysis, Corone, Ischas, and Anticyra, 
 And the most beautiful Nannarium,— 
 All these you had. 
 And Philetærus, in his Female Hunter, says— 
 Is not Cereope now extremely old, 
 Three thousand years at least? and is not Telesis, 
 Diopithes' ugly daughter, three times that? 
 And as for old Theolyte, no man 
 Alive can tell the date when she was born. 
 Then did not Lais persevere in her trade 
 Till the last day of her life? and Isthmias, 
 Neæra too, and Phila, grew quite rotten. 
 I need not mention all the Cossyphæ, 
 Galænse, and Coronæ; nor will I 
 Say aught of Nais, as her teeth are gone. 
 
 And Theophilus, in his Amateur of the Flute, says— 
 Lest he should with disastrous shipwreck fall 
 Into Meconis, Lais, or Sisymbrion, 
 Or Barathrum, or Thallusa, or any other 
 With whom the panders bait their nets for youths, 
 Nannium, or Malthace.

Now when Myrtilus had uttered all this with extreme volubility, he added:—May no
 such disaster befal you, O philosophers, who even before the rise of the sect
 called Voluptuaries, yourselves broke down the wall of pleasure, as Eratosthenes
 somewhere or other expresses it. And indeed I have now quoted enough of the smart
 sayings of the courtesans, and I will pass on to another topic. And first of all,
 I will speak of that most devoted lover of truth, Epicurus, who, never having been
 initiated into the encyclic series of learning, used to say that those were well
 off who applied themselves to philosophy in the same way in which he did himself;
 and these were his words— I praise and congratulate you, my young man,
 because you have come over to the study of philosophy unimbued with any
 system. On which account Timon styles him— 
 The most unlettered schoolmaster alive. 
 
 
 Now, had not this very Epicurus Leontium for his mistress, her, I mean, who was so
 celebrated as a courtesan? But she did not cease to live as a prostitute when she
 began to learn philosophy, but still prostituted herself to the whole sect of
 Epicureans in the gardens, and to Epicurus himself, in the most open manner; so
 that this great philosopher was exceedingly fond of her, though he mentions this
 fact in his epistles to Hermarchus.

But as for Lais of Hyccara—(and Hyccara is a city in Sicily, from which place she
 came to Corinth, having been made a prisoner of war, as Polemo relates in the
 sixth book of his History, addressed to Timæus: and Aristippus was one of her
 lovers, and so was Demosthenes the orator, and Diogenes the Cynic: and it was also
 said that the Venus, which is at Corinth, and is called Melænis, appeared to her
 in a dream, intimating to her by such an appearance that she would be courted by
 many lovers of great wealth;)—Lais, I say, is mentioned by Hyperides, in the
 second of his speeches against Aristagoras. And Apelles the painter, having seen
 Lais while she was still a maiden, drawing water at the
 fountain Pirene, and marvelling at her beauty, took her with him on one occasion
 to a banquet of his friends. And when his companions laughed at him because he had
 brought a maiden with him to the party, instead of a courtesan he said — Do
 not wonder, for I will show you that she is quite beautiful enough for future
 enjoyment within three years. And a prediction of this sort was made by
 Socrates also, respecting Theodote the Athenian, as Xenophon tells us in his
 Memorabilia, for he used to say— That she was very beautiful, and had a
 bosom finely shaped beyond all description. And let us, said he,
 go and see the woman; for people cannot judge of beauty by
 hearsay. But Lais was so beautiful, that painters used to come to her
 to copy her bosom and her breasts. And Lais was a rival of Phryne, and had an
 immense number of lovers, never caring whether they were rich or poor, and never
 treating them with any insolence.

And Aristippus every year used to spend whole days with her in Aegina, at the
 festival of Neptune. And once, being reproached by his servant, who said to
 him— You give her such large sums of money, but she admits Diogenes the
 Cynic for nothing; he answered, I give Lais a great deal, that I
 myself may enjoy her, and not that no one else may. And when Diogenes
 said, "Since you, O Aristippus, cohabit with a common prostitute, either,
 therefore, become a Cynic yourself, as I am, or else abandon her;" Aristippus
 answered him— Does it appear to you, O Diogenes, an absurd thing to live in
 a house where other men have lived before you.? 
 Not at all, said he. Well, then, does it appear to you
 absurd to sail in a ship in which other men have sailed before you 
 By no means, said he. Well, then, replied
 Aristippus, it is not a bit more absurd to be in love with a woman with
 whom many men have been in love already. 
 
 And Nymphodorus the Syracusan, in his treatise o the People who have been admired
 and eminent in Sicily, says that Lais was a native of Hyccara, which he describe
 as a strong fortress in Sicily. But Strattis, in his play entitled The Macedonians
 or Pausanias, says that she was a Corinthian, in the following lines— 
 
 
 A. Where do these damsels come from, and who are
 they 
 
 B. At present they are come from Megara, 
 But they by birth are all Corinthians: 
 This one is Lais, Who is so well known. 
 And Timæus, in the thirteenth book of his History, says she came from
 Hyccara, (using the word in the plural number;) as Polemo has stated, where he
 says that she was murdered by some women in Thessaly, because she was beloved by a
 Thessalian of the name of Pausanias; and that she was beaten to death, out of envy
 and jealousy, by wooden footstools in the temple of Venus; and that from this
 circumstance that temple is called the temple of the impious Venus; and that her
 tomb is shown on the banks of the Peneus, having on it an emblem of a stone
 water-ewer, and this inscription— 
 This is the tomb of Lais, to whose beauty, 
 Equal to that of heavenly goddesses, 
 The glorious and unconquer'd Greece did bow; 
 Love was her father, Corinth was her home, 
 Now in the rich Thessalian plain she lies;— 
 so that those men talk nonsense who say that she was buried in Corinth,
 near the Craneum.

And did not Aristotle the Stagirite have a son named Nicomachus by a courtesan
 named Herpyllis? and did he not live with her till his death? as Hermippus informs
 us in the first book of his History of Aristotle, saying that great care was taken
 of her in the philosopher's will. And did not our admirable Plato love
 Archaianassa, a courtesan of Colophon? so that he even composed this song in her
 honour:— 
 My mistress is the fair Archaianassa 
 From Colophon, a damsel in whom Love 
 Sits on her very wrinkles irresistible. 
 Wretched are those, whom in the flower of youth, 
 When first she came across the sea, she met; 
 They must have been entirely consumed. 
 And did not Pericles the Olympian (as Clearchus tells us in the first
 book of his treatise on Amatory Matters) throw all Greece into confusion on
 account of Aspasia, not the younger one, but that one who associated with the wise
 Socrates; and that, too, though he was a man who had acquired such a vast
 reputation for wisdom and political sagacity? But, indeed, Pericles was always a
 man much addicted to amorous indulgences; and he cohabited
 even with his own son's wife, as Stesimbrotus the Thasian informs us; and
 Stesimbrotus was a contemporary of his, and had seen him, as he tells us in his
 book entitled a Treatise on Themistocles, and Thucydides, and Pericles. And
 Antisthenes, the pupil of Socrates, tells us that Pericles, being in love with
 Aspasia, used to kiss her twice every day, once when he entered her house, and
 once when he left it. And when she was impeached for impiety, he himself spoke in
 her behalf, and shed more tears for her sake than he did when his own property and
 his own life were imperilled. Moreover, when Cimon had had an incestuous intrigue
 with Elpinice, his sister, who was afterwards given in marriage to Callias, and
 when he was banished, Pericles contrived his recal, exacting the favours of
 Elpinice as his recompense. 
 And Pythænetus, in the third book of his History of Aegina, says that Periander
 fell violently in love with Melissa, the daughter of Procles of Epidaurus, when he
 had seen her clothed in the Peloponnesian fashion (for she had on no cloak, but a
 single tunic only, and was acting as cupbearer to the young men,) and he married
 her. And Tigris of Leucadia was the mistress of Pyrrhus king of Epirus, who was
 the third in descent from the Pyrrhus who invaded Italy; but Olympias, the young
 man's mother, took her off by poison.

And Ulpian, as if he had got some unexpected gain, while Myrtilus was still
 speaking, said:—Do we say ὁ τίγρις in the
 masculine gender? for I know that Philemon says this in his play called Neæra:—
 
 
 A. Just as Seleucus sent the tiger ( τὴν τίγριν ) here, 
 Which we have seen, so we in turn ought now 
 To send Seleucus back a beast from here. 
 
 B. Let's send him a trigeranum; for that's 
 An animal not known much in those parts. 
 
 
 And Myrtilus said to him:—Since you interrupted us when we were making out a
 catalogue of women, not like the lists of Sosicrates the Phanagorite, or like the
 catalogue of women of Nilænetus the Samian or Abderitan (whichever was really his
 native country), I, digressing a little, will turn to your question, my old
 Phœnix. Learn, then, that Alexis, in his Pyraunus, has said
 τὸν τίγριν, using the word in the mas- culine
 gender; and these are his words: 
 Come, open quick the door; I have been here, 
 Though all unseen, walking some time,—a statue, 
 A millstone, and a seahorse, and a wall, 
 The tiger ( ὁ τίγρις ) of Seleucus. 
 And I might quote other evidences of the fact, but I postpone them for
 the present, while I finish my catalogue, as far as it comprehends the beautiful
 women.

For Clearchus speaks thus concerning Epaminondas: Epaminondas the Theban
 behaved with more dignity than these men did; but still there was a want of
 dignity in the way in which he was induced to waver in his sentiments in his
 association with women, as any one will admit who considers his conduct with
 the wife of Lacon. But Hyperides the orator, having driven his son
 Glaucippus out of his house, received into it that most extravagant courtesan
 Myrrhina, and kept her in the city; and he also kept Aristagora in the Piræus, and
 Phila at Eleusis, whom he bought for a very large sum, and then emancipated; and
 after that he made her his housekeeper, as Idomeneus relates. But, in his oration
 in defence of Phryne, Hyperides confesses that he is in love with the woman; and
 yet, before he had got cured of that love, he introduced the above-mentioned
 Myrrhina into his house.

Now Phryne was a native of Thespiæ; and being prosecuted by Euthias on a capital
 charge, she was acquitted: on which account Euthias was so indignant that he never
 instituted any prosecution afterwards, as Hermippus tells us. But Hyperides, when
 pleading Phryne's cause, as he did not succeed at all, but it was plain that the
 judges were about to condemn her, brought her forth into the middle of the court,
 and, tearing open her tunic and displaying her naked bosom, employed all the end
 of his speech, with the highest oratorical art, to excite the pity of her judges
 by the sight of her beauty, and inspired the judges with a superstitious fear, so
 that they were so moved by pity as not to be able to stand the idea of condemning
 to death a prophetess and priestess of Venus. And when she was
 acquitted, a decree was drawn up in the following form: That hereafter no
 orator should endeavour to excite pity on behalf of any 
 one, and that no man or woman, when impeached, shall have his or her case
 decided on while present. 
 
 But Phryne was a really beautiful woman, even in those parts of her person which
 were not generally seen: on which account it was not easy to see her naked; for
 she used to wear a tunic which covered her whole person, and she never used the
 public baths. But on the solemn assembly of the Eleusinian festival, and on the
 feast of the Posidonia, then she laid aside her garments in the sight of all the
 assembled Greeks, and having undone her hair, she went to bathe in the sea; and it
 was from her that Apelles took his picture of the Venus Anadyomene; and Praxiteles
 the statuary, who was a lover of hers, modelled the Cnidian Venus from her body;
 and on the pedestal of his statue of Cupid, which is placed below the stage in the
 theatre, he wrote the following inscription:— 
 Praxiteles has devoted earnest care 
 To representing all the love he felt, 
 Drawing his model from his inmost heart: 
 I gave myself to Phryne for her wages, 
 And now I no more charms employ, nor arrows, 
 Save those of earnest glances at my love. 
 And he gave Phryne the choice of his statues, whether she chose to take
 the Cupid, or the Satyrus which is in the street called the Tripods; and she,
 having chosen the Cupid, consecrated it in the temple at Thespiæ. And the people
 of her neighbourhood, having had a statue made of Phryne herself, of solid gold,
 consecrated it in the temple of Delphi, having had it placed on a pillar of
 Pentelican marble; and the statue was made by Praxiteles. And when Crates the
 Cynic saw it, he called it a votive offering of the profligacy of
 Greece. And this statue stood in the middle between that of Archidamus,
 king of the Lacedæmonians, and that of Philip the son of Amyntas; and it bore this
 inscription— Phryne of Thespiæ, the daughter of Epicles, as we are
 told by Alcetas, in the second book of his treatise on the Offerings at
 Delphi.

But Apollodorus, in his book on Courtesans, says that there were two women named
 Phryne, one of whom was nicknamed Clausigelos, and the other
 Saperdium. But Herodicus, in the sixth book of his Essay on
 People mentioned by the Comic Poets, says that the one who is mentioned by the
 orators was called Sestos, because she sifted ( ἀποσήθω ) and stripped bare all her lovers; and that the other was
 the native of Thespiæ. But Phryne was exceedingly rich, and she offered to build a
 wall round Thebes, if the Thebans would inscribe on the wall, Alexander
 destroyed this wall, but Phryne the courtesan restored it; as
 Callistratus states in his treatise on Courtesans. And Timocles the comic poet, in
 his Neæra, has mentioned her riches (the passage has been already cited); and so
 has Amphis, in his Curis. And Gryllion was a parasite of Phryne's, though he was
 one of the judges of the Areopagus; as also Satyrus, the Olynthian actor, was a
 parasite of Pamphila. But Aristogiton, in his book against Phryne, says that her
 proper name was Mnesarete; and I am aware that Diodorus Periegetes says that the
 oration against her which is ascribed to Euthias, is really the work of
 Anaximenes. But Posidippus the comic poet, in his Ephesian Women, speaks in the
 following manner concerning her:— 
 Before our time, the Thespian Phryne was 
 Far the most famous of all courtesans; 
 And even though you're later than her age, 
 Still you have heard of the trial which she stood. 
 She was accused on a capital charge 
 Before the Heliæa, being said 
 To have corrupted all the citizens; 
 But she besought the judges separately 
 With tears, and so just saved herself from judgment.

And I would have you all to know that Democles, the orator, became the father of
 Demeas, by a female flute-player who was a courtesan; and once when he, Demeas,
 was giving himself airs in the tribune, Hyperides stepped his mouth, saying,
 Will not you be silent, young man? why, you make more puffing than your
 mother did. And also Bion of the Borysthenes, the philosopher, was the
 son of a Laced$emonian courtesan named Olympia; as Nicias the Nicæan informs us in
 his treatise called the Successions of the Philosophers. And Sophocles the
 tragedian, when he was an old man, was a lover of Theoris the courtesan; and
 accordingly, supplicating the favour and assistance of Venus, he says— 
 
 Hear me now praying, goddess, nurse of youths, 
 And grant that this my love may scorn young men, 
 And their most feeble fancies and embraces; 
 And rather cling to grey-headed old men, 
 Whose minds are vigorous, though their limbs be weak. 
 And these verses are some of those which are at time attributed to Homer.
 But he mentions Theoris by name, speaking thus in one of his plain choruses:—
 
 For dear to me Theoris is. 
 And towards the end of his life, as Hegesander says, he was a lover of
 the courtesan Archippa, and he left her the heiress of all his property; but as
 Archippa cohabited with Sophocles, though he was very old, Smicrines, her former
 lover, being asked by some one what Archippa was doing, said very wittily,
 Why, like the owls, she is sitting on the tombs.

But Isocrates also, the most modest of all the orators, had a mistress named
 Metanira, who was very beautiful, as Lysias relates in his Letters. But
 Demosthenes, in his oration against Neæra, says that Metanira was the mistress of
 Lysias. And Lysias also was desperately in love with Lagis the courtesan, whose
 panegyric Cephalus the orator wrote, just as Alcidamas the Elæan, the pupil of
 Gorgias, himself wrote a panegyric on the courtesan Nais. And, in his oration
 against Philonides, who was under prosecution for an assault, (if, at least, the
 oration be a genuine one,) Lysias says that Nais was the mistress of Philonides,
 writing as follows:— There is then a woman who is a courtesan, Nais by name,
 whose keeper is Archias; but your friend Philonides states himself to be in
 love with her. Aristophanes also mentions her in his Gerytades, and
 perhaps also in his Plutus, where he says— 
 Is it not owing to you the greedy Lais 
 Does love Philonides 
 For perhaps here we ought to read Nais, and not Lais. But Hermippus, in
 his Essay on Isocrates, says that Isocrates, when he was advancing in years, took
 the courtesan Lagisca to his house, and had a daughter by her. And Strattis speaks
 of her in these lines:— 
 And while she still was in her bed, I saw 
 Isocrates' concubine, Lagisca, 
 Playing her tricks; and with her the flute-maker. 
 
 And Lysias, in his speech against Lais, (if, at least, the
 oration be a genuine one,) mentions her, giving a list of other courtesans also,
 in the following words:—"Philyra indeed abandoned the trade of a courtesan while
 she was still young; and Scione, and Hippaphesis, and Theoclea, and Psamathe, and
 Lagisca, and Anthea, and Aristoclea, all abandoned it also at an early age."

But it is reported that Demosthenes the orator had children by a courtesan; at all
 events he himself, in his speech about gold, introduced his children before the
 court, in order to obtain pity by their means, without their mother; although it
 was customary to bring forward the wives of those who were on their trial;
 however, he did this for shame's sake, hoping to avoid calumny. But this orator
 was exceedingly addicted to amorous indulgences, as Idomeneus tells us.
 Accordingly, being in love with a youth named Aristarchus, he once, when he was
 intoxicated, insulted Nicodemus on his account, and struck out his eyes. He is
 related also to have been very extravagant in his table, and his followers, and in
 women. Therefore, his secretary once said, But what can any one say of
 Demosthenes? For everything that he has thought of for a whole year, is all
 thrown into confusion by one woman in one night. Accordingly, he is
 said to have received into his house a youth named Cnosion, although he had a
 wife; and she, being indignant at this, went herself and slept with Cnosion.

And Demetrius the king, the last of all Alexander's successors, had a mistress
 named Myrrhina, a Samian courtesan; and in every respect but the crown, he made
 her his partner in the kingdom, as Nicolaus of Damascus tells us. And Ptolemy the
 son of Ptolemy Philadelphus the king, who was governor of the garrison in Ephesus,
 had a mistress named Irene. And she, when plots were laid against Ptolemy by the
 Thracians at Ephesus, and when he fled to the temple of Diana, fled with him: and
 when the conspirators had murdered him, Irene seizing hold of the bars of the
 doors of the temple, sprinkled the altar with his blood till they slew her also.
 And Sophron the governor of Ephesus had a mistress, Danae, the daughter of
 Leontium the Epicurean, who was also a courtesan herself. And by her means he was
 saved when a plot was laid against him by Laodice, and Laodice was thrown down a precipice, as Phylarchus relates in his twelfth book in
 these words: “Danae was a chosen companion of Laodice, and was trusted by her with
 all her secrets; and, being the daughter of that Leontium who had studied with
 Epicurus the natural philosopher, and having been herself formerly the mistress of
 Sophron, she, perceiving that Laodice was laying a plot to murder Sophron,
 revealed the plot to Sophron by a sign. And he, understanding the sign, and
 pretending to agree to what she was saying to him, asked two days to deliberate on
 what he should do. And, when she had agreed to that, he fled away by night to
 Ephesus. But Laodice, when she learnt what had been done by Danae, threw her down
 a precipice, discarding all recollection of their former friendship. And they say
 that Danae, when she perceived the danger which was impending over her, was
 interrogated by Laodice, and refused to give her any answer; but, when she was
 dragged to the precipice, then she said, that many people justly despise
 the Deity, and they may justify themselves by my case, who having saved a man
 who was to me as my husband, am requited in this manner by the Deity. But
 Laodice, who murdered her husband, is thought worthy of such honour. 
 
 The same Phylarchus also speaks of Mysta, in his fourteenth book, in these terms:
 Mysta was the mistress of Seleucus the king, and when Seleucus was
 defeated by the Galatæ, and was with difficulty able to save himself by flight,
 she put off the robes of a queen which she had been accustomed to wear, and
 assumed the garment of an ordinary servant; and being taken prisoner, was
 carried away with the rest of the captives. And being sold in the same manner
 as her handmaidens, she came to Rhodes; and there, when she had revealed who
 she was, she was sent back with great honour to Seleucus by the
 Rhodians.

But Demetrius Phalereus being in love with Lampito, a courtesan of Samos, was
 pleased when he himself was addressed as Lampito, as Diyllus tells us; and he also
 had himself called Charitoblepharos. And Nicarete
 the courtesan was the mistress of Stephanus the orator; and Metanira was the
 mistress of Lysias the sophist; and these women were the
 slaves of Casius the Elean, with many other such, as Antea, Stratola, Aristoclea,
 Phila, Isthmias, and Neæra. But Neæra was the mistress of Stratoclides, and also
 of Xenoclides the poet, and of Hipparchus the actor, and of Phrynion the Pæanian,
 who was the son of Demon and the nephew of Demochares. And Phrynichus. and
 Stephanus the orator used to have Neæra in turn, each a day, since their friends
 had so arbitrated the matter for them; and the daughter of Neæra, whose name was
 Strymbela, and who was afterwards called Phano, Stephanus gave (as if she had been
 his own daughter) in marriage to Phrastor of Aegialea; as Demosthenes tells us in
 his oration against Neæra. And he also speaks in the following manner about Sinope
 the courtesan: And you punished Archias the hierophant, when he was
 convicted before the regular tribunals of behaving with impiety, and offering
 sacrifices which were contrary to the laws of the nation. And he was accused
 also of other things, and among them of having sacrificed a victim on the
 festival of Ceres, which was offered by Sinope the courtesan, on the altar
 which is in the court of the temple at Eleusis, though it is against the law to
 sacrifice any victims on that day; and though, too, it was no part of his duty
 to sacrifice at all, but it belonged to the priestess to do so.

Plangon the Milesian was also a celebrated courtesan; and she, as she was most
 wonderfully beautiful, was beloved by a young man of Colophon, who had a mistress
 already whose name was Bacchis. Accordingly, when this young man began to address
 his solicitations to Plangon, she, having heard of. the beauty of Bacchis, and
 wishing to make the young man abandon his love for her, when she was unable to
 effect that, she required as the price of her favours the necklace of Bacchis,
 which was very celebrated. And he, as he was exceedingly in love, entreated
 Bacchis not to see him totally overwhelmed with despair; and Bacchis, seeing the
 excited state of the young man, gave him the necklace. And Plangon, when she saw
 the freedom from jealousy which was exhibited by Bacchis, sent her back the
 necklace, but kept the young man: and ever after Plangon and Bacchis were friends,
 loving the young man in common; and the Ionians being amazed at this, as Menetor
 tells us in his treatise concerning Offerings, gave Plangon the name of Pasiphila. And Archilochus mentions her in the, following lines:—
 
 As a fig-tree planted on a lofty rock 
 Feeds many crows and jackdaws, so Pasiphila's 
 A willing entertainer of all strangers. 
 
 
 That Menander the poet was a lover of Glycera, is notorious to everybody; but
 still he was not well pleased with her. For when Philemon was in love with a
 courtesan, and in one of his plays called her Excellent, Menander,
 in one of his plays, said, in contradiction to this, that there was no courtesan
 who was good.

And Harpalus the Macedonian, who robbed Alexander of vast sums of money and then
 fled to Athens, being in love with Pythionica, spent an immense deal of money on
 her; and she was a courtesan. And when she died he erected a monument to her which
 cost him many talents. And as he was carrying her out to burial, as Posidonius
 tells us in the twenty-second book of his History, he had the body accompanied
 with a band of the most eminent artists of all kinds, and with all sorts of
 musical instruments and songs. And Dicæarchus, in his Essay on the Descent to the
 Cave of Trophonius, says,— And that same sort of thing may happen to any one
 who goes to the city of the Athenians, and who proceeds by the road leading
 from Eleusis, which is called the Sacred Road; for, if he stops at that point
 from which he first gets a sight of Athens, and of the temple, and of the
 citadel, he will see a tomb built by the wayside, of such a size that there is
 none other near which can be compared with it for magnitude. And at first, as
 would be natural, he would pronounce it to be the tomb, beyond all question, of
 Miltiades, or Cimon, or Pericles, or of some other of the great men of Athens.
 And above all, he would feel sure that it had been erected by the city at the
 public expense; or at all events by some public decree; and then, again, when
 he heard it was the tomb of Pythionica the courtesan, what must be his
 feelings? 
 
 And Theopompus also, in his letter to Alexander, speaking reproachfully of the
 profligacy of Harpalus, says,— But just consider and listen to the truth, as
 you may hear from the people of Babylon, as to the manner in which he treated
 Pythionica when she was dead; who was originally the slave of Bacchis, the female flute-player. And Bacchis herself had
 been the slave of Sinope the Thracian, who brought her establishment of harlots
 from Aegina to Athens; so that she was not only trebly a slave, but also trebly
 a harlot. He, however, erected two monuments to her at an expense exceeding two
 hundred talents. And every one marvelled that no one of all those who died in
 Cilicia, in defence of your dominions and of the freedom of the Greeks, had had
 any tomb adorned for them either by him or by any other of the governors of the
 state; but that a tomb should be erected to Pythionica the courtesan, both in
 Athens and in Babylon; and they have now stood a long time. For a man who
 ventured to call himself a friend to you, has dared to consecrate a temple and
 a spot of ground to a woman whom everybody knew to have been common to every
 one who chose at the same fixed price, and to call both the temple and the
 altar those of Pythionica Venus; and in so doing, he despised also the
 vengeance of the Gods, and endeavoured to insult the honours to which you are
 entitled. Philemon also mentions these circumstances, in his comedy
 called the Babylonian, where he says— 
 You shall be queen of Babylon if the Fates 
 Will but permit it. Sure you recollect 
 Pythionica and proud Harpalus. 
 Alexis also mentions her in his Lyciscus.

But after the death of Pythionica, Harpalus sent for Glycera, and she also was a
 courtesan, as Theopompus relates, when he says that Harpalus issued an edict that
 no one should present him with a crown, without at the same time paying a similar
 compliment to his prostitute; and adds,— He has also erected a brazen
 statue to Glycera in Rhossus of Syria, where he intends to erect one of you,
 and another of himself. And he has permitted her to dwell in the palace in
 Tarsus, and he permits her to receive adoration from the people, and to bear
 the title of Queen, and to be complimented with other presents, which are only
 fit for your own mother and your own wife. And we have a testimony
 coinciding with this from the author of the Satyric drama called Agen, which was
 exhibited, on the occasion when the Dionysian festival was celebrated on the banks
 of the river Hydaspes, by the author, whether he was Pythen of Catana or
 Byzantium, or the king himself. And it was exhibited when Harpalus was now flying to the sea-shore, after he had revolted; and it
 mentions Pythionica as already dead; and Glycera, as being with Harpalus, and as
 being the person who encouraged the Athenians to receive presents from Harpalus.
 And the verses of the play are as follows:— 
 
 A. There is a pinnacle, where never birds 
 Have made their nests, where the long reeds do grow; 
 And on the left is the illustrious temple 
 Raised to a courtesan, which Pallides 
 Erected, but repenting of the deed, 
 Condemn'd himself for it to banishment. 
 And when some magi of the barbarians 
 Saw him oppressed with the stings of conscience, 
 They made him trust that they could raise again 
 The soul of Pythionica. 
 And the author of the play calls Harpalus Pallides in this passage; but
 in what follows, he speaks of him by his real name, saying— 
 
 B. But I do wish to learn from you, since I 
 Dwell a long way from thence, what is the fate 
 At present of the land of Athens; and 
 How all its people fare? 
 
 A. Why, when they said 
 That they were slaves, they plenty had to eat, 
 But now they have raw vegetables only, 
 And fennel, and but little corn or meat. 
 
 B. I likewise hear that Harpalus has sent them 
 A quantity of corn no less than Agen, 
 And has been made a citizen of Athens. 
 That corn was Glycera's. But it is perhaps 
 To them a pledge of ruin, not of a courtesan.

Naucratis also has produced some very celebrated courtesans of exceeding beauty;
 for instance, Doricha, whom the beautiful Sappho, as she became the mistress of
 her brother Charaxus, who had gone to Naucratis on some mercantile business,
 accuses in her poetry of having stripped Charaxus of a great deal of his property.
 But Herodots calls her Rhodopis, being evidently ignorant that Rhodopis and
 Doricha were two different people; and it was Rhodopis who dedicated those
 celebrated spits at Delphi, which Cratinus mentions in the following lines— 
 * * * * 
 
 
 Posidippus also made this epigram on Doricha, although he had often mentioned her
 in his Ethiopia, and this is the epigram— 
 
 Here, Doricha, your bones have long been laid, 
 Here is your hair, and your well-scented robe: 
 You who once loved the elegant Charaxus, 
 And quaff'd with him the morning bowl of wine. 
 But Sappho's pages live, and still shall live, 
 In which is many a mention of your name, 
 Which still your native Naucratis shall cherish, 
 As long as any ship sails down the Nile. 
 
 
 Archedice also was a native of Naucratis; and she was a courtesan of great beauty.
 For some how or other, as Herodotus says, Naucratis is in
 the habit of producing beautiful courtesans.

There was also a certain courtesan named Sappho, a native of Eresus, who was in
 love with the beautiful Phaon, and she was very celebrated, as Nymphis relates in
 his Voyage round Asia. But Nicarete of Megara, who was a courtesan, was not a
 woman of ignoble birth, but she was born of free parents, and was very well
 calculated to excite affection by reason of her accomplishments, and she was a
 pupil of Stilpon the philosopher. 
 There was also Bilisticha the Argive, who was a very celebrated courtesan, and who
 traced her descent back to the Atridæ, as those historians relate who have written
 the history of the affairs of Argolis. There was also a courtesan named Leæna,
 whose name is very celebrated, and she was the mistress of Harmodius, who slew the
 tyrant. And she, being tortured by command of Hippias the tyrant, died under the
 torture without having said a word. Stratocles the orator also had for his
 mistress a courtesan whose name was Leme, 
 and who was nicknamed Parorama, because she used to let whoever chose come to her
 for two drachmas, as Gorgias says in his treatise on Courtesans. 
 Now though Myrtilus appeared to be intending to say no more after this, he resumed
 his subject, and said:—But I was nearly forgetting, my friends, to tell you of the
 Lyda of Antimachus, and also of her namesake Lyda, who was also a courtesan and
 the mistress of Lamynthius the Milesian. For each of these poets, as Clearchus
 tells us in his Tales of Love, being inflamed with love for the barbarian Lyde,
 wrote poems, the one in elegiac, and the other in lyric
 verse, and they both entitled their poems Lyde. I omitted also to
 mention the female flute-player Nanno, the mistress of Mimnermus, and Leontium,
 the mistress of Hermesianax of Colophon. For he inscribed with her name, as she
 was his mistress, three books of elegiac poetry, in the third of which he gives a
 catalogue of things relating to Love; speaking in the following manner:—

You know, too, how Œager's much-loved son, 
 Skilfully playing on the Thracian harp, 
 Brought back from hell his dear Agriope, 
 And sail'd across th' inhospitable land 
 Where Charon drags down in his common boat 
 The souls of all the dead; and far resounds 
 The marshy stream slow creeping through the reeds 
 That line the death-like banks. But Orpheus dared 
 With fearless soul to pass that lonely wave, 
 Striking his harp with well-accustom'd hand. 
 And with his lay he moved the pitiless gods, 
 And various monsters of unfeeling hell. 
 He raised a placid smile beneath the brows 
 Of grim Cocytus; he subdued the glance 
 So pitiless of the fierce, implacable dog, 
 Who sharpen'd in the flames his fearful bark, 
 Whose eye did glare with fire, and whose heads 
 With triple brows struck fear on all who saw. 
 He sang, and moved these mighty sovereigns; 
 So that Agriope once again did breathe 
 The breath of life. Nor did the son of Mene, 
 Friend of the Graces, the sweet-voiced Musæus, 
 Leave his Antiope without due honour, 
 Who, amid the virgins sought by many suitors 
 In holiest Eleusis' sacred soil, 
 Sang the loud joyful song of secret oracles, 
 Priestess of Rharian Ceres, warning men. 
 And her renown to Pluto's realms extends. 
 Nor did these bards alone feel Cupid's sway; 
 The ancient bard, leaving Bœotia's halls, 
 Hesiod, the keeper of all kinds of learning, 
 Came to fair Ascra's Heliconian village, 
 Where long he sought Eoia's wayward love; 
 
 Much he endured, and many books he wrote, 
 The maid the inspiring subject of his song. 
 And that great poet whom Jove's Fate protects, 
 Sweetest of all the votaries of the muse, 
 Immortal Homer, sought the rocky isle 
 Of Ithaca, moved by love for all the virtue 
 And beauty of the chaste Penelope. 
 Much for her sake he suffer'd; then he sought 
 A barren isle far from his native land, 
 And wept the race of Icarus, and of Amyclus 
 And Sparta, moved by his own woes' remembrances. 
 Who has not heard of sweet Mimnermus' fame; 
 Parent of plaintive elegiac verses, 
 Which to his lyre in sweetest sounds he sang 
 Much did he suffer, burning with the love 
 Of cruel Nanno; and full oft inflamed 
 With ardent passion, did he feast with her, 
 Breathing his love to his melodious pipe; 
 And to his hate of fierce Hermobius 
 And Pherecles, tuneful utterance he gave. 
 Antimachus, too, felt the flame inspired 
 By Lydian Lyde; and he sought the stream 
 Of golden-waved Pactolus, where he laid 
 His lost love underneath the tearless earth, 
 And weeping, went his way to Colophon; 
 And with his wailing thus sweet volumes fill'd, 
 Shunning all toil or other occupation. 
 How many festive parties frequent rang 
 With the fond love of Lesbian Alcæus, 
 Who sang the praises of the amorous Sappho, 
 And grieved his Teian rival, breathing songs 
 Such as the nightingale would gladly imitate; 
 For the divine Anacreon also sought 
 To win the heart of the sacred poetess, 
 Chief ornament of all the Lesbian bands; 
 And so he roved about, now leaving Samos, 
 Now parting from his own enslaved land, 
 Parent of vines, to wine-producing Lesbos; 
 And often he beheld Cape Lectum there, 
 Across th' Aeolian wave. But greatest of all, 
 The Attic bee oft
 left its rugged hill, 
 Singing in tragic choruses divine, 
 Bacchus and Love * * 
 * * * * 
 I tell, besides, how that too cautious man, 
 Who earn'd deserved hate from every woman, 
 Stricken by a random shot, did not escape 
 Nocturnal pangs of Love; but wander'd o'er 
 The Macedonian hills and valleys green, 
 
 Smitten with love for fair Argea, who 
 Kept Archelaus' house, till the angry god 
 Found a fit death for cold Euripides, 
 Striving with hungry hounds in vain for life. 
 Then there's the man whom, mid Cythera's rocks; 
 The Muses rear'd, a faithful worshipper 
 Of Bacchus and the flute, Philoxenus: 
 Well all men know by what fierce passion moved 
 He to this city came; for all have heard 
 His praise of Galatea, which he sang 
 Amid the sheepfolds. And you likewise know 
 The bard to whom the citizens of Cos 
 A brazen statue raised to do him honour, 
 And who oft sang the praises of his Battis, 
 Sitting beneath a plane-tree's shade, Philetas; 
 In verses that no time shall e'er destroy. 
 Nor do those men whose lot in life is hard, 
 Seeking the secret paths of high philosophy, 
 Or those whom logic's mazes hold in chains, 
 Or that laborious eloquence of words, 
 Shun the sharp struggle and sweet strife of Love; 
 But willing, follow his triumphant car. 
 Long did the charms of fair Theano bind 
 The Samian Pythagoras, who laid bare 
 The tortuous mysteries of geometry; 
 Who all the mazes of the sphere unfolded, 
 And knew the laws which regulate the world, 
 The atmosphere which doth surround the world, 
 And motions of the sun, and moon, and stars. 
 Nor did the wisest of all mortal men, 
 Great Socrates, escape the fierce contagion, 
 But yielded to the fiery might of Venus, 
 And to the fascinations of the sex, 
 Laying his cares down at Aspasia's feet; 
 And though all doubts of nature he could solve, 
 He found no refuge from the pursuit of Love. 
 Love, too, did draw within the narrow Isthmus 
 The Cyrenean sage: and winning Lais, 
 With her resistless charms, subdued and bound 
 Wise Aristippus, who philosophy. 
 Deserted, and preferr'd a trifling life.

But in this Hermesianax is mistaken where he represents Sappho and Anacreon as
 contemporaries. For the one lived in the time of Cyrus and Polycrates; but Sappho
 lived in the reign of Alyattes, the father of Croesus. But Chameleon, in his
 treatise on Sappho, does assert that some people say that these verses were made
 upon her by Anacreon— 
 Love, the golden-haired god, 
 Struck me with his purple ball, 
 
 And with his many wiles doth seize 
 And challenge me to sport with him. 
 But she-and she from Lesbos comes, 
 That populous and wealthy isle— 
 Laughs at my hair and calls it grey, 
 And will prefer a younger lover. 
 And he says, too, that Sappho says this to him— 
 You, O my golden-throned muse, 
 Did surely dictate that sweet hymn, 
 Which the noble Teian bard, 
 From the fair and fertile isle, 
 Chief muse of lovely womanhood, 
 Sang with his dulcet voice. 
 
 
 But it is plain enough in reality that this piece of poetry is not Sappho's. And I
 think myself that Hermesianax is joking concerning the love of Anacreon and
 Sappho. For Diphilus the comic poet, in his play called Sappho, has represented
 Archilochus and Hipponax as the lovers of Sappho. 
 Now it appears to me, my friends, that I have displayed some diligence in getting
 up this amorous catalogue for you, as I myself am not a person so mad about love
 as Cynulcus, with his calumnious spirit, has represented me. I confess, indeed,
 that I am amorous, but I do deny that I am frantic on the subject. 
 And why should I dilate upon my sorrows, 
 When I may hide them all in night and silence? 
 as Aeschylus the Alexandrian has said in his Amphitryon. And this is the
 same Aeschylus who composed the Messenian poems—a man entirely without any
 education.

Therefore I, considering that Love is a mighty and most powerful deity, and that
 the Golden Venus is so too, recollect the verses of Euripides on the subject, and
 say— 
 Dost thou not see how great a deity 
 Resistless Venus is? No tongue can tell, 
 No calculation can arrive at all 
 Her power, or her dominions' vast extent; 
 She nourishes you and me and all mankind, 
 And I can prove this, not in words alone, 
 But facts will show the might of this fair goddess. 
 The earth loves rain when the parch'd plains are dry, 
 And lose their glad fertility of yield 
 From want of moisture. Then the ample heaven, 
 When fill'd with rain, and moved by Venus' power, 
 Loves to descend to anxious earth's embrace; 
 
 Then when these two are join'd in tender love 
 They are the parents of all fruits to us, 
 They bring them forth, they cherish them; and so 
 The race of man both lives and flourishes. 
 
 
 And that most magnificent poet Aeschylus, in his Danaides, introduces Venus
 herself speaking thus— 
 Then, too, the earth feels love, and longs for wedlock, 
 And rain, descending from the amorous air, 
 Impregnates his desiring mate; and she 
 Brings forth delicious food for mortal man,— 
 Herds of fat sheep, and corn, the gift of Ceres; 
 The trees love moisture, too, and rain descends 
 T' indulge their longings, I alone the cause.

And again, in the Hippolytus 
 of Euripides, Venus says— 
 And all who dwell to th' eastward of the sea, 
 And the Atlantic waves, all who behold 
 The beams of the rising and the setting sun, 
 Know that I favour those who honour me, 
 And crush all those who boast themselves against me. 
 
 
 And, therefore, in the case of a young man who had every other imaginable virtue,
 this one fault alone, that he did not honour Venus, was the cause of his
 destruction. And neither Diana, who loved him exceedingly, nor any other of the
 gods or demi-gods could defend him; and accordingly, in the words of the same
 poet,— 
 Whoe'er denies that Love's the only god, 
 
 Is foolish, ignorant of all that's true, 
 And knows not him who is the greatest deity 
 Acknowledged by all nations. 
 
 
 And the wise Anacreon, who is in everybody's mouth, is always celebrating love.
 And, accordingly, the admirable Critias also speaks of him in the following
 manner:— 
 Teos brought forth, a source of pride to Greece, 
 The sweet Anacreon, who with sweet notes twined 
 A wreath of tuneful song in woman's praise, 
 The choicest ornament of revelling feasts, 
 The most seductive charm; a match for flutes' 
 Or pipes' shrill aid, or softly moving lyre: 
 O Teian bard, your fame shall never die; 
 Age shall not touch it; while the willing slave 
 Mingles the wine and water in the bowl, 
 
 And fills the welcome goblet for the guests; 
 While female bands, with many twinkling feet, 
 Lead their glad nightly dance; while many drops, 
 Daughters of these glad cups; great Bacchus' juice, 
 Fall with good omen on the cottabus dish.

But Archytas the Harmonist, as Chamæleon calls him, says that Alcman was the
 original poet of amatory songs, and that he was the first poet to introduce
 melodies inciting to lawless indulgence,. . . . being, with respect to women . . .
 . On which account he says in one of his odes— 
 But Love again, so Venus wills, 
 Descends into my heart, 
 And with his gentle dew refreshes me. 
 He says also that he was in a moderate degree in love with Megalostrate,
 who was a poetess, and who was able to allure lovers to her by the charms of her
 conversation. And he speaks thus concerning her— 
 This gift, by the sweet Muse inspired, 
 That lovely damsel gave, 
 The golden-hair'd Megalostrate. 
 
 
 And Stesichorus, who was in no moderate degree given to amorous pursuits, composed
 many poems of this kind; which in ancient times were called παιδιὰ and παιδικά. And, in fact,
 there was such emulation about composing poems of this sort, and so far was any
 one from thinking lightly of the amatory poets, that Aeschylus, who was a very
 great poet, and Sophocles, too, introduced the subject of the loves of men on the
 stage in their tragedies: the one describing the love of Achilles for Patroclus,
 and the other, in his Niobe, the mutual love of her sons (on which account some
 men have given an ill name to that tragedy); and all such passages as those are
 very agreeable to the spectators.

Ibycus, too, of Rhegium, speaks loudly as follows— 
 In early spring the gold Cydonian apples, 
 Water'd by streams from ever-flowing rivers, 
 Where the pure garden of the Virgins is, 
 And the young grapes, growing beneath the shade 
 Of ample branches flourish and increase: 
 But Love, who never rests, gives me no shade, 
 Nor any recruiting dew; but like the wind, 
 Fierce rushing from the north, with rapid fire, 
 Urged on by Venus, with its maddening drought 
 Burns up my heart, and from my earliest youth, 
 Rules o'er my soul with fierce dominion. 
 
 And Pindar, who was of an exceedingly amorous disposition,
 says— 
 Oh may it ever be to me to love, 
 And to indulge my love, remote from fear; 
 And do not thou, my mind, pursue a chase 
 Beyond the present number of your years. 
 On which account Timon, in his Silli, says— 
 There is a time to love, a time to wed, 
 A time to leave off loving; 
 and adds that it is not well to wait until some one else shall say, in
 the words of this same philosopher— 
 When this man ought to set ( δύνειν ) he now
 begins 
 To follow pleasure ( ἡδύνεσθαι ). 
 Pindar also mentions Theoxenus of Tenedos, who was much beloved by him;
 and what does he say about him?— 
 And now (for seasonable is the time) 
 You ought, my soul, to pluck the flowers of love, 
 Which suit your age. 
 And he who, looking on the brilliant light that beams 
 From the sweet countenance of Theoxenus, 
 Is not subdued by love, 
 Must have a dark discolour'd heart, 
 Of adamant or iron made, 
 And harden'd long in the smith's glowing furnace. 
 That man is scorn'd by bright-eyed Venus. 
 Or else he's poor, and care doth fill his breast; 
 Or else beneath some female insolence 
 He withers, and so drags on an anxious life: 
 But I, like comb of wily bees, 
 Melt under Venus's warm rays, 
 And waste away while I behold 
 The budding graces of the youth I love. 
 Surely at Tenedos, persuasion soft, 
 And every grace, 
 Abides in the lovely son of wise Agesilas.

And many men used to be as fond of having boys for their favourites as women for
 their mistresses. And this was a frequent fashion in many very well regulated
 cities of Greece. Accordingly, the Cretans, as I have said before, and the
 Chalcidians in Eubœa, were very much addicted to the custom of having
 boy-favourites. Therefore Echemens, in his History of Crete, says that it was not
 Jupiter who carried off Ganymede, but Minos. But the before-mentioned Chalcidians
 say that Ganymede was carried off from them by Jupiter; and
 they show the spot, which they call Harpagius; and it is a place which produces extraordinary myrtles. And Minos
 abandoned his enmity to the Athenians, (although it had originated in consequence
 of the death of his son, out of his love for Theseus: and he gave his daughter
 Phædra to him for his wife,) as Zenis, or Zeneus, the Chian, tells us in his
 treatise on Country.

But Hieronymus the Peripatetic says that the ancients were anxious to encourage
 the practice of having boy-favourites, because the vigorous disposition of youths,
 and the confidence engendered by their association with each other, has often led
 to the overthrow of tyrannies. For in the presence of his favourite, a man would
 choose to do anything rather than to get the character of a coward. And this was
 proved in practice in the case of the Sacred Band, as it was called, which was
 established at Thebes by Epaminondas. And the death of the Pisistratidæ was
 brought about by Harmodius and Aristogiton; and at Agrigentum in Sicily, the
 mutual love of Chariton and Melanippus produced a similar result, as we are told
 by Heraclides of Pontus, in his treatise on Amatory Matters. For Melanippus and
 Chariton, being informed against as plotting against Phalaris, and being put to
 the torture in order to compel them to reveal their accomplices, not only did not
 betray them, but even made Phalaris himself pity them, on account of the tortures
 which they had undergone, so that he dismissed them with great praise. On which
 account Apollo, being pleased at this conduct, gave Phalaris a respite from death;
 declaring this to the men who consulted the Pythian priestess as to how they might
 best attack him. He also gave them an oracle respecting Chariton, putting the
 Pentameter before the Hexameter, in the same way as afterwards Dionysius the
 Athenian did, who was nicknamed the Brazen, in his Elegies; and the oracle runs as
 follows— 
 Happy were Chariton and Melanippus, 
 Authors of heavenly love to many men. 
 
 
 The circumstances, too, that happened to Cratinus the Athenian, are very
 notorious. For he, being a very beautiful boy, at the time when Epimenides was
 purifying Attica by human sacrifices, on account of some old pollution, as
 Neanthes of Cyzicus relates in the second book of his treatise on Sacrifices, willingly gave himself up to secure the safety of
 the woman who had brought him up. And after his death, Apollodorus, his friend,
 also devoted himself to death, and so the calamities of the country were
 terminated. Ad owing to favouritism of this kind, the tyrants (for friendships of
 this sort were very adverse to their interests) altogether forbad the fashion of
 making favourites of boys, and wholly abolished it. And some of them even burnt
 down and rased to the ground the palæstræ, considering them as fortresses hostile
 to their own citadels; as, for instance, Polycrates the tyrant of Samos did.

But among the Spartans, as Agnon the Academic philosopher tells us, girls and boys
 are all treated in the same way before marriage: for the great lawgiver Solon has
 said— 
 Admiring pretty legs and rosy lips;— 
 as Aeschylus and Sophocles have openly made similar statements; the one
 saying, in the Myrmidons— 
 You paid not due respect to modesty, 
 Led by your passion for too frequent kisses;— 
 and the other, in his Colchian Women, speaking of Ganymede, says— 
 Inflaming with his beauty mighty Jove. 
 
 
 But I am not ignorant that the stories which are told about Cratinus and
 Aristodemus are stated by Polemo Periegetes, in his Replies to Neanthes, to be all
 mere inventions. But you, O Cynulcus, believe that all these stories are true, let
 them be ever so false. And you take the greatest pleasure in all such poems as
 turn on boys and favourite; of that kind; while the fashion of making favourites
 of boys was first introduced among the Grecians from Crete, as Timæus informs us.
 But others say that Laius was the originator of this custom, when he was received
 in hospitality by Pelops; and that he took a great fancy to his son, Chrysipps,
 whom he put into his chariot and carried off, and fled with to Thebes. But
 Praxilla the Sicyonian says that Chrysippus was carried off by Jupiter. And the
 Celtæ, too, although they have the most beautiful women of all the barbarians,
 still make great favourites of boys . . . . . And the Persians, according to the
 statement of Herodotus, learnt from the Greeks to adopt this fashion.

Alexander the king was also very much in the habit of giving
 in to this fashion. Accordingly, Dicæarchus, in his treatise on the Sacrifice at
 Troy, says that he was so much under the influence of Bagoas the eunuch, that he
 embraced him in the sight of the whole theatre; and that when the whole theatre
 shouted in approval of the action, he repeated it. And Carystius, in his Historic
 Commentaries, says,— Charon the Chalcidian had a boy of great beauty, who
 was a great favourite of his: but when Alexander, on one occasion, at a great
 entertainment given by Craterus, praised this boy very much, Charon bade the
 boy go and salute Alexander: and he said, 'Not so, for he will not please me so
 much as he will vex you.' For though the king was of a very amorous
 disposition, still he was at all times sufficiently master of himself to have a
 due regard to decorum, and to the preservation of appearances. And in the same
 spirit, when he had taken as prisoners the daughters of Darius, and his wife,
 who was of extraordinary beauty, he not only abstained from offering them any
 insult, but he took care never to let them feel that they were prisoners at
 all; but ordered them to be treated in every respect, and to be supplied with
 everything, just as if Darius had still been in his palace; on which account,
 Darius, when he heard of this conduct, raised his hands to the Sun and prayed
 that either he might be king, or Alexander. 
 
 But Ibycus states that Talus was a great favourite of Rhadamanthus the Just. And
 Diotimus, in his Heraclea, says that Eurystheus was a great favourite of Hercules,
 on which account he willingly endured all his labours for his sake. And it is said
 that Argynnus was a favourite of Agamemnon; and that they first became acquainted
 from Agamemnon seeing Argynnus bathing in the Cephisus. And afterwards, when he
 was drowned in this river, (for he was continually bathing in it,) Agamemnon
 buried him, and raised a temple on the spot to Venus Argynnis. But Licymnius of
 Chios, in his Dithyrambics, says that it was Hymenæus of whom Argynnus was a
 favourite. And Aristocles the harp-player was a favourite of King Antigonus: and
 Antigonus the Carystian, in his Life of Zeno, writes of him in the following
 terms: — Antigonus the king used often to go to sup with Zeno; and once, as
 he was returning by daylight from some entertainment, he went to Zeno's house,
 and persuaded him to go with him to sup with Aristocles
 the harp-player, who was an excessive favourite of the king's.

Sophocles, too, had a great fancy for hating boy-favourites, equal to the
 addiction of Euripides for women. And accordingly, Ion the poet, in his book on
 the Arrival of Illustrious Men in the Island of Chios, writes thus:—"I met
 Sophocles the poet in Chios, when he was sailing to Lesbos as the general: he was
 a man very pleasant over his wine, and very witty. And when Hermesilaus, who was
 connected with him by ancient ties of hospitality, and who was also the
 proxenus of the Athenians, entertained him, the boy who was mixing the wine was
 standing by the fire, being a boy of a very beautiful complexion, but made red by
 the fire: so Sophocles called him and said, 'Do you wish me to drink with
 pleasure? and when he said that he did, he said, 'Well, then, bring me the cup,
 and take it away again in a leisurely manner.' And as the boy blushed all the more
 at this, Sophocles said to the guest who was sitting next to him, 'How well did
 Phrynichus speak when he said— 
 The light of love doth shine in purple cheeks. 
 And a man from Eretria, or from Erythræ, who was a school— master, answered him,—' You are a great man in poetry, O
 Sophocles; but still Phrynichus did not say well when he called purple cheeks a
 mark of beauty. For if a painter were to cover the cheeks of this boy with purple
 paint he would not be beautiful at all. And so it is not well to compare what is
 beautiful with what is not so.' And on this Sophocles, laughing at the Eretrian,
 said,—' Then, my friend, I suppose you are not pleased with the line in Simonides
 which is generally considered among the Greeks to be a beautiful one— 
 
 
 The maid pour'd forth a gentle voice 
 From out her purple mouth. 
 
 Pindar, Ol. vi. 71. 
 
 And you do not either like the poet who spoke of the golden-haired'
 Apollo; for if a painter were to represent the hair of the god as actually golden,
 and not black, the picture would be all the worse. Nor do you approve of the poet
 who spoke of rosy-fingered. For if
 any one were to dip his fingers in rosy-coloured paint he would make his hands
 like those of a purple-dyer, and not of a pretty woman.' And when they all laughed
 at this, the Eretrian was checked by the reproof; and Sophocles again turned to
 pursue the conversation with the boy; for he asked him, as he was brushing away
 the straws from the cup with his little finger, whether he saw any straws: and
 when he said that he did, he said, 'Blow them away, then, that you may not dirty
 your fingers.' And when he brought his face near the cup he held the cup nearer to
 his own mouth, so as to bring his own head nearer to the head of the boy. And when
 he was very near he took him by the hand and kissed him. And when all clapped
 their hands, laughing and shouting out, to see how well he had taken the boy in,
 he said, ' I, my friends, am meditating on the art of generalship, since Pericles
 has said that I know how to compose poetry, but not how to be a general; now has
 not this stratagem of mine succeeded perfectly?' And he both said and did many
 things of this kind in a witty manner, drinking and giving himself up to mirth:
 but as to political affairs he was not able nor energetic in them, but behaved as
 any other virtuous Athenian might have done.

And Hieronymus of Rhodes, in his Historic Commen- taries, says that Sophocles was
 not always so moderate, but that he at times committed grater excesses, and gave
 Euripides a handle to reproach him, as bringing himself into disrepute by his
 excessive intemperance.

And Theopompus, in his treatise on the Treasures of which the Temple at Delphi was
 plundered, says that Asopichus, being a favourite of Epaminondas, had the
 trophy of Leuctra represented in relief on his shield, and that he encountered
 danger with extraordinary gallantry; and that this shield is consecrated at
 Delphi, in the portico. And in the same treatise, Theopompus further
 alleges that Phayllus, the tyrant of Phocis, was extremely addicted to
 women; but that Onomarchus used to select boys as his favourites: and that he
 had a favourite, the son of Pythodorus the Sicyonian, to whom, when he came to
 Delphi to devote his hair to the god (and he was a youth of great beauty),
 Onomarchus gave the offerings of the Sybarites-four golden combs. And Phayllus
 gave to the daughter of Diniades, who was a female flute-player, a
 Bromiadian, a silver goblet of the
 Phocæans, and a golden crown of ivy-leaves, the offering of the Peparethians.
 And, he says, "she was about to play the flute at the Pythian games, if
 she had not been hindered by the populace. 
 
 Onomarchus also gave, as he says, "to his favourite Lycolas, and to
 Physcidas the son of Tricholaus (who was very handsome), a crown of laurel, the
 offering of the Ephesians. This boy was brought also to Philip by his father, but
 was dismissed without any favour. Onomarchus also gave to Damippus, the son of
 Epilycus of Amphipolis, who was a youth of great beauty, a present which had been
 consecrated to the god by Plisthenes. 
 
 And Philomelus gave to Pharsalia, a dancing-woman from Thessaly, a golden
 crown of laurel-leaves, which had been offered by the Lampsacenes. But
 Pharsalia herself was afterwards torn to pieces at Metapontum, by the
 soothsayers, in the market-place, on the occasion of a voice coming forth out
 of the brazen laurel which the people of Metapontum had set up at the time when
 Aristeas of Proconnesus was sojourning among them, on his return, as he stated,
 from the Hyperboreans, the first moment that she was seen
 entering the market-place. And when men afterwards inquired into the reason for
 this violence, she was found to have been put to death on account of this crown
 which belonged to the god.

Now I warn you, O philosophers, who indulge in unnatural passions, and who treat
 the great goddess Venus with impiety, to beware, lest you be destroyed in the same
 manner. For boys are only handsome, as Glycera the courtesan said, while they are
 like women: at least, this is the saying attributed to her by Clearchus. But my
 opinion is that the conduct of Cleonymus the Spartan was in strict conformity with
 nature, who was the first man to take such hostages as he took from the
 Metapontines—namely, two hundred of their most respectable and beautiful virgins;
 as is related by Duris the Samian, in the third book of his History of Agathocles.
 And I too, as is said by Epicrates in his Antilais, 
 Have learnt by heart completely all the songs 
 Breathing of love which sweetest Sappho sang, 
 Or the Lamynthian Cleomenes. 
 But you, my philosophical friends, even when you are in love with women .
 . . . . . . . . . . . . as Clearchus says. For a bull was excited by the sight of
 the brazen cow at Pirene: and in a picture that existed of a bitch, and a pigeon,
 and a goose; and a gander came up to the goose, and a dog to the bitch, and a male
 pigeon to the pigeon, and not one of them discovered the deception till they got
 close to them; but when they got near enough to touch them, they desisted; just as
 Clisophus the Salymbrian did. For he fell in love with a statue of Parian marble
 that then was at Samos, and shut himself up in the temple to gratify his
 affection; but when he found that he could make no impression on the coldness and
 unimpressibility of the stone, then he discarded his passion. And Alexis the poet
 mentions this circumstance in his drama entitled The Picture, where he says—
 
 And such another circumstance, they say, 
 Took place in Samos: there a man did fall 
 In love with a fair maiden wrought in marble, 
 And shut himself up with her in the temple. 
 And Philemon mentions the same fact, and says— 
 But once a man, 'tis said, did fall, at Samos, 
 In love with a marble woman; and he went 
 And shut himself up with her in the temple. 
 
 But the statue spoken of is the work of Ctesicles; as Adæus
 of Mitylene tells us in his treatise on Statuaries. And Polemo, or whoever the
 author of the book called Helladicus is, says—"At Delphi, in the museum of the
 pictures, there are two boys wrought in marble; one of which, the Delphians say,
 was so fallen in love with by some one who came to see it, that he made love to
 it, and shut himself up with it, and presented it with a crown; but when he was
 detected, the god ordered the Delphians, who consulted his oracle with reference
 to the subject, to dismiss him freely, for that he had given him a handsome
 reward.

And even brute beasts have fallen in love with men: for there was a cock who took
 a fancy to a man of the name of Secundus, a cupbearer of the king; and the cock
 was nicknamed the Centaur. But this Secundus was a slave of Nicomedes the king of
 Bithynia; as Nicander informs us in the sixth book of his essay on the Revolutions
 of Fortune. And, at Egium, a goose took a fancy to a boy; as Clearchus relates in
 the first book of his Amatory Anecdotes. And Theophrastus, in his essay on Love,
 says that the name of this boy was Amphilochus, and that he was a native of
 Olenus. And Hermeas the son of Hermodorus, who was a Samian by birth, says that a
 goose also took a fancy to Lacydes the philosopher. And in Leucadia according to a
 story told by Clearchus), a peacock fell so in love with a maiden there, that when
 she died, the bird died top. There is a story also that, at Iasus, a dolphin took
 a fancy to a boy (and this story is told by Duris, in the ninth book of his
 History); and the subject of that book is the history of Alexander, and the
 historian's words are these: "He likewise sent for the boy from Iasus. For near
 Iasus there was a boy whose name was Dionysius, and he once, when leaving the
 palæstra with the rest of the boys, went down to the sea and bathed; and a dolphin
 came forward out of the deep water to meet him, and taking him on his back, swam
 sway with him a considerable distance into the open sea, and then brought him back
 again to land." But the dolphin is an animal which is very fond of men, and very
 intelligent, and one very susceptible of gratitude. Accordingly Phylarchus, in his
 twelfth book, says— Coiranus the Milesian, when he saw some fishermen who
 had caught a dolphin in a net, and who were about to cut
 it up, gave them some money and bought the fish, and took it down and put it
 back in the sea again. And after this it happened to him to be shipwrecked near
 Myconos, and while every one else perished, Coiranus alone was saved by a
 dolphin. And when, at last, he died of old age in his native country, as it so
 happened that his funeral procession passed along the sea-shore close to
 Miletus, a great shoal of dolphins appeared on that day in the harbour, keeping
 only a very little distance from those who were attending the funeral of
 Coiranus, as if they also were joining in the procession and sharing in their
 grief. 
 
 The same Phylarchus also relates, in the twentieth book of his History, the great
 affection which was once displayed by an elephant for a boy. And his words are
 these: But there was a female elephant kept with this elephant, and the
 name of the female elephant was Nicæa; and to her the wife of the king of
 India, when dying, entrusted her child, which was just a month old. And when
 the woman did die, the affection for the child displayed by the beast, was most
 extraordinary; for it could not endure the child to be away; and whenever it
 did not see him, it was out of spirits. And so, whenever the nurse fed the
 infant with milk, she placed it in its cradle between the feet of the beast;
 and if she had not done so, the elephant would not take any food; and after
 this, it would take whatever reeds and grass there were near, and, while the
 child was sleeping, beat away the flies with the bundle. And whenever the child
 wept, it would rock the cradle with its trunk, and lull it to sleep. And very
 often the male elephant did the same.

But you, O philosophers, are far fiercer than dolphins and elephants, and are also
 much more untameable; although Persæus the Cittiæan, in his Recollections of
 Banquets, says loudly,—“It is a very consistent subject of conversation at
 drinking-parties for men to talk of amatory matters; for we are naturally inclined
 to such topics after drinking. And at those times we should praise those who
 indulge in that kind of conversation to a moderate and temperate degree, but blame
 those who go to excess in it, and behave in a beastly manner. But if logicians,
 when assembled in a social party, were to talk about syllogisms, then a man might
 very fairly think that they were acting very unseasonably. And a respectable and virtuous man will at times get drunk; but they
 who wish to appear extraordinarily temperate, keep up this character amid their
 cups for a certain time, but afterwards, as the wine begins to take effect on
 them, they descend to every kind of impropriety and indecency. And this was the
 case very lately with the ambassadors who came to Antigonus from Arcadia; for they
 sat at dinner with great severity of countenance, and with great propriety, as
 they thought,- not only not looking at any one of us, but not even looking at one
 another. But as the wine went round, and music of different kinds was introduced,
 and when the Thessalian dancing-women, as their fashion is, came in, and danced
 quite naked, except that they had girdles round their waists, then the men could
 not restrain themselves any longer, but jumped up off the couches, and shouted as
 if they were beholding a most gratifying sight; and they congratulated the king
 because he had it in his power to indulge in such pastimes; and they did and said
 a great many more vulgar things of the same kind. 
 "And one of the philosophers who was once drinking with us, when a flute-playing
 girl came in, and when there was plenty of room near him, when the girl wished to
 sit down near him, would not allow her, but drew himself up and looked grave. And
 then afterwards, when the girl was put up to auction, as is often the fashion at
 such entertainments, he was exceedingly eager to buy her, and quarrelled with the
 man who sold her, on the ground that he had knocked her down too speedily to some
 one else; and he said that the auctioneer had not fairly sold her. And at last his
 grave philosopher, he who at first would not permit the girl even to sit near him,
 came to blows about her." And perhaps this very philosopher, who came to blows
 about the flute-playing girl, may have been Persæus himself; for Antinus the
 Carystian, in his treatise on Zeno, makes the following statement:— Zeno the
 Cittiæan, when once Persæus and a drinking-party bought a flute-playing girl,
 and after that was afraid to bring her home, because he lived in the same house
 with Zeno, becoming acquainted with the circumstance, brought the girl home
 himself, and shut her up with Persæus. I know, also, that Polystratus
 the Athenian, who was a pupil of Theophrastus, and who was surnamed the Tyrrhenian, used often to put on the garments of the female
 flute-players.

Kings, too, have shown great anxiety about musical women; as Parmenion tells us
 in his Letter to Alexander, which he sent to that monarch after he had taken
 Damascus, and after he had become master of all the baggage of Darius.
 Accordingly, having enumerated all the things which he had taken, he writes as
 follows:— I found three hundred and twenty-nine concubines of the king,
 all skilled in music; and forty-six men who were skilful in making garlands,
 and two hundred and seventy-seven confectioners, and twenty-nine boilers of
 pots, and thirteen cooks skilful in pre- paring milk, and seventeen artists who
 mixed drinks, and seventy slaves who strain wine, and forty preparers of
 perfumes. And I say to you, O my companions, that there is no sight
 which has a greater tendency to gladden the eyes than the beauty of a woman.
 Accordingly Œneus, in the play of Chæremon the tragedian, speaking of some maidens
 whom he had seen, says, in the play called Œneus,— 
 And one did lie with garment well thrown back, 
 Showing her snow-white bosom to the moon: 
 Another, as she lightly danced, display'd 
 The fair proportions of her lefthand side, 
 Naked-a lovely picture for the air 
 To wanton with; and her complexion white 
 Strove with the darkening shades. Another bared 
 Her lovely arms and taper fingers all: 
 Another, with her robe high round her neck, 
 Conceal'd her bosom, but a rent below 
 Show'd all her shapely thighs. The Graces smiled, 
 And love, not without hope, did lead me on. 
 Then on th' inviting asphodel they fell, 
 Plucking the dark leaves of the violet flower, 
 And crocus, which, with purple petals rising, 
 Copies the golden rays of the early sun. 
 There, too, the Persian sweetly-smelling marjoram 
 Stretch'd out its neck along the laughing meadow.

And the same poet, being passionately fond of flowers, says also in his
 Alphesibcea— 
 The glorious beauty of her dazzling body 
 Shone brilliant, a sweet sight to every eye; 
 And modesty, a tender blush exciting, 
 Tinted her gentle cheeks with delicate rose: 
 Her waxy hair, in gracefully modell'd curls, 
 Falling as though arranged by sculptor's hand, 
 Waved in the wanton breeze luxuriant. 
 
 And in his Io he calls the flowers children of spring, where
 he says— 
 Strewing around sweet children of the spring. 
 And in his Centaur, which is a drama composed in many metres of various
 kinds, he calls them children of the meadow— 
 There, too, they did invade the countless host 
 Of all the new-born flowers that deck the fields, 
 Hunting with joy the offspring of the meadows. 
 And in his Bacchus he says— 
 The ivy, lover of the dance, 
 Child of the mirthful year. 
 And in his Ulysses he speaks thus of roses:— 
 And in their hair the Hours' choicest gifts 
 They wore, the flowering, fragrant rose, 
 The loveliest foster-child of spring. 
 And in his Thyestes he says— 
 The brilliant rose, and modest snow-white lily. 
 And in his Minyæ he says— 
 There was full many a store of Venus to view, 
 Dark in the rich flowers in due season ripe.

Now there have been many women celebrated for their beauty (for, as Euripides
 says— 
 E'en an old bard may sing of memory) 
 There was, for instance, Thargelia the Milesian, who was married to
 fourteen different husbands, so very beautiful and accomplished was she, as
 Hippias the Sophist says, in his book which is entitled Synagoge. But Dinon, in
 the fifth book of his History of Persia, and in the first part of it, says that
 the wife of Bagazus, who was a sister of Xerxes by the same father, (and her name
 was Anytis,) was the most beautiful and the most licentious of all the woman in
 Asia. And Phylarchus, in his nineteenth book, says that Timosa, the concubine of
 Oxyartes, surpassed all women in beauty, and that the king of Egypt had originally
 sent her as a present to Statira, the wife of the king. 
 And Theopompus, in the fifty-sixth book of his History, speaks of Xenopithea, the
 mother of Lysandrides, as the most beautiful of all the women in Peloponnesus. And
 the Lacedæmonians put her to death, and her sister Chryse also, when Agesilaus the
 king, having raised a seditious tumult in the city, procured Lysandrides, who was
 his enemy, to be banished by the Lacedæmonians. Pantica of Cyprus was also a very beautiful woman; and she is mentioned by
 Phylarchus, in the tenth book of his History, where he says that when she was with
 Olympias, the mother of Alexander, Monimus, the son of Pythion, asked her in
 marriage. And, as she was a very licentious woman, Olympias said to him— O
 wretched man, you are marrying with your eyes, and not with your
 understanding. They also say that the woman who brought back
 Pisistratus to assume the tyranny, clad in the semblance of Minerva the Saviour,
 was very beautiful, as indeed she ought to have been, seeing that she assumed the
 appearance of a goddess. And she was a seller of garlands; and Pisistratus
 afterwards gave her in marriage to Hipparchus his son, as Clidemus relates in the
 eighth book of his Returns, where he says—- And he also gave the woman, by
 name Phya, who had been in the chariot with him, in marriage to his son
 Hipparchus. And she was the daughter of a man named Socrates. And he took for
 Hippias, who succeeded him in the tyranny, the daughter of Charmus the
 polemarch, who was extraordinarily beautiful. 
 
 And it happened, as it is said, that Charmus was a great admirer of Hippias, and
 that he was the man who first erected a statue of Love in the Academy, on which
 there is the following inscription— 
 O wily Love, Charmus this altar raised 
 At the well-shaded bounds of her Gymnasium. 
 Hesiod, also, in the third book of his Melampodia, calls Chalcis in
 Eubœa, 
 Land of fair women;— 
 for the women there are very beautiful, as Theophrastus also asserts. And
 Nymphodorus, in his Voyage round Asia, says that there are nowhere more beautiful
 women than those in Tenedos, an island close to Troy.

I am aware, too, that on one occasion there was a contest of beauty instituted
 among women. And Nicias, speaking of it in his History of Arcadia, says that
 Cypselus instituted it, having built a city in the plain which is watered by the
 Alpheus; in which he established some Parrhasians, and consecrated a plot of
 sacred ground and an altar to Ceres of Eleusis, in whose festival it was that he
 had instituted this contest of beauty. And he says that the woman who gained the
 victory in this contest was Herodice. And even to this day
 this contest is continued; and the women who contend in it are called Goldbearing.
 And Theophrastus says that there is also a contest of beauty which takes place
 among the Eleans, and that the decision is come to with great care and
 deliberation; and that those who gain the victory receive arms as their prize,
 which Dionysius of Leuctra says are offered up to Minerva. And he says, too, that
 the victor is adorned with fillets by his friends, and goes in procession to the
 temple; and that a crown of myrtle is given to him (at least this is the statement
 of Myrsilus, in his Historical Paradoxes). But in some places, says
 the same Theophrastus, there are contests between the women in respect of
 modesty and good management, as there are among the barbarians; and at other
 places also there are contests about beauty, on the ground that this also is
 entitled to honour, as for instance, there are in Tenedos and Lesbos. But they
 say that this is the gift of chance, or of nature; but that the honour paid to
 modesty ought to be one of a greater degree. For that it is in consequence of
 modesty that beauty is beautiful; for without modesty it is apt to be subdued
 by intemperance.

Now, when Myrtilus had said all this in a connected statement; and when all were
 marvelling at his memory, Cynulcus said— 
 Your multifarious learning I do wonder at— 
 Though there is not a thing more vain and useless, 
 says Hippon the Atheist. But the divine Heraclitus also says— A
 great variety of information does not usually give wisdom. And Timon
 said— 
 There is great ostentation and parade 
 Of multifarious learning, than which nothing 
 Can be more vain or useless. 
 For what is the use of so many names, my good grammarian, which are more
 calculated to overwhelm the hearers than to do them any good? And if any one were
 to inquire of you, who they were who were shut up in the wooden horse, you would
 perhaps be able to tell the names of one or two; and even this you would not do
 out of the verses of Stesichorus, (for that could hardly be,) but out of the
 Storming of Troy, by Sacadas the Argive; for he has given a catalogue of a great
 number of names. Nor indeed could you properly give a list of
 the companions of Ulysses, and say who they were who were devoured by the Cyclops,
 or by the Læstrygonians, and whether they were really devoured or not. And you do
 not even know this, in spite of your frequent mention of Phylarchus, that in the
 cities of the Ceans it is not possible to see either courtesans or female
 flute-players. And Myrtilus said,—But where has Phylarchus stated this For I have
 read through all his history. And when he said,—In the twenty-third book; Myrtilus
 said—

Do I not then deservedly detest all you philosophers, since you are all haters of
 philology,—men whom not only did Lysimachus the king banish from his own
 dominions, as Carystius tells us in his Historic Reminiscenses, but the Athenians
 did so too. At all events, Alexis, in his Horse, says— 
 Is this the Academy; is this Xenocrates? 
 May the gods greatly bless Demetrius 
 And all the lawgivers; for, as men say, 
 They've driven out of Attica with disgrace 
 All those who do profess to teach the youth 
 Learning and science. 
 And a certain man named Sophocles, passed a decree to banish all the
 philosophers from Attica. And Philo, the friend of Aristotle, wrote an oration
 against him; and Demochares, on the other hand, who was the cousin of Demosthenes,
 composed a defence for Sophocles. And the Romans, who are in every respect the
 best of men, banished all the sophists from Rome, on the ground of their
 corrupting the youth of the city, though, at a subsequent time, somehow or other,
 they admitted them. And Anaxippus the comic poet declares your folly in his Man
 struck by Lightning, speaking thus— 
 Alas, you're a philosopher; but I 
 Do think philosophers are only wise 
 In quibbling about words; in deeds they are, 
 As far as I can see, completely foolish. 
 
 
 It is, therefore, with good reason that many cities, and especially the city of
 the Lacedæmonians, as Chamæleon says in his book on Simonides, will not admit
 either rhetoric or philosophy, on account of the jealousy, and strife, and
 profitless discussions to which they give rise; owing to which it was that,
 Socrates was put to death; he, who argued against the judges
 who were given him by lot, discoursing of justice to them when they were a pack of
 most corrupt men. And it is owing to this, too, that Theodorus the Atheist was put
 to death, and that Diagoras was banished; and this latter, sailing away when he
 was banished, was wrecked. But Theotimus, who wrote the books against Epicurus,
 was accused by Zeno the Epicurean, and put to death; as is related by Demetrius
 the Magnesian, in his treatise in People and Things which go by the same Name.

And, in short, according to Clearchus the Solensian, you do not adopt a manly
 system of life, but you do really aim at a system which might become a dog; but
 although this animal has four excellent qualities, you select none but the worst
 of his qualities for your imitation. For a dog is a wonderful animal as to his
 power of smelling and of distinguishing what belongs to his own family and what
 does not; and the way in which he associates with man and the manner in which he
 watches over and protects the houses of all those who are kind to him, is
 extraordinary. But you who imitate the dogs, do neither of these things. For you
 do not associate with men, nor do you distinguish, between those with whom you are
 acquainted; and being very deficient in sensibility, you live in an indolent and
 indifferent manner. But while the dog is also a snarling and greedy animal, and
 also hard in his way of living, and naked; these habits of his you practise, being
 abusive and gluttonous, and, besides all this, living without a home or a hearth.
 The result of all which circumstances is, that you are destitute of virtue, and
 quite unserviceable for any useful purpose in life. For there is nothing less
 philosophical than those persons who are called philosophers. For whoever supposed
 that Aeschines, the pupil of Socrates, would have been such a man in his manners
 as Lysias the orator, in his speeches on the Contracts, represents him to have
 been; when, out of the dialogues which are extant, and generally represented to be
 his work, we are inclined to admire him as an equitable and moderate man? unless,
 indeed, those writings are in reality the work of the wise Socrates, and were
 given to Aeschines by Xanthippe, the wife of Socrates, after his death, which
 Idomeneus asserts to be the case.

But Lysias, in the oration which bears this title— 
 Against Aeschines, the Pupil of Socrates, for Debt, (for I will
 recite the passage, even though it be a rather long one, on account of your
 excessive arrogance, O philosophers,)— begins in the following manner— I
 never should have imagined, O judges, that Aeschines would have dared to come
 into court on a trial which is so discreditable to him. For a more
 disgracefully false accusation than the one which he has brought forward, I do
 not believe it to be easy to find. For he, O judges, owing a sum of money with
 a covenanted interest of three drachmæ to Sosinomus the banker and Aristogiton,
 came to me, and besought me not to allow him to be wholly stripped of his own
 property, in consequence of this high interest. ' And I,' said he, am at this
 moment carrying on the trade of a perfumer; but I want capital to go on with,
 and I will pay you nine obols a month interest. A fine end
 to the happiness of this philosopher was the trade of a perfumer, and admirably
 harmonizing with the philosophy of Socrates, a man who utterly rejected the use of
 all perfumes and unguents! And moreover, Solon the lawgiver expressly forbade a
 man to devote himself to any such business: on which account Pherecrates, in his
 Oven, or Woman sitting up all Night, says— 
 Why should he practise a perfumer's trade, 
 Sitting beneath a high umbrella there, 
 Preparing for himself a seat on which 
 To gossip with the youths the whole day long? 
 And presently afterwards he says— 
 And no one ever saw a female cook 
 Or any fishwoman; for every class 
 Should practise arts which are best suited to it. 
 And after what I have already quoted, the orator proceeds to
 say— And I was persuaded by this speech of his, considering also that
 this Aeschines had been the pupil of Socrates, and was a man who uttered fine
 sentiments about virtue and justice, and who would never
 attempt nor venture on the actions practised by dishonest and unjust
 men.

And after this again, after he had run through the accusation of Aeschines, and
 had explained how he had bor- rowed the money, and how he never paid either
 interest or principal, and how, when an action was brought against him, he had
 allowed judgment to go by default, and how a branded slave of his had been put
 forward by him as security; and after he had brought a good many more charges of
 the same kind against him, he thus proceeded:—“But, O judges, I am not the only
 person to whom he behaves in this manner, but he treats every one who has any
 dealings with him in the same manner. Are not even all the wine-sellers who live
 near him, from whom he gets wine for his entertainments and never pays for it,
 bringing actions against him, having already closed their shops against him? And
 his neighbours are ill- treated by him to such a degree that they leave their own
 houses, and go and rent others which are at a distance from him. And with respect
 to all the contributions which he collects, he never himself puts down the
 remaining share which is due from him, but all the money which ever gets into this
 pedlar's hands is lost as if it were utterly destroyed. And such a number of men
 come to his house daily at dawn, to ask for their money which he owes them, that
 passers-by suppose he must be dead, and that such a crowd can only be collected to
 attend his funeral. 
 
 And those men who live in the Piræus have such an opi- nion of him, that
 they think it a far less perilous business to sail to the Adriatic than to deal
 with him; for he thinks that all that he can borrow is much more actually his
 own thin what his father left him. Has he not got possession of the property of
 Hermæus the perfumer, after having seduced his wife, though she was seventy
 years old? whom he pretended to be in love with, and then treated in such a
 manner that she reduced her husband and her sons to beggary, and made him a
 per- fumer instead of a pedlar! in so amorous a manner did he handle the
 damsel, enjoying the fruit of her youth, when it would have been less trouble
 to him to count her teeth than the fingers of her hand, they were so much fewer
 And now come forward, you witnesses, who will prove these facts. —This, then,
 is the life of this sophist. 
 
 
 These, O Cynulcus, are the words of Lysias. But I, in the words of Aristarchus the
 tragic poet, 
 Saying no more, but this in self-defence, 
 will now cease my attack upon you and the rest of the Cynics.

MOST people, my friend Timocrates, call Bacchus frantic, because those who drink
 too much unmixed wine become violent 
 
 
 To copious wine this insolence we owe, 
 And much thy betters wine can overthrow 
 The great Eurytion, when this frenzy stung, 
 Pirithous' roofs with frantic riot rung: 
 Boundless the Centaur raged, till one and all 
 The heroes rose and dragg'd him from the hall; 
 His nose they shorten'd, and his ears they slit, 
 And sent him sober'd home with better wit. 
 
 Odyss. xxi. 293. 
 
 For when the wine has penetrated down into the body, as Herodotus says,
 bad and furious language is apt to rise to the surface. And Clearchus the comic
 poet says in his Corinthians— 
 If all the men who to get drunk are apt, 
 Had every day a headache ere they drank 
 The wine, there is not one would drink a drop: 
 But as we now get all the pleasure first, 
 And then the drink, we lose the whole delight 
 In the sharp pain which follows. 
 
 
 And Xenophon represents Agesilaus as insisting that a man ought to shun
 drunkenness equally with madness, and immoderate gluttony as much as idleness. But
 we, as we are not of the class who drink to excess, nor of the number of those who
 are in the habit of being intoxicated by midday, have come rather to this literary
 entertainment; for Ulpian, who is always finding fault, reproved some one just now
 who said, I am not drunk ( ἔξοινος ), saying,—Where
 do you find that word ἔξοινος ? But he
 rejoined,—Why, in Alexis, who, in his play called the New Settler, says— 
 He did all this when drunk ( ἔξοινος ).

But as, after the discussion by us of the new topics which arise, our liberal
 entertainer Laurentius is every day constantly introducing different kinds of
 music, and also jesters and buffoons, let us have a little talk about them.
 Although I am aware that Anacharsis the Scythian, when on one occasion jesters
 were introduced in his company, remained without moving a muscle of his
 countenance; but afterwards, when a monkey was brought in, he burst out laughing,
 and said, Now this fellow is laughable by his nature, but man is only so
 through practice. And Euripides, in his Melanippe in Chains, has said—
 
 But many men, from the wish to raise a laugh, 
 Practise sharp sayings; but those sorry jesters 
 I hate who let loose their unbridled tongues 
 Against the wise and good; nor do I class them 
 As men at all, but only as jokes and playthings. 
 Meantime they live at ease, and gather up 
 Good store of wealth to keep within their houses. 
 
 
 And Parmeniscus of Metapontum, as Semus tells us in the fifth book of his Delias,
 a man of the highest consideration both as to family and in respect of his riches,
 having gone down to the cave of Trophonius, after he had come up again, was not
 able to laugh at all. And when he consulted the oracle on this subject, the
 Pythian priestess replied to him— 
 You're asking me, you laughless man, 
 About the power to laugh again; 
 Your mother 'll give it you at home, 
 If you with reverence to her come. 
 So, on this, he hoped that when he returned to his country he should be
 able to laugh again; but when he found that he could laugh no more now than he
 could before, he considered that he had been deceived; till, by some chance, he
 came to Delos; and as he was admiring everything he saw in the island, he came
 into the temple of Latona, expecting to see some very superb statue of the mother
 of Apollo; but when he saw only a wooden shapeless figure, he unexpectedly burst
 out laughing. And then, comparing what had happened with the oracle of the god,
 and being cured of his infirmity, he honoured the goddess greatly.

Now Anaxandrides, in his Old Man's Madness, says that it was Rhadamanthus and
 Palamedes who invented the fashion of jesters; and his words are these:— 
 
 And yet we labour much. 
 But Palamedes first, and Rhadamanthus, 
 Sought those who bring no other contribution, 
 But say amusing things. 
 
 
 Xenophon also, in his Banquet, mentions jesters; introducing Philip, of whom he
 speaks in the following manner: — But Philip the jester, having knocked at
 the door, told the boy who answered, to tell the guests who he was, and that he
 was desirous to be admitted; and he said that he came provided with everything
 which could qualify him for supping at other people's expense. And he said,
 too, that his boy was in a good deal of distress because he had brought
 nothing, and because he had had no dinner. And Hippolochus the
 Macedonian, in his epistle to Lynceus, mentions the jesters Mandrogenes and Strato
 the Athenian. And at Athens there was a great deal of this kind of cleverness.
 Accordingly, in the Heracleum at Diomea they assembled to the number of sixty, and they were always spoken of in
 the city as amounting to that number, in such expressions as— The sixty said
 this, and, I am come from the sixty. And among them were
 Callimedon, nicknamed the Crab, and Dinias, and also Mnasigeiton and Menæchmus, as
 Telephanes tells us in his treatise on the City. And their reputation for amusing
 qualities was so great, that Philip the Macedonian heard of it, and sent them a
 talent to engage them to write out their witticisms and send them to him. And the
 fact of this king having been a man who was very fond of jokes is testified to us
 by Demosthenes the orator in his Philippics. 
 Demetrius Poliorcetes was a man very eager for anything which could make him
 laugh, as Phylarchus tells us in the sixth book of his History. And he it was who
 said, that the palace of Lysimachus was in no respect different from a
 comic theatre; for that there was no one there bigger than a
 dissyllable 
 (meaning to laugh at Bithys and Paris, who had more
 influence than anybody with Lysimachus, and at some others of his friends;)
 but that his friends were Peucesteses, and
 Menelauses, and Oxythemises. But when Lysimachus heard this, he
 said,— I, however, never saw a prostitute on the stage in a
 tragedy; referring to Lamia the female flute-player. And when this was
 reported to Demetrius, he rejoined,— But the prostitute who is with me,
 lives in a more modest manner than the Penelope who is with him.

And we have mentioned before this that Sylla, the general of the Romans, was very
 fond of anything laughable. And Lucius Anicius, who was also a general of the
 Romans, after he had subdued the Illyrians, and brought with him Genthius the king
 of the Illyrians as his prisoner, with all his children, when he was celebrating
 his triumphal games at Rome, did many things of the most laughable character
 possible, as Polybius relates in his thirtieth book:— For having sent for
 the most eminent artists from Greece, and having erected a very large theatre
 in the circus, he first of all introduced all the flute-players. And these were
 Theodorus the Bœotian, and Theopompus, and Hermippus, surnamed Lysimachus, who
 were the most eminent men in their profession. And having brought these men in
 front of the stage after the chorus was over, he ordered them all to play the
 flute. And as they accompanied their music with appropriate gestures, he sent
 to them and said that they were not playing well, and desired them to be more
 vehement. And while they were in perplexity, one of the lictors told them that
 what Anicius wished was that they should turn round so as to advance towards
 each other, and give a representation of a battle. And then the flute-players,
 taking this hint, and adopting a movement not unsuited to their habitual
 wantonness, caused a great tumult and confusion; and turning the middle of the
 chorus towards the extremities, the flute-players, all blowing unpremeditated
 notes, and letting their flutes be all out of tune, rushed upon one another in
 turn: and at the same time the choruses, all making a noise to correspond to
 them, and coming on the stage at the same time, rushed also upon one another,
 and then again retreated, advancing and retreating alternately. But when one of
 the chorus-dancers tucked up his garment, and suddenly turned round and raised
 his hands against the flute-player who was coming towards him, as if he was
 going to box with him, then there arose an extraordinary 
 clapping and shouting on the part of the spectators. And while all these men
 were fighting as if in regular battle, two dancers were introduced into the
 orchestra with a symphony, and four boxers mounted the stage, with trumpeters
 and horn-players: and when all these men were striving together, the spectacle
 was quite indescribable: and as for the tragedians, says Polybius,
 if I were to attempt to describe what took place with respect to them, I
 should be thought by some people to be jesting.

Now when Ulpian had said thus much, and when all were laughing at the idea of this
 exhibition of Anicius, a discussion arose about the men who are called πλάνοι. And the question was asked, Whether there was
 any mention of these men in any of the ancient authors? for of the jugglers
 ( θαυματοποιοὶ ) we have already spoken: and
 Magnus said,— Dionysius of Sinope, the comic poet, in his play entitled the
 Namesakes, mentions Cephisodorus the πλάνος in the
 following terms:— 
 They say that once there was a man at Athens, 
 A πλάνος, named Cephisodorus, who 
 Devoted all his life to this pursuit; 
 And he, whenever to a hill he came, 
 Ran straight up to the top; but then descending 
 Came slowly down, and leaning on a stick. 
 And Nicostratus also mentions him in his Syrian— 
 They say the πλάνος Cephisodorus once 
 Most wittily station'd in a narrow lane 
 A crowd of men with bundles of large faggots, 
 So that no one else could pass that way at all. 
 There was also a man named Pantaleon, who is mentioned by Theognetus, in
 his Slave devoted to his Master— 
 Pantaleon himself did none deceive ( ἐπλάνα ) 
 Save only foreigners, and those, too, such 
 As ne'er had heard of him: and often he, 
 After a drunken revel, would pour forth 
 All sorts of jokes, striving to raise a laugh 
 By his unceasing chattering. 
 And Chrysippus the philosopher, in the fifth book of his treatise on
 Honour and Pleasure, writes thus of Pantaleon: — But Pantaleon the πλάνος, when he was at the point of death, deceived
 every one of his sons separately, telling each of them that he was the only one
 to whom he was revealing the place where he had buried his gold; so that they
 after- wards went and dug together to no purpose, and then
 found out that they had been all deceived.

And our party was not deficient in men fond of raising a laugh by bitter speeches.
 And respecting a man of this kind, Chrysippus subsequently, in the same book,
 writes as follows:— Once when a man fond of saying bitter things was about
 to be put to death by the executioner, he said that he wished to die like the
 swan, singing a song; and when he gave him leave, he ridiculed him. And
 Myrtilus having had a good many jokes cut on him by people of this sort, got
 angry, and said that Lysimachus the king had done a very sensible thing; for he,
 hearing Telesphorus, one of his lieutenants, at an entertainment, ridiculing
 Arsinoe (and she was the wife of Lysimachus), as being a woman in the habit of
 vomiting, in the following line— 
 You begin ill, introducing τηνδεμουσαν, 
 — 
 ordered him to be put in a cage ( γαλεάγρα ) and carried about like a wild beast, and fed; and he punished
 him in this way till he died. But if you, O Ulpian, raise a question about the
 word γαλεάγρα, it occurs in Hyperides the orator;
 and the passage you may find out for yourself. 
 And Tachaos the king of Egypt ridiculed Agesilaus king of Lacedæmon, when he came
 to him as an ally (for he was a very short man), and lost his, kingdom in
 consequence, as Agesilaus abandoned his alliance. And the expression of Tachaos
 was as follows:— 
 The mountain was in labour; Jupiter 
 Was greatly frighten'd: lo! a mouse was born. 
 And Agesilaus hearing of this, and being indignant at it, said, I
 will prove a lion to you. So afterwards, when the Egyptians revolted
 (as Theopompus relates, and Lyceas of Naucratis confirms the statement in his
 History of Egypt), Agesilaus refused to cooperate with him, and, in consequence,
 Tachaos lost his kingdom, and fled to the Persians.

So as there was a great deal of music introduced, and not always the same
 instruments, and as there was a good deal of discussion and conversation about
 them, (without always giving the names of those who took part in it,) I will
 enumerate the chief things which were said. For concerning 
 flutes, somebody said that Melanippides, in his Marsyas, dis- paraging the art of
 playing the flute, had said very cleverly about Minerva:— 
 Minerva cast away those instruments 
 Down from her sacred hand; and said, in scorn, 
 "Away, you shameful things—you stains of the body! 
 Shall I now yield myself to such malpractices'" 
 And some one, replying to him, said,—But Telestes of Selinus, in
 opposition to Melanippides, says in his Argo (and it is of Minerva that he too is
 speaking):— 
 It seems to me a scarcely credible thing 
 That the wise Pallas, holiest of goddesses, 
 Should in the mountain groves have taken up 
 That clever instrument, and then again 
 Thrown it away, fearing to draw her mouth 
 Into an unseemly shape, to be a glory 
 To the nymph-born, noisy monster Marsyas. 
 For how should chaste Minerva be so anxious 
 About her beauty, when the Fates had given her 
 A childless, husbandless virginity? 
 intimating his belief that she, as she was and always was to continue a
 maid, could not be alarmed at the idea of disfiguring her beauty. And in a
 subsequent passage he says— 
 But this report, spread by vain-speaking men, 
 Hostile to every chorus, flew most causelessly 
 Through Greece, to raise an envy and reproach 
 Against the wise and sacred art of music. 
 And after this, in an express panegyric on the art of flute-playing, he
 says— 
 And so the happy breath of the holy goddess 
 Bestow'd this art divine on Bromius, 
 With the quick motion of the nimble fingers. 
 And very neatly, in his Aesculapius, has Telestes vindicated the use of
 the flute, where he says— 
 And that wise Phrygian king who first poured forth 
 The notes from sweetly-sounding sacred flutes, 
 Rivalling the music of the Doric Muse, 
 Embracing with his well-join'd reeds the breath 
 Which fills the flute with tuneful modulation.

And Pratinas the Phliasian says, that when some hired flute-players and
 chorus-dancers were occupying the orchestra, some people were indignant because
 the flute-players did not play in tune to the choruses, as was the national
 custom, but the choruses instead sang, keeping time to the flutes. And what his opinion and feelings were towards those who did this,
 Pratinas declares in the following hyporchema:— 
 What noise is this 
 What mean these songs of dancers now? 
 What new unseemly fashion 
 Has seized upon this stage to Bacchus sacred, 
 Now echoing with various noise? 
 Bromius is mine! is mine! 
 I am the man who ought to sing, 
 I am the man who ought to raise the strain, 
 Hastening o'er the hills, 
 In swift inspired dance among the Naiades; 
 Blending a song of varied strain, 
 Like the sweet dying swan. 
 You, O Pierian Muse, the sceptre sway 
 Of holy song: 
 And after you let the shrill flute resound; 
 For that is but the handmaid 
 Of revels, where men combat at the doors, 
 And fight with heavy fists. 
 
 * * * * * 
 And is the leader fierce of bloody quarrel. 
 Descend, O Bacchus, on the son of Phrynæus, 
 The leader of the changing choir,— 
 Chattering, untimely, leading on 
 The rhythm of the changing song. 
 * * * * w 
 King of the loud triumphal dithyrambic, 
 Whose brow the ivy crowns, 
 Hear this my Doric song.

And of the union of flutes with the lyre (for that concert has often been a great
 delight to us ourselves), Ephippus, in his Traffic, speaks as follows:— 
 Clearly, O youth, the music of the flute, 
 And that which from the lyre comes, does suit 
 Well with our pastimes; for when each resound 
 In unison with the feelings of those present, 
 Then is the greatest pleasure felt by all. 
 And the exact meaning of the word συναυλία is shown by Semus the Delian, in the fifth book of his
 Delias, where he writes— But as the term 'concert' ( συναυλία ) is not understood by many people, we must speak of it.
 It is wren there is a union of the flute and of rhythm in alternation, without
 any words accompanying the melody. And Antiphanes explains it very
 neatly in his Flute-player, where he says— 
 
 Tell me, I pray you, what this concert ( ἡ συναυλία
 αἵτη ) was 
 Which he did give you. For you know; but they 
 Having well learnt, still played. . . . . . . . 
 * * * * * 
 A concert of sweet sounds, apart from words, 
 Is pleasant, and not destitute of meaning. 
 But the poets frequently call the flute the Libyan flute, 
 as Duris remarks in the second book of his History of Agathocles, because
 Seirites, who appears to have been the first inventor of the art of flute-playing,
 was a Libyan, of one of the Nomad tribes; and he was the first person who played
 airs on the flute in the festival of Cybele." And the different kinds of airs
 which can be played on the flute (as Tryphon tells us in the second book of his
 treatise on Names) have the following names:—the Comus, the Bucoliasmus, the
 Gingras, the Tetracomus, the Epiphallus, the Choreus, the Callinicus, the Martial,
 the Hedycomus, the Sicynnotyrbe, the Thyrocopicum, which is the same as the
 Crousithyrum (or Door-knocker), the Cnismus, the Mothon. And all these airs on the
 flute, when played, were accompanied with dancing.

Tryphon also gives a list of the different names of songs, as follows. He
 says—"There is the Himæus, which is also called the Millstone song, which men used
 to sing while grinding corn, perhaps from the word ἱμαλίς. . But ἱμαλίς is a Dorian
 word, signifying a return, and also the quantity of corn which the millers gave
 into the bargain. Then there is the Elinus, which is the song of the men who
 worked at the loom; as Epicharmus shows us in his Atalantas. There is also the
 Ioulos, sung by the women who spin. And Semus the Delian, in his treatise on
 Pæans, says—'"They used to call the handfuls of barley taken separately, ἄμάλαι; but when they were collected so that a great
 many were made into one sheaf, then they were called οὔλοι and ἴουλοι. . And Ceres herself
 was called sometimes Chloe, and sometimes Ioulo; and, as being the inventions of
 this goddess, both the fruits of the ground and also the songs addressed to the
 goddess were called οὖλοι and ἴουλοι : and so, too, we have the words δημήτρουλοι and καλλίουλοι, and the line— 
 
 πλεῖστον οὖλον οὖλον ἵει, ἴουλον ἵει. 
 
 But others say that the Ioulis is the song of the workers in wool. There are also the songs of nurses, which are called
 καταβαυκαλήσεις. There was also a song used at
 the feast of Swings, 
 in honour of Erigone, which is called Aletis. At all events, Aristotle says, in
 his treatise on the Constitution of the Colophonians— Theodorus also himself
 died afterwards by a violent death. And he is said to have been a very
 luxurious man, as is evident from his poetry; for even now the women sing his
 songs on the festival of the Swing. 
 
 There was also a reaper's song called Lityerses; and another song sung by hired
 servants when going to the fields, as Teleclides tells us in his Amphictyons.
 There were songs, too, of bathing men, as we learn from Crates in his Deeds of
 Daring; and a song of women baking, as Aristophanes intimates in his
 Thesmophoriazusæ, and Nicochares in his Hercules Choregus. And another song in use
 among those who drove herds, and this was called the Bucoliasmus. And the man who
 first invented this species of song was Diomus, a Sicilian cowherd; and it is
 mentioned by Epicharmus in his Halcyon, and in his Ulysses Shipwrecked. The song
 used at deaths and in mourning is called Olophyrmus; and the songs called Iouli
 are used in honour of Ceres and Proserpine. The song sung in honour of Apollo is
 called Philhelias, as we learn from Telesilla; and those addressed to Diana are
 called Upingi. 
 There were also laws composed by Charondas, which were sung at Athens at
 drinking-parties; as Hermippus tells us in the sixth book of his treatise on
 Lawgivers. And Aristophanes, in his catalogue of Attic Expressions, say— The
 Himæus is the song of people grinding; the Hymenæus is the song used at
 marriage-feasts; and that employed in lamentation is called Ialemus. But the
 Linus and the Aelinus are not confined to occasions of mourning, but are in use
 also in good fortune, as we may gather from Euripides.

But Clearchus, in the first book of his treatise on matters relating to Love, says
 that there was a kind of song called Nomium, derived from Eriphanis; and his words
 are these:—"Eriphanis was a lyric poetess, the mistress of Menalcas the hunter;
 and she, pursuing him with her passions, hunted too. For often frequenting the
 mountains, and wandering over them, she came to the different
 groves, equal- ling in her wanderings the celebrated journeys of Io; so that not
 only those men who were most remarkable for their deficiency in the tender
 passion, but even the fiercest beasts, joined in weeping for her misfortunes,
 perceiving the lengths to which her passionate hopes carried her. Therefore she
 wrote poems; and when she had composed them, as it is said, she roamed about the
 desert, shouting and singing the kind of song called Nomium, in which the burden
 of the song is— 
 The lofty oaks, Menalcas." 
 
 
 And Aristoxenus, in the fourth book of his treatise on Music,
 says— Anciently the women used to sing a kind of song called Calyca. Now,
 this was a poem of Stesichorus, in which a damsel of the name of Calyca, being
 in love with a young man named Euathlus, prays in a modest manner to Venus to
 aid her in becoming his wife. But when the young man scorned her, she threw
 herself down a precipice. And this disaster took place near Leucas. And the
 poet has represented the disposition of the maiden as very modest; so that she
 was not willing to live with the youth on his own terms, but prayed that, if
 possible, she might become the wedded wife of Euathlus; and if that were not
 possible, that she might be released from life. But, in his Brief
 Memoranda, Aristoxenus says— Iphiclus despised Harpalyce, who was in love
 with him; but she died, and there has been a contest established among the
 virgins of songs in her honour, and the contest is called from her,
 Harpalyce. And Nymphis, in the first book of his History of Heraclea,
 speaking of the Maryandyni, says— And in the same way it is well to notice
 some songs which, in compliance with a national custom, they sing, in which
 they invoke some ancient person, whom they address as Bormus. And they say that
 he was the son of an illustrious and wealthy man, and that he was far superior
 to all his fellows in beauty and in the vigour of youth; and as he was
 superintending the cultivation of some of his own lands, and wishing to give
 his reapers something to drink, he went to fetch some water, and disappeared.
 Accordingly, they say that on this the natives of the country sought him with a
 kind of dirge and invocation set to music, which even to this day they are in
 the habit of using frequently. And a similar kind of song
 is that which is in use among the Egyp- tians, and is called Maneros.

Moreover, there were rhapsodists also present at our entertainments: for
 Laurentius delighted in the reciters of Homer to an extraordinary degree; so that
 one might call Cassander the king of Macedonia a trifler in comparison of him;
 concerning whom Carystius, in his Historic Recollections, tells us that he was so
 devoted to Homer, that he could say the greater part of his poems by heart; and he
 had a copy of the Iliad and the Odyssey written out with his own hand. And that
 these reciters of Homer were called Homeristæ also, Aristocles has told us in his
 treatise on Choruses. But those who are now called Homeristæ were first introduced
 on the stage by Demetrius Phalereus. 
 Now Chamæleon, in his essay on Stesichorus, says that not only the poems of Homer,
 but those also of Hesiod and Archilochus, and also of Mimnermus and Phocylides,
 were often recited to the accompaniment of music; and Clearchus, in the first book
 of his treatise on Pictures, says— Simonides of Zacynthus used to sit in the
 theatres on a lofty chair reciting the verses of Archilochus. And
 Lysanias, in the first book of his treatise on Iambic Poets, says that Mnasion the
 rhapsodist used in his public recitations to deliver some of the Iambics of
 Simonides. And Cleomenes the rhapsodist, at the Olympic games, recited the
 Purification of Empedocles, as is asserted by Dicæarchus in his history of
 Olympia. And Jason, in the third book of his treatise on the Temples of Alexander,
 says that Hegesias, the comic actor, recited the works of Herodotus in the great
 theatre, and that Hermophantus recited the poems of Homer.

And the men called Hilarodists (whom some people at the present day call
 Simodists, as Aristocles tells us in his first book on Choruses, because Simus the
 Magnesian was the most celebrated of all the poets of joyous songs,) frequently
 come under our notice. And Aristocles also gives a regular list of them in his
 treatise on Music, here he speaks in the following manner:— The Magodist—but
 he is the same as the Lysiodist. But Aristoxenus says that Magodus is
 the name given to an actor who acts both male and female characters; but that he who acts
 a woman's part in combination with a man's is called a
 Lysiodist. And they both sing the same songs, and in other respects they are
 similar. 
 The Ionic dialect also supplies us with poems of Sotades, and with what before his
 time were called Ionic poems, such as those of Alexander the Aetolian, and Pyres
 the Milesian, and Alexas, and other poets of the same kind; and Sotades is called
 κιναιδόλογος. And Sotades the Maronite was very
 notorious for this kind of poetry, as Carystius of Pergamus says in his essay on
 Sotades; and so was the son of Sotades, Apollonius: and this latter also wrote an
 essay on his father's poetry, from which one may easily see the unbridled licence
 of language which Sotades allowed himself,—abusing Lysimachus the king in
 Alexandria,—and, when at the court of Lysimachus, abusing Ptolemy
 Philadelphus,-and in different cities speaking ill of different sovereigns; on
 which account, at last, he met with the punishment that he deserved: for when he
 had sailed from Alexandria (as Hegesander, in his Reminiscences, relates), and
 thought that he had escaped all danger, (for he had said many bitter things
 against Ptolemy the king, and especially this, after he had heard that he had
 married his sister Arsinoe,— 
 He pierced forbidden fruit with deadly sting,) 
 Patrocles, the general of Ptolemy, caught him in the island of Caunus,
 and shut him up in a leaden vessel, and carried him into the open sea and drowned
 him. And his poetry is of this kind: Philenus was the father of Theodorus the
 fluteplayer, on whom he wrote these lines:— 
 And he, opening the door which leads from the back-street, 
 Sent forth vain thunder from a leafy cave, 
 Such as a mighty ploughing ox might utter.

But the Hilarodus, as he is called, is a more respectable kind of poet than these
 men are; for he is never effeminate or indecorous, but he wears a white manly
 robe, and he is crowned with a golden crown: and in former times he used to wear
 sandals, as Aristocles tells us; but at the present day he wears only slippers.
 And some man or woman sings an accompaniment to him, as to a person who sings to
 the flute. And a crown is given to a Hilarodus, as well as to a person who sings
 to the flute; but such honours are not allowed to a player on the harp or on the
 flute. But the man who is called a Magodus has drums and cymbals, and wears all
 kinds of woman's attire; and he behaves in an effeminate
 manner, and does every sort of indecorous, indecent thing,—imitating at one time a
 woman, at another an adulterer or a pimp: or sometimes he represents a drunken
 man, or even a serenade offered by a reveller to his mistress. And Aristoxeus says
 that the business of singing joyous songs is a respectable one, and somewhat akin
 to tragedy; but that the business of a Magodus is more like comedy. And very often
 it happens that the Magodi, taking the argument of some comedy, represent it
 according to their own fashion and manner. And the word μαγῳδία was derived from the fact that those who addicted themselves
 to the practice, uttered things like magical incantations, and often declared the
 power of various drugs.

But there was among the Lacedæmonians an ancient kind of comic diversion, as
 Sosibius says, not very important or serious, since Sparta aimed at plainness even
 in pastimes. And the way was, that some one, using very plain, unadorned language,
 imitated persons stealing fruit, or else some foreign physician speaking in this
 way, as Allexis, in his Woman who has taken Mandragora, represents one: and he
 says— 
 If any surgeon of the country says, 
 "Give him at early dawn a platter full 
 Of barley-broth," we shall at once despise him; 
 But if he says the same with foreign accent, 
 We marvel and admire him. If he call 
 The beet-root σεύτλιον, we disregard
 him; 
 But if he style it τεύτλιον, we listen, 
 And straightway, with attention fix'd, obey; 
 As if there were such difference between 
 
 σεύτλιον and τεύτλιον. 
 
 And those who practised this kind of sport were called among the
 Lacedæmonians δικηλισταὶ, which is a term
 equivalent to σκευοποιοὶ or μιμηταί. 
 There are,
 however, many names, varying in different places, for this class of δικηλισταί; for the Sicyonians call them φαλλοφόροι, and others call them αὐτοκάβδαλοι, and some call them φλύακες, as the Italians do; but people in general call them
 Sophists: and the Thebans, who are very much in the habit of giving peculiar lames
 to many things, call them ἐθελονταί. But that the
 Thebans do introduce all kinds of innovations with respect to words, Strattis
 shows us in the Phœnissæ, where he says— 
 
 You, you whole body of Theban citizens, 
 Know absolutely nothing; for I hear 
 You call the cuttle-fish not σηπία, 
 
 But ὀπισθότιλα. Then, too, you term 
 A cock not ἀλεκτρύων, but ὀρτάλιχος : 
 A physician is no longer in your mouths 
 
 ἰατρὸς —no, but σακτάς. For a bridge, 
 You turn γέφυρα into βλέφυρα. 
 
 Figs are not σῦκα now, but τῦκα : swallows, 
 
 κωτιλάδες, not χελιδόνες. A mouthful 
 With you is ἄκολος; to laugh, ἐκριδδέμεν. 
 
 A new-seled shoe you call νεοσπάτωτον.

Semos the Delian says in his book about Pæans— The men who were called
 αὑτοκάβδαλοι used to wear crowns of ivy, and
 they would go through long poems slowly. But at a later time both they and
 their poems were called Iambics. And those, he proceeds, who are
 called Ithyphalli, wear a mask representing the face of a drunken man, and wear
 crowns, having gloves embroidered with flowers. And they wear tunics shot with
 white; and they wear a Tarentine robe, which covers them down to their ancles:
 and they enter at the stage entrance silently, and when they have reached the
 middle of the orchestra, they turn towards the spectators, and say— 
 Out of the way; a clear space leave 
 For the great mighty god: 
 For the god, to his ancles clad, 
 Will pass along the centre of the crowd. 
 And the Phallophori, says he, wear no masks; but they
 put on a sort of veil of wild thyme, and on that they put acanthi, and an
 untrimmed garland of violets and ivy; and they clothe themselves in Caunacæ,
 and so come on the stage, some at the side, and others through the centre
 entrance, walking in exact musical time, and saying— 
 For you, O Bacchus, do we now set forth - 
 This tuneful song; uttering in various melody 
 This simple rhythm. 
 It is a song unsuited to a virgin; 
 Nor are we now addressing you with hymns 
 Made long ago, but this our offering 
 Is fresh unutter'd praise. 
 And then, advancing, they used to ridicule with their jests whoever
 they chose; and they did this standing still, but the Phallophorus himself
 marched straight on, covered with soot and dirt.

And since we are on this subject, it is as well not to omit
 what happened to Amœbeus, a harp-player of our time, and a man of great science
 and skill in everything that related to music. He once came late to one of our
 banquets, and when he heard from one of the servants that we had all finished
 supper, he doubted what to do himself, until Sophon the cook came to him, and with
 a loud voice, so that every one might hear, recited to him these lines out of the
 Auge of Eubulus:— 
 O wretched man, why stand you at the doors 
 Why don't you enter'? Long ago the geese 
 Have all been deftly carved limb from limb; 
 Long the hot pork has had the meat cut off 
 From the long backbone, and the stuffing, which 
 Lay in the middle of his stomach, has 
 Been served around; and all his pettitoes, 
 The dainty slices of fat, well-season'd sausages, 
 Have all been eaten. The well-roasted cuttle-fish 
 Is swallow'd long ago; and nine or ten 
 Casks of rich wine are drain'd to the very dregs. 
 So if you'd like some fragments of the feast, 
 Hasten and enter. Don't, like hungry wolf, 
 Losing this feast, then run about at random. 
 For as that delightful writer Antiphanes says, in his Friend of the
 Thebans,— 
 
 A. We now are well supplied with everything; 
 For she, the namesake of the dame within, 
 The rich Bœotian eel, carved in the depths 
 Of the ample dish, is warm, and swells, and boils, 
 And bubbles up, and smokes; so that a man, 
 E'en though equipp'd with brazen nostrils, scarcely 
 Could bear to leave a banquet such as this,— 
 So rich a fragrance does it yield his senses. 
 
 B. Say you the cook is living 
 
 A. There is near 
 A cestreus, all unfed both night and day, 
 Scaled, wash'd, and stain'd with cochineal, and turned; 
 And as he nears his last and final turn 
 He cracks and hisses; while the servant bastes 
 The fish with vinegar: then there's Libyan silphium, 
 Dried in the genial rays of midday sun:— 
 
 B. Yet there are people found who dare to say 
 That sorcerers possess no sacred power; 
 For now I see three men their bellies filling 
 While you are turning this. 
 
 A. And the comrade squid 
 Bearing the form of the humpback'd cuttlefish, 
 Dreadful with armed claws and sharpen'd talons, 
 Changing its brilliant snow-white nature under 
 
 The fiery blasts of glowing coal, adorns 
 Its back with golden splendour; well exciting 
 Hunger, the best forerunner of a feast. 
 So, come in— 
 Do not delay, but enter: when we've dined 
 We then can best endure what must be borne. 
 And so he, meeting him in this appropriate manner, replies with these
 lines out of the Harper of Clearchus:— 
 Sup on white congers, and whatever else 
 Can boast a sticky nature; for by such food 
 The breath is strengthen'd, and the voice of man 
 Is render'd rich and powerful. 
 And as there was great applause on this, and as every one with one accord
 called to him to come in, he went in and drank, and taking the lyre, sang to us in
 such a manner that we all marvelled at his skill on the harp, and at the rapidity
 of his execution, and at the tunefulness of his voice; for he appeared to me to be
 not at all inferior to that ancient Amœbeus, whom Aristeas, in his History of
 Harp-players, speaks of as living at Athens, and dwelling near the theatre, and
 receiving an Attic talent a-day every time he went out singing.

And while some were discussing music in this manner, and others of the guests
 saying different things every day, but all praising the pastime, Masurius, who
 excelled in everything, and was a man of universal wisdom, (for as an interpreter
 of the laws he was inferior to no one, and he was always devoting some of his
 attention to music, for indeed he was able himself to play on some musical
 instruments,) said, —My good friends, Eupolis the comic poet says— 
 And music is a deep and subtle science, 
 And always finding out some novelty 
 For those who 're capable of comprehending it; 
 on which account Anaxilas, in his Hyacinthus, says— 
 For, by the gods I swear, music, like Libya, 
 Brings forth each year some novel prodigy; 
 for, my dear fellows, Music, as the Harp-player of
 Theophilus says, is a great and lasting treasure to all who have learnt it
 and know anything about it; for it ameliorates the disposition, and
 softens those who are passionate and quarrelsome in their tempers. Accordingly,
 Clinias the Pythagorean, as Chamæleon of Pontus relates,
 who was a most unimpeachable man both in his actual
 conduct and also in his disposition, if ever it happened to him to get out of
 temper or indignant at anything, would take up his lyre and play upon it. And
 when people asked him the reason of this conduct, he used to say, 'I am
 pacifying myself.' And so, too, the Achilles of Homer was mollified by the
 music of the harp, which is all that Homer allots to him out of the spoils of
 Eetion, as being able to check his fiery temper. And he is the only hero in the
 whole Iliad who indulges in this music. 
 
 Now, that music can heal diseases, Theophrastus asserts in his treatise on
 Enthusiasm, where he says that men with diseases in the loins become free from
 pain if any one plays a Phrygian air opposite to the part affected. And the
 Phrygians are the first people who invented and employed the harmony which goes by
 their name; owing to which circumstance it is that the flute-players among the
 Greeks have usually Phrygian and servile-sounding names, such as Sambas in Aleman,
 and Adon, and Telus. And in Hipponax we find Cion, and Codalus, and Babys, from
 whom the proverb arose about men who play worse and worse,— He plays worse
 than Babys. But Aristoxenus ascribes the invention of this harmony to
 Hyagnis the Phrygian.

But Heraclides of Pontus, in the third book of his treatise on Music, says—"Now
 that harmony ought not to be called Phrygian, just as it has no right either to be
 called Lydian. For there are three harmonies; as there are also three different
 races of Greeks-Dorians, Aeolians, and] Ionians: and accordingly there is no
 little difference between their manners. The Lacedæmonians are of all the Dorians
 the most strict in maintaining their national customs and the Thessalians (and
 these are they who were the origin of the Aeolian race) have
 preserved at all times very nearly the same customs and institutions; but the
 population of the Ionians has been a great deal changed, and has gone through many
 transitions, because they have at all times resembled whatever nations of
 barbarians have from time to time been their masters. Accordingly, that species of
 melody which the Dorians composed they called the Dorian harmony, and that which
 the Aeolians used to sing they named the Aeolian harmony, and the third they
 called the Ionian, because they heard the Ionians sing it. 
 "Now the Dorian harmony is a manly and high-sounding strain, having nothing
 relaxed or merry in it, but, rather, it is stern and vehement, not admitting any
 great variations or any sudden changes. The character of the Aeolian harmony is
 pompous and inflated, and full of a sort of pride; and these characteristics are
 very much in keeping with the fondness for breeding horses and for entertaining
 strangers which the people itself exhibits. There is nothing mean in it, but the
 style is elevated and fearless; and therefore we see that a fondness for banquets
 and for amorous indulgences is common to the whole nation, and they indulge in
 every sort of relaxation: on which account they cherish the style of the
 Sub-Dorian harmony; for that which they call the Aeolian is, says Heraclides, a
 sort of modification of the Dorian, and is called ὑποδώριος. . And we may collect the character of this Aeolian harmony
 also from what Lasus of Hermione says in his hymn to the Ceres in Hermione, where
 he speaks as follows:— 
 I sing the praise of Ceres and of Proserpine, 
 The sacred wife of Clymenus, Melibœa; 
 Raising the heavy-sounding harmony 
 Of hymns Aeolian. 
 But these Sub-Dorian songs, as they are called, are sung by nearly
 everybody. Since, then, there is a Sub-Dorian melody, it is with great propriety
 that Lasus speaks of Aeolian harmony. Pratinas, too, somewhere or other says—
 
 Aim not at too sustain'd a style, nor yet 
 At the relax'd Ionian harmony; 
 But draw a middle furrow through your ground, 
 And follow the Eolian muse in preference. 
 And in what comes afterwards he speaks more plainly—- 
 But to all men who wish to raise their voices, 
 The Aeolian harmony's most suitable. 
 
 "Now formerly, as I have said, they used to call this the
 Aeolian harmony, but afterwards they gave it the name of the Sub-Dorian, thinking,
 as some people say, that it was pitched lower on the flute than the Dorian. But it
 appears to me that those who gave it this name, seeing its inflated style, and the
 pretence to valour and virtue which was put forth in the style of the harmony,
 thought it not exactly the Dorian harmony, but to a certain extent like it: on
 which account they called it ὑποδώριον, just as
 they call what is nearly white ὑπόλευκον : and what
 is not absolutely sweet, but something near it, we call ὑπόγλυκυ; so, too, we call what is not thoroughly Dorian ὑπόδωριον.

"Next in order let us consider the character of the Milesians, which the Ionians
 display, being very proud of the goodly appearance of their persons; and full of
 spirit, hard to be reconciled to their enemies, quarrelsome, displaying no
 philanthropic or cheerful qualities, but rather a want of affection and
 friendship, and a great moroseness of disposition: on which account the Ionian
 style of harmony also is not flowery nor mirthful, but austere and harsh, and
 having a sort of gravity in it, which, however, is not ignoble-looking; on which
 account that tragedy has a sort of affection for that harmony. But the manners of
 the Ionians of the present day are more luxurious, and the character of their
 present music is very far removed from the Ionian harmony we have been speaking
 of. And men say that Pythermus the Teian wrote songs such as are called Scolia in
 this kind of harmony; and that it was because he was an Ionian poet that the
 harmony got the name of Ionian. This is that Pythermus whom Ananius or Hipponax
 mentions in his Iambics in this way:— 
 Pythermus speaks of gold as though all else were nought. 
 And Pythermus's own words are as follows:— 
 All other things but gold are good for nothing. 
 Therefore, according to this statement, it is probable that Pythermus, as
 coming from those parts. adapted the character of his melodies to the disposition
 of the Ionians; on which account I suppose that his was not actually the Ionian
 harmony, but that it was a harmony adapted in some a admirable manner to the
 purpose required. And those are contemptible people who are
 unable to distinguish the characteristic differences of these separate harmonies;
 but who are led away by the sharpness or flatness of the sounds, so as to describe
 one harmony as ὑπερμιξολύδιος, and then again to
 give a definition of some further sort, refining on this: for I do not think that
 even that which is called the ὑπερφρύγιος has a
 distinct character of its own, although some people do say that they have invented
 a new harmony which they call Sub-Phrygian ( ὑποφρύγιος ). Now every kind of harmony ought to have some distinct
 species of character or of passion; as the Locrian has, for this was a harmony
 used by some of those who lived in the time of Simonides and Pindar, but
 subsequently it fell into contempt.

"There are, then, as we have already said, three kinds of harmony, as there are
 three nations of the Greek people. But the Phrygian and Lydian harmonies, being
 barbaric, became known to the Greeks by means of the Phrygians and Lydians who
 came over to Peloponnesus with Pelops. For many Lydians accompanied and followed
 him, because Sipylus was a town of Lydia; and many Phrygians did so too, not
 because they border on the Lydians, but because their king also was Tantalus—(and
 you may see all over Peloponnesus, and most especially in Lacedæmon, great mounds,
 which the people there call the tombs of the Phrygians who came over with
 Pelops)—and from them the Greeks learnt these harmonies: on which account Telestes
 of Selinus says— 
 First of all, Greeks, the comrades brave of Pelops, 
 Sang o'er their wine, in Phrygian melody, 
 The praises of the mighty Mountain Mother; 
 But others, striking the shrill strings of the lyre, 
 Gave forth a Lydian hymn."

But we must not admit, says Polybius of Megalopolis, "that music,
 as Ephorus asserts, was introduced among men for the purposes of fraud and
 trickery. Nor must we think that the ancient Cretans and Lacedæmonians used flutes
 and songs at random to excite their military ardour, instead of trumpets. Nor are
 we to imagine that the earliest Arcadians had no reason whatever for doing so,
 when they introduced music into every department of their management of the
 republic; so that, though the nation in every other respect was most austere in
 its manner of life, they nevertheless com- pelled music to be
 the constant companion, not only of their boys, but even of their youths up to
 thirty years of age. For the Arcadians are the only people among whom the boys are
 trained from infancy to sing hymns and pæans to regular airs, in which indeed
 every city celebrates their national heroes and gods with such songs, in obedience
 to ancient custom. 
 "But after this, learning the airs of Timotheus and Philoxenus, they every year,
 at the festival of Bacchus, dance in their theatres to the music of flute-players;
 the boys dancing in the choruses of boys, and the youths in those of men. And
 throughout the whole duration of their lives they are addicted to music at their
 common entertainments; not so much, however, employing musicians as singing in
 turn: and to admit themselves ignorant of any other accomplishment is not at all
 reckoned discreditable to them; but to refuse to sing is accounted a most
 disgraceful thing. And they, practising marches so as to march in order to the
 sound of the flute, and studying their dances also, exhibit every year in the
 theatres, under public regulations and at the public expense. These, then, are the
 customs which they have derived from the ancients, not for the sake of luxury and
 superfluity, but from a consideration of the austerity which each individual
 practised in his private life, and of the severity of their characters, which they
 contract from the cold and gloomy nature of the climate which prevails in the
 greater part of their country. And it is the nature of all men to be in some
 degree influenced by the climate, so as to get some resemblance to it themselves;
 and it is owing to this that we find different races of men, varying in character
 and figure and complexion, in proportion as they are more or less distant from one
 another. 
 
 In addition to this, they instituted public banquets and public sacrifices,
 in which the men and women join; and also dances of the maidens and boys
 together; endevouring to mollify and civilize the harshness of their nature
 character by the influence of education and habit. And as the people of Cynætha
 neglected this system (although they occupy by far the most inclement district
 of Arcadia, both as respects the soil and the climate), they, never meeting one
 another except for the purpose of giving offence and quarrelling, became at
 last so utterly savage, that the very greatest impieties
 prevailed among them alone of all the people of Arcadia; and at the time when
 they made the great massacre, whatever Arcadian cities their emissaries came to
 in their passage, the citizens of all the other cities at once ordered them to
 depart by public proclamation; and the Mantineans even made a public
 purification of their city after their departure, leading victims all round
 their entire district.

Agias, the musician, said that the styrax, which at the Dionysiac festivals
 is burnt in the orchestras, presented a Phrygian odour to those who were within
 reach of it. Now, formerly music was an exhortation to courage; and
 accordingly Alcæus the poet, one of the greatest musicians that ever lived, places
 valour and manliness before skill in music and poetry, being himself a man warlike
 even beyond what was necessary. On which account, in such verses as these, he
 speaks in high-toned language, and says— 
 My lofty house is bright with brass, 
 And all my dwelling is adorn'd, in honour 
 Of mighty Mars, with shining helms, 
 O'er which white horsehair crests superbly wave, 
 Choice ornament for manly brows; 
 And brazen greaves, on mighty pegs suspended, 
 Hang round the hall; fit to repel 
 The heavy javelin or the long-headed spear. 
 There, too, are breastplates of new linen, 
 And many a hollow shield, thrown basely down 
 By coward enemies in flight: 
 There, too, are sharp Chalcidic swords, and belts, 
 Short military cloaks besides, 
 And all things suitable for fearless war; 
 Which I may ne'er forget, 
 Since first I girt myself for the adventurous work— 
 although it would have been more suitable for him to have had his house
 well stored with musical instruments. But the ancients considered manly courage
 the greatest of all civil virtues, and they attributed the greatest importance to
 that, to the exclusion of other good qualities. Archilochus accordingly, who was a
 distinguished poet, boasted in the first place of being able to partake in all
 political undertakings, and in the second place he mentioned the credit he had
 gained by his poetical efforts, saying,— 
 But I'm a willing servant of great Mars, 
 Skill'd also in the Muses' lovely art. 
 And, in the same spirit, Aeschylus, though a man who had acquired such great renown by his poetry, nevertheless pre-
 ferred having his valour recorded on his tomb, and composed an inscription for it,
 of which the following lines are a part:— 
 The grove of Marathon, and the long-hair'd Medes; 
 Who felt his courage, well may speak of it.

And it is on this account that the Lacedæmoians, who are a most valiant nation, go
 to war to the music of the flute, and the Cretans to the strains of the lyre, and
 the Lydians to the sound of pipes and flutes, as Herodotus relates. And, moreover,
 many of the barbarians make all their public proclamations to the accompaniment of
 flutes and harps, softening the souls of their enemies by these means. And
 Theopompus, in the forty-sixth book of his History, says— The Getæ make all
 their proclamations while holding harps in their hands and playing on
 them. And it is perhaps on this account that Homer, having due regard
 to the ancient institutions and customs of the Greeks, says— 
 
 
 I hear, what graces every feast, the lyre; 
 
 Odyss. xvii. 262. 
 
 as if this art of music were welcome also to men feasting. 
 Now it was, as it should seem, a regular custom to introduce music, in the first
 place in order that every one who might be too eager for drunkenness or gluttony
 might have music as a sort of physician and healer of his insolence and indecorum,
 and also because music softens moroseness of temper; for it dissipates sadness,
 and produces affability and a sort of gentlemanlike joy. From which consideration,
 Homer has also, in the first book of the Iliad, represented the gods as using
 music after their dissensions on the subject of Achilles; for they continued for
 some time listening to it— 
 
 
 Thus the blest gods the genial day prolong 
 In feasts ambrosial and celestial song: 
 Apollo tuned the lyre,—the Muses round, 
 With voice alternate, aid the silver sound. 
 
 Iliad, i. 603. 
 
 For it was desirable that they should leave off their quarrels and
 dissensions, as we have said. And most people seem to attribute the practice of
 this art to banquets for the sake of setting things right, and of the general
 mutual advantage. And, besides these other occasions, the ancients also
 established by customs and laws that at feasts all men should sing hymns to the
 gods, in order by these means to preserve order and decency
 among us; for as all songs proceed according to harmony, the consideration of the
 gods being added to this harmony, elevates the feelings of each individual. And
 Philochorus says that the ancients, when making their libations, did not always
 use dithyrambic hymns, but when they pour libations, they celebrate Bacchus
 with wine and drunkenness, but Apollo with tranquillity and good order. 
 Accordingly Archilochus says— 
 I, all excited in my mind with wine, 
 Am skilful in the dithyrambic, knowing 
 The noble melodies of the sovereign Bacchus. 
 And Epicharmus, in his Philoctetes, says— 
 A water-drinker knows no dithyrambics. 
 So, that it was not merely with a view to superficial and vulgar
 pleasure, as some assert, that music was originally introduced into
 entertainments, is plain from what has been said above. But the Lacedæmonians do
 not assert that they used to learn music as a science, but they do profess to be
 able to judge well of what is done in the art; and they say that they have already
 three times preserved it when it was in danger of being lost.

Music also contributes to the proper exercising of the body and to sharpening the
 intellect; on which account, every Grecian people, and every barbarian nation too,
 that we are acquainted with, practise it. And it was a good saying of Damon the
 Athenian, that songs and dances must inevitably exist where the mind was excited
 in any manner; and liberal, and gentlemanly, and honourable feelings of the mind
 produce corresponding kinds of music, and the opposite feelings likewise produce
 the opposite kinds of music. On which account, that saying of Clisthenes the
 tyrant of Sicyon was a witty one, and a sign of a well-educated intellect. For
 when he saw, as it is related, one of the suitors for his daughter
 dancing in an unseemly manner (it was Hippoclides the Athenian), he told him that
 he had danced away his marriage, thinking, as it should seem, that the mind of the
 man corresponded to the dance which he had exhibited; for in dancing and walking
 decorum and good order are honourable, and disorder and vulgarity are
 discreditable. And it is on this principle that the poets originally arranged
 dances for freeborn men, and employed figures only to be
 emblems of what was being sung, always preserving the principles of nobleness and
 manliness in them; on which account it was that they gave them the name of
 ὑπορχήματα (accompaniment to the dance). And if
 any one, while dancing indulged in unseemly postures or figures, and did nothing
 at all corresponding to the songs sung, he was considered blameworthy; on which
 account, Aristophanes or Plato, in his Preparations (as Chamæleon quotes the
 play), spoke thus:— 
 So that if any one danced well, the sight 
 Was pleasing: but they now do nothing rightly, 
 But stand as if amazed, and roar at random. 
 For the kind of dancing which was at that time used in the choruses was
 decorous and magnificent, and to a certain extent imitated the motions of men
 under arms; on which account Socrates in his Poems says that those men who dance
 best are the best in warlike exploits; and thus he writes:— 
 But they who in the dance most suitably 
 Do honour to the Gods, are likewise best 
 In all the deeds of war. 
 For the dance is very nearly an armed exercise, and is a dis- play not
 only of good discipline in other respects, but also of the care which the dancers
 bestow on their persons.

And Amphion the Thespiæan, in the second book of his treatise on the Temple of the
 Muses on Mount Helicon, says that in Helicon there are dances of boys, got up with
 great care, quoting this ancient epigram:— 
 I both did dance, and taught the citizens 
 The art of music, and my flute-player 
 Was Anacus the Phialensian; 
 My name was Bacchides of Sicyon; 
 And this my duty to the gods perform'd 
 Was honourable to my country Sicyon. 
 
 
 And it was a good answer which was made by Caphesias the flute-player, when one of
 his pupils began to pay on the flute very loudly, and was endeavouring to play as
 loudly as he could; on which he struck him, and said, Goodness does not
 consist in greatness, but greatness in goodness There are also relics
 and traces of the ancient dancing in some statues which we have, which were made
 by ancient statuaries; on which account men at that time paid more attention to
 moving their hands with graceful gestures; for in his parti- 
 cular also they aimed at graceful and gentlemanlike motions, comprehending what
 was great in what was well done. And from these motions of the hands they
 transferred some figures to the dances, and from the dances to the palæstra; for
 they sought to improve their manliness by music and by paying attention to their
 persons. And they practised to the accompaniment of song with reference to their
 movements when under arms; and it was from this practice that the dance called the
 Pyrrhic dance originated, and every other dance of this kind, and all the others
 which have the same name or any similar one with a slight change: such as the
 Cretan dances called ὀρσίτης and ἐπικρήδιος; and that dance, too, which is named ἀπόκινος, (and it is mentioned under this name by
 Cratinus in his Nemesis, and by Cephisodorus in his Amazons, and by Aristophanes
 in his Centaur, and by several other poets,) though afterwards it came to be
 called μακτρισμός; and many women used to dance
 it, who, I am aware, were afterwards called μαρκτύπιαι.

But the more sedate kinds of dance, both the more varied kinds and those too whose
 figures are more simple, are the following:—The Dactylus, the Iambic, the
 Molossian, the Emmelea, the Cordax, the Sicinnis, the Persian, the Phrygian, the
 Nibatismus, the Thracian, the Calabrismus, the Telesias (and this is a Macedonian
 dance which Ptolemy was practising when he slew Alexander the brother of Philip,
 as Marsyas relates in the third book of his History of Macedon). The following
 dances are of a frantic kind:—The Cernophorus, and the Mongas, and the
 Thermaustris. There was also a kind of dance in use among private individuals,
 called the ἄνθεμα, and they used to dance this
 while repeating the following form of words with a sort of mimicking gesture,
 saying— 
 Where are my roses, and where are my violets? 
 Where is my beautiful parsley 
 Are these then my roses, are these then my violets 
 And is this my beautiful parsley? 
 
 
 Among the Syracusans there was a kind of dance called the Chitoneas, sacred to
 Diana, and it is a peculiar kind of dance, accompanied with the flute. There was
 also an Ionian kind of dance practised at drinking parties. They also practised
 the dance called ἀγγελικὴ at their drinking
 parties. And there is another kind of dance called the Burning of the World, which Menippus the Cynic mentions in his Banquet.
 There are also some dances of a ridiculous character:—the Igdis, the Mactrismus,
 the Apocinus, and the Sobas; and besides these, the Morphasmus, and the Owl, and
 the Lion, and the Pouring out of Meal, and the Abolition of Debt, and the
 Elements, and the Pyrrhic dance. And they also lanced to the accompaniment of the
 flute a dance which they called the Dance of the Master of the Ship, and the
 Platter Dance. 
 The figures used in dances are the Xiphismus, the Calathismus, the Callabides, the
 Scops, and the Scopeuma. And the Scops was a figure intended to represent people
 looking out from a distance, making an arch over their brows with their hand so as
 to shade their eyes. And it is mentioned by Aeschylus in his Spectators:— 
 And all these old σκωπεύματα of yours. 
 And Eupolis, in his Flatterers, mentions the Callabides, when he says—
 
 He walks as though he were dancing the Callabides. 
 
 
 Other figures are the Thermastris, the Hecaterides, the Scopus, the Hand-down, the
 Hand-up, the Dipodismus, the Taking-hold of Wood, the Epanconismus, the
 Calathiscus, the Strobilus. There is also a dance called the Telesias; and this is
 a martial kind of dance, deriving its title from a man of the name of Telesias,
 who was the first person who ever danced it, holding arms in his hands, as
 Hippagoras tells us in the first book of his treatise on the Constitution of the
 Carthaginians.

There is also a kind of satyric dance called the Sicinnis, as Aristocles says in
 the eighth book of his treatise on Dances; and the Satyrs are called Sicinnistæ.
 But some say that a barbarian of the name of Sicinnus was the inventor of it,
 though others say that Sicinnus was a Cretan by birth; and certainly the Cretans
 are dancers, as is mentioned by Aristoxenus. But Scamon, in the first book of his
 treatise on Inventions, says that this dance is called Sicinnis, from being shaken
 ( ἀπὸ τοῦ σείεσθαι ), and that Thersippus was the
 first person who danced the Sicinnis. Now in dancing, the motion of the feet was
 adopted long before any motion of the lands was considered requisite; for the
 ancients exercised their feet more than their hands in games and in hunting; and
 the Cretans are greatly addicted to hunting, owing to which
 they are swift of foot. But there are people to be found who assert that Sicinnis
 is a word formed poetically from κίνησις, 
 because in dancing it
 the Satyrs use most rapid movements; for this kind of dance gives no scope for a
 display of the passions, on which account also it is never slow. 
 Now all satyric poetry formerly consisted of choruses, as also did tragedy, such
 as it existed at the same time; and that was the chief reason why tragedy had no
 regular actors. Arid there are three kinds of dance appropriate to dramatic
 poetry, —the tragic, the comic, and the satyric; and in like manner, there are
 three kinds of lyric dancing,—the pyrrhic the gymnopædic, and the hyporchematic.
 And the pyrrhic dance resembles the satyric; for they both consist of rapid
 movements; but the pyrrhic appears to be a warlike kind of dance, for it is danced
 by armed boys. And men in war have need of swiftness to pursue their enemies, and
 also, when defeated, 
 To flee, and not like madmen to stand firm, 
 Nor be afraid to seem a short time cowards. 
 But the dance called Gymnopædica is like the dance in tragedy which is
 called Emmelea; for in each there is seen a degree of gravity and solemnity. But
 the hyporchematic dance is very nearly identical with the comic one which is
 called Cordax. And they are both a sportive kind of figure.

But Aristoxenus says that the Pyrrhic dance derives its name from Pyrrhichus, who
 was a Lacedæmonian by birth; and that even to this day Pyrrhichus is a
 Lacedæmonian name. And the dance itself, being of a warlike character, shows that
 it is the invention of some Lacedæmonian; for the Lacedæmonians are a martial
 race, and their sons learn military marches which they call ἐνόπλια. And the Lacedæmonians themselves in their wars recite the
 poems of Tyrtæus, and move in time to those airs. But Philochorus asserts that the
 Lacedæmonians, when owing to the generalship of Tyrtæus they had subdued the
 Messenians, introduced a regular custom in their expeditions, that whenever they
 were at supper, and had sung the pæan, they should also sing one of Tyrtæus's
 hymns as a solo, one after another; and that the polemarch should be the judge,
 and should give a piece of meat as a prize to him who sang best. But the Pyrrhic
 dance is not preserved now among any other people of Greece;
 and since that has fallen into disuse, their wars also have been brought to a
 conclusion; but it continues in use among the Lacedæmonians alone, being a sort of
 prelude preparatory to war: and all who are more than five years old in Sparta
 learn to dance the Pyrrhic dance. 
 But the Pyrrhic dance as it exists in our time, appears to be a sort of Bacchic
 dance, and a little more pacific than the old one; for the dancers carry thyrsi
 instead of spears, and they point and dart canes at one another, and carry
 torches. And they dance in figures having reference to Bacchus, and to the
 Indians, and to the story of Pentheus: and they require for the Pyrrhic dance the
 most beautiful airs, and what are called the stirring tunes.

But the Gymnopædica resembles the dance which by the ancients used to be called
 Anapale; for all the boys dance naked, performing some kind of movement in regular
 time, and with gestures of the hand like those used by wrestlers: so that the
 dancers exhibit a sort of spectacle akin to the palestra and to the pancratium,
 moving their feet in regular time. And the different modes of dancing it are
 called the Oschophoricus, and the Bacchic, so
 that this kind of dance, too, has some reference to Bacchus. But Aristoxenus says
 that the ancients, after they had exercised themselves in the Gymnopædica, turned
 to the Pyrrhic dance before they entered the theatre: and the Pyrrhic dance is
 also called the Cheironomia. But the Hyporchematic dance is that in which the
 chorus dances while singing. Accordingly Bacchylides says— 
 There's no room now for sitting down, 
 There's no room for delay. 
 And Pindar says— 
 The Lacedæmonian troop of maidens fair. 
 And the Lacedæmonians dance this dance in Pindar. And the Hyporchematica
 is a dance of men and women. Now the best modes are those which combine dancing
 with the singing; and they are these-the Prosodiacal, the Apostolical (which last
 is also called ( παρθένιος ), and others of the same
 kind. And some danced to the hymn and some did not; and some danced in
 accompaniment to hymns to Venus and Bacchus, and to the Pæan, dancing at one time
 and resting at another. And among the barbarians as well as
 among the Greeks there are respectable dances and also indecorous ones. Now the
 Cordax among the Greeks is an indecorous dance, but the Emmelea is a respectable
 one: as is among the Arcadians the Cidaris, and among the Sicyonians the Aleter;
 and it is called Aleter also in Ithaca, as Aristoxenus relates in the first book
 of his History of Sicyon. And this appears enough to say at present on the subject
 of dances.

Now formerly decorum was carefully attended to in music, and everything in this
 art had its suitable and appropriate ornament: on which account there were
 separate flutes for each separate kind of harmony; and every flute-player had
 flutes adapted to each kind of harmony in their contests. But Pronomus the Theban
 was the first man who played the three different kinds of harmony already
 mentioned on the same flute. But now people meddle with music in a random and
 inconsiderate manner. And formerly, to be popular with the vulgar was reckoned a
 certain sign of a want of real skill: on which account Asopodorus the Phliasian,
 when some flute-player was once being much applauded while he himself was
 remaining in the hyposcenium, said— What is all this?
 the man has evidently committed some great blunder: —as else he could
 not possibly have been so much approved of by the mob. But I am aware that some
 people tell this story as if it were Antigenides who said this. But in our days
 artists make the objects of their art to be the gaining the applause of the
 spectators in the theatre; on which account Aristoxenus, in his book entitled
 Promiscuous Banquets, says— We act in a manner similar to the people of
 Pæstum who dwell in the Tyrrhenian Gulf; for it happened to them, though they
 were originally Greeks, to have become at last completely barbarised, becoming
 Tyrrhenians or Romans, and to have changed their language, and all the rest of
 their national habits. But one Greek festival they do celebrate even to the
 present day, in which they meet and recollect all their ancient names and
 customs, and bewail their loss to one another, and then, when they have wept
 for them, they go home. And so, says he, we also, since the
 theatres have become completely barbarised, and since music has become entirely
 ruined and vulgar, we, being but a few, will recal to our
 minds, sitting by ourselves, what music once was. And this was the
 discourse of Aristoxenus.

Wherefore it seems to me that we ought to have a philosophical conversation about
 music: for Pythgoras the Samian, who had such a high reputation as a philbsopher,
 is well known, from many circumstances, to have been a man who had no slight or
 superficial knowledge of music; for he indeed lays it down that the whole universe
 is put and kept together by music. And altogether the ancient philosophy of the
 Greeks appears to have been very much addicted to music; and on this account they
 judged Apollo to have been the most musical and the wisest of the gods, and
 Orpheus of' the demigods. And they called every one who devoted himself to the
 study of this art a sophist, as Aeschylus does in the verse where he says— 
 And then the sophist sweetly struck the lyre. 
 And that the ancients were excessively devoted to the study of music is
 plain from Homer, who, because all his own poetry was adapted to music, makes,
 from want of care, so many verses which are headless, and weak, and imperfect in
 the tail. But Xenophobes, and Solon, and Theognis, and Phocylides, and besides
 them Periander of Corinth, an elegiac poet, and the rest of those who did not set
 melodies to their poems, compose their verses with reference to number and to the
 arrangement of the metres, and take great care that none of their verses shall be
 liable to the charge of any of the irregularities which we just now imputed to
 Homer. Now when we call a verse headless ( ἀκέφαλος ), we mean such as have a mutilation or lameness at the
 beginning, such as— 
 
 
 
 ʼἐπειδὴ νῆάς τε καὶ ʽελλήσποντον
 ἵκοντο. 
 
 
 
 ʼἐπίτονος τετάνυστο βοὸς ἶφι
 κταμένοιο. 
 
 
 Odyss. xii. 423. 
 
 Those we call weak ( λαγαρὸς ) which are
 defective in the middle, as— 
 
 αἶψα δʼ ἄρʼ αἰνείαν υἱὸν φίλον ʼαγχίσαο. 
 
 
 
 τῶν δʼ αὖθʼ ἡγείσθην ʼασκληπιοῦ δύο παῖδες. 
 
 
 Those again are μείουροι, 
 which are imperfect in the tail or end, as— 
 
 
 
 τρῶες δʼ ἐῤῥίγησαν ὅπως ἴδον αἴολον
 ὄφιν. 
 
 
 Iliad, xii. 208. 
 
 
 καλὴ κασσιέπεια θεοῖς δέμας ἐοικυῖα. 
 
 
 
 
 
 τοῦ φέρον ἔμπλησας ἀσκὸν μέγαν, ἐν δὲ καί
 ἤϊα. 
 
 
 Odyss. ix. 212.

But of all the Greeks, the Lacedæmonians were those who preserved the art of music
 most strictly, as they applied themselves to the practice a great deal: and there
 were a great many lyric poets among them. And even to this day they preserve their
 ancient songs carefully, being possessed of very varied and very accurate learning
 on the subject; on which account Pratinas says— 
 The Lacedæmonian grasshopper sweetly sings, 
 Well suited to the chorus. 
 And on this account the poets also continually styled their odes— 
 President of sweetest hymns: 
 and— 
 The honey-wing'd melodies of the Muse. 
 For owing to the general moderation and austerity of their lives, they
 betook themselves gladly to music, which has a sort of power of soothing the
 understanding; so that it was natural enough that people who hear it should be
 delighted. And the people whom they called Choregi, were not, as Demetrius of
 Byzantium tells us in the fourth book of his treatise on Poetry, those who have
 that name now, the people, that is to say, who hire the choruses, but those who
 actually led the choruses, as the name intimates: and so it happened, that the
 Lacedæmonians were good musicians, and did not violate the ancient laws of
 music. 
 Now in ancient times all the Greeks were fond of music; but when in subsequent
 ages disorders arose, when nearly all the ancient customs had got out of fashion
 and had become obsolete, this fondness for music also wore out, and bad styles of
 music were introduced, which led all the composers to aim at effeminacy rather
 than delicacy, and at an enervated and dissolute rather than a modest style. And
 perhaps this will still exist hereafter in a greater
 degree, and will extend still further, unless some one again draws forth the
 national music to the light. For formerly the subjects of their songs used to be
 the exploits of heroes, and the praises of the Gods; and accordingly Homer says of
 Achilles— 
 
 
 With this he soothes his lofty soul, and sings 
 Th' immortal deeds of heroes and of kings. 
 
 Iliad, ix. 157. 
 
 And of Phemius he says— 
 
 
 Phemius, let acts of gods and heroes old, 
 What ancient bards in hall and bower have told, 
 Attemper'd to the lyre your voice employ, 
 Such the pleased ear will drink with silent joy. 
 
 Odyss. i. 237. 
 
 And this custom was preserved among the barbarians, as Dinon tells us in
 his history of Persia. Accordingly, the poets used to celebrate the valour of the
 elder Cyrus, and they foresaw the war which was going to be waged against
 Astyages. For when, says he, Cyrus had begun his march
 against the Persians, (and he had previously been the commander of the guards,
 and afterwards of the heavy-armed troops there, and then he left;) and while
 Astyages was sitting at a banquet with his friends, then a man, whose name was
 Angares, (and he was the most illustrious of his minstrels,) being called in,
 sang other things, such as were customary, and at last he said that— 
 A mighty monster is let loose at last 
 Into the marsh, fiercer than wildest boar; 
 And when once master of the neighbouring ground 
 It soon will fight with ease 'gainst numerous hosts. 
 And when Astyages asked him what monster he meant, he Said—' Cyrus the
 Persian.' And so the king, thinking that his suspicions were well founded, sent
 people to recal Cyrus, but did not succeed in doing so.

But I, though I could still say a good deal about music, yet, as I hear the noise
 of flutes, I will check my desire for talking, and only quote you the lines out of
 the Amateur of the Flute, by Philetærus— 
 O Jove, it were a happy thing to die 
 While playing on the flute. For flute-players 
 Are th' only men who in the shades below 
 Feel the soft power and taste the bliss of Venus. 
 But those whose coarser minds know nought of music, 
 Pour water always into bottomless casks. 
 
 
 
 After this there arose a discussion about the sambuca. And Masurius said that the
 sambuca was a musical instrument, very shrill, and that it was mentioned by
 Euphorion (who is also an Epic poet), in his book on the Isthmian Games; for he
 says that it was used by the Parthians and by the Troglodytæ, and that it had four
 strings. He said also that it was mentioned by Pythagoras, in his treatise on the
 Red Sea. The sambuca is also a name given to an engine used in sieges, the form
 and mechanism of which is explained by Biton, in his book addressed to Attalus on
 the subject of Military Engines. And Andreas of Panormus, in the thirty-third book
 of his History of Sicily, detailed city by city, says that it is borne against the
 walls of the enemy on two cranes. And it is called sambuca because when it is
 raised up it gives a sort of appearance of a ship and ladder joined together, and
 resembles the shape of the musical instrument of the same name. But Moschus, in
 the first book of his treatise on Mechanics, says that the sambuca is originally a
 Roman engine, and that Heraclides of Pontus was the original inventor of it. But
 Polybius, in the eighth book of his History, says,— Marcellus, having been a
 great deal inconvenienced at that siege of Syracuse by the contrivances of
 Archimedes, used to say that Archimedes had given his ships drink out of the
 sea; but that his sambucæ had been buffeted and driven from the entertainment
 in disgrace.

And when, after this, Aemilianus said,—But, my good friend Masurius, I myself,
 often, being a lover of music, turn my thoughts to the instrument which is called
 the magadis, and cannot decide whether I am to think that it was a species of
 flute or some kind of harp. For that sweetest of poets, Anacreon, says somewhere
 or other— 
 I hold my magadis and sing, 
 Striking loud the twentieth string, 
 Leucaspis, as the rapid hour 
 Leads you to youth's and beauty's flower. 
 But Ion of Chios, in his Omphale, speaks of it as if it were a species of
 flute, in the following words— 
 And let the Lydian flute, the magadis, 
 Breathe its sweet sounds, and lead the tuneful song. 
 And Aristarchus the grammarian, (a man whom Panætius the Rhodian
 philosopher used to call the Prophet, because he could so
 easily divine the meanings of poem ,) when explaining this verse, affirms that the
 magadis was a kind of flute: though Aristoxenus does not say so either in his
 treatise on the Flute-players or in that on Flutes and other Musical Instruments;
 nor does Archestratus either,—and he also wrote two books on Flute-players; nor
 has Pyrrhander said so in his work on Flute-players; nor Phillis the Delian, —for
 he also wrote a treatise on Flute-players and so did Euphranor. But Tryphon, in
 the second book of his essay on Names, speaks thus— The flute called
 magadis. And in another place he says—"The magadis gives a shrill and
 deep tone at the same time, as Anaxandrides inti- mates in his Man fighting in
 heavy Armour, were we find the line— 
 I will speak to you like a magadis, 
 In soft and powerful sounds at the same time. 
 And, my dear Masurius, there is no one else except you who can solve this
 difficulty for me.

And Masurius replied—Didymus the gramarian, in his work entitled Interpretations
 of the Plays of Ion different from the Interpretations of others, says, my good
 friend Aemilianus, that by the term μάγαδις αὐλὸς 
 he understands the instrument which is also called κιθαριοτήριος; which is mentioned by Aristoxenus in the first book
 of his treatise on the Boring of Flutes; for there he says that there are five
 kinds of flutes; the parthenius, the pædicus, the citharisterius, the perfect, and
 the superperfect. And he says that Ion has omitted the conjunction τε improperly, so that we are to understand by μάγαδις αὐλὸς the flute which accompanies the magadis;
 for the magadis is a stringed ( ψαλτικὸν )
 instrument, as Anacreon tells us, and it was invented by the Lydians, on which
 account Ion, in his Omphale, calls the Lydian women ψάλτριαι, as playing on stringed instruments, in the following
 lines— 
 But come, ye Lydian ψάλτριαι, and
 singing 
 Your ancient hymns, do honour to this stranger. 
 But Theophilus the comic poet, in his Neoptolemus, calls playing on the
 magadis μαγαδίζειν, saying— 
 It may be that a worthless son may sing 
 His father or his mother on the magadis ( μαγαδίζειν ), 
 
 Sitting upon the wheel; but none of us 
 Shall ever play such music now as theirs. 
 And Euphorion, in his treatise on the Isthmian Games, says, that the
 magadis is an ancient instrument, but that in latter times it was altered, and had
 the name also changed to that of the sambuca. And, that this instrument was very
 much used at Mitylene, so that one of the Muses was represented by an old
 statuary, whose name was Lesbothemis, as holding one in her hand. But Menæchmus,
 in his treatise on Artists, says that the πηκτὶς, 
 which he calls identical with the magadis, was invented by Sappho. And Aristoxenus
 says that the magadis and the pectis were both played with the fingers without any
 plectrum; on which account Pindar, in his Scolium addressed to Hiero, having named
 the magadis, calls it a responsive harping ( ψαλμὸν
 ἀντίφθογγον ), because its music is accompanied in all its keys by two
 kinds of singers, namely, men and boys. And Phrynichus, in his Phœnician Women,
 has said— 
 Singing responsive songs on tuneful harps. 
 And Sophocles, in his Mysians, says— 
 There sounded too the Phrygian triangle, 
 With oft-repeated notes; to which responded 
 The well-struck strings of the soft Lydian pectis.

But some people raise a question how, as the magadis did not exist in the time of
 Anacreon (for instruments with many strings were never seen till after his time),
 Anacreon can possibly mention it, as he does when he says— 
 I hold my magadis and sing, 
 Striking loud the twentieth string, 
 Leucaspis. 
 But Posidonius asserts that Anacreon mentions three kinds of melodies,
 the Phrygian, the Dorian, and the Lydian; for that these were the only melodies
 with which he was acquainted. And as every one of these is executed on seven
 strings, he says that it was very nearly correct of Anacreon to speak of twenty
 strings, as he only omits one for the sake of speaking in round numbers. But
 Posidonius is ignorant that the magadis is an ancient instrument, though Pindar
 says plainly enough that Terpander invented the barbitos to correspond to, and
 answer the pectis in use among the Lydians— 
 
 The sweet responsive lyre 
 Which long ago the Lesbian bard, 
 Terpander, did invent, sweet ornament 
 To the luxurious Lydian feasts, when he 
 Heard the high-toned pectis. 
 Now the pectis and the magadis are the same instrument, as Aristoxenus
 tells us, and Menechmus the Sicyonian too, in his treatise on Artists. And this
 last author says that Sappho, who is more ancient than Anacreon, was the first
 person to use the pectis. Now, that Terpander is more ancient than Anacreon, is
 evident from the following considerations:—Terpander was the first man who ever
 got the victory at the Carnean games, as Hellanicus tells us in the verses in which he has celebrated the
 victors at the Carnea, and also in the formal catalogue which he gives us of them.
 But the first establishment of the Carnea took place in the twenty-sixth Olympiad,
 as Sosibius tells us in his essay on Dates. But Hieronymus, in his treatise on
 Harp-players, which is the subject of the fifth of his Treatises on Poets, says
 that Terpander was a contemporary of Lycurgus the law-giver, who, it is agreed by
 all men, was, with Iphitus of Elis, the author of that establishment of the
 Olympic games from which the first Olympiad is reckoned. But Euphorion, in his
 treatise on the Isthmian Games, says that the instruments with many strings are
 altered only in their names; but that the use of them is very ancient.

However, Diogenes the tragic poet represents the pectis as differing from the
 magadis; for in the Semele he says— 
 And now I hear the turban-wearing women, 
 Votaries of th' Asiatic Cybele, 
 The wealthy Phrygians' daughters, loudly sounding 
 With drums, and rhombs, and brazen-clashing cymbals, 
 Their hands in concert striking on each other, 
 Pour forth a wise and healing hymn to the gods. 
 Likewise the Lydian and the Bactrian maids 
 Who dwell beside the Halys, loudly worship 
 The Tmolian goddess Artemis, who loves 
 
 The laurel shade of the thick leafy grove, 
 Striking the clear three-corner'd pectis, and 
 Raising responsive airs upon the magadis, 
 While flutes in Persian manner neatly join'd 
 Accompany the chorus. 
 And Phillis the Delian, in the second book of his treatise on Music, also
 asserts that the pectis is different from the magadis. And his words are
 these— There are the phœnices, the pectides, the magadides, the sambucæ,
 the iambicæ, the triangles, the clepsiambi, the scindapsi, the
 nine-string. For, he says that the lyre to which they sang
 iambics, they called the iambyca, and the instrument to which they sang them in
 such a manner as to vary the metre a little, they called the clepsiambus, while the magadis
 was an instrument uttering a diapason sound, and equally in tune for every
 portion of the singers. And besides these there were instruments of other kinds
 also; for there was the barbitos, or barmus, and many others, some with
 strings, and some with sounding-boards.

There were also some instruments besides those which were blown into, and those
 which were used with different strings, which gave forth only sounds of a simple
 nature, such as the castanets ( κρέμβαλα ), which
 are mentioned by Dicæarchus, in his essay on the Manners and Customs of Greece,
 where he says, that formerly certain instruments were in very frequent use, in
 order to accompany women while dancing and singing; and when any one touched these
 instruments with their fingers they uttered a shrill sound. And he says that this
 is plainly shown in the hymn to Diana, which begins thus— 
 Diana, now my mind will have me utter 
 A pleasing song in honour of your deity, 
 While this my comrade strikes with nimble hand 
 The well-gilt brazen-sounding castanets. 
 And Hermippus, in his play called The Gods, gives the word for rattling
 the castanets, κρεμβαλίζειν, saying— 
 And beating down the limpets from the rocks, 
 They make a noise like castanets ( κρεμβαλιζουσι ). 
 But Didymus says, that some people, instead of the lyre, are in the habit
 of striking oyster-shells and cockle-shells against one
 another, and by these means contrive to play a tune in time to the dancers, as
 Aristophanes also intimates in his Frogs.

But Artemon, in the first book of his treatise on the Dionysian System, as he
 calls it, says that Timotheus the Milesian appears to many men to have used an
 instrument of more strings than were necessary, namely, the magadis, on which
 account he was chastised by the Lacedæmonians as having corrupted the ancient
 music. And when some one was going to cut away the superfluous strings from his
 lyre, he showed them a little statue of Apollo which they had, which held in its
 hand a lyre with an equal number of strings, and which was tuned in the same
 manner; and so he was acquitted. But Douris, in his treatise on Tragedy, says that
 the magadis was named after Magodis, who was a Thracian by birth. But Apollodorus,
 in his Reply to the Letter of Aristocles, says— That which we now call
 ψαλτήριον is the same instrument which was
 formerly called magadis; but that which used to be called the clepsiambus, and
 the triangle, and the elymus, and the nine-string, have fallen into comparative
 disuse. And Alcman says— 
 And put away the magadis. 
 And Sophocles, in his Thamyras, says— 
 And well-compacted lyres and magadides, 
 And other highly-polish'd instruments, 
 From which the Greeks do wake the sweetest sounds. 
 But Telestes, in his dithyrambic poem, called Hymenæus, says that the
 magadis was an instrument with five strings, using the following expressions—
 
 And each a different strain awakens,— 
 One struck the loud horn-sounding magadis, 
 And in the fivefold number of tight strings 
 Moved his hand to and fro most rapidly. 
 I am acquainted, too, with another instrument which the Thracian kings
 use in their banquets, as Nicomedes tells us in his essay on Orpheus. Now Ephorus
 and Scarmon, in their treatise on Inventions, say that the instrument called the
 Phoenix derives its name from having been invented by the
 Phœnicians. But Semus of Delos, in the first book of the Delias, says that it is
 so called because its ribs are made of the palm-tree which grows in Delos. The
 same writer, Semus, says that the first person who used the sambuca was Sibylla,
 and that the instrument derives its name from having been invented by a man named
 Sambyx.

And concerning the instrument called the tripod (this also is a musical
 instrument) the before-mentioned Artemo writes as follows— And that is how
 it is that there are many instruments, as to which it is even uncertain whether
 they ever existed; as, for instance, the tripod of Pythagoras of Zacynthus. For
 as it was in fashion but a very short time, and as, either because the
 fingering of it appeared exceedingly difficult, or for some other reason, it
 was very soon disused, it has escaped the notice of most writers altogether.
 But the instrument was in form very like the Delphian tripod, and it derived
 its name from it; but it was used like a triple harp. For its feet stood on
 some pedestal which admitted of being easily turned round, just as the legs of
 movable chairs are made; and along the three intermediate spaces between the
 feet, strings were stretched; an arm being placed above each, and tuning-pegs,
 to which the strings were attached, below. And on the top there was the usual
 ornament of the vase, and of some other ornaments which were attached to it;
 all which gave it a very elegant appearance; and it emitted a very powerful
 sound. And Pythagoras divided the three harmonies with reference to three
 countries,—the Dorian, the Lydian, and Phrygian. And he himself sitting on a
 chair made on the same principles and after the same pattern, putting out his
 left hand so as to take hold of the instrument, and using the plectrum in his
 other hand, moved the pedestal with his foot very easily, so as to use
 whichever side of the instrument he chose to begin with; and then again turning
 to the other side he went on playing, and then he changed to the third side.
 And so rapidly did the easy movement of the pedestal, when touched by the foot,
 bring the various sides under his hand, and so very rapid was his fingering and
 execution, that if a person had not seen what was being done, but had judged
 only by his ear, he would have fancied that he was listening to three
 harp-players all playing on different instruments. But
 this instrument, though it was so greatly admired, after his death rapidly fell
 into disuse.

Now the system of playing the harp without any vocal accompaniment, was, as
 Menechmus informs us, first introduced by Aristonicus the Argive, who was a
 contemporary of Archilochus, and lived in Corcyra. But Philochorus, in the third
 book of his Atthis, says—-" Lysander the Sicyonian harp-player was the first
 person who ever changed the art of pure instrumental performance, dwelling on the
 long tones, and producing a very rich sound, and adding also to the harp the music
 of the flute; and this last addition was first introduced by Epigonus; and taking
 away the jejuneness which existed in the music of those who played the harp alone
 without any vocal accompaniment, he first introduced various beautiful
 modifications on that instrument; and he played on the different kinds of harp called
 iambus and magadis, which is also called συριγμός. 
 And he was the first person who ever attempted to change his instrument while
 playing. And afterwards, adding dignity to the business, he was the first person
 to institute a chorus. And Menæchmus says that Dion of Chius was the first person
 who ever played on the harp an ode such as is used at libations to the honour of
 Bacchus. But Timomachus, in his History of Cyprus, says that Stesander the Samian
 added further improvements to his art, and was the first person who at Delphi sang
 to his lyre the battles narrated in Homer, beginning with the Odyssey. But others
 say that the first person who ever played amatory strains on his harp was Amiton
 the Eleuthernæan, who did so in his own city, whose descendants are all called
 Amitores. 
 But Aristoxenus says that just as some men have composed parodies on hexameter
 verses, for the sake of exciting a laugh; so, too, others
 have parodied the verses which were sung to the harp, in which pastime Œnopas led
 the way. And he was imitated by Polyeuctus the Achæan, and by Diodes of Cynætha.
 There have also been poets who have composed a low kind of poems, concerning whom
 Phænias the Eresian speaks in his writings addressed to the Sophists; where he
 writes thus:— Telenicus the Byzantian, and also Argas, being both authors of
 low poems, were men who, as far as that kind of poetry could go, were accounted
 clever. But they never even attempted to rival the songs of Terpander or
 Phrynis. And Alexis mentions Argas, in his Man Disembarked, thus—
 
 
 A. Here is a poet who has gained the prize 
 In choruses. 
 
 B. What is his style of poetry? 
 
 A. A noble kind. 
 
 B. How will he stand comparison 
 With Argas 
 
 A. He's a whole day's journey better. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Hercules, says— 
 For he appears a really clever man. 
 How gracefully he takes the instrument, 
 Then plays at once. . . . . 
 When I have eaten my fill, I then incline 
 To send you off to sing a match with Argas, 
 That you, my friend, may thus the sophists conquer.

But the author of the play called the Beggars, which is attributed to Chionides,
 mentions a certain man of the name of Gnesippus as a composer of ludicrous verses,
 and also of merry songs; and he says— 
 I swear that neither now Gnesippus, nor 
 Cleomenes with all his nine-string'd lyre, 
 Could e'er have made this song endurable. 
 And the author of the Helots says— 
 He is a man who sings the ancient songs 
 Of Alcman, and Stesichorus, and Simonides; 
 (he means to say Gnesippus): 
 He likewise has composed songs for the night, 
 Well suited to adulterers, with which 
 They charm the women from their doors, while striking 
 The shrill iambyca or the triangle. 
 And Cratinus, in his Effeminate Persons, says— 
 Who, O Gnesippus, e'er saw me in love 
 I am indignant; for I do think nothing 
 Can be so vain or foolish as a lover. 
 
 . . . . . . .and he ridicules him for his poems; and in his
 Herdsmen he says— 
 A man who would not give to Sophocles 
 A chorus when he asked one; though he granted 
 That favour to Cleomachus, whom I 
 Should scarce think worthy of so great an honour, 
 At the Adonia. 
 And in his Hours he says— 
 Farewell to that great tragedian 
 Cleomachus, with his chorus of hair-pullers, 
 Plucking vile melodies in the Lydian fashion. 
 But Teleclides, in his Rigid Men, says that he was greatly addicted to
 adultery. And Clearchus, in the second book of his Amatory Anecdotes, says that
 the love-songs, and those, too, which are called the Locrian songs, do not differ
 in the least from the compositions of Sappho and Anacreon. Moreover, the poems of
 Archilochus, and that on fieldfares, attributed to Homer, relate to some division
 or other of this passion, describing it in metrical poetry. But the writings of
 Asopodorus about love, and the whole body of amorous epistles, are a sort of
 amatory poetry out of metre.

When Masurius had said this, the second course, as it is called, was served up to
 us; which, indeed, was very often offered to us, not only on the days of the
 festival of Saturn, when it is
 the custom of the Romans to feast their slaves, while they themselves discharge
 the offices of their slaves. But this is in reality a Grecian custom. At all
 events, in Crete, at the festival of Mercury, a similar thing takes place, as
 Carystius tells us in his Historic Reminiscences; for then, while the slaves are
 feasting, the masters wait upon them as if they were the servants: and so they do
 at Trœzen in the month Geræstius. For then there is a festival which lasts for
 many days, on one of which the slaves play at dice in common with the citizens,
 and the masters give a banquet to the slaves, as Carystius himself tells us. And
 Berosus, in the first book of his History of Babylon, says that on the sixteenth
 day of the month Lous, there is a great festival celebrated in Babylon, which is called Sakeas; and it lasts five days: and during those days
 it is the custom for the masters to be under the orders of their slaves; and one
 of the slaves puts on a robe like the king's, which is called a zoganes, and is
 master of the house. And Ctesias also mentions this festival in the second book of
 his History of Persia. But the Coans act in an exactly contrary manner, as
 Macareus tells us in the third book of his History of Cos. For when they sacrifice
 to Juno, the slaves do not come to the entertainment; on which account Phylarchus
 says— 
 Among the Sourii, the freemen only 
 Assist at the holy sacrifice; none else 
 The temples or the altars dare approach; 
 And no slave may come near the sacred precincts.

But Baton of Sinope, the orator, in his treatise on Thessaly and Hæmonica,
 distinctly asserts that the Roman Saturnalia are originally a very Greek festival,
 saying that among the Thessalians it is called Peloria. And these are his
 words:— When a common festival was being celebrated by all the Pelasgi, a
 man whose name was Pelorus brought news to Pelasgus that there had been some
 violent earthquakes in Hæmonia, by which the mountains called Tempe had been
 rent asunder, and that the water of the lake had burst through the rent, and
 was all falling into the stream of the Peneus; and that all the country which
 had formerly been covered by the lake was now laid open, and that, as the
 waters were now drained off, there were plains visible of wondrous size and
 beauty. Accordingly, Pelasgus, on hearing this statement, had a table loaded
 with every delicacy set before Pelorus; and every one else received him with
 great cordiality, and brought whatever they had that was best, and placed it on
 the table before the man who had brought this news; and Pelasgus himself waited
 on him with great cheerfulness, and all the rest of the nobles obeyed him as
 his servants as often as any opportunity offered. On which account, they say
 that after the Pelasgi occupied the district, they instituted a festival as a
 sort of imitation of the feast which took place on that occasion; and,
 sacrificing to Jupiter Pelor, they serve up tables admirably furnished, and
 hold a very cordial and friendly assembly, so as to receive every foreigner at
 the banquet, and to set free all the prisoners, and to make their servants sit
 down and feast with every sort of liberty and licence,
 while their masters wait on them. And, in short, even to this day the
 Thessalians celebrate this as their chief festival, and call it
 Peloria.

Very often, then, as I have said, when such a dessert as this is set before us,
 some one of the guests who were present would say— 
 Certainly, second thoughts are much the best; 
 For what now can the table want? or what 
 Is there with which it is not amply loaded? 
 'Tis full of fish fresh from the sea, besides 
 Here's tender veal, and dainty dishes of goose, 
 Tartlets, and cheesecakes steep'd most thoroughly 
 In the rich honey of the golden bee; 
 as Euripides says in his Cretan Women: and, as Eubulus said in his Rich
 Woman— 
 And in the same way everything is sold 
 Together at Athens; figs and constables, 
 Grapes, turnips, pears and apples, witnesses, 
 Roses and medlars, cheesecakes, honeycombs, 
 Vetches and law-suits; bee-strings of all kinds, 
 And myrtle-berries, and lots for offices, 
 Hyacinths, and lambs, and hour-glasses too, 
 And laws and prosecutions. 
 Accordingly, when Pontianus was about to say something about each of the
 dishes of the second course,—We will not, said Ulpian, hear you discuss these
 things until you have spoken about the sweetmeats ( ἐπιδορπίσματα ). And Pontianus replied:—Cratinus says that
 Philippides has given this name to the τραγήματα, 
 in his Miser, where he says— 
 Cheesecakes, ἐπιδορπίσματα, and eggs, 
 And sesame; and were I to endeavour 
 To count up every dish, the day would fail me. 
 And Diphilus, in his Telesias, says— 
 
 τράγημα, myrtle-berries, cheesecakes
 too, 
 And almonds; so that with the greatest pleasure 
 I eat the second course ( ἐπιδορπίζομαι ). 
 And Sophilus, in his Deposit, says— 
 'Tis always pleasant supping with the Greeks; 
 They manage well; with them no one cries out— 
 Here, bring a stronger draught; for I must feast 
 With the Tanagrian; that there, lying down, 
 * * * * * 
 And Plato, in his Atlanticus, calls these sweetmeats μεταδόρπια; saying— And at that time the earth
 used to produce all sorts of sweet-smelling things for its inhabitants; and a
 great deal of cultivated fruit, and a great variety of
 nuts; and all the μεταδόρπια which give
 pleasure when eaten.

But Tryphon says that formerly before the guests entered the supper-room, each
 person's share was placed on the table, and that afterwards a great many dishes of
 various kinds were served up in addition; and that on this account these latter
 dishes were called ἐπιφορήματα. But Philyllius, in
 his Well-digger, speaking of the second course, says— 
 Almonds, and nuts, and ἐπιφορήματα. 
 
 And Archippus, in his Hercules, and Herodotus, in the first book of his
 History, have both used the verb ἐπιδορπίζομαι for
 eating after supper. And Archippus also, in his Hercules Marrying, uses the word
 ἐπιφορήματα; where he says— 
 The board was loaded with rich honey-cakes 
 And other ἐπιφορήματα. 
 
 And Herodotus, in the first book of his History, says— They do not
 eat a great deal of meat, but a great many ἐπιφορήματα. 
 But as for the proverbial saying, The ἐπιφόρημα of Abydos, that is a kind of tax and
 harbour-due; as is explained by Aristides in the third book of his treatise on
 Proverbs. But Dionysius, the son of Tryphon, says— Formerly, before the
 guests came into the banqueting-room, the portion for each individual was
 placed on the table, and afterwards a great many other things were served up in
 addition ( ἐπιφέρεσθαι ); from which custom they
 were called ἐπιφορήματα. 
 And Philyllius, in his Well-digger, speaks of what is brought in after
 the main part of the banquet is over, saying— 
 Almonds, and nuts, and ἐπιφορήματα. 
 
 But Plato the comic poet, in the Menelaus, calls them ἐπιτραπεζώματα, as being for eatables placed on the
 table ( ἐπὶ ταῖς τραπέζαις ), saying— 
 
 A. Come, tell me now, 
 Why are so few of the ἐπιτραπεζώματα 
 
 Remaining? 
 
 B. That man hated by the gods 
 Ate them all up. 
 And Aristotle, in his treatise on Drunkenness, says that sweetmeats
 ( τραγήματα ) used to be called by the ancients
 τρωγάλια; for that they come in as a sort of
 second course. But it is Pindar who said— 
 And τρώγαλον is nice when supper's over, 
 And when the guests have eaten plentifully. 
 
 And he was quite right. For Euripides says, when one looks
 on what is served up before one, one may really say— 
 You see how happily life passes when 
 A man has always a well-appointed table.

And that among the ancients the second course used to have a great deal of expense
 and pains bestowed on it, we may learn from what Pindar says in his Olympic Odes,
 where he speaks of the flesh of Pelops being served up for food:— 
 
 
 And in the second course they carved 
 Your miserable limbs, and feasted on them; 
 But far from me shall be the thought profane, 
 That in foul feast celestials could delight. 
 
 Pind. Ol. i. 80 
 
 And the ancients often called this second course simply τράπεζαι, as, for instance, Achæus in his Vulcan, which
 is a satyric drama, who says,— 
 
 A. First we will gratify you with a feast; 
 Lo! here it is. 
 
 B. But after that what means 
 Of pleasure will you offer me? 
 
 A. We'll anoint you 
 All over with a richly-smelling perfume. 
 
 B. Will you not give me first a jug of water 
 To wash my hands with! 
 
 A. Surely; the dessert ( τράπεζα ) 
 Is now being clear'd away. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Wasps, says— 
 
 
 Bring water for the hands; clear the dessert. 
 
 Ar. Vespæ, 121 
 
 And Aristotle, in his treatise on Drunkenness, uses the term δεύτεραι τράπεζαι, much as we do now; saying,— We
 must therefore bear in mind that there is a difference between τράγημα and βρῶμα, as
 there is also between ἔδεσμα and τρωγάλιον. For this is a national name in use in
 every part of Greece, since there is food ( βρῶμα ) in sweetmeats ( ἐντραγήμασι ), from which consideration the man who, first used the
 expression δευτέρα τράπεζα, , appears to have
 spoken with sufficient correctness. For the eating of sweetmeats ( τραγηματισμὸς ) is really an eating after supper
 ( ἐπιδορπισμὸς ); and the sweetmeats are
 served up as a second supper. But Dicæarchus, in the first book of his
 Descent to the Cave of Trophonius, speaks thus: There was also the δευτέρα τράπεζα, which was a very expensive part of a
 banquet, and there were also garlands, and perfumes, and burnt frankincense,
 and all the other necessary accompaniments of these thing.

Eggs too often formed a part of the second course, as did hares and thrushes,
 which were served up with the honey-cakes; as we find mentioned by Antiphanes in
 the Leptiniscus, where he says,— 
 
 A. Would you drink Thasian wine? 
 
 B. No doubt, if any one 
 Fills me a goblet with it. 
 
 A. Then what think you 
 Of almonds? 
 
 B. I feel very friendly to them, 
 They mingle well with honey. 
 
 A. If a man 
 Should bring you honied cheesecakes? 
 
 B. I should eat them, 
 And swallow down an egg or two besides. 
 And in his Things resembling one another, he says,— 
 Then he introduced a dance, and after that he served up 
 A second course, provided well with every kind of dainty. 
 And Amphis, in his Gynæcomania, says,— 
 
 A. Did you e'er hear of what they call a ground life? 
 . . . . . . . . 'tis clearly 
 Cheesecakes, sweet wine, eggs, cakes of sesame, 
 Perfumes, and crowns, and female flute-players. 
 
 B. Castor and Pollux! why you have gone through 
 The names of all the dozen gods at once. 
 Anaxandrides, in his Clowns, says,— 
 And when I had my garland on my head, 
 They brought in the dessert ( ἡ τράπεζα ), in
 which there were 
 So many dishes, that, by all the gods, 
 And goddesses too, I hadn't the least idea 
 There were so many different things i' th' house; 
 And never did I live so well as then. 
 Clearchus says in his Pandrosus,— 
 
 A. Have water for your hands: 
 
 B. By no means, thank you; 
 I'm very comfortable as I am. 
 
 A. Pray have some; 
 You'll be no worse at all events. Boy, water! 
 And put some nuts and sweetmeats on the table. 
 And Eubulus, in his Campylion, says,— 
 
 A. Now is your table loaded well with
 sweetmeats. 
 
 B. I am not always very fond of sweetmeats. 
 Alexis, too, says in his Polyclea, (Polyclea was the name of a
 courtesan,)— 
 
 He was a clever man who first invented 
 The use of sweetmeats; for he added thus 
 A pleasant lengthening to the feast, and saved men 
 From unfill'd mouths and idle jaws unoccupied. 
 And in his Female Likeness (but this same play is attributed also to
 Antidotus) he says,— 
 
 A. I am not one, by Aesculapius! 
 To care excessively about my supper; 
 I'm fonder of dessert. 
 
 B. 'Tis very well. 
 
 A. For I do hear that sweetmeats are in fashion, 
 For suitors when they're following . . . 
 
 B. Their brides,— 
 
 A. To give them cheesecakes, hares, and thrushes
 too, 
 These are the things I like; but pickled fish 
 And soups and sauces I can't bear, ye gods! 
 But Apion and Diodorus, as Pamphilus tells us, assert that the sweetmeats
 brought in after supper are also called ἐπαίκλεια.

Ephippus, in his Ephebi, enumerating the different dishes in fashion for dessert,
 says,— 
 Then there were brought some groats, some rich perfumes 
 From Egypt, and a cask of rich palm wine 
 Was broach'd. Then cakes and other kinds of sweetmeats, 
 Cheesecakes of every sort and every name; 
 And a whole hecatomb of eggs. These things 
 We ate, and clear'd the table vigorously, 
 For we did e'en devour some parasites. 
 And in his Cydon he says,— 
 And after supper they served up some kernels, 
 Vetches, and beans, and groats, and cheese, and honey, 
 Sweetmeats of various kinds, and cakes of sesame, 
 And pyramidical rolls of wheat, and apples, 
 Nuts, milk, hempseed too, and shell-fish, 
 Syrup, the brains of Jove. 
 Alexis too, in his Philiscus, says,— 
 Now is the time to clear the table, and 
 To bring each guest some water for his hands, 
 And garlands, perfumes, and libations, 
 Frankincense, and a chafing-dish. Now give 
 Some sweetmeats, and let all some cheesecakes have. 
 And as Philoxenus of Cythera, in his Banquet, where he mentions the
 second course, has spoken by name of many of the dishes which are served up to us,
 we may as well cite his words:— 
 
 And the beautiful vessels which come in first, were brought in again full
 of every kind of delicacy, which mortals call τράπεζαι, but the Gods call them the Horn of
 Amalthea. And in the middle was placed that great delight of mortals, white
 marrow dressed sweet; covering its face with a thin membrane, like a spider's
 web, out of modesty, that one might not see . . . . . in the dry nets of
 Aristæus . . . . And its name was amyllus . . . . . . . . . . which they call
 Jupiter's sweetmeats . . . . Then he distributed plates of . . . . very
 delicious . . . . . . and a cheesecake compounded of cheese, and milk, and
 honey . . . almonds with soft rind . . . . and nuts, which boys are very fond
 of; and everything else which could be expected in plentiful and costly
 entertainment. And drinking went on, and playing at the cottabus, and
 conversation . . . . . . . It was pronounced a very magnificent entertainment,
 and every one admired and praised it. 
 
 This, then, is the description given by Philoxenus of Cythera, whom Antiphanes
 praises in his Third-rate Performer, where he says— 
 Philoxenus now does surpass by far 
 All other poets. First of all he everywhere 
 Uses new words peculiar to himself; 
 And then how cleverly doth he mix his melodies 
 With every kind of change and modification! 
 Surely he is a god among weak men, 
 And a most thorough judge of music too, 
 But poets of the present day patch up 
 Phrases of ivy and fountains into verse, 
 And borrow old expressions, talking of 
 Melodies flying on the wings of flowers, 
 And interweave them with their own poor stuff.

There are many writers who have given lists of the different kinds of cheesecakes,
 and as far as I can recollect, I will mention them, and what they have said. I
 know, too, that Callimachus, in his List of Various Books, mentions the treatises
 on the Art of Making Cheesecakes, written by Aegimius, and Hegesippus, and
 Metrobius, and also by Phætus. But I will communicate to you the names of
 cheesecakes which I myself have been able to find to put down, not treating you as
 Socrates was treated in the matter of the cheesecake which was sent to him by
 Alcibiades; for Xanthippe took it and trampled upon it, on which Socrates laughed,
 and said, At all events you will not have any of it yourself. (This
 story is related by Antipater, in the first book of his essay on Passion.) But I,
 as I am fond of cheesecakes, should have been very sorry to see that divine
 cheesecake so injuriously treated. Accordingly, Plato the
 comic poet ren- tions cheesecakes in his play called The Poet, where he says—
 
 Am I alone to sacrifice without 
 Having a taste allow'd me of the entrails, 
 Without a cheesecake, without frankincense? 
 
 
 Nor do I forget that there is a village, which Demetrius the Scepsian, in the
 twelfth book of his Trojan Array, tells us bears the name of πλακοῦς (cheesecake); and he says that it is six stadia from
 Hypoplacian Thebes. 
 
 Now, the word πλακοῦς ought to have a circumflex
 in the nominative case; for it is contracted from πλακόεις, as τυροῦς is from τυρόεις, and σησαμοῦς 
 from σησαμόεις. . And it is used as a substantive,
 the word ἄρτος (bread) being understood. 
 Those who have lived in the place assure us that there are capital cheesecakes to
 be got at Parium on the Hellespont; for it is a blunder of Alexis, when he speaks
 of them as coming from the island of Paros. And this is what he says in his play
 called Archilochus:— 
 Happy old man, who in the sea-girt isle 
 Of happy Paros dwell'st—a land which bears 
 Two things in high perfection; marble white, 
 Fit decoration for th' immortal gods, 
 And cheesecakes, dainty food for mortal men. 
 And Sopater the farce-writer, in his Suitors of Bacchis, testifies that
 the cheesecakes of Samos are extraordinarily good; saying,— 
 The cheesecake-making island named Samos.

Menander, in his False Hercules, speaks of cheesecakes made in a mould:— 
 It is not now a question about candyli, 
 Or all the other things which you are used 
 To mix together in one dish-eggs, honey, 
 And similago; for all these things now 
 Are out of place. The cook at present's making 
 Baked cheesecakes in a mould; and boiling groats 
 To serve up after the salt-fish,—and grapes, 
 And forced-meat wrapp'd in fig-leaves. And the maid, 
 Who makes the sweetmeats and the common cheesecakes, 
 Is roasting joints of meat and plates of thrushes. 
 And Evangelus, in his Newly-married Woman, says— 
 
 A. Four tables did I mention to you of women, 
 And six of men; a supper, too, complete— 
 In no one single thing deficient; 
 
 Wishing the marriage-feast to be a splendid one. 
 
 B. Ask no one else; I will myself go round, 
 Provide for everything, and report to you. 
 . . . . . As many kinds of olives as you please; 
 For meat, you've veal, and sucking-pig, and pork, 
 And hares— 
 
 A. Hear how this cursed fellow boasts! 
 
 B. Forced-meat in fig-leaves, cheese, cheesecakes in
 moulds- 
 
 A. Here, Dromo! 
 
 B. Candyli, eggs, cakes of meal. 
 And then the table is three cubits high; 
 So that all those who sit around must rise 
 Whene'er they wish to help themselves to anything, 
 There was a kind of cheesecake called ἄμης. Antiphanes enumerates 
 
 ἄμητες, ἄμυλοι; 
 
 and Menander, in his Supposititious Son, says— 
 You would be glad were any one to dress 
 A cheesecake ( ἄμητα ) for you. 
 But the Ionians, as Seleucus tells us in his Dialects, make the
 accusative case ἄμην; and they call small
 cheesecakes of the same kind ἀμητίσκοι. Teleclides
 says— 
 Thrushes flew of their own accord 
 Right down my throat with savoury ἀμητίσκοι.

There was also a kind called διακόνιον :— 
 He was so greedy that he ate a whole 
 Diaconium up, besides an amphiphon. 
 But the ἀμφιφῶν was a kind of cheesecake
 consecrated to Diana, having figures of lighted torches round it. Philemon, in his
 Beggar, or Woman of Rhodes, says— 
 Diana, mistress dear, I bring you now 
 This amphiphon, and these libations holy. 
 Diphilus also mentions it in his Hecate. Philochorus also mentions the
 fact of its being called ἀμφιφῶν, and of its being
 brought into the temples of Diana, and also to the places where three roads meet,
 on the day when the moon is overtaken at its setting by the rising of the sun; and
 so the heaven is ἀμφιφῶς, or all over light. 
 There is the basynias too. Semus, in the second book of the Deliad, says— In
 the island of Hecate, the Delians sacrifice to Iris, offering her the
 cheesecakes called basyniæ; and this is a cake of wheat-flour, and suet, and
 honey, boiled up together: and what is called κόκκωρα consists of a fig and three nuts. 
 
 There are also cheesecakes called strepti and neëlata. Both; 
 these kinds are mentioned by Demosthenes the orator, in his Speech in Defence of
 Ctesiphon concerning the Crown. 
 There are also epichyta. Nicochares, in his Handicraftsmen, says— 
 I've loaves, and barley-cakes, and bran, and flour, 
 And rolls, obelias, and honey'd cheesecakes, 
 Epichyti, ptisan, and common cheesecakes, 
 Dendalides, and fried bread. 
 But Pamphilus says that the ἐπίχυτος is
 the same kind of cheesecake as that which is called ἀττανίτης. And Hipponax mentions the ἀττανίτης in the following lines:— 
 Not eating hares or woodcocks, 
 Nor mingling small fried loaves with cakes of sesame, 
 Nor dipping attanite in honeycombs, 
 
 
 There is also the creïum. This is a kind of cheesecakes which, at Argos, is
 brought to the bridegroom from the bride; and it is roasted on the coals, and the
 friends of the bride- groom are invited to eat it; and it is served up with honey,
 as Philetas tells us in his Miscellanies. 
 There is also the glycinas: this is a cheesecake in fashion among the Cretans,
 made with sweet wine and oil, as Seleucus tells us in his Dialects. 
 There is also the empeptas. The same author speaks of this as a cheesecake made of
 wheat, hollow and well-shaped, like those which are called κρηπῖδες; being rather a kind of paste into which they put those
 cheesecakes which are really made with cheese.

There are cakes, also, called ἐγκρίδες. These are
 cakes boiled in oil, and after that seasoned with honey; and they are mentioned by
 Stesichorus in the following lines:— 
 Groats and encrides, 
 And other cakes, and fresh sweet honey. 
 Epicharmus, too, mentions them; and so does Nicophon, in his
 Handicraftsmen. And Aristophanes, in his Danaides, speaks of a man who made them
 in the following words:— 
 And not be a seller of encrides ( ἐγκριδοπώλης ). 
 And Pherecrates, in his Crapatalli, says— 
 Let him take this, and then along the road 
 Let him seize some encrides. 
 
 
 There is the ἐπικύκλιος, too. This is a kind of
 cheesecake in use among the Syracusans, under this name; and it is mentioned by
 Epicharmus, in his Earth and Sea. 
 
 There is also the γοῦρος; ; and that this, too, is
 a kind of cheesecake we learn from what Solon says in his Iambics:— 
 Some spend their time in drinking, and eating cakes, 
 And some eat bread, and others feast on γοῦροι 
 
 Mingled with lentils; and there is no kind 
 Of dainty wanting there, but all the fruits 
 Which the rich earth brings forth as food for men 
 Are present in abundance. 
 
 
 There are also cribanæ; and κριβάνης is a name
 given by Alcman to some cheesecakes, as Apollodorus tells us. And Sosibius asserts
 the same thing, in the third book of his Essay on Alcman; and he says they are in
 shape like a breast, and that the Lacedæmonians use them at the banquets of women,
 and that the female friends of the bride, who follow her in a chorus, carry them
 about when they are going to sing an encomium which has been prepared in her
 honour. 
 There is also the crimnites, which is a kind of cheesecake made of a coarser sort
 of barley-meal ( κρίμνον ), as Iatrocles tells us in
 his treatise on Cheesecakes.

Then there is the staitites; and this, too, is a species of cheesecake made of
 wheaten-flour and honey. Epicharmus mentions it in his Hebe's Wedding; but the
 wheaten-flour is wetted, and then put into a frying-pan; and after that honey is
 sprinkled over it, and sesame, and cheese; as Iatrocles tells us. 
 There is also the charisius. This is mentioned by Aristophanes in his Daitaleis,
 where he says— 
 But I will send them in the evening 
 A charisian cheesecake. 
 And Eubulus, in his Ancylion, speaks of it as if it were plain bread:—
 
 I only just leapt out, 
 While baking the charisius. 
 
 
 Then there is the ἐπίδαιτρον, which is a
 barley-cake, made like a cheesecake, to be eaten after supper; as Philemon tells
 us in his treatise on Attic Names. 
 There is also the nanus, which is a loaf made like a cheesecake, prepared with
 cheese and oil. 
 There are also ψώθια, which are likewise called
 ψαθύρια. Pherecrates, in the Crapatalli, says—
 
 And in the shades below you'll get for threepence 
 A crapatallus, and some ψώθια. 
 
 But Apollodorus the Athenian, and Theodorus, in his treatise on the Attic Dialect, say that the crumbs which are knocked
 off from a loaf are called ψώφια, , which some
 people also call ἀττάραγοι. 
 
 Then there is the ἴτριον. This is a thin cake,
 made of sesame and honey; and it is mentioned by Anacreon thus:— 
 I broke my fast, taking a little slice 
 Of an ἴριον; but I drank a cask of wine. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Acharnians, says— 
 Cheesecakes, and cakes of sesame, and ἴτρια. 
 
 And Sophocles, in his Contention, says— 
 But I, being hungry, look back at the ἴτρια. 
 
 
 
 There is mention made also of ἄμοραι. Philetas, in
 his Miscellanies, says that cakes of honey are called ἄμοραι; and they are made by a regular baker. 
 There is the ταγηνίτης, too; which is a cheesecake
 fried in oil. Magnes, or whoever it was that wrote the comedies which are
 attributed to him, says in the second edition of his Bacchus— 
 Have you ne'er seen the fresh ταγήνιαι 
 hissing, 
 When you pour honey over them? 
 And Cratinus, in his Laws, says— 
 The fresh ταγηνίας, dropping morning
 dew. 
 
 
 Then there is the ἔλαφος. . This is a cheesecake
 made on the festival of Elaphebolia, of wheat-flour, and honey, and sesame. 
 The ναστὸς is a kind of cheesecake, having
 stuffing inside it.

χόρια are cakes made up with honey and milk. 
 The ἀμορβίτης is a species of cheesecake in
 fashion among the Sicilians. But some people call it παισά. And among the Coans it is called πλακούντιον, , as we are informed by Iatrocles. 
 Then there are the σησαμίδες, which are cakes made
 of honey, and roasted sesame, and oil, of a round shape. Eupolis, in his
 Flatterers, says— 
 He is all grace, he steps like a callabis-dancer, 
 And breathes sesamides, and smells of apples. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Deucalion, says— 
 Sesamides, or honey-cheesecakes, 
 Or any other dainty of the kind. 
 And Ephippus, in his Cydon, also mentions them in a passage which has
 been already quoted. 
 
 Then there are μύλλοι. Heraclides the Syracusan,
 in his treatise on Laws, says, that in Syracuse, on the principal day of the
 Thesmophorian festival, cakes of a peculiar shape are made of sesame and honey,
 which are called μύλλοι throughout all Sicily, and
 are carried about as offerings to the goddesses. There is also the echinus.
 Lynceus the Samian, in his epistle to Diagoras, comparing the things which are
 considered dainties in Attica with those which are in esteem at Rhodes, writes
 thus: They have for the second course a rival to the fame of the ἄμης in a new antagonist called the ἐχῖνος, concerning which I will speak briefly; but
 when you come and see me, and eat one which shall be prepared for you in the
 Rhodian mariner, then I will endeavour to say more about it. 
 
 There are also cheesecakes named κοτυλίσκοι. 
 Heracleon of Ephesus tells us that those cheesecakes have this name which are made
 of the third part of a chœnix of wheat. 
 There are others called χοιρίναι, which are
 mentioned by Iatrocles in his treatise on Cheesecakes; and he speaks also of that
 which is called πυραμοῦς, which he says differs
 from the πυραμίς, inasmuch as this latter is made
 of bruised wheat which has been softened with honey. And these cheesecakes are in
 nightly festivals given as prizes to the man who has kept awake all night.

But Chrysippus of Tyana, in his book called the Art of Making Bread, enumerates
 the following species and genera of cheesecakes:— The terentinum, the
 crassianum, the tutianum, the sabellicum, the clustron, the julianum, the
 apicia- num, the canopicum, the pelucidum, the cappadocium, the hedybium, the
 maryptum, the plicium, the guttatum, the montianum. This last, he says,
 "you will soften with sour wine, and if you have a little cheese you may mash the
 montianum up half with wine and half with cheese, and so it will be more
 palatable. Then there is the clustrum curia- num, the clustrum tuttatum, and the
 clustrum tabonianum. There are also mustacia made with mead, mustacia made with
 sesame, crustum purium, gosgloanium, and paulianum. 
 
 The following cakes resembling cheesecakes, he says, are
 really made with cheese:—the enchytus, the scriblites, the subityllus. There is
 also another kind of subityllus made of groats. Then there is the spira; this,
 too, is made with cheese. There are, too, the lucuntli, the argyrotryphema, the
 libos, the cercus, the æxaphas, the clustroplacous. There
 is also, says Chrysippus, "a cheesecake made of rye. The phthois is
 made thus:—Take some cheese and pound it, then put it into a brazen sieve and
 strain it; then put in honey and a hemina of flour made from
 spring wheat, and beat the whole together into one mass. 
 "There is another cake, which is called by the Romans catillus ornatus, and which
 is made thus:—Wash some lettuces and scrape them; then put some wine into a mortar
 and pound the lettuces in it; then, squeezing out the juice, mix up some flour
 from spring wheat in it, and allowing it to settle, after a little while pound it
 again, adding a little pig's fat and pepper; then pound it again, draw it out into
 a cake, smoothe it, and cut it again, and cut it into shape, and boil it in hot
 oil, putting all the fragments which you have cut off into a strainer. 
 "Other kinds of cheesecakes are the following:—the ostra- cites, the attanites,
 the amylum, the tyrocoscinnm. Make this last thus:—Pound some cheese ( τῦρον ) carefully, and put it into a vessel; then place
 above it a brazen sieve ( κόσκινον ) and strain the
 cheese through it. And when you are going to serve it up, then put in above it a
 sufficient quantity of honey. The cheesecakes called ὑποτυρίδες are made thus:—Put some honey into some milk, pound them,
 and put them into a vessel, and let them coagulate; then, if you have some little
 sieves at hand, put what is in the vessel into them, and let. the whey run off;
 and when it appears to you to have coagulated thoroughly, then take up the vessel
 in which it is, and transfer it to a silver dish, and the coat, or crust, will be
 uppermost. But if you have no such sieves; then use some new fans, such as those
 which are used to blow the fire; for they will serve the same purpose. Then there
 is the coptoplacous. And also," says he, in Crete they make a kind of
 cheesecake which they call gastris. And it is made thus:— Take some Thasian and
 Pontic nuts and some almonds, and also a poppy. Roast this last with great
 care, and then take the seed and pound it in a clean mortar; then, adding the
 fruits which I have mentioned above, beat them up with boiled honey, putting in
 plenty of pepper, and make the whole into a soft mass, (but it will be of a
 black colour because of the poppy;) flatten it and make it into a square shape; then, having pounded some white sesame, soften that
 too with boiled honey, and draw it out into two cakes, placing one beneath and
 the other above, so as to have the black surface in the middle, and make it
 into a neat shape. These are the recipes of that clever writer on
 confectionary, Chrysippus.

But Harpocration the Mendesian, in his treatise on Cheesecakes, speaks of a dish
 which the Alexandrians call παγκαρπία. Now this
 dish consists of a number of cakes mashed up together and boiled with honey. And
 after they are boiled, they are made up into round balls, and fastened round with
 a thin string of byblus in order to keep them together. There is also a dish
 called πόλτος, which Alcman mentions in the
 following terms— 
 And then we'll give you poltos made of beans ( πυάνιος ), 
 And snow-white wheaten groats from unripe corn, 
 And fruit of wax. 
 But the substantive πυάνιον, as Sosibius
 tells us, means a collection of all kinds of seeds boiled up in sweet wine. And
 χῖδρος means boiled grains of wheat. And when
 he speaks here of waxy fruit, he means honey. And Epicharmus, in his Earth and
 Sea, speaks thus— 
 To boil some morning πόλτος. 
 
 And Pherecrates mentions the cakes called μελικηρίδων in his Deserters, speaking as follows— 
 As one man smells like goats, but others 
 Breathe from their mouths unalloy'd μελικήρας.

And when all this had been said, the wise Ulpian said,—Whence, my most learned
 grammarians, and out of what library, have these respectable writers, Chrysippus
 and Harpocration, been extracted, men who bring the names of illustrious
 philosophers into disrepute by being their namesakes? And what Greek has ever used
 the word ἡμίνα; or who has ever mentioned the
 ἄμυλοσ? " And when Laurentius answered him, and
 said,—Whoever the authors of the poems attributed to Epicharmus were, they were
 acquainted with the ἡμίνα. And we find the
 following expressions in the play entitled Chiron— 
 And to drink twice the quantity of cool water,— 
 Two full heminas. 
 And these spurious poems, attributed to Epicharmus, were, at all events,
 written by eminent men. For it was Chry- sogonus the
 flute-player, as Aristoxenus tells us in the eighth book of his Political Laws,
 who wrote the poem entitled Polity. And Philochorus, in his treatise on
 Divination, says that it was a man of the name of Axiopistos, (whether he was a
 Locrian or a Sicyonian is uncertain,) who was the author of the Canon and the
 Sentences. And Apollodous tells us the same thing. And Teleclides mentions the
 ἄμυλος in his Rigid Men, speaking thus— 
 Hot cheesecakes now are things I'm fond of, 
 Wild pears I do not care about; 
 I also like rich bits of hare 
 Placed on an ἄμυλος.

When Ulpian had heard this, he said—But, since you have also a cake which you call
 κοπτὴ, and I see that there is one served up
 for each of you on the table, tell us now, you epicures, what writer of authority
 ever mentions this word κοπτή? And Democritus
 replied-Dionysius of Utica, in the seventh book of his Georgics, says that the sea
 leek is called κοπτή. And as for the honey-cake
 which is now served up before each of us, Clearchus the Solensian, in his treatise
 on Riddles, mentions that, saying—"If any one were to order a number of vessels to
 be mentioned which resemble one another, he might say, 
 A tripod, a bowl, a candlestick, a marble mortar, 
 A bench, a sponge, a caldron, a boat, a metal mortar, 
 An oil-cruse, a basket, a knife, a ladle, 
 A goblet, and a needle. 
 And after that he gives a list of the names of different dishes, thus—
 
 Soup, lentils, salted meat, and fish, and turnips, 
 Garlic, fresh meat, and tunny-roe, pickles, onions, 
 Olives, and artichokes, capers, truffles, mushrooms. 
 And in the same way he gives a catalogue of cakes, and sweetmeats, thus—
 
 Ames, placous, entiltos, itrium, 
 
 Pomegranates, eggs, vetches, and sesame; 
 Coptè and grapes, dried figs, and pears and peaches 
 Apples and almonds." 
 These are the words of Clearchus. But Sopater the farce writer, in his
 drama entitled Pylæ, says— 
 Who was it who invented first black cakes ( κοπταὶ ) 
 Of the uncounted poppy-seed? who mix'd 
 The yellow compounds of delicious sweetmeats? 
 
 Here my excellent cross-examiner, Ulpian, you have autho-
 rities for κοπτή; and so now I advise you ἀπεσθίειν some. And he, without any delay, took and ate
 some. And when they all laughed, Democritus said;—But, my fine word-catcher, I did
 not desire you to eat, but not to eat; for the word ἀπεσθίω is used in the sense of abstaining from eating by Theopompus
 the comic poet, in his Phineus, where he says— 
 Cease gambling with the dice, my boy, and now 
 Feed for the future more on herbs. Your stomach 
 Is hard with indigestion; give up eating ( ἀπέσθιε ) 
 Those fish that cling to the rocks; the lees of wine 
 Will make your head and senses clear, and thus 
 You'll find your health, and your estate too, better. 
 Men do, however, use ἀπεσθίω for to eat a
 portion of anything, as Hermippus does, in his Soldiers— 
 Alas! alas! he bites me now, he bites, 
 And quite devours ( ἀπεσθίει ) my ears.

The Syrian being convicted by these arguments, and being a good deal annoyed,
 said—But I see here on the table some pistachio nuts ( ψιττάκια ); and if you can tell me what author has ever spoken of
 them, I will give you, not ten golden staters, as that Pontic trifler has it, but
 this goblet. And as Democritus made no reply, he said, But since you cannot answer
 me, I will tell you; Nicander of Colophon, in his Theriacans, mentions them, and
 says— 
 Pistachio nuts ( ψιττάκια ) upon the highest
 branches, 
 Like almonds to the sight. 
 The word is also written βιστάκια, , in
 the line— 
 And almond-looking βιστάκια were there. 
 And Posidonius the Stoic, in the third book of his History, writes thus:
 "But both Arabia and Syria produce the peach, and the nut which is called βιστάκιον; which bears a fruit in bunches like bunches
 of grapes, of a sort of tawny white, long shaped, like tears, and the nuts lie on
 one another like berries. But the kernel is of a light green, and it is less juicy
 than the pine-cone, but it has a more pleasant smell. And the brothers who
 together composed the Georgics, write thus, in the third book— There is also
 the ash, and the turpentine tree, which the Syrians call πιστάκια. 
 And these people spell the word πιστάκια 
 with a π, but Nicander writes it φιττάκια, and Posidonius βιστάκια.

And when he had said this, looking round on all those who
 were present, and being praised by them, he, said,—But I mean also to discuss
 every other dish that there is on the table, in order to make you admire my varied
 learning. And first of all I will speak of those which the Alexandrians call
 κόνναρα and παλίουροι. And they are mentioned also by Agathocles of Cyzicus, in
 the third book of his History of his Country; where he says: "But after the
 thunderbolt had struck the tomb, there sprung up from the monument a tree which
 they call κόνναρον. And this tree is not at all
 inferior in size to the elm or the fir. And it has great numbers of branches, of
 great length and rather thorny; but its leaf is tender and green, and of a round
 shape. And it bears fruit twice a year, in spring and autumn. And the fruit is
 very sweet, and of the size of a phaulian olive, which it resembles both in its
 flesh and in its stone; but it is superior in the good flavour of its juice. And
 the fruit is eaten while still green; and when it has become dry they make it into
 paste, and eat it without either bruising it or softening it with water, but
 taking it in very nearly its natural state. And Euripides, in the Cyclops, speaks
 of— 
 
 
 A branch of paliurus. 
 
 Eur. Cycl. 393. 
 
 But Theopompus, in the twenty-first book of his History of Philip,
 mentions them, and Diphilus, the physician of Siphnus, also speaks of them, in his
 treatise on What may be eaten by People in Health, and by Invalids. But I have
 mentioned these things first, my good friends, not because they are before us at
 this moment, but because in the beautiful city of Alexandria, I have often eaten
 them as part of the second course, and as I have often heard the question as to
 their names raised there, I happened to fall in with a book here in which I read
 what I have now recounted to you.

And I will now take the pears ( ἄπιον ), which I see
 before me, and speak of them, since it is from them that the Peloponnesus was
 called ʼἀπία, 
 because plants of the pear- tree were abundant in
 the country, as Ister tells us, in his treatise on the History of Greece. And that
 it was customary to bring up pears in water at entertainments, we learn from the
 Breutias of Alexis, where we read these lines— 
 
 A. Have you ne'er seen pears floating in deep
 water 
 Served up before some hungry men at dinner? 
 
 B. Indeed I have, and often; what of that? 
 
 A. Does not each guest choose for himself, and
 eat 
 The ripest of the fruit that swims before him? 
 
 B. No doubt he does. 
 But the fruit called ἁμαμηλίδες are not
 the same as pears, as some people have fancied, but they are a different thing,
 sweeter, and they have no kernel. Aristomenes, in his Bacchus, says— 
 Know you not how the Chian garden grows 
 Fine medlars 
 And Aeschylides too, in the third book of his Georgics, shows us that it
 is a different fruit from the pear, and sweeter. For he is speaking of the island
 Ceos, and he expresses himself thus,— The island produces the very finest
 pears, equal to that fruit which in Ionia is called hamamelis; for they are
 free from kernels, and sweet, and delicious. But Aethlius, in the fifth
 book of his Samian Annals, if the book be genuine, calls them homomelides. And
 Pamphilus, in his treatise on Dialects and Names, says, The epimelis is a
 species of pear. Antipho, in his treatise on Agriculture, says that the
 phocides are also a kind of pear.

Then there are pomegranates. And of pomegranates some kinds are said to be
 destitute of kernels, and some to have hard ones. And those without kernels are
 mentioned by Aristophanes in his Farmers; and in his Anagyrus he says— 
 Except wheat flour and pomegranates. 
 He also speaks of them in the Gerytades; and Hermippus, in his Cercopes,
 says— 
 Have you e'er seen the pomegranate's kernel in snow? 
 And we find the diminutive form ῥοΐδιον, 
 like βοΐδιον. 
 
 Antiphanes also mentions the pomegranates with the hard kernels in his Bœotia—
 
 I bade him bring me from the farm pomegranates 
 Of the hard-kernell'd sort. 
 And Epilycus, in his Phoraliscus, says— 
 You are speaking of apples and pomegranates. 
 
 Alexis also, in his Suitors, has the line— 
 He took the rich pomegranates from their hands. 
 But Agatharchides, in the nineteenth book of his History of Europe, tells
 us that the Bœotians call pomegranates not ῥοιαὶ 
 but σίδαι, speaking thus:— As the Athenians
 were disputing with the Bœotians about a district which they called Sidæ,
 Epaminondas, while engaged in upholding the claims of the Bœotians, suddenly
 lifted up in his left hand a pomegranate which he had concealed, and showed it
 to the Athenians, asking them what they called it, and when they said ῥοιὰ, But we,' said he, ' call it σίδη. .' And the district bears the pomegranate-tree
 in great abundance, from which it originally derived its name. And Epaminondas
 prevailed. And Menander, in his Heauton-Timorumenos, called them
 ῥοΐδια, in the following lines— 
 And after dinner I did set before them 
 Almonds, and after that we ate pomegranates. 
 There is, however, another plant called sida, which is something like the
 pomegranate, and which grows in the lake Orchomenus, in the water itself; and the
 sheep eat its leaves, and the pigs feed on the young shoots, as Theophrastus tells
 us, in the fourth book of his treatise on Plants; where he says that there is
 another plant like it in the Nile, which grows without any roots.

The next thing to be mentioned are dates. Xenophon, in the second book of his
 Anabasis, says— And there was in the district a great deal of corn, and wine
 made of the dates, and also vinegar, which was extracted from them; but the
 berries themselves of the date when like what we see in Greece, were set apart
 for the slaves. But those which were destined for the masters were all
 carefully selected, being of a wonderful size and beauty, and their colour was
 like amber. And some they dry and serve up as sweetmeats; and the wine made
 from the date is sweet, but it produces headache. And Herodotus, in his
 first book, speaking of Babylon says,— There are palm-trees there growing
 over the whole plain, most of them being very fruitful; and they make bread,
 and wine, and honey of them. And they manage the tree in the same way as the
 fig-tree. For those palm-trees which they call the males they take, and bind
 their fruit to the other palm-trees which bear dates, in order that the insect
 which lives in the fruit of the male palm may get into the date and ripen it,
 and so prevent the fruit of the date-bearing palm from
 being spoilt. For the male palm has an insect in each of its fruits, as the
 wild fig has. And Polybius of Megalopolis, who speaks with the
 authority of an eye-witness, gives very nearly the same account of the lotus, as
 it is called, in Libya, that Herodotus here gives of the palm-tree; for he speaks
 thus of it: And the lotus is a tree of no great size, but rough and thorny,
 and its leaf is green like that of the rhamnus, but a little thicker and
 broader. And the fruit at first resembles both in colour and size the berries
 of the white myrtle when full grown; but as it increases in size it becomes of
 a scarlet colour, and in size about equal to the round olives; and it has an
 exceedingly small stone. But when it is ripe they gather it. And some they
 store for the use of the servants, bruising it and mixing it with groats, and
 packing it into vessels. And that which is preserved for freemen is treated in
 the same way, only that the stones are taken out, and then they pack that fruit
 also in jars, and eat it when they please. And it is a food very like the fig,
 and also like the palm-date, but superior in fragrance. And when it is
 moistened and pounded with water, a wine is made of it, very sweet and
 enjoyable to the taste, and like fine mead; and they drink it without water;
 but it will not keep more than ten days, on which account they only make it in
 small quantities as they want it. They also make vinegar of the same
 fruit.

And Melanippides the Melian, in his Danaides, calls the fruit of the palm-tree by
 the name of φοίνιξ, mentioning them in this
 manner:— They had the appearance of inhabitants of the shades below, not
 of human beings; nor had they voices like women; but they drove about in
 chariots with seats, through the woods and groves, just as wild beasts do,
 holding in their hands the sacred frankincense, and the fragrant dates
 ( φοίνικας ), and cassia, and the delicate
 perfumes of Syria. 
 
 
 And Aristotle, in his treatise on Plants, speaks thus:— The dates ( φοίνικες ) without stones, which some call eunuchs and
 others ἀπύρηνοι. . Hellanicus has also
 called the fruit φοίνιξ, in his Journey to the
 Temple of Ammon, if at least. the book be a genuine one; and so has Phormus the
 comic poet, in his Atalantæ. But concerning those that are called the Nicolaan dates, which are imported from Syria, I can give
 you this information; that they received this name from Augustus the emperor,
 because he was exceedingly fond of the fruit, and because Nicolaus of Damascus,
 who was his friend, was constantly sending him presents of it. And this Nicolaus
 was a philosopher of the Peripatetic School, and wrote a very voluminous
 history.

Now with respect to dried figs. Those which came from Attica were always
 considered a great deal the best. Accordingly Dinon, in his History of Persia,
 says— And they used to serve up at the royal table all the fruits which
 the earth produces as far as the king's dominions extend, being brought to him
 from every district as a sort of first-fruits. And the first king did not think
 it becoming for the kings either to eat or drink anything which came from any
 foreign country; and this idea gradually acquired the force of a law. For once,
 when one of the eunuchs brought the king, among the rest of the dishes at
 dessert, some Athenian dried figs, the king asked where they came from. And
 when he heard that they came from Athens, he forbade those who had bought them
 to buy them for him any more, until it should be in his power to take them
 whenever he chose, and not to buy them. And it is said that the eunuch did this
 on purpose, with a view to remind him of the expedition against Attica. 
 And Alexis, in his Pilot, says— 
 Then came in figs, the emblem of fair Athens, 
 And bunches of sweet thyme. 
 
 
 And Lynceus, in his epistle to the comic poet, Posidippus, says— In the
 delineation of the tragic passions, I do not think that Euripides is at all
 superior to Sophocles, but in dried figs, I do think that Attica is superior to
 every other country on earth. And in his letter to Diagoras, he writes
 thus:—"But this country opposes to the Chelidonian dried figs those which are
 called Brigindaridæ, which in their name indeed are barbarous, but which in
 delicious flavour are not at all less Attic than the others. And Phœnicides, in
 his Hated Woman, says— 
 They celebrate the praise of myrtle-berries, 
 Of honey, of the Propylæa, and of figs; 
 Now these I tasted when I first arrived, 
 And saw the Propylæa; yet have I found nothing 
 Which to a woodcock can for taste compare. 
 In which lines we must take notice of the mention of the woodcock. But Philemon, in his treatise on Attic Names, says
 that the most excellent dried figs are those called Aegilides; and that
 Aegila is the name of a borough in Attica, which derives its name from a hero
 called Aegilus; but that the dried figs of a reddish black colour are called
 Chelidonians. Theopompus also, in the Peace, praising the Tithrasian
 figs, speaks thus— 
 Barley cakes, cheesecakes, and Tithrasian figs. 
 But dried figs were so very much sought after by all men, (for really, as
 Aristophanes says— 
 There's really nothing nicer than dried figs;) 
 that even Amitrochates, the king of the Indians, wrote to Antiochus,
 entreating him (it is Hegesander who tells this story) to buy and send him some
 sweet wine, and some dried figs, and a sophist; and that Antiochus wrote to him in
 answer, "The dried figs and the sweet wine we will send you; but it is not lawful
 for a sophist to be sold in Greece. The Greeks were also in the habit of eating
 dried figs roasted, as Pherecrates proves by what he says in the Corianno, where
 we find— 
 But pick me out some of those roasted figs. 
 And a few lines later he says— 
 Will you not bring me here some black dried figs 
 Dost understand? Among the Mariandyni, 
 That barbarous tribe, they call these black dried figs 
 Their dishes. 
 I am aware, too, that Pamphilus has mentioned a kind of dried figs, which
 he calls προκνίδες.

That the word βότρυς is common for a bunch of
 grapes is known to every one; and Crates, in the second book of his Attic Dialect,
 uses the word σταφυλὴ, although it appears to be a
 word of Asiatic origin; saying that in some of the ancient hymns the word σταφυλὴ. is used for βότρυς, as in the following line:— 
 Thick hanging with the dusky grapes ( σταφυλῆσι ) themselves. 
 
 
 And that the word σταφυλὴ is used by Homer is
 known to every one. But Plato, in the eighth book of his Laws, uses both βότρυς and σταφυλὴ, 
 where he says— Whoever tastes wild fruit, whether it be grapes ( βοτρύων ) or figs, before the time of the vintage
 arrives, which falls at the time of the rising of Arcturus, whether it be on
 his own farm, or on any one else's land, shall be fined fifty sacred drachmas
 to be paid to Bacchus, if he plucked them off his own land; but a mina if he gather them on a neighbour's estate; but if he take
 them from any other place, two-thirds of a mina. But whoever chooses to gather
 the grapes ( τὴν σταφυλὴν ), which are now called
 the noble grapes, or the figs called the noble figs, if he gather them from his
 own trees, let him gather them as he pleases, and when he pleases; but if he
 gathers them from the trees of any one else without having obtained the leave
 of the owner, then, in accordance with the law which forbids any one to move
 what he has not placed, he shall be invariably punished. These are the
 words of the divine Plato; but I ask now what is this noble grape ( γενναῖα ), and this noble fig that he speaks of? And you
 may all consider this point while I am discussing the other dishes which are on
 the table. And Masurius said— 
 But let us not postpone this till to-morrow, 
 Still less till the day after. 
 
 
 When the philosopher says γενναῖα, he means
 εὐγενῆ, , gene- rous, as
 Archilochus also uses the word— 
 Come hither, you are generous ( γενναῖος ); 
 or, perhaps, he means ἐπιγεγενημένα; that
 is to say, grafted. For Aristotle speaks of grafted pears, and calls them ἐπεμβολάδες. And Demosthenes, in his speech in defence
 of Ctesiphon, has the sentence, gathering figs, and grapes ( βότρυς ), and olives. And Xenophon, in his
 (Economics, says, that grapes ( τὰς
 σταφυλὰς ) are ripened by the sun. And our ancestors also have
 been acquainted with the practice of steeping grapes in wine. Accordingly Eubulus,
 in his Catacollomenos, says— 
 But take these grapes ( βότρυς ), and in neat
 wine pound them. 
 And pour upon them many cups of water. 
 Then make him eat them when well steep'd in wine. 
 And the poet, who is the author of the Chiron, which is generally
 attributed to Pherecrates, says— 
 Almonds and apples, and the arbutus first, 
 And myrtle-berries, pastry, too, and grapes 
 Well steep'd in wine; and marrow. 
 And that every sort of autumn fruit was always plentiful at Athens,
 Aristophanes testifies in his Horæ. Why, then, should that appear strange which
 Aethlius the Samian asserts in the fifth book of his Samian Annals, where he says,
 The fig, and the grape, and the medlar, and the apple, and the rose grow
 twice a-year? And Lynceus, in his letter to 
 Diagoras, praising the Nicostratian grape, which grows in Attica, and comparing it
 to the Rhodiacan, says, As rivals of the Nicostratian grapes they grow the
 Hipponian grape; which after the month Hecatombæon (like a good servant) has
 constantly the same good disposition towards its masters.

But as you have had frequent discussions about meats, and birds, and pigeons, I
 also will tell you all that I, after a great deal of reading, have been able to
 find out in addition to what has been previously stated. Now the word περιστέριον (pigeon), may be found used by Menander in
 his Concubine, where he says— 
 He waits a little while, and then runs up 
 And says— I've bought some pigeons ( περιστέρια ) for you. 
 
 And so Nicostratus, in his Delicate Woman, says— 
 These are the things I want,—a little bird, 
 And then a pigeon ( περιστέριον ) and a
 paunch. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Reciprocal Lover, has the line— 
 For bringing in some pigeons ( περιστέρια )
 and some sparrows. 
 And Phrynichus, in his Tragedians, says— 
 Bring him a pigeon ( περιστέριον ) for a
 threepenny piece. 
 
 
 Now with respect to the pheasant, Ptolemy the king, in the twelfth book of his
 Memorabilia, speaking of the palace which there is at Alexandria, and of the
 animals which are kept in it, says, They have also pheasants, which they
 call τέταροι, which they not only used to send
 for from Media, but they also used to put the eggs under broody hens, by which
 means they raised a number, so as to have enough for food; for they call it
 very excellent eating. Now this is the expression of a most magnificent
 monarch, who confesses that he himself has never tasted a pheasant, but who used
 to keep these birds as a sort of treasure. But if he had ever seen such a sight as
 this, when, in addition to all those which have been already eaten, a pheasant is
 also placed before each individual, he would have added another book to the
 existing twenty-four of that celebrated history, which he calls his Memorabilia.
 And Aristotle or Theophrastus, in his Commentaries, says, In pheasants, the
 male is not only as much superior to the female as is usually the case, but he
 is so in an infinitely greater degree.

But if the before-mentioned king had seen the number of peacocks also which exists
 at Rome, he would have fled to his sacred Senate, as though he had a second time
 been driven out of his kingdom by his brother. For the
 multitude of these birds is so great at Rome, that Antiphanes the comic poet, in
 his Soldier or Tychon, may seem to have been inspired by the spirit of prophecy,
 when he said— 
 When the first man imported to this city 
 A pair of peacocks, they were thought a rarity, 
 But now they are more numerous than quails; 
 So, if by searching you find one good man, 
 He will be sure to have five worthless sons. 
 And Alexis, in his Lamp, says— 
 That he should have devour'd so vast a sum! 
 Why if (by earth I swear) I fed on hares' milk 
 And peacocks, I could never spend so much. 
 And that they used to keep them tame in their houses, we learn from
 Strattis, in his Pausanias, where he says— 
 Of equal value with your many trifles, 
 And peacocks, which you breed up for their feathers. 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Melilotus, says— 
 Is 't not a mad idea to breed up peacocks, 
 When every one can buy his private ornaments? 
 And Anaxilaus, in his Bird Feeders, says— 
 Besides all this, tame peacocks, loudly croaking. 
 Menodotus the Samian also, in his treatise on the Treasures in the Temple
 of the Samian Juno, says: The peacocks are sacred to Juno; and perhaps
 Samos may be the place where they were first produced and reared, and from
 thence it was that they were scattered abroad over foreign countries, in the
 same way as cocks were originally produced in Persia, and the birds called
 guinea-fowl ( μελεαγρίδες ) in Aeolia. On
 which account Antiphanes, in his Brothers by the same Father, says— 
 They say that in the city of the Sun 
 The phœnix is produced; the owl in Athens; 
 Cyprus breeds doves of admirable beauty: 
 But Juno, queen of Samos, does, they say, 
 Rear there a golden race of wondrous birds, 
 The brilliant, beautiful, conspicuous peacock. 
 On which account the peacock occurs on the coins of the Samians.

But since Menodotus has mentioned the guinea-fowl, we ourselves also will say
 something on that subject. Clytus the Milesian, a pupil of Aristotle, in the first
 book of his History of Miletus, writes thus concerning them— All around the temple of the Virgin Goddess at Leros, there
 are birds called guinea-fowls. And the ground where they are bred is marshy.
 And this bird is very devoid of affection towards its young, and wholly
 disregards its offspring, so that the priests are forced to take care of them.
 And it is about the size of a very fine fowl of the common poultry, its head is
 small in proportion to its body, having but few feathers, but on the top it has
 a fleshy crest, hard and round, sticking up above the head like a peg, and of a
 wooden colour. And over the jaws, instead of a beard, they have a long piece of
 flesh, beginning at the mouth, redder than that of the common poultry; but of
 that which exists in the common poultry on the top of the beak, which some
 people call the beard, they are wholly destitute; so that their beak is
 mutilated in this respect. But its beak is sharper and larger than that of the
 common fowl; its neck is black, thicker and shorter than that of common
 poultry. And its whole body is spotted all over, the general colour being
 black, studded in every part with thick white spots something larger than
 lentil seeds. And these spots are ring-shaped, in the middle of patches of a
 darker hue than the rest of the plumage: so that these patches present a
 variegated kind of appearance, the black part having a sort of white tinge, and
 the white seeming a good deal darkened. And their wings are all over variegated
 with white, in serrated, wavy lines, parallel to each other.
 And their legs are destitute of spurs like those of the common hen. And the
 females are very like the males, on which account the sex of the guinea-fowls
 is hard to distinguish. Now this is the account given of guinea-fowls
 by the Peripatetic philosopher.

Roasted sucking-pigs are a dish mentioned by Epicrates in his Merchant— 
 On this condition I will be the cook; 
 Nor shall all Sicily boast that even she 
 Produced so great an artist as to fish, 
 Nor Elis either, where I 've seen the flesh 
 Of dainty sucking-pigs well brown'd before 
 A rapid fire. 
 And Alexis, in his Wicked Woman, says— 
 A delicate slice of tender sucking-pig, 
 Bought for three obols, hot, and very juicy, 
 When it is set before us. 
 
 But the Athenians," as Philochorus tells us, when
 they sacri- fice to the Seasons, do not roast, but boil their meat, entreating
 the goddesses to defend them from all excessive droughts and heats, and to give
 increase to their crops by means of moderate warmth and seasonable rains. For
 they argue that roasting is a kind of cookery which does less good to the meat,
 while boiling not only removes all its crudities, but has the power also of
 softening the hard parts, and of making all the rest digestible. And it makes
 the food more tender and wholesome, on which account they say also, that when
 meat has been once boiled, it ought not to be warmed up again by either
 roasting or boiling it; for ally second process removes the good done by the
 first dressing, as Aristotle tells us. And roast meat is more crude and dry
 than boiled meat. But roast meat is called φλογίδες. Accordingly Strattis in his Callippides says, with
 reference to Hercules— 
 Immediately he caught up some large slices ( φλογίδες ) 
 Of smoking roasted boar, and swallow'd them. 
 And Archippus, in his Hercules Marrying, says— 
 The pettitoes of little pigs, well cook'd 
 In various fashion; slices, too, of bulls 
 With sharpen'd horns, and great long steaks of boar, 
 All roasted ( φλογίδες ).

But why need I say anything of partridges, when so much has already been said by
 you? However, I will not omit what is related by Hegesander in his Commentaries.
 For he says that the Samians, when sailing to Sybaris, having touched at the
 district called Siritis, were so alarmed at the noise made by partridges which
 rose up and flew away, that they fled, and embarked on board their ships, and
 sailed away. 
 Concerning hares also Chamæleon says, in his treatise on Simonides, that Simonides
 once, when supping with king Hiero, as there was no hare set on the table in front
 of him as there was before all the other guests, but as Hiero afterwards helped
 him to some, made this extempore verse— 
 Nor, e'en though large, could he reach all this way. 
 But Simonides was, in fact, a very covetous man, addicted to disgraceful
 gain, as we are told by Chamæleon. And accordingly in Syracuse, as Hiero used to
 send him everything necessary for his daily subsistence in great abundance,
 Simonides used to sell the greater part of what was sent to 
 him by the king, and reserve only a small portion for his own use. And when some
 one asked him the reason of his doing so, he said— In order that both the
 liberality of Hiero and my economy may be visible to every one. 
 
 The dish called udder is mentioned by Teleclides, in his Rigid Men, in the
 following lines— 
 Being a woman, 'tis but reasonable 
 That I should bring an udder. 
 But Antidotus uses not the word οὖθαρ, 
 but ὑπογάστριον, in his Querulous Man.

Matron, in his Parodies, speaks of animals being fattened for food, and birds
 also, in these lines— 
 Thus spake the hero, and the servants smiled, 
 And after brought, on silver dishes piled, 
 Fine fatten'd birds, clean singed around with flame, 
 Like cheesecakes on the back, their age the same. 
 And Sopater the farce-writer speaks of fattened sucking-pigs in his
 Marriage of Bacchis, saying this— 
 If there was anywhere an oven, there 
 The well-fed sucking-pig did crackle, roasting. 
 But Aeschines uses the form δελφάκιον for
 δέλφαξ in his Alcibiades, saying, Just
 as the women at the cookshops breed sucking-pigs ( δελφάκια ). And Antiphanes, in his Physiognomist, says—
 
 Those women take the sucking-pigs ( δελφάκια ), 
 And fatten them by force; 
 And in his Persuasive Man he says— 
 To be fed up instead of pigs ( δελφακίων ). 
 Plato, however, has used the word δέλφαξ 
 in the masculine gender in his Poet, where he says— 
 Leanest of pigs ( δέλφακα ῥαιότατον ). 
 And Sophocles, in his play called Insolence, says— 
 Wishing to eat τὸν δέλφακα. 
 
 And Cratinus, in his Ulysseses, has the expression— 
 Large pigs ( δέλφακας μεγάλους ). 
 But Nicochares uses the word as feminine, saying— 
 A pregnant sow ( κύουσαν δέλφακα ); 
 And Eupolis, in his Golden Age, says— 
 Did he not serve up at the feast a sucking-pig ( δέλφακα ), 
 Whose teeth were not yet grown, a beautiful beast ( καλὴν )? 
 And Plato, in his Io, says— 
 Bring hither now the head of the sucking-pig ( τῆς
 δέλφακος ). 
 
 Theopompus, too, in his Penelope, says— 
 And they do sacrifice our sacred pig ( τὴν ἱερὰν
 δέλφακα ). 
 Theopompus also speaks of fatted geese and fatted calves in the
 thirteenth hook of his History of Philip, and in the eleventh book of his Affairs
 of Greece, where he is speaking of the temperance of the Lacedæmonians in respect
 of eating, writing thus— And the Thasians sent to Agesilais, when he
 arrived, all sorts of sheep and well-fed oxen; and beside this, every kind of
 confectionery and sweetmeat. But Agesilaus took the sheep and the oxen, but as
 for the confectionery and sweetmeats, at first he did not know what they meant,
 for they were covered up; but when he saw what they were, he ordered the slaves
 to take them away, saying that it was not the custom of the Lacedæmonians to
 eat such food as that. But as the Thasians pressed him to take them, he said,
 Carry them to those men (pointing to the Helots) and give them to them; saying
 that it was much better for those Helots to injure their health by eating them
 than for himself and the Lacedæmonians whom he had with him. And that
 the Lacedæmonians were in the habit of treating the Helots with great insolence,
 is related also by Myron of Priene, in the second book of his History of Messene,
 where he says— They impose every kind of insulting employment on the Helots,
 such as brings with it the most extreme dishonour; for they compel them to wear
 caps of dogskin, and cloaks also of skins; and every year they scourge them
 without their having committed any offence, in order to present their ever
 thinking of emancipating themselves from slavery. And besides all this, if any
 of them ever appear too handsome or distinguished-looking for slaves, they
 impose death as the penalty, and their masters also are fined for not checking
 them in their growth and fine appearances. And they give them each a certain
 piece of land, and fix a portion which they shall invariably bring them in from
 it. 
 
 The verb χηνίζω, to cackle like a goose ( χὴν ), is used and applied to those who play on the
 flute. Diphilus says in his Synoris— 
 
 ʼἐχήνισας, ,—this noise is always made 
 By all the pupils of Timotheus.

And since there is a portion of a fore-quarter of pork which is called πέρνα placed before each of us, let us say Something
 about it, if any one remembers having seen the word used
 anywhere. For the best πέρναι are those from
 Cisalpine Gaul: those from Cibyra in Asia are not much inferior to them, nor are
 those from Lycia. And Strabo mentions them in the third book of his Geography,
 (and he is not a very modern author). And he says also, in the seventh book of the same
 treatise, that he was acquainted with Posidonius the Stoic philosopher, of whom we
 have often spoken as a friend of Scipio who took Carthage. And these are the words
 of Strabo— In Spain, in the province of Aquitania, is the city Pompelo,
 which one may consider equivalent to Pompeiopolis, where admirable πέρναι are cured, equal to the Cantabrian
 hams. 
 
 The comic poet Aristomenes, in his Bacchus, speaks of meat cured by being
 sprinkled with salt, saying— 
 I put before you now this salted meat. 
 And in his Jugglers he says— 
 The servant always ate some salted crab.

But since we have here fresh cheese ( τρόφαλις ), the glory of fair Sicily, let us, my friends,
 also say something about cheese ( τυρός ). For
 Philemon, in his play entitled The Sicilian, says— 
 I once did think that Sicily could make 
 This one especial thing, good-flavour'd cheese; 
 But now I've heard this good of it besides, 
 That not only is the cheese of Sicily good, 
 But all its pigeons too: and if one speaks 
 Of richly-broider'd robes, they are Sicilian; 
 And so I think that island now supplies 
 All sorts of dainties and of furniture. 
 
 
 The Tromilican cheese also has a high character, respecting
 which Demetrius the Scepsian writes thus in his second book of the Trojan
 Array—"Tromilea is a city of Achaia, near which a delicious cheese is made of
 goat's milk, not to be compared with any other kind, and it is called Tromilican.
 And Simonides mentions it in his Iambic poem, which begins thus— 
 You're taking wondrous trouble beforehand, 
 Telembrotus: 
 and in this poem he says— 
 And there is the fine Achaian cheese, 
 Called the Tromilican, which I've brought with me. 
 
 And Euripides, in his Cyclops, speaks of a harsh-tasted
 cheese, which he calls ὀπίας τυρὸς, being curdled
 by the juice ( ὀπὸς ) of the fig-tree— 
 
 
 There is, too, τυρὸς ὀπίας, and Jove's
 milk. 
 
 Eur. Cycl. 136. 
 
 
 
 But since, by speaking in this way of all the things which are now put on the
 table before us, I am making the Tromilican cheese into the remains of the
 dessert, I will not continue this topic. For Eupolis calls the relics of
 sweetmeats ( τραγημάτων ) and confectionery ἀποτραγήματα. And ridiculing a man of the name of
 Didymias, he calls him the ἀποτράγημα of a fox,
 either because he was little in person, or as being cunning and mischievous, as
 Dorotheus of Ascalon says. There are also thin broad cheeses, which the Cretans
 call females, as Seleucus tells us, which they offer up at certain sacrifices. And
 Philippides, in his play called the Flutes, speaks of some called πυρίεφθαι (and this is a name given to those made of
 cream), when he says— 
 Having these πυρίεφθαι, and these herbs. 
 And perhaps all such things are included in this Macedonian term ἐπιδειπνίδες. . For all these things are provocatives to
 drinking.

Now, while Ulpian was continuing the conversation in this way, one of the cooks,
 who made some pretence to learn- ing, came in, and proclaimed μύμα. And when many of us were perplexed at this
 proclamation, (for the rascal did not show what it was that he had,) he said;—You
 seem to me, O guests, to be ignorant that Cadmus, the grandfather of Bacchus, was
 a cook. And, as no one made any reply to this, he said; Euhemerus the Coan, in the
 third book of his Sacred History, relates that the Sidonians give this account,
 that Cadmus was the cook of the king, and that he, having taken Harmonia, who was
 a female flute-player and also a slave of the king, fled away with her.— 
 But shall I flee, who am a freeman born 
 For no one can find any mention in any comedy of a cook being a slave,
 except in a play of Posidippus. But the introduction of slaves as cooks took place
 among the Macedonians first, who adopted this custom either out of insolence or on
 account of the misfortunes of some cities which had been reduced to slavery. And
 the ancients used to call a cook who was a native of the
 country, Mæson; but if he was a foreigner, they called him Tettix. And Chrysippus
 the philosopher thinks the name μαίσων is derived
 from the verb μασάομαι, to eat; a cook being an
 ignorant man, and the slave of his appetite; not knowing that Mæson was a comic
 actor, a Megarian by birth, who invented the mask which was called μαίσων, from him; as Aristophanes of Byzantium tells us,
 in his treatise on Masks, where he says that he invented a mask for a slave and
 also one for a cook. So that it is a deserved compliment to him to call the jests
 which suit those characters μαισωνικά. 
 
 For cooks are very frequently represented on the stage as jesting characters; as,
 for instance, in the Men selecting an Arbitrator, of Menander. And Philemon in one
 of his plays says— 
 'Tis a male sphinx, it seems, and not a cook, 
 That I've brought home; for, by the gods I swear, 
 I do not understand one single word 
 Of all he says; so well provided is he 
 With every kind of new expression. 
 But Polemo says, in his writings which are addressed to Timæus, that
 Mæson was indeed a Megarian, but from Megara in Sicily, and not from Nisæa. And
 Posidippus speaks of slaves as cooks, in his Woman Shut out, where he says— 
 Thus have these matters happen'd: but just now, 
 While waiting on my master, a good joke 
 Occurr'd to me; I never will be caught 
 Stealing his meat. 
 And, in his Foster Brothers, he says— 
 
 A. Did you go out of doors, you who were cook? 
 
 B. If I remain'd within I lost my supper. 
 
 A. Let me then first . . . . B. Let me alone, I say; 
 I'm going to the forum to sacrifice: 
 A friend of mine, a comrade too in art, 
 Has hired me.

And there was nothing extraordinary in the ancient cooks being experienced in
 sacrifices. At all events, they usually managed all marriage feasts and
 sacrifices. On which account Menander, in his Flatterer, introduces a cook, who on
 the fourth day of the month had been ministering in the festival of Aphrodite
 Pandemus, using the following language— 
 Now a libation. Boy, distribute round 
 The entrails. Whither are you looking now? 
 Now a libation—quick! you Sosia, quick! 
 
 Quick! a libation. That will do; now pour. 
 First let us pray to the Olympian gods, 
 And now to all the Olympian goddesses: 
 Meantime address them; pray them all to give 
 Us safety, health, and all good things in future, 
 And full enjoyment of all present happiness. 
 Such shall be now our prayers. 
 And another cook, in Simonides, says— 
 And how I roasted, how I carved the meat, 
 You know: what is there that I can't do well? 
 And the letter of Olympias to Alexander mentions the great experience of
 cooks in these matters. For, his mother having been entreated by him to buy him a
 cook who had experience in sacrifices, proceeds to say, Accept the cook
 Pelignas from your mother; for he is thoroughly acquainted with the manner in
 which all your ancestral sacrifices, and all the mysterious rites, and all the
 sacred mysteries connected with the worship of Bacchus are performed, and every
 other sacrifice which Olympias practises he knows. Do not then disregard him,
 but accept him, and send him back again to me at as early a period as
 possible.

And that in those days the cook's profession was a respectable one, we may learn
 from the Heralds at Athens. For these men used to perform the duties of
 cooks and also of sacrificers of victims, as Clidemus tells us, in the
 first book of his Protogony; and Homer uses the verb ῥέζω, as we use θύω; but he uses
 θύω as we do θυμιάω, for burning cakes and incense after supper. And the ancients
 used also to employ the verb δράω for to
 sacrifice; accordingly Clidemus says, The heralds used to sacrifice
 ( ἕδρων ) for a long time slaying the oxen,
 and preparing them, and cutting them up, and pouring wine over them. And they
 were called κήρυκες from the hero Ceryx; and
 there is nowhere any record of any reward being given to a cook, but only to a
 herald. For Agamemnon in Homer, although he is king, performs
 sacrifices himself; for the poet says— 
 
 
 With that the chief the tender victims slew, 
 And in the dust their bleeding bodies threw; 
 The vital spirit issued at the wound, 
 And left the members quivering on the ground. 
 
 Homer, Iliad, iii. 292. 
 
 
 
 And Thrasymedes the son of Nestor, having taken an axe, slays the ox which was to
 be sacrificed, because Nestor himself was not able to do so, by reason of his old
 age; and his other brothers assisted him; so respectable and
 important was the office of a cook in those days. And among the Romans, the
 Censors,—and that was the highest office in the whole state,—clad in a purple
 robe, and wearing crowns, used to strike down the victims with an axe. Nor is it a
 random assertion of Homer, when he represents the heralds as bringing in the
 victims, and whatever else had any bearing on the ratification of oaths, as this
 was a very ancient duty of theirs, and one which was especially a part of their
 office— 
 Two heralds now, despatch'd to Troy, invite 
 The Phrygian monarch to the peaceful rite; 
 and again— 
 
 
 Talthybius hastens to the fleet, to bring 
 The lamb for Jove, th' inviolable king. 
 
 Homer, Iliad, iii. 116. 
 
 And, in another passage, he says— 
 
 
 A splendid scene! Then Agamemnon rose; 
 The boar Talthybius held; the Grecian lord 
 Drew the broad cutlass, sheath'd beside his sword. 
 
 Homer, Iliad, xix. 250.

And in the first book of the History of Attica, Clidemus says, that there was a
 tribe of cooks, who were entitled to public honours; and that it was their
 business to see that the sacrifices were performed with due regularity. And it is
 no violation of probability in Athenion, in his Samothracians, as Juba says, when
 he introduces a cook arguing philosophically about the nature of things and men,
 and saying— 
 
 A. Dost thou not know that the cook's art
 contributes 
 More than all others to true piety? 
 
 B. Is it indeed so useful A. 
 Troth it is, 
 You ignorant barbarian: it releases 
 Men from a brutal and perfidious life, 
 And cannibal devouring of each other, 
 And leads us to some order; teaching us 
 The regular decorum of the life 
 Which now we practise. B. How is that? A. Just listen. 
 Once men indulged in wicked cannibal habits, 
 And numerous other vices; when a man 
 Of better genius arose, who first 
 Sacrificed victims, and did roast their flesh; 
 And, as the meat surpass'd the flesh of man, 
 They then ate men no longer, but did slay 
 The herds and flocks, and roasted them and ate them. 
 And when they once had got experience 
 Of this most dainty pleasure. they increased 
 In their devotion to the cook's employment; 
 
 So that e'en now, remembering former days, 
 They roast the entrails of their victims all 
 Unto the gods, and put no salt thereon, 
 For at the first beginning they knew not 
 The use of salt as seasoning; but now 
 They have found out its virtue, so they use it 
 At their own meals, but in their holy offerings 
 They keep their ancient customs; such as were 
 At first the origin of safety to us: 
 That love of art, and various seasoning, 
 Which carries to perfection the cook's skill. 
 
 B. Why here we have a new Palæphatus. 
 
 A. And after this, as time advanced, a paunch, 
 A well-stuff'd paunch was introduced . . . . 
 . . . . . . . . 
 Then they wrapped up a fish, and quite concealed it 
 In herbs, and costly sauce, and groats, and honey; 
 And as, persuaded by these dainty joys 
 Which now I mention, every one gave up 
 His practice vile of feeding on dead men, 
 Men now began to live in company, 
 Gathering in crowds; cities were built and settled; 
 All owing, as I said before, to cooks. 
 
 B. Hail, friend! you are well suited to my
 master. 
 
 A. We cooks are now beginning our grand rites; 
 We're sacrificing, and libations offering, 
 Because the gods are most attentive to us, 
 Pleased that we have found out so many things, 
 Tending to make men live in peace and happiness. 
 
 B. Well, say no more about your piety— 
 
 A. I beg your pardon— B. But
 come, eat with me, 
 And dress with skill whate'er is in the house.

And Alexis, in his Caldron, shows plainly that cookery is an art practised by
 free-born men; for a cook is represented in that play as a citizen of no mean
 reputation; and those who have written cookery books, such as Heraclides and
 Glaucus the Locrian, say that the art of cookery is one in which it is not even
 every free-born man who can become eminent. And the younger Cratinus, in his play
 called the Giants, extols this art highly, saying— 
 
 A. Consider, now, how sweet the earth doth
 smell, 
 How fragrantly the smoke ascends to heaven: 
 There lives, I fancy, here within this cave 
 Some perfume-seller, or Sicilian cook. 
 
 B. The scent of both is equally delicious. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Slave hard to Sell, praises the Sicilian cooks,
 and says— 
 And at the feast, delicious cakes, 
 Well season'd by Sicilian art. 
 
 And Menander, in his Spectre, says— 
 Do ye applaud, 
 If the meat's dress'd with rich and varied skill. 
 But Posidippus, in his Man recovering his Sight, says— 
 I, having had one cook, have thoroughly learnt 
 All the bad tricks of cooks, while they compete 
 With one another in their trade. One said 
 His rival had no nose to judge of soup 
 With critical taste; that other had 
 A vicious palate; while a third could never 
 (If you'd believe the rest) restrain his appetite, 
 Without devouring half the meat he dress'd. 
 This one loved salt too much, and that one vinegar; 
 One burnt his meat; one gorged; one could not stand 
 The smoke; a sixth could never bear the fire. 
 At last they came to blows; and one of them, 
 Shunning the sword, fell straight into the fire. 
 And Antiphanes, in his Philotis, displaying the cleverness of the cooks,
 says— 
 
 A. Is not this, then, an owl? B. Aye, such as I 
 Say should be dress'd in brine. A. Well; and this
 pike 
 
 B. Why roast him whole. A. 
 This shark? B. Boil him in sauce. 
 
 A. This eel? B. Take salt,
 and marjoram, and water. 
 
 A. This conger? B. The same
 sauce will do for him. 
 
 A. This ray? B. Strew him
 with herbs. A. Here is a slice 
 Of tunny. B. Roast it. A. 
 And some venison. B. Roast it. 
 
 A. Then here's a lot more meat. B. Boil all the rest. 
 
 A. Here's a spleen. B. Stuff
 it. A. And a nestis. B. 
 Bah! 
 This man will kill me. 
 And Baton, in his Benefactors, gives a catalogue of celebrated cooks and
 confectioners, thus— 
 
 A. Well, O Sibynna, we ne'er sleep at nights, 
 Nor waste our time in laziness: our lamp 
 Is always burning; in our hands a book; 
 And long we meditate on what is left us 
 By— B. Whom? A. By that great
 Actides of Chios, 
 Or Tyndaricus, that pride of Sicyon, 
 Or e'en by Zopyrinus. B. Find you anything? 
 
 A. Aye, most important things. B. But what? The dead . . .

And such a food now is the μύμα, which I, my
 friends, am bringing you; concerning which Artemidorus, the pupil of Aristophanes,
 speaks in his Dictionary of Cookery, saying that it is prepared with meat and
 blood, with the addition also of a great deal of seasoning. And Epænetus, in his
 treatise on Cookery, speaks as follows:— One must make μύμα of every kind of animal and bird, cutting up the tender
 parts of the meat into small pieces, and the bowels and 
 entrails, and pounding the blood, and seasoning it with vinegar, and roasted
 cheese, and assafœtida, and cummin-seed, and thyme (both green and dry), and
 savory, and coriander-seed (both green and dry), and leeks, and onions (cleaned
 and toasted), and poppy-seed, and grapes, and honey, and the pips of an unripe
 pomegranate. You may also make this μύμα of
 fish.

And when this man had thus hammered on not only this dish but our ears also,
 another slave came in, bringing in a dish called ματτύη. And when a discussion arose about this, and when Ulpian had
 quoted a statement out of the Dictionary of Cookery by the before-mentioned
 Artemidorus relating to it, Aemilianus said that a book had been published by
 Dorotheus of Ascalon, entitled, On Antiphanes, and on the dish called Mattya by
 the Poets of the New Comedy, which he says is a Thessalian invention, and that it
 became naturalized at Athens during the supremacy of the Macedonians. And the
 Thessalians are admitted to be the most extravagant of all the Greeks in their
 manner of dressing and living; and this was the reason why they brought the
 Persians down upon the Greeks, because they were desirous to imitate their luxury
 and extravagance. And Cratinus speaks of their extravagant habits in his treatise
 on the Thessalian Constitution. But the dish was called ματτύη (as Apollodorus the Athenian affirms in the first book of his
 treatise on Etymologies), from the verb μασάομαι 
 (to eat); as also are the words μαστίχη (mastich)
 and μάζα (barley-cake). But our own opinion is
 that the word is derived from μάττω, and that this
 is the verb from which μάζα itself is derived, and
 also the cheese-pudding called by the Cyprians μαγίς; and from this, too, comes the verb ὑπερμαζάω, meaning to be extravagantly luxurious. Originally they
 used to call this common ordinary food made of barley-meal μάζα, and preparing it they called μάττω. And afterwards, varying the necessary food in a luxurious and
 superfluous manner, they derived a word with a slight change from the form
 μάζα, and called every very costly kind of dish
 ματτύη; and preparing such dishes they called
 ματτυάζω, whether it were fish, or poultry, or
 herbs, or beasts or sweetmeats. And this is plain from the testimony of Ale is,
 quoted by Artemidorus; for Alexis, wishing to show the great luxuriousness of the
 way in which this dish was prepared, added the verb λέπομαι. And the whole extract runs thus, being out of a corrected edition of a play which is entitled De- metrius:— 
 Take, then, this meat which thus is sent to you; 
 Dress it, and feast, and drink the cheerful healths, 
 
 λέπεσθε, ματτυάζετε. 
 
 But the Athenians use the verb λέπομαι 
 for wanton and unseemly indulgence of the sensual appetites.

And Artemidorus, in his Dictionary of Cookery, explains ματτύη as a common name for all kinds of costly seasonings; writing
 thus— There is also a ματτύης (he uses
 the word in the masculine gender) made of birds. Let the bird be killed by
 thrusting a knife into the head at the mouth; then let it be kept till the next
 day, like a partridge. And if you choose, you can leave it as it is, the wings
 on and with its body plucked. Then, having explained the way in which
 it is to be seasoned and boiled, he proceeds to say— Boil a fat hen of the
 common poultry kind, and some young cocks just beginning to crow, if you wish
 to make a dish fit to be eaten with your wine. Then taking some vegetables, put
 them in a dish, and place upon them some of the meat of the fowl, and serve it
 up. But in summer, instead of vinegar, put some unripe grapes into the sauce,
 just as they are picked from the vine; and when it is all boiled, then take it
 out before the stones fall from the grapes, and shred in some vegetables. And
 this is the most delicious ματτύης that there
 is. 
 
 Now, that ματτύη, or ματτύης, really is a common name for all costly dishes is plain; and
 that the same name was also given to a banquet composed of dishes of this sort, we
 gather from what Philemon says in his Man carried off:— 
 Put now a guard on me, while naked, and 
 Amid my cups the ματτύης shall delight
 me. 
 And in his Homicide he says— 
 Let some one pour us now some wine to drink, 
 And make some ματτύη quick. 
 But Alexis, in his Pyraunus, has used the word in an obscure sense:—
 
 But when I found them all immersed in business, 
 I cried,—Will no one give us now a ματτύη? 
 
 as if he meant a feast here, though you might fairly refer the word
 merely to a single dish. Now Machon the Sicyonian is one of the comic poets who
 were contemporaries of Apollodorus of Carystus, but he did not exhibit his
 comedies at Athens, but in Alexandria; and he was an
 excellent poet, if ever there was one, next to those seven of
 the first class. On which account, Aristophanes the grammarian, when he was a very
 young man, was very anxious to be much with him. And he wrote the following lines
 in his play entitled Ignorance:— 
 There's nothing that I'm fonder of than ματτύη; 
 
 But whether 'twas the Macedonians 
 Who first did teach it us, or all the gods, 
 I know not; but it must have been a person 
 Of most exalted genius.

And that it used to be served up after all the rest of the banquet was over, is
 plainly stated by Nicostratus, in his Man expelled. And it is a cook who is
 relating how beautiful and well arranged the banquet was which he prepared; and
 having first of all related what the dinner and supper were composed of, and then
 mentioning the third meal, proceeds to say— 
 Well done, my men,—extremely well! but now 
 I will arrange the rest, and then the ματτύη; 
 
 So that I think the man himself will never 
 Find fault with us again. 
 And in his Cook he says— 
 Thrium and candylus he never saw, 
 Or any of the things which make a ματτύη. 
 
 And some one else says— 
 They brought, instead of a ματτύη, some
 paunch, 
 And tender pettitoes, and tripe, perhaps. 
 But Dionysius, in his Man shot at with Javelins (and it is a cook who is
 represented speaking), says— 
 So that sometimes, when I a ματτύη 
 
 Was making for them, in haste would bring 
 (More haste worse speed) . . . . . 
 
 Philemon, also, in his Poor Woman— 
 When one can lay aside one's load, all day 
 Making and serving out rich μάττυαι. 
 
 But Molpis the Lacedæmonian says that what the Spartans call ἐπαίκλεια, that is to say, the second course, which is
 served up when the main part of the supper is over, is called 
 μάττυαι by other tribes of Greece. And Menippus
 the Cynic, in his book called Arcesilaus, writes thus:— There was a drinking
 party formed by a certain number of revellers, and a Lacedæmonian woman ordered
 the ματτύη to be served up; and immediately
 some little partridges were brought in, and some roasted geese, and some
 delicious cheesecakes. 
 
 But such a course as this the Athenians used to call ἐπιδόρπισμα, and the Dorians ἐπάϊκλον; but most of the Greeks called it τὰ
 ἐπίδειπνα. 
 
 And when all this discussion about the ματτύη was
 over, they thought it time to depart; for it was already evening. And so we
 parted.

E'en should the Phrygian God enrich my tongue 
 With honey'd eloquence, such as erst did fall 
 From Nestor's or Antenor's lips, 
 
 as the all-accomplished Euripides says, my good Timocrates— 
 I never should be able 
 to recapitulate to you the numerous things which were said in those most
 admirable banquets, on account of the varied nature of the topics introduced, and
 the novel mode in which they were continually treated. For there were frequent
 discussions about the order in which the dishes were served up, and about the
 things which are done after the chief part of the supper is over, such as I can
 hardly recollect; and some one of the guests quoted the following iambics from The
 Lacedæmonians of Plato— 
 Now nearly all the men have done their supper; 
 'Tis well.—Why don't you run and clear the tables 
 But I will go and straight some water get 
 For the guests' hands; and have the floor well swept; 
 And then, when I have offer'd due libations, 
 I'll introduce the cottabus. This girl 
 Ought now to have her flutes all well prepared, 
 Ready to play them. Quick now, slave, and bring 
 Egyptian ointment, extract of lilies too, 
 
 And sprinkle it around; and I myself 
 Will bring a garland to each guest, and give it; 
 Let some one mix the wine.—Lo! now it's mix'd 
 Put in the frankincense, and say aloud, 
 
 Now the libation is perform'd. 
 The guests 
 Have deeply drunk already; and the scolium 
 Is sung; the cottabus, that merry sport, 
 Is taken out of doors: a female slave 
 Plays on the flute a cheerful strain, well pleasing 
 To the delighted guest; another strikes 
 The clear triangle, and, with well-tuned voice, 
 Accompanies it with an Ionian song.

And after this quotation there arose, I think, a discussion about the cottabus and
 cottabus-players. Now by the term ἀποκοτταβίζοντες, one of the physicians who were present thought
 those people were meant, who, after the bath, for the sake of purging their
 stomach, drink a full draught of wine and then throw it up again; and he said that
 this was not an ancient custom, and that he was not aware of any ancient author
 who had alluded to this mode of purging. On which account Erasistratus of Julia,
 in his treatise on Universal Medicine, reproves those who act in this way,
 pointing out that it is a practice very injurious to the eyes, and having a very
 astringent effect on the stomach. And Ulpian addressed him thus— 
 Arise, Machaon, great Charoneus calls. 
 
 For it was wittily said by one of our companions, that if there were no
 physicians there would be nothing more stupid than grammarians. For who is there
 of us who does not know that this kind of ἀποκοτταβισμὸς was not that of the ancients? unless you think that
 the cottabus-players of Ameipsias vomited. Since, then, you are ignorant of what
 this is which is the subject of our present discussion, learn from me, in the
 first place, that the cottabus is a sport of Sicilian invention, the Sicilians
 having been the original contrivers of it, as Critias the son of Callæschrus tells
 us in his Elegies, where he says— 
 The cottabus comes from Sicilian lands, 
 And a glorious invention I think it, 
 Where we put up a target to shoot at with drops 
 From our wine-cup whenever we drink it. 
 And Dicæarchus the Messenian, the pupil of Aristotle, in his treatise on Alcæus, says that the word λατάγη is also a Sicilian noun. But λατάγη means the drops which are left in the bottom after the cup is
 drained, and which the players used to throw with inverted hand into the κοτταβεῖον. But Clitarchus, in his treatise on Words,
 says that the Thessalians and Rhodians both call the κότταβος itself, or splash made by the cups, λατάγη.

The prize also which was proposed for those who gained the victory in drinking was
 called κότταβος, as Euripides shows us in his
 Œneus, where he says— 
 And then with many a dart of Bacchus' juice, 
 They struck the old man's head. And I was set 
 To crown the victor with deserved reward, 
 And give the cottabus to such. 
 The vessel, too, into which they threw the drops was also called κότταβος, as Cratinus shows in his Nemesis. But Plato
 the comic poet, in his Jupiter Ill-treated, makes out that the cottabus was a sort
 of drunken game, in which those who were defeated yielded up their tools to the victor. And these
 are his words— 
 
 A. I wish you all to play at cottabus 
 While I am here preparing you your supper. 
 * * * * * * * * 
 Bring, too, some balls to play with, quick,-some balls, 
 And draw some water, and bring round some cups. 
 
 B. Now let us play for kisses. 
 A. No; such games 
 I never suffer. 
 I challenge you all to play the cottabus, 
 And for the prizes, here are these new slippers 
 Which she doth wear, and this your cotylus. 
 
 B. A mighty game! This is a greater contest 
 Than e'en the Isthmian festival can furnish.

There was a kind of cottabus also which they used to call κάτακτος, that is, when lamps are lifted up and then let down again.
 Eubulus, in his Bellerophon, says— 
 Who now will take hold of my leg below? 
 For I am lifted up like a κοτταβεῖον. 
 
 And Antiphanes, in his Birthday of Venus, says— 
 
 A. This now is what I mean; don't you perceive 
 This lamp's the cottabus: attend awhile; 
 The eggs, and sweetmeats, and confectionery 
 Are the prize of victory. B. Sure you will play 
 
 For a most laughable prize. How shall you do? 
 
 A. I then will show you how: whoever throws 
 The cottabus direct against the scale ( πλάστιγξ ), 
 So as to make it fall—— B. What scale? Do you 
 Mean this small dish which here is placed above? 
 
 A. That is the scale—he is the conqueror. 
 
 B. How shall a man know this? A. Why, if he throw 
 So as to reach it barely, it will fall 
 Upon the manes, and there'll be great noise. 
 
 B. Does manes, then, watch o'er the cottabus, 
 As if he were a slave? 
 And in a subsequent passage he says— 
 
 B. Just take the cup and show me how 'tis done. 
 
 A. Now bend your fingers like a flute-player, 
 Pour in a little wine, and not too much, 
 Then throw it. B. How? A. 
 Look here; throw it like this 
 
 B. O mighty Neptune, what a height he throws it! 
 
 A. Now do the same. B. Not even with a sling 
 Could I throw such a distance. A. Well, but
 learn.

For a man must curve his hand excessively before he can throw the cottabus
 elegantly, as Dicæarchus says; and Plato intimates as much in his Jupiter
 Ill-treated, where some one calls out to Hercules not to hold his hand too stiff,
 when he is going to play the cottabus. They also called the very act of throwing
 the cottabus ἀπʼ ἀγκύλης, because they curved
 ( ἀπαγκυλόω ) the right hand in throwing it.
 Though some say that ἀγκύλη, in this phrase, means
 a kind of cup. And Bacchylides, in his Love Poems, says— 
 And when she throws ἀπʼ ἀγκύλης, 
 
 Displaying to the youths her snow-white arm. 
 And Aeschylus, in his Bone Gatherers, speaks of ἀδκυλητοὶ κότταβοι, saying— 
 Eurymachus, and no one else, did heap 
 No slighter insults, undeserved, upon me; 
 For my head always was his mark at which 
 To throw his cottabus . . . . . 
 
 Now, that he who succeeded in throwing the cottabus properly received a
 prize, Antiphanes has shown us in a passage already quoted. And the prize
 consisted of eggs, sweetmeats, and confectionery. And Cephisodorus, in his
 Trohonius, and Callias or Diocles, in the Cyclopes,
 (whichever of the two is the author,) and Eupolis, and Hermippus, in his Iambics,
 prove the same thing. 
 Now what is called the κατακτὸς cottabus was
 something of this kind. There is a high lamp, having on it what is called the
 Manes, on which the dish, when thrown down, ought to fall; and from thence it
 falls into the platter which lies below, and which is struck by the cottabus. And
 there was room for very great dexterity in throwing the cottabus. And Nicochares
 speaks of the Manes in his Lacedæmonians.

There is also another way of playing this game with a platter. This platter is
 filled with water, and in it there are floating some empty saucers, at which the
 players throw their drops out of their cups, and endeavour to sink them. And he
 who has succeeded in sinking the greatest number gains the victory. Ameipsias, in
 his play entitled The Men playing at the Cottabus or Mania, says— 
 Bring here the cruets and the cups at once, 
 The foot-pan, too, but first pour in some water. 
 And Cratinus, in his Nemesis, says— 
 Now in the cottabus I challenge you, 
 (As is my country's mode,) to aim your blows 
 At the empty cruets; and he who sinks the most 
 Shall, in my judgment, bear the palm of victory. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Feasters, says— 
 I mean to erect a brazen figure, 
 That is, a cottabeum, and myrtle-berries. 
 And Hermippus, in his Fates, says— 
 Now soft cloaks are thrown away, 
 Every one clasps on his breastplate, 
 And binds his greaves around his legs, 
 No one for snow-white slippers cares; 
 Now you may see the cottabus staff 
 Thrown carelessly among the chaff; 
 The manes hears no falling drops; 
 And you the πλάστιγξ sad may see 
 Thrown on the dunghill at the garden door. 
 And Achæus, in his Linus, speaking of the Satyrs, says— 
 Throwing, and dropping, breaking, too, and naming ( λέγοντες ), 
 O Hercules, the well-thrown drop of wine! 
 And the poet uses λέγοντες here, because
 they used to utter the names of their sweethearts as they threw the cottabi on the
 saucers. On which account Sophocles, in his Inachus, called the drops which were
 thrown, sacred to Venus— 
 
 The golden-colour'd drop of Venus 
 Descends on all the houses. 
 And Euripides, in his Pleisthenes, says— 
 And the loud noise o' the frequent cottabus 
 Awakens melodies akin to Venus 
 In every house. 
 And Callimachus says— 
 Many hard drinkers, lovers of Acontius, 
 Throw on the ground the wine-drops ( λατάγας )
 from their cups.

There was also another kind of way of playing at the cottabus, in the feasts which
 lasted all night, which is mentioned by Callippus in his Festival lasting all
 Night, where he says— 
 And he who keeps awake all night shall have 
 A cheesecake for his prize of victory, 
 And kiss whoe'er he pleases of the girls 
 Who are at hand. 
 There were also sweetmeats at these nocturnal festivals, in which the men
 continued awake an extraordinary time dancing. And these sweetmeats used to be
 called at that time χαρίσιοι, from the joy
 ( χαρὰ ) of those who received them. And Eubulus,
 in his Ancylion, mentions them, speaking as follows— 
 For he has long been cooking prizes for 
 The victors in the cottabus. 
 And presently afterwards he says— 
 I then sprang out to cook the χαρ́σιος. 
 
 But that kisses were also given as the prize Eubulus tells us in a
 subsequent passage— 
 Come now, ye women, come and dance all night, 
 This is the tenth day since my son was born; 
 And I will give three fillets for the prize, 
 And five fine apples, and nine kisses too. 
 But that the cottabus was a sport to which the Sicilians were greatly
 addicted is plain from the fact that they had rooms built adapted to the game;
 which Dicæarchus, in his treatise on Alcæus, states to have been the case. So that
 it was not without reason that Callimachus affixed the epithet of Sicilian to
 λάταξ. And Dionysius, who was surnamed the
 Brazen, mentions both the λάταγες and the κότταβοι in his Elegies, where he says— 
 Here we, unhappy in our loves, establish 
 This third addition to the games of Bacchus, 
 
 That the glad cottabus shall now be play'd 
 In honour of you, a most noble quintain— 
 All you who here are present twine your hands, 
 Holding the ball-shaped portion of your cups, 
 And, ere you let it go, let your eyes scan 
 The heaven that bends above you; watching well 
 How great a space your λάταγες may
 cover.

After this, Ulpian demanded a larger goblet to drink out of quoting these lines
 out of the same collection of Elegies— 
 Pouring forth hymns to you and me propitious, 
 Let us now send your ancient friend from far, 
 With the swift rowing of our tongues and praises, 
 To lofty glory while this banquet lasts; 
 And the quick genius of Phæacian eloquence 
 Commands the Muses' crew to man the benches. 
 For let us be guided by the younger Cratinus, who says in his Omphale—
 
 It suits a happy man to stay at home 
 And drink, let others wars and labours love. 
 In answer to whom Cynulcus, who was always ready for a tilt at the
 Syrian, and who never let the quarrel drop which he had against him, now that
 there was a sort of tumult in the party, said-What is this chorus of
 Syrbenians? 
 And I myself also recollect some lines of this poetry, which I will quote, that
 Ulpian may not give himself airs as being the only one who was able to extract
 anything about the cottabus out of those old stores of the Homeridæ— 
 Come now and hear this my auspicious message, 
 And end the quarrels which your cups engender; 
 Turn your attention to these words of mine, 
 And learn these lessons. . . . . . . . . 
 which have a clear reference to the present discussion. For I see the
 servants now bringing us garlands and perfumes. Why now are those who are crowned
 said to be in love when their crowns are broken? For when I was a boy, and when I
 used to read the Epigrams of Callimachus, in which this is one of the topics
 dilated on, I was anxious to understand this point. For the poet of Cyrene says—
 
 And all the roses, when the leaves fell off 
 From the man's garlands, on the ground were thrown. 
 So now it is your business, you most accomplished man, to explain this
 difficulty which has occupied me these thousand years, O
 Democritus, and to tell me why lovers crown the doors of their mistresses.

And Democritus replied—But that I may quote some of the verses of this Brazen poet
 and orator Dionysius, (and he was called Brazen because he advised the Athe- nians
 to adopt a brazen coinage; and Callimachus mentions the oration in his list of
 Oratorical Performances,) I myself will cite some lines out of his Elegies. And do
 you, O Theodorus, for this is your proper name— 
 Receive these first-fruits of my poetry, 
 Given you as a pledge; and as an omen 
 Of happy fortune I send first to you 
 This offering of the Graces, deeply studied,— 
 Take it, requiting me with tuneful verse, 
 Fit ornament of feasts, and emblem of your happiness. 
 You ask, then, why, if the garlands of men who have been crowned are
 pulled to pieces, they are said to be in love." Is it, since love takes away the
 strict regularity of manners in the case of lovers, that on this account they
 think the loss of a conspicuous ornament, a sort of beacon (as Clearchus says, in
 the first book of his Art of Love) and signal, that they to whom this has happened
 have lost the strict decorum of their manners? Or do men interpret this
 circumstance also by divination, as they do many other things? For the ornament of
 a crown, as there is nothing lasting in it, is a sort of emblem of a passion which
 does not endure, but assumes a specious appearance for a while: and such a passion
 is love. For no people are more careful to study appearance than those who are in
 love. Unless, perhaps, nature, as a sort of god, administering everything with
 justice and equity, thinks that lovers ought not to be crowned till they have
 subdued their love; that is to say, till, having prevailed upon the object of
 their love, they are released from their desire. And accordingly, the loss of
 their crown we make the token of their being still occupied in the fields of love.
 Or perhaps Love himself, not permitting any one to be crowned in opposition to, or
 to be proclaimed as victor over himself, takes their crowns from these men, and
 gives the perception of this to others, indicating that these men are subdued by
 him: on which account all the rest say that these men are in love. Or is it
 because that cannot be loosed which has never been bound, but love is the chain of
 some who wear crowns, (for no one else who is bound is
 more anxious about being crowned than a lover,) that men consider that the loosing
 of the garland is a sign of love, and therefore say that these men are in love? Or
 is it because very often lovers, when they have been crowned, often out of
 agitation as it should seem, allow their crowns to fall to pieces, and so we argue
 backwards, and attribute this passion to all whom we see in this predicament;
 thinking that their crown never would have come to pieces, if they had not been in
 love? Or is it because these loosings happen only in the case of men bound or men
 in love; and so, men thinking that the loosing of the garland is the loosing also
 of those who are bound, con- sider that such men are in love? For those in love
 are bound, unless you would rather say that, because those who are in love are
 crowned with love, therefore their crown is not of a lasting kind; for it is
 difficult to put a small and ordinary kind of crown on a large and divine one. Men
 also crown the doors of the houses of the objects of their love, either with a
 view to do them honour, as they adorn with crowns the vestibule of some god to do
 him honour: or perhaps the offering of the crowns is made, not to the beloved
 objects, but to the god Love. For thinking the beloved object the statue, as it
 were, of Love, and his house the temple of Love, they, under this idea, adorn with
 crowns the vestibules of those whom they love. And for the same reason some people
 even sacri- fice at the doors of those whom they love. Or shall we rather say that
 people who fancy that they are deprived, or who really have been deprived of the
 ornament of their soul, consecrate to those who have deprived them of it, the
 orna- ment also of their body, being bewildered by their passion, and despoiling
 themselves in order to do so? And every one who is in love does this when the
 object of his love is present, but when he is not present, then he makes this
 offering in the public roads. On which account Lycophronides has re- presented
 that goatherd in love, as saying— 
 I consecrate this rose to you, 
 A beautiful idea; 
 This cap, and eke these sandals too, 
 And this good hunting-spear: 
 For now my mind is gone astray, 
 Wandering another way, 
 Towards that girl of lovely face, 
 Favourite of ev'ry Grace."

Moreover, that most divine writer Plato, in the seventh book of his Laws, proposes
 a problem having reference to crowns, which it is worth while to solve; and these
 are the words of the philosopher:— Let there be distributions of apples and
 crowns to a greater and a lesser number of people, in such a way that the
 numbers shall always be equal. These are the words of Plato. But what
 he means is something of this sort. He wishes to find one number of such a nature
 that, if divided among all who come in to the very last, it shall give an equal
 number of apples or crowns to every one. I say, then, that the number sixty will
 fulfil these conditions of equality in the case of six fellow-feasters; for I am
 aware that at the beginning we said that a supper party ought not to consist of
 more than five. But we are as numerous as the sand of the sea. Accordingly the
 number sixty, when the party is completed to the number of six guests, will begin
 to be divided in this manner. The first man came into the banqueting room, and
 received sixty garlands. He gives to the second who comes in half of them; and
 then each of them have thirty. Then when a third comes in they divide the whole
 sixty, so that each of them may have twenty. Again, they divide them again in like
 manner at the entrance of a fourth guest, so that each has fifteen; and when a
 fifth comes in they all have twelve a-piece. And when the sixth guest arrives,
 they divide them again, and each individual has ten. And in this way the equal
 division of the garlands is accomplished.

When Democritus had said this, Ulpian, looking towards Cynulcus, said— 
 To what a great philosopher has Fate 
 Now join'd me here! 
 As Theognetus the comic poet says, in his Apparition,— 
 You wretched man, you've learnt left-handed letters, 
 Your reading has perverted your whole life; 
 Philosophising thus with earth and heaven, 
 Though neither care a bit for all your speeches. 
 For where was it that you got that idea of the Chorus of the Syrbenians?
 What author worth speaking of mentions that musical chorus? And he replied:—My
 good friend, I will not teach you, unless I first receive adequate pay from you;
 for I do not read to pick out all the thorns out of my books as you do, but I
 select only what is most useful and best worth hearing. And
 at this Ulpian got indignant, and roared out these lines out of the Suspicion of
 Alexis— 
 These things are shameful, e'en to the Triballi; 
 Where they do say a man who sacrifices, 
 Displays the feast to the invited guests, 
 And then next day, when they are hungry all, 
 Sells them what he'd invited them to see. 
 And the same iambics occur in the Sleep of Antiphanes. And Cynulcus
 said:—Since there have already been discussions about garlands, tell us, my good
 Ulpian, what is the meaning of the expression, The garland of
 Naucratis, in the beautiful poet Anacreon. For that sweet minstrel
 says— 
 And each man three garlands had: 
 Two of roses fairly twined, 
 And the third a Naucratite. 
 And why also does the same poet represent some people as crowned with
 osiers? for in the second book of his Odes, he says— 
 But now full twice five months are gone 
 Since kind Megisthes wore a crown 
 Of pliant osier, drinking wine 
 Whose colour did like rubies shine. 
 For to suppose that these crowns were really made of osiers is absurd,
 for the osier is fit only for plaiting and binding. So now tell us about these
 things, my friend, for they are worth understanding correctly, and do not keep us
 quibbling about words.

But as he made no reply, and pretended to be considering the matter, Democritus
 said:—Aristarchus the gram- marian, my friend, when interpreting this passage,
 said that the ancients used to wear crowns of willow. But Tenarus says that the
 willow or osier is the rustics' crown. And other interpreters have said many
 irrelevant things on the subject. But I, having met with a book of Menodotus of
 Samos, which is entitled, A Record of the things worth noting at Samos, found
 there what I was looking for; for he says that "Admete, the wife of Eurystheus,
 after she had fled from Argos, came to Samos, and there, when a vision of Juno had
 appeared to her, she wishing to give the goddess a reward because she had arrived
 in Samos from her own home in safety, undertook the care of the temple, which
 exists even to this day, and which had been originally built by the Leleges and
 the Nymphs. But the Argives hearing of this, and being
 indignant at it, persuaded the Tyrrhenians by a promise of money, to employ
 piratical force and to carry off the statue,—the Argives believing that if this
 were done Admete would be treated with every possible severity by the inhabitants
 of Samos. Accordingly the Tyrrhenians came to the port of Juno, and having
 disembarked, immediately applied themselves to the performance of their
 undertaking. And as the temple was at that time without any doors, they quickly
 carried off the statue, and bore it down to the seaside, and put it on board their
 vessel. And when they had loosed their cables and weighed anchor, they rowed as
 fast as they could, but were unable to make any progress. And then, thinking that
 this was owing to divine interposition, they took the statue out of the ship again
 and put it on the shore; and having made some sacrificial cakes, and offered them
 to it, they departed in great fear. But when, the first thing in the morning,
 Admete gave notice that the statue had disappeared, and a search was made for it,
 those who were seeking it found it on the shore. And they, like Carian barbarians,
 as they were, thinking that the statue had run away of its own accord, bound it to
 a fence made of osiers, and took all the longest branches on each side and twined
 them round the body of the statue, so as to envelop it all round. But Admete
 released the statue from these bonds, and purified it, and placed it again on its
 pedestal, as it had stood before. And on this account once every year, since that
 time, the statue is carried down to the shore and hidden, and cakes are offered to
 it: and the festival is called τονεὺς, because it
 happened that the statue was bound tightly ( συντόνως ) by those who made the first search for it.

"But they relate that about that time the Carians, being overwhelmed with
 superstitious fears, came to the oracle of the god at Hybla, and consulted him
 with reference "O these occurrences; and that Apollo told them that they must give
 a voluntary satisfaction to the god of their own accord, to escape a more serious
 calamity,—such as in former times Jupiter had inflicted upon Prometheus, because
 of his theft of the fire, after he had released him from a most terrible
 captivity. And as he was inclined to give a satisfaction which should not cause
 him severe pain, this was what the god imposed upon him. And
 from this circumstance the use of this kind of crown which had been shown to
 Prometheus got common among the rest of mankind who had been benefited by him by
 his gift of fire: on which account the god enjoined the Carians also to adopt a
 similar custom,—to use osiers as a garland, and bind their heads with the branches
 with which they themselves had bound the goddess. And he ordered them also to
 abandon the use of every other kind of garland except that made of the bay-tree:
 and that tree he said he gave as a gift to those alone who are employed in the
 service of the goddess. And he told them that, if they obeyed the injunctions
 given them by the oracle, and if in their banquets they paid the goddess the
 satisfaction to which she was entitled, they should be protected from injury: on
 which account the Carians, wishing to obey the commands laid on them by the
 oracle, abolished the use of those garlands which they had previously been
 accustomed to wear, but permitted all those who were employed in the service of
 the goddess still to wear the garland of bay-tree, which remains in use even to
 this day.

"Nic$enetus also, the epic poet, appears to make some allusion to the fashion of
 wearing garlands of osier in his Epigrams. And this poet was a native of Samos,
 and a man who in numberless passages shows his fondness for mentioning points
 connected with the history of his country. And these are his words:— 
 I am not oft, O Philotherus, fond 
 Of feasting in the city, but prefer 
 The country, where the open breeze of zephyr 
 Freshens my heart; a simple bed 
 Beneath my body is enough for me, 
 Made of the branches of the native willow ( πρόμαλος ), 
 And osier ( λύγος ), ancient garland of the
 Carians,— 
 But let good wine be brought, and the sweet lyre, 
 Chief ornament of the Pierian sisters, 
 That we may drink our fill, and sing the praise 
 Of the all-glorious bride of mighty Jove, 
 The great protecting queen of this our isle. 
 But in the selines Nicænetus speaks ambiguously, for it is not quite
 plain whether he means that the osier is to make his bed or his garland; though
 afterwards, when he calls it the ancient garland of the Carians, he alludes
 clearly enough to what we are now discussing. And this use of osiers to make into garlands, lasted in that island down to the time of
 Polycrates, as we may conjecture. At all events Anacreon says— 
 But now full twice five months are gone 
 Since kind Megisthes wore a crown 
 Of pliant osier, drinking wine 
 Whose colour did like rubies shine."

And the Gods know that I first found all this out in the beautiful city of
 Alexandria, having got possession of the treatise of Menodotus, in which I showed
 to many people the passage in Anacreon which is the subject of discussion. But
 Hephæstion, who is always charging every one else with thefts, took this solution
 of mine, and claimed it as his own, and published an essay, to which he gave this
 title, Concerning the Osier Garland mentioned by Anacreon. And a
 copy of this essay we lately found at Rome in the possession of the antiquary
 Demetrius. And this compiler Hephæstion behaved in the same way to our excellent
 friend Adrantus. For after he had published a treatise in five books, Concerning
 those Matters in Theophrastus in his books on Manners, which are open to any
 Dispute, either as to their Facts, or the Style in which they are mentioned; and
 had added a sixth book Concerning the Disputable Points in the Nicomachean Ethics
 of Aristotle; and in these books had entered into a long dissertation on the
 mention of Plexippus by Antipho the tragic poet, and had also said a good deal
 about Antipho himself; Hephæstion, I say, appropriated all these books to himself,
 and wrote another book, Concerning the Mention of Antipho in the Memorabilia of
 Xenophon, not having added a single discovery or original observation of his own,
 any more than he had in the discussion on the Osier Garland. For the only thing he
 said that was new, was that Phylarchus, in the seventh book of his Histories,
 mentioned this story about the osier, and knew nothing of the passage of
 Nicænetus, nor of that of Anacreon; and he showed that he differed in some
 respects from the account that had been given by Menodotus. 
 But one may explain this fact of the osier garlands more simply, by saying that
 Megisthes wore a garland of osier because there was a great quantity of those
 trees in the place where he was feasting; and therefore he used it to bind his temples. For the Lacedæmonians at the festival of the
 Promachia, wear garlands of reeds, as Sosibius tells us in his treatise on the
 Sacrificial Festivals at Lacedæmon, where he writes thus: On this festival
 the natives of the country all wear garlands of reeds, or tiaras, but the boys
 who have been brought up in the public school follow without any garland at
 all.

But Aristotle, in the second book of his treatise on Love Affairs, and Ariston the
 Peripatetic, who was a native of Ceos, in the second book of his Amatory
 Resemblances, say that The ancients, on account of the headaches which were
 produced by their wine-drinking, adopted the practice of wearing garlands made
 of anything which came to hand, as the binding the head tight appeared to be of
 service to them. But men in later times added also some ornaments to their
 temples, which had a kind of reference to their employment of drinking, and so
 they invented garlands in the present fashion. But it is more reasonable to
 suppose that it was because the head is the seat of all sensation that men wore
 crowns upon it, than that they did so because it was desirable to have their
 temples shaded and bound as a remedy against the headaches produced by
 wine. 
 
 They also wore garlands over their foreheads, as the sweet Anacreon says— 
 And placing on our brows fresh parsley crowns, 
 Let's honour Bacchus with a jovial feast. 
 They also wore garlands on their breasts, and anointed them with perfume,
 because that is the seat of the heart. And they call the garlands which they put
 round their necks ὑποθυμιάδες, as Alcæus does in
 these lines— 
 Let every one twine round his neck 
 Wreathed ὑποθυμιάδες of anise. 
 And Sappho says— 
 And wreathed ὑποθυμιάδες 
 
 In numbers round their tender throats. 
 And Anacreon says— 
 They placed upon their bosoms lotus flowers 
 Entwined in fragrant ὑποθυμιάδες. 
 
 Aeschylus also, in his Prometheus Unbound, says distinctly— 
 And therefore we, in honour of Prometheus, 
 Place garlands on our heads, a poor atonement 
 For the sad chains with which his limbs were bound. 
 
 And again, in the play entitled the Sphinx, he says- 
 Give the stranger a στέφανος (garland), the
 ancient στέφος, — 
 This is the best of chains, as we may judge 
 From great Prometheus. 
 But Sappho gives a more simple reason for our wearing garlands, speaking
 as follows— 
 But place those garlands on thy lovely hair, 
 Twining the tender sprouts of anise green 
 With skilful hand; for offerings of flowers 
 Are pleasing to the gods, who hate all those 
 Who come before them with uncrowned heads. 
 In which lines she enjoins all who offer sacrifice to wear garlands on
 their heads, as they are beautiful things, and acceptable to the Gods. Aristotle
 also, in his Banquet, says, We never offer any mutilated gift to the Gods,
 but only such as are perfect and entire; and what is full is entire, and
 crowning anything indicates filling it in some sort. So Homer says— 
 
 
 The slaves the goblets crown'd with rosy wine; 
 
 Iliad, i. 470. 
 
 And in another place he says— 
 
 
 But God plain forms with eloquence does crown. 
 
 Odyss. viii. 170. 
 
 That is to say, eloquence in speaking makes up in the case of some men
 for their personal ugliness. Now this is what the στέφανος seems intended to do, on which account, in times of
 mourning, we do exactly the contrary. For wishing to testify our sympathy for
 the dead, we mutilate ourselves by cutting our hair, and by putting aside our
 garlands.

Now Philonides the physician, in his treatise on Ointments and Garlands, says,
 "After the vine was introduced into Greece from the Red Sea, and when most people
 had become addicted to intemperate enjoyment, and had learnt to drink unmixed
 wine, some of them became quite frantic and out of their minds, while others got
 so stupified as to resemble the dead. And once, when some men were drinking on the
 sea-shore, a violent shower came on, and broke up the party, and filled the
 goblet, which had a little wine left in it, with water. But when it became fine
 again, the men returned to the same spot, and tasting the new mixture, found that
 their enjoyment was now not only exquisite, but free from any subsequent pain. And
 on this account, the Greeks invoke the good Deity at the cup
 of unmixed wine, which is served round to them at dinner, paying honour to the
 Deity who invented wine; and that was Bacchus. But when the first cup of mixed
 wine is handed round after dinner, they then invoke Jupiter the Saviour, thinking
 him the cause of this mixture of wine which is so unattended with pain, as being
 the author of rain. Now, those who suffered in their heads after drinking,
 certainly stood in need of some remedy; and so the binding their heads was what
 most readily occurred to them, as Nature herself led them to this remedy. For a
 certain man having a headache, as Andreas says, pressed his head, and found
 relief, and so invented a ligature as a remedy for headache. 
 Accordingly, men using these ligatures as assistants in drinking, used to bind
 their heads with whatever came in their way. And first of all, they took garlands
 of ivy, which offered itself, as it were, of its own accord, and was very
 plentiful, and grew everywhere, and was pleasant to look upon, shading the
 forehead with its green leaves and bunches of berries, and bearing a good deal of
 tension, so as to admit of being bound tight across the brow, and imparting also a
 certain degree of coolness without any stupifying smell accompanying it. And it
 seems to me that this is the reason why men have agreed to consider the garland of
 ivy sacred to Bacchus, implying by this that the inventor of wine is also the
 defender of men from all the inconveniences which arise from the use of it. And
 from thence, regarding chiefly pleasure, and considering utility and the comfort
 of the relief from the effects of drunkenness of less importance, they were
 influenced chiefly by what was agreeable to the sight or to the smell. And
 therefore they adopted crowns of myrtle, which has exciting properties, and which
 also represses any rising of the fumes of wine; and garlands of roses, which to a
 certain extent relieve headache, and also impart some degree of coolness; and
 garlands also of bay leaves, which they think are not wholly unconnected with
 drinking parties. But garlands of white lilies, which have an effect on, the head,
 and wreaths of amaracus, or of any other flower or herb which has any tendency to
 produce heaviness or torpid feelings in the head, must be avoided." And
 Apollodorus, in his treatise on Perfumes and Garlands, has
 said the same thing in the very same words. And this, my friends, is enough to say
 on this subject.

But concerning the Naucratite Crown, and what kind of flowers that is made of, I
 made many investigations, and inquired a great deal without learning anything,
 till at last I fell in with a book of Polycharmus of Naucratis, entitled On Venus,
 in which I found the following passage: — But in the twenty-third Olympiad
 Herostratus, a fellow-countryman of mine, who was a merchant, and as such had
 sailed to a great many different countries, coming by chance to Paphos, in
 Cyprus, bought an image of Venus, a span high, of very ancient workmanship, and
 came away meaning to bring it to Naucratis. And as he was sailing near the,
 Egyptian coast, a violent storm suddenly overtook him, and the sailors could
 not tell where they were, and so they all had recourse to this image of Venus,
 entreating her to save them. And the goddess, for she was kindly disposed
 towards the men of Naucratis, on a sudden filled all the space near her with
 branches of green myrtle, and diffused a most delicious odor over the whole
 ship, when all the sailors had previously despaired of safety from their
 violent sea-sickness. And after they had been all very sick, the sun shone out,
 and they, Seeing the landmarks, came in safety into Naucratis. And Herostratus
 having disembarked from the ship with his image, and carrying with him also the
 green branches of myrtle which had so suddenly appeared to him, consecrated it
 and them in the temple of Venus. And having sacrificed to the gooddess, and
 having consecrated the image to Venus, and invited all his relations and most
 intimate friends to a banquet in the temple, he gave every one of them a
 garland of these branches of myrtle, to which garlands he then gave the name of
 Naucratite. This is the account given by Polcharmus; and I myself
 believe the statement, and believe that the Naucratite garland is no other than
 one made of myrtle, especially as in Anacreon it is represented as worn with one
 made of roses. And Philonides has said that the garland made of myrtle acts as a
 check upon the fumes of wine, and that the one made of roses, in addition to its
 cooling qualities, is to a certain extent a remedy for headache. And, therefore,
 those men are only to be laughed at, who say that the Naucratite garland is the
 wreath made of what is called by the Egyptians biblus,
 quoting the statement of Theopompus, in the third book of his History of Greece,
 where he says, That when Agesilaus the Lacedæmonian arrived in Egypt, the
 Egyptians sent him many presents, and among them the papyrus, which is used for
 making garlands. But I do not know what pleasure or advantage there
 could be in having a crown made of biblus with roses, unless people who are
 enamoured of such a wreath as this should also take a fancy to wear crowns of
 garlic and roses together. But I know that a great many people say that the
 garland made of the sampsychon or amaracus is the Naucratite garland; and this
 plant is very plentiful in Egypt, but the myrtle in Egypt is superior in sweetness
 to that which is found in any other country, as Theophrastus relates in another
 place.

While this discussion was going on, some slaves came in bringing garlands made of
 such flowers as were in bloom at the time; and Myrtilus said;—Tell me, my good
 friend Ulpian, the different names of garlands. For these servants, as is said in
 the Centaur of Chærephon— 
 Make ready garlands which they give the gods, 
 Praying they may be heralds of good omen. 
 And the same poet says, in his play entitled Bacchus— 
 Cutting sweet garlands, messengers of good omen. 
 Do not, however, quote to me passages out of the Crowns of Aelius
 Asclepiades, as if I were unacquainted with that work; but say something now
 besides what you find there. For you cannot show me that any one has ever spoken
 separately of a garland of roses, and a garland of violets. For as for the
 expression in Cratinus— 
 
 ναρκισσίνους ὀλίσβους, 
 
 that is said in a joke. 
 And he, laughing, replied,—The word στέφανος was
 first used among the Greeks, as Semos the Delian tells us in the fourth book of
 his Delias, in the same sense as the word στέφανος 
 is used by us, which, however, by some people is called στέμμα. On which account, being first crowned with this στέφανος, afterwards we put on a garland of bay leaves;
 and the word στέφανος itself is derived from the
 verb στέφω, to crown. But do you, you loquacious
 Thessalian, think, says he, that I am going to repeat any of those old and
 hacknied stories? But because of your tongue ( γλῶσσα ), I will mention the ὑπογλωττὶς, which Plato speaks of in his Jupiter Ill-treated— 
 But you wear leather tongues within your shoes, 
 And crown yourselves with ὑπογλωττίδες, 
 
 Whenever you're engaged in drinking parties. 
 And when you sacrifice you speak only words 
 Of happy omen. 
 And Theodorus, in his Attic Words, as Pamphilus says in his treatise on
 Names, says, that the ὑπογλωττὶς is a species of
 plaited crown. Take this then from me; for, as Euripides says, 
 'Tis no hard work to argue on either side, 
 If a man's only an adept at speaking.

There is the Isthmiacum also, and there was a kind of crown bearing this name,
 which Aristophanes has thought worthy of mention in his Fryers, where he speaks
 thus— 
 What then are we to do? We should have taken 
 A white cloak each of us; and then entwining 
 Isthmiaca on our brows, like choruses, 
 Come let us sing the eulogy of our master. 
 But Silenus, in his Dialects, says, The Isthmian garland. 
 And Philetas says, 
 στέφανος. There is an ambiguity here as to
 whether it refers to the head or to the main world. We also use the word ἴσθμιον, as applied to a well, or to a dagger. But
 Timachidas and Simmias, who are both Rhodians, explain one word by the other. They
 say, ἴσθμιον, στέφανον : and this word is also
 mentioned by Callixenus, who is himself also a Rhodian, in his History of
 Alexandria, where he writes as follows— 
 * * * * * *

But since I have mentioned Alexandria, I know that in that beautiful city there is
 a garland called the garland of Antinous, which is made of the lotus, which grows
 in those parts. And this lotus grows in the marshes in the summer season; and it
 bears flowers of two colours; one like that of the rose, and it is the garlands
 woven of the flower of this colour which are properly called the garlands of
 Antinous; but the other kind is called the lotus garland, being of a dark colour.
 And a man of the name of Pancrates, a native poet, with whom we ourselves were
 acquainted, made a great parade of showing a rose-coloured lotus to Adrian the
 emperor, when he was staying at Alexandria, saying, that he
 ought to give this flower the name of the Flower of Antinous, as having sprung
 from the ground where it drank in the blood of the Mauritanian lion, which Hadrian
 killed when he was out hunting in that part of Africa, near Alexandria; a
 monstrous beast which had ravaged all Libya for a long time, so as to make a very
 great part of the district desolate. Accordingly, Hadrian being delighted with the
 utility of the invention, and also with its novelty, granted to the poet that he
 should be maintained for the future in the Museum at the public expense; and
 Cratinus the comic poet, in his Ulysseses, has called the lotus στεφάνωμα, because all plants which are full of leaf,
 are called στεφανώματα by the Athenians. But
 Pancrates said, with a good deal of neatness, in his poem— 
 The crisp ground thyme, the snow-white lily too, 
 The purple hyacinth, and the modest leaves 
 Of the white celandine, and the fragrant rose, 
 Whose petals open to the vernal zephyrs; 
 For that fair flower which bears Antinous' name 
 The earth had not yet borne.

There is the word πυλέων. And this is the name
 given to the garland which the Lacedæmonians place on the head of Juno, as
 Pamphilus relates. 
 I am aware, also, that there is a kind of garland, which is called ʼἰάκχας by the Sicyonians, as Timachidas mentions in his
 treatise on Dialects. And Philetas writes as follows:— 
 ʼἰάκχα —this is a name given to a fragrant
 garland in the district of Sicyon— 
 She stood by her sire, and in her fragrant hair 
 She wore the beautiful Iacchian garland. 
 
 
 
 Seleucus also, in his treatise on Dialects, says, that there is a kind of garland
 made of myrtle, which is called ʼἐλλωτὶς, being
 twenty cubits in circumference, and that it is carried in procession on the
 festival of the Ellotia. And he says, that in this garland the bones of Europa,
 whom they call Ellotis, are carried. And this festival of the Ellotia is
 celebrated in Corinth. 
 There is also the θυρεατικός. This also is a name
 given to a species of garland by the Lacedæmonians, as Sosibius tells us in his
 treatise on Sacrifices, where he says, that now it is called ψίλινος, being made of branches of the palm-tree. And he says that
 they are worn, as a memorial of the victory which they gained, in Thyrea, by the leaders of the choruses, which are
 employed in that festival when they celebrate the Gymnopeediæ. And there are choruses, some of handsome boys, and others of full-grown
 men of distinguished bravery, who all dance naked, and who sing the songs of
 Thaletas and Alcman, and the paeans of Dionysodotus the Lacedæmonian. 
 There are also garlands called μελιλώτινοι, , which
 are mentioned by Alexis in his Crateva, or the Apothecary, in the following line—
 
 And many μελιλώτινοι garlands hanging. 
 
 
 There is the word too, ἐπιθυμίδες, , which Seleucus
 explains by every sort of garland. But Timachidas says,
 Garlands of every kind which are worn by women are called ἐπιθυμίδες. 
 
 
 There are also the words ὑποθυμὶς and ὑποθυμιὰς, which are names given to garlands by the
 Aeolians and Ionians, and they wear such around their necks, as one may clearly
 collect from the poetry of Alcæus and Anacreon. But Philetas, in his Miscellanies,
 says, that the Lesbians call a branch of myrtle ὑποθυμὶς, around which they twine violets and other flowers. 
 The ὑπογλωττὶς also is a species of garland. But
 Theodorus, in his Attic Words, says, that it is a particular kind of garland, and
 is used in that sense by Plato the comic poet, in his Jupiter Ill-treated.

I find also, in the comic poets, mention made of a kind of garland called κυλιστὸς, , and I find that Archippus mentions it in his
 Rhinon, in these lines— 
 He went away unhurt to his own house, 
 Having laid aside his cloak, but having on 
 His ἐκκύλιστος garland. 
 And Alexis, in his Agonis, or The Colt, says— 
 This third man has a κυλιστὸς garland 
 Of fig-leaves; but while living he delighted 
 In similar ornaments: 
 and in his Sciron he says— 
 Like a κυλιστὸς garland in suspense. 
 
 Antiphanes also mentions it in his Man in Love with Himself.
 And Eubulus, in his Œnomaus, or Pelops, saying— 
 Brought into circular shape, 
 Like a κυλιστὸς garland. 
 
 
 What, then, is this κυλιστός ? For I am aware that
 Nicander of Thyatira, in his Attic Nouns, speaks as follows,— ' ʼἐκκυλίσιοι στέφανοι, and especially those made of
 roses. And now I ask what species of garland this was, O Cynulcus; and
 do not tell me that I am to understand the word as meaning merely large. For you
 are a man who are fond of not only picking things little known out of books, but
 of even digging out such matters; like the philosophers in the Joint Deceiver of
 Baton the comic poet; men whom Sophocles also mentions in his Fellow Feasters, and
 who resemble you,— 
 You should not wear a beard thus well perfumed, 
 And 'tis a shame for you, of such high birth, 
 To be reproached as the son of your belly, 
 When you might rather be call'd your father's son. 
 Since, then, you are sated not only with the heads of glaucus, but also
 with that ever-green herb, which that Anthedonian Deity ate, and became immortal, give us an answer now
 about the subject of discussion, that we may not think that when you are dead, you
 will be metamorphosed, as the divine Plato has described in his treatise on the
 Soul. For he says that those who are addicted to gluttony, and insolence, and
 drunkenness, and who are restrained by no modesty, may naturally become
 transformed into the race of asses, and similar animals.

And as he still appeared to be in doubt;—Let us now, said Ulpian, go on to another
 kind of garland, which is called the στρούθιος; 
 which Asclepiades mentions when he quotes the following passage, out of the Female
 Garland Sellers of Eubulus— 
 O happy woman, in your little house 
 To have a στρούθιος . . . . . 
 
 And this garland is made of the flower called στρούθιον (soapwort), which is mentioned by Theophrastus, in the
 sixth book of his Natural History, in these words— The
 iris also blooms in the summer, and so does the flower called στρούθιον, which is a very pretty flower to the eye,
 but destitute of scent. Galene of Smyrna also speaks of the same
 flower, under the name of στρύθιον. 
 
 There is also the πόθος. . There is a certain kind
 of garland with this name, as Nicander the Colophonian tells us in his treatise on
 Words. And this, too, perhaps is so named as being made of the flower called
 πόθος, , which the same Theophrastus mentions in
 the sixth book of his Natural History, where he writes thus—"There are other
 flowers which bloom chiefly in the summer,—the lychnis, the flower of Jove, the
 lily, the iphyum, the Phrygian amaracus, and also the plant called pothus, of
 which there are two kinds, one bearing a flower like the hyacinth, but the other
 produces a colour-less blossom nearly white, which men use to strew on tombs. 
 Eubulus also gives a list of other names of garlands— 
 Aegidion, carry now this garland for me, 
 Ingeniously wrought of divers flowers, 
 Most tempting, and most beautiful, by Jove! 
 For who'd not wish to kiss the maid who bears it? 
 And then in the subsequent lines he says— 
 
 A. Perhaps you want some garlands. Will you have
 them 
 Of ground thyme, or of myrtle, or of flowers 
 Such as I show you here in bloom. 
 
 B. I'll have 
 These myrtle ones. You may sell all the others, 
 But always keep the myrtle wreaths for me.

There is the philyrinus also. Xenarchus, in his Soldier, says— 
 For the boy wore a garland on his brow 
 Of delicate leafy linden ( φιλύρα ). 
 Some garlands also are called ἑλικτοὶ, as
 they are even to this day among the Alexandrians. And Chæremon the tragic poet
 mentions them in his Bacchus, saying— 
 The triple folds of the ἑλικτοὶ 
 garlands, 
 Made up of ivy and narcissus. 
 But concerning the evergreen garlands in Egypt, Helanicus, in his History
 of Egypt, writes as follows— There is a city on the banks of the river,
 named Tindium. This is place where many gods are assembled, and in the middle
 of the city there is a sacred temple of great size made of marble, and the
 doors are marble. And within the temple there are white
 and black thorns, on which garlands were placed made of the flower of the
 acanthus, and also of the blossoms of the pomegranate, and of vine leaves. And
 these keep green for ever. These garlands were placed by the gods themselves in
 Egypt when they heard that Babys was king, (and he is the same who is also
 called Typhon.) But Demetrius, in his History of the Things to be seen
 in Egypt, says that these thorns grow about the city of Abydos, and he writes
 thus— But the lower district has a tree called the thorn, which bears a
 round fruit on some round-shaped branches. And this tree blooms at a certain
 season; and the flower is very beautiful and brilliant in colour. And there is
 a story told by the Egyptians, that the Aethiopians who had been sent as allies
 to Troy by Tithonus, when they heard that Memnon was slain, threw down on the
 spot all their garlands on the thorns. And the branches themselves on which the
 flower grows resemble garlands. And the before-mentioned Hellanicus
 mentions also that Amasis, who was king of Egypt, was originally a private
 individual of the class of the common people; and that it was owing to the present
 of a garland, which he made of the most beautiful flowers that were in season, and
 sent to Patarmis, who was king of Egypt, at the time when he was celebrating the
 festival of his birthday, that he afterwards became king himself. For Patarmis,
 being delighted at the beauty of the garland, invited Amasis to supper, and after
 this treated him as one of his friends; and on one occasion sent him out as his
 general, when the Egyptians were making war upon him. And he was made king by
 these Egyptians out of their hatred to Patarmis.

There are also garlands called συνθηματιαῖοι, ,
 which people make and furnish by contract. Aristophanes, in his Thesmophoriazusæ,
 says— 
 
 
 To make up twenty συνθηματιαῖοι 
 garlands. 
 
 Ar. Thesm. 458. 
 
 We find also the word χορωνόν. Apion, in
 his treatise on the Roman Dialect, says that formerly a garland was called
 χορωνὸν, from the fact of the members of the
 chorus in the theatres using it; and that they wore garlands and contended for
 garlands. And one may see this name given to garlands in the Epigrams of
 Simonides— 
 
 Phœbus doth teach that song to the Tyndaridæ, 
 Which tuneless grasshoppers have crown'd with a χορωνός. 
 
 
 
 There are ἀκίνιοι too. There are some garlands
 made of the basil thyme ( ἄκινος ) which are called
 by this name, as we are told by Andron the physician, whose words are quoted by
 Parthenius the pupil of Dionysius, in the first book of his treatise on the Words
 which occur in the Historians.

Now Theophrastus gives the following list of flowers as suitable to be made into
 garlands—- The violet, the flower of Jupiter, the iphyum, the wallflower,
 the hemerocalles, or yellow lily. But he says the earliest blooming flower is
 the white violet; and about the same time that which is called the wild
 wallflower appears, and after them the narcissus and the lily; and of mountain
 flowers, that kind of anemone which is called the mountain anemone, and the
 head of the bulb-plant. For some people twine these flowers into garlands. And
 next to these there comes the œnanthe and the purple violet. And of wild
 flowers, there are the helichryse, and that species of anemone called the
 meadow anemone, and the gladiolus, and the hyacinth. But the rose is the latest
 blooming flower of all; and it is the latest to appeal and the first to go off.
 But the chief summer flowers are the lychnis, and the flower of Jupiter, and
 the lily, and the iphyum, and the Phrygian amaracus, and also the flower called
 the pothus. And in his ninth book the same Theophrastus says, if any
 one wears a garland made of the flower of the helichryse, he is praised if he
 sprinkle it with ointment. And, Alcman mentions it in these lines— 
 And I pray to you, and bring 
 This chaplet of the helichryse, 
 And of the holy cypirus. 
 And Ibycus says— 
 Myrtle-berries with violets mix'd, 
 And helichryse, and apple blossoms, 
 And roses, and the tender daphne. 
 And Cratinus, in his Effeminate People, says— 
 With ground thyme and with crocuses, 
 And hyacinths, and helichryse. 
 But the helichryse is a flower like the lotus. And Themistagoras the
 Ephesian, in his book entitled The Golden Book, says that the flower derives its
 name from the nymph who first picked it, who was called
 Helichrysa. There are also, says Theophrastus, such flowers as purple lilies. But
 Philinus says that the lily, which he calls κρίνον, is by some people called λείριον, , and by others ἴον. The
 Corinthians also call this flower ambrosia, as Nicander says in his Dictionary.
 And Diocles, in his treatise on Deadly Poisons, says— The amaracus, which
 some people call the sampsychus.

Cratinus also speaks of the hyacinth by the name of κοσμοσάνδαλον in his Effeminate People, where he says— 
 I crown my head with flowers, λείρια, 
 
 Roses, and κρίνα, and κοσμοσάνδαλα. 
 
 And Clearchus, in the second book of his Lives, says—"You may remark the
 Lacedæmonians who, having invented garlands of cosmosandalum, trampled under foot
 the most ancient system of polity in the world, and utterly ruined themselves; on
 which account Antiphanes the comic poet very cleverly says of them, in his
 Harp-player— 
 Did not the Lacedæmonians boast of old 
 As though they were invincible? but now 
 They wear effeminate purple head-dresses. 
 And Hicesius, in the second book of his treatise on Matter,
 says— The white violet is of moderately astringent properties, and has a
 most delicious fragrance, and is very delightful, but only for a short time;
 and the purple violet is of the same appearance, but it is far more
 fragrant. And Apollodorus, in his treatise on Beasts, says— There
 is the chamæpitys, or ground pine, which some call olocyrum, but the Athenians
 call it Ionia, and the Eubœans sideritis. And Nicander, in the second
 book of his Georgics, (the words themselves I will quote hereafter, when I
 thoroughly discuss all the flowers fit for making into garlands,) says— The
 violet ( ἴον ) was originally given by some
 Ionian nymphs to Ion. 
 
 And in the sixth book of his History of Plants, Theophrastus says that the
 narcissus is also called λείριον; but in a
 subsequent passage he speaks of the narcissus and λείριον as different plants. And Eumachus the Corcyrean, in his
 treatise on Cutting Roots, says that the narcissus is also called acacallis, and
 likewise crotalum. But the flower called hemerocalles, or day-beauty, which fades
 at night but blooms at sunrise, is mentioned by Cratinus in
 his Effeminate People, where he says— 
 And the dear hemerocalles. 
 Concerning the ground thyme, Theophrastus says— The people gather
 the wild ground thyme on the mountains and plant it around Sicyon, and the
 Athenians gather it on Hymettus; and other nations too have mountains fill of
 this flower, as the Thracians for instance. But Philinus says that it
 is called zygis. And Amerias the Macedonian, speaking of the lychnis in his
 treatise on Cutting up Roots, says that it sprang from the baths of Venus,
 when Venus bathed after having been sleeping with Vulcan. And it is found in
 the greatest perfection in Cyprus and Lemnos, and also in Stromboli and near
 mount Eryx, and at Cythera. 
 
 
 But the iris, says Theophrastus, blooms in the summer, and
 is the only one of all the European flowers which has a sweet scent. And it is
 in the highest beauty in those parts of Illyricum which are at a distance from
 the sea. But Philinus says that the flowers of the iris are called
 λύκοι, because they resemble the lips of the
 wolf ( λύκος ). And Nicolaus of Damascus, in the
 hundred and eighth book of his History, says that there is a lake near the Alps,
 many stadia in circumference, round which there grow every year the most fragrant
 and beautiful flowers, like those which are called calchæ. Alcman also mentions
 the calchæ in these lines:— 
 Having a golden-colour'd necklace on 
 Of the bright calchæ, with their tender petals. 
 And Epicharmus, too, speaks of them in his Rustic.

Of roses, says Theophrastus in his sixth book, there are many varieties. For most
 of them consist only of five leaves, but some have twelve leaves; and some, near
 Philippi, have even as many as a hundred leaves. For men take up the plants from
 Mount Pangæum, (and they are very numerous there,) and plant them near the city.
 And the inner petals are very small; for the fashion in which the flowers put out
 their petals is, that some form the outer rows and some the inner ones: but they
 have not much smell, nor are they of any great size. And those with only five
 leaves are the most fragrant, and their lower parts are very thorny. But the most
 fragrant roses are in Cyrene: on which account the perfumes
 made there are the sweetest. And in this country, too, the perfume of the violets,
 and of all other flowers, is most pure and heavenly; and above all, the fragrance
 of the crocus is most delicious in those parts." And Timachidas, in his Banquets,
 says that the Arcadians call the rose εὐόμφαλον, 
 meaning εὔοσμον, or fragrant. And Apollodorus, in
 the fourth book of his History of Parthia, speaks of a flower called philadelphum,
 as growing in the country of the Parthians, and describes it thus:— And
 there are many kinds of myrtle, —the milax, and that which is called the
 philadelphum, which has received a name corresponding to its natural character;
 for when branches, which are at a distance from one another, meet together of
 their own accord, they cohere with a vigorous embrace, and become united as if
 they came from one root, and then growing on, they produce fresh shoots: on
 which account they often make hedges of them in well-cultivated farms; for they
 take the thinnest of the shoots, and plait them in a net-like manner, and plant
 them all round their gardens, and then these plants, when plaited together all
 round, make a fence which it is difficult to pass through.

The author, too, of the Cyprian Poems gives lists of the flowers which are
 suitable to be made into garlands, whether he was Hegesias, or Stasinus, or any
 one else; for Demodamas, who was either a Halicarnassian or Milesian, in his
 History of Halicarnassus, says that the Cyprian Poems were the work of a citizen
 of Halicarnassus: however, the author, whoever he was, in his eleventh book,
 speaks thus:— 
 Then did the Graces, and the smiling Hours, 
 Make themselves garments rich with various hues, 
 And dyed them in the varied flowers that Spring 
 And the sweet Seasons in their bosom bear. 
 In crocus, hyacinth, and blooming violet, 
 And the sweet petals of the peerless rose, 
 So fragrant, so divine; nor did they scorn 
 The dewy cups of the ambrosial flower 
 That boasts Narcissus' name. Such robes, perfumed 
 With the rich treasures of revolving seasons, 
 The golden Venus wears. 
 And this poet appears also to have been acquainted with the use of
 garlands, when he says— 
 And when the smiling Venus with her train 
 Had woven fragrant garlands of the treasures 
 The flowery earth puts forth, the goddesses 
 
 All crown'd their heads with their queen's precious work,— 
 The Nymphs and Graces, and the golden Venus,— 
 And raised a tuneful song round Ida's springs.

Nicander also, in the second book of his Georgics, gives a regular list of the
 flowers suitable to be made into garlands, and speaks as follows concerning the
 Ionian nymphs and concerning roses:— 
 And many other flowers you may plant, 
 Fragrant and beauteous, of Ionian growth; 
 Two sorts of violets are there,—pallid one, 
 And like the colour of the virgin gold, 
 Such as th' Ionian nymphs to Ion gave, 
 When in the meadows of the holy Pisa 
 They met and loved and crown'd the modest youth. 
 For he had cheer'd his hounds and slain the boar, 
 And in the clear Alpheus bathed his limbs, 
 Before he visited those friendly nymphs. 
 Cut then the shoots from off the thorny rose, 
 And plant them in the trenches, leaving space 
 Between, two spans in width. The poets tell 
 That Midas first, when Asia's realms he left, 
 Brought roses from th' Odonian hills of Thrace, 
 And cultivated them in th' Emathian lands, 
 Blooming and fragrant with their sixty petals. 
 Next to th' Emathian roses those are praised 
 Which the Megarian Nisæa displays: 
 Nor is Phaselis, nor the land which worships 
 The chaste Diana, to be lightly praised, 
 Made verdant by the sweet Lethæan stream. 
 In other trenches place the ivy cuttings, 
 And often e'en a branch with berries loaded 
 May be entrusted to the grateful ground; 
 * * * * * 
 
 Or with well-sharpen'd knife cut off the shoots, 
 And plait them into baskets, 
 * * * * * 
 High on the top the calyx full of seed 
 Grows with white leaves, tinged in the heart with gold, 
 Which some call crina, others liria, 
 Others ambrosia, but those who love 
 The fittest name, do call them Venus' joy; 
 
 For in their colour they do vie with Venus, 
 Though far inferior to her decent form. 
 The iris in its roots is like th' agallis, 
 Or hyacinth fresh sprung from Ajax' blood; 
 It rises high with swallow-shaped flowers, 
 Blooming when summer brings the swallows back. 
 Thick are the leaves they from their bosom pour, 
 And the fresh flowers constantly succeeding, 
 Shine in their stooping mouths. 
 * * * * * 
 Nor is the lychnis, nor the lofty rush, 
 Nor the fair anthemis in light esteem, 
 Nor the boanthemum with towering stem, 
 Nor phlox whose brilliancy scarce seems to yield 
 To the bright splendour of the midday sun. 
 Plant the ground thyme where the more fertile ground 
 Is moisten'd by fresh-welling springs beneath, 
 That with long creeping branches it may spread, 
 Or droop in quest of some transparent spring, 
 The wood-nymphs' chosen draught. Throw far away 
 The poppy's leaves, and keep the head entire, 
 A sure protection from the teasing gnats; 
 For every kind of insect makes its seat 
 Upon the opening leaves; and on the head, 
 Like freshening dews, they feed, and much rejoice 
 In the rich latent honey that it bears; 
 But when the leaves ( θρῖα ) are off, the
 mighty flame 
 Soon scatters them . . . . 
 (but by the word θρῖα he does not here
 mean the leaves of fig-trees, but of the poppy). 
 Nor can they place their feet 
 With steady hold, nor juicy food extract; 
 And oft they slip, and fall upon their heads. 
 Swift is the growth, and early the perfection 
 Of the sampsychum, and of rosemary, 
 And of the others which the gardens 
 Supply to diligent men for well-earn'd garlands. 
 Such are the feathery fern, the boy's-love sweet, 
 (Like the tall poplar); such the golden crocus, 
 Fair flower of early spring; the gopher white, 
 And fragrant thyme, and all the unsown beauty 
 Which in moist grounds the verdant meadows bear; 
 The ox-eye, the sweet-smelling flower of Jove, 
 The chalca, and the much sung hyacinth, 
 And the low-growing violet, to which 
 Dark Proserpine a darker hue has given; 
 The tall panosmium, and the varied colours 
 Which the gladiolus puts forth in vain 
 To decorate the early tombs of maidens. 
 Then too the ever-flourishing anemones, 
 Tempting afar with their most vivid dyes. 
 
 (But for ἐφελκόμεναι
 χροιῇσιν some copies have ἐφελκόμεναι
 φιλοχροιαῖς ). 
 And above all remember to select 
 The elecampane and the aster bright, 
 And place them in the temples of the gods, 
 By roadside built, or hang them on their statues, 
 Which first do catch the eye of the visitor. 
 These are propitious gifts, whether you pluck 
 The many-hued chrysanthemum, or lilies 
 Which wither sadly o'er the much-wept tomb, 
 Or gay old-man, or long-stalk'd cyclamen, 
 Or rank nasturtium, whose scarlet flowers 
 Grim Pluto chooses for his royal garland.

From these lines it is plain that the chelidonium is a different flower from the
 anemone (for some people have called them the same). But Theophrastus says that
 there are some plants, the flowers of which constantly follow the stars, such as
 the one called the heliotrope, and the chelidonium; and this last plant is named
 so from its coming into bloom at the same time as the swallows arrive. There is
 also a flower spoken of under the name of ambrosia by Carystius, in his Historical
 Commentaries, where he says— Nicander says that the plant named ambrosia
 grows at Cos, on the head of the statue of Alexander. But I have
 already spoken of it, and mentioned that some people give this name to the lily.
 And Timachidas, in the fourth book of his banquet, speaks also of a flower called
 theseum,— 
 The soft theseum, like the apple blossom, 
 The sacred blossom of Leucerea, 
 
 Which the fair goddess loves above all others. 
 And he says that the garland of Ariadne was made of this flower. 
 Pherecrates also, or whoever the poet was who wrote the play of the Persians,
 mentions some flowers as fit for garlands, and says— 
 O you who sigh like mallows soft, 
 Whose breath like hyacinths smells, 
 Who like the melilotus speak, 
 And smile as doth the rose, 
 Whose kisses are as marjoram sweet, 
 Whose action crisp as parsley, 
 
 Whose gait like cosmosandalum. 
 Pour rosy wine, and with loud voice 
 Raise the glad pæan's song, 
 As laws of God and man enjoin 
 On holy festival. 
 And the author of the Miners, whoever he was, (and that poem is
 attributed to the same Pherecrates,) says— 
 Treading on soft aspalathi 
 Beneath the shady trees, 
 In lotus-bearing meadows green, 
 And on the dewy cypirus; 
 And on the fresh anthryscum, and 
 The modest tender violet, 
 And green trefoil. . . 
 
 
 But here I want to know what this trefoil is; for there is a poem attributed to
 Demarete, which is called The Trefoil. And also, in the poem which is entitled The
 Good Men, Pherecrates or Strattis, whichever is the author, says— 
 And having bathed before the heat of day, 
 Some crown their head and some anoint their bodies. 
 And he speaks of thyme, and of cosmosandalum. And Cratinus, in his
 Effeminate Persons, says— 
 Joyful now I crown my head 
 With every kind of flower; 
 
 λείρια, roses, κρίνα too, 
 And cosmosandala, 
 And violets, and fragrant thyme, 
 And spring anemones, 
 Ground thyme, crocus, hyacinths, 
 And buds of helichryse, 
 Shoots of the vine, anthryscum too, 
 And lovely hemerocalles. 
 * * * * * * 
 My head is likewise shaded 
 With evergreen melilotus; 
 And of its own accord there comes 
 The flowery cytisus.

Formerly the entrance of garlands and perfumes into the banqueting rooms, used to
 herald the approach of the second course, as we may learn from Nicostratus in his
 Pseudostigmatias, where, in the following lines, he says— 
 And you too, 
 Be sure and have the second course quite neat; 
 Adorn it with all kinds of rich confections, 
 Perfumes, and garlands, aye, and frankincense, 
 And girls to play the flute. 
 
 
 
 But Philoxenus the Dithyrambic poet, in his poem entitled The Banquet, represents
 the garland as entering into the commencement of the banquet, using the following
 language: 
 Then water was brought in to wash the hands, 
 Which a delicate youth bore in a silver ewe, 
 Ministering to the guests; and after that 
 He brought us garlands of the tender myrtle, 
 Close woven with young richly-colour'd shoots. 
 And Eubulus, in his Nurses, says— 
 For when the old men came into the house, 
 At once they sate them down. Immediately 
 Garlands were handed round; a well-fill'd board 
 Was placed before them, and (how good for th' eyes!) 
 A closely-kneaded loaf of barley bread. 
 And this was the fashion also among the Egyptians, as Nicostratus says in
 his Usurer; for, representing the usurer as an Egyptian, he says— 
 
 A. We caught the pimp and two of his companions, 
 When they had just had water for their hands, 
 And garlands. 
 
 B. Sure the time, O Chærophon, 
 Was most propitious. 
 But you may go on gorging yourself, O Cynulcus; and when you have done,
 tell us why Cratinus has called the melilotus the ever-watching
 melilotus. However, as I see you are already a little tipsy ( ἔξοινον )—for that is the word Alexis has used for a man
 thoroughly drunk ( μεθύσην ), in his Settler— I
 won't go on teasing you; but I will bid the slaves, as Sophocles says in his
 Fellow Feasters, 
 Come, quick! let some one make the barley-cakes, 
 And fill the goblets deep; for this man now, 
 Just like a farmer's ox, can't work a bit 
 Till he has fill'd his belly with good food. 
 And there is a man of the same kind mentioned by Aristias of Phlius; for
 he, too, in his play entitled The Fates, says— 
 The guest is either a boatman or a parasite, 
 A hanger-on of hell, with hungry belly, 
 Which nought can satisfy. 
 However, as he gives no answer whatever to all these things which have
 been said, I order him (as it is said in the Twins of Alexis) to be carried out of
 the party, crowned with χύδαιοι garlands. But the
 comic poet, alluding to χύδαιοι garlands, says—
 
 These garlands all promiscuously ( χύδην )
 woven. 
 
 But, after this, I will not carry on this conversation any
 fur- there to-day; but will leave the discussion about perfumes to those who
 choose to continue it: and only desire the boy, on account of this lecture of mine
 about garlands, as Antiphanes. . . . . 
 To bring now hither two good garlands, 
 And a good lamp, with good fire brightly burning; 
 for then I shall wind up my speech like the conclusion of a play. 
 And not many days after this, as if he had been prophesying a silence for himself
 [which should be eternal], he died, happily, without suffering under any long
 illness, to the great affliction of us his companions.

And while the slaves were bringing round perfumes in alabaster boxes, and in other
 vessels made of gold, some one, seeing Cynulcus, anointed his face with a great
 deal of ointment. But he, being awakened by it, when he recollected himself,
 said;—What is this? O Hercules, will not some one come with a sponge and wipe my
 face, which is thus polluted with a lot of dirt? And do not you all know that that
 exquisite writer Xenophon, in his Banquet, represents Socrates as speaking
 thus:— ' By Jupiter! O Callias, you entertain us superbly; for you have
 not only given us a most faultless feast, but you have furnished us also with
 delicious food for our eyes and ears.'—' Well, then,' said he, 'suppose any one
 were to bring us perfumes, in order that we might also banquet on sweet smells?
 '—' By no means,' said Socrates; ' for as there is one sort of dress fit for
 women and another for men, so there is one kind of smell fit for women and
 another for men. And no man is ever anointed with perfume for the sake of men;
 and as to women, especially when they are brides,—as, for instance, the bride
 of this Niceratus here, and the bride of Critobulus,—how can they want perfumes
 in their husbands, when they themselves are redolent of it But the smell of the
 oil in the gymnasia, when it is present, is sweeter than perfume to women; and
 when it is absent, they long more for it. For if a slave and a freeman be
 anointed with perfume, they both smell alike in a moment; but those smells
 which are derived from free labours, require both virtuous habits and a good
 deal of time if they are to be agreeable and in character with a
 freeman.' And that admirable writer Chrysippus
 says that perfumes ( μύρα ) derive their name from
 being prepared with great toil ( μόρος ) and useless
 labour. The Lacedæmonians even expel from Sparta those who make perfumes, as being
 wasters of oil; and those who dye wool, as being destroyers of the whiteness of
 the wool. And Solon the philosopher, in his laws, forbade men to be sellers of
 perfumes.

But now, not only scents, as Clearchus says in the third book of
 his Lives, but also dyes, being full of luxury, tend to make those men
 effeminate who have anything to do with them. And do you think that effeminacy
 without virtue has anything desirable in it? But even Sappho, a thorough woman,
 and a poetess into the bargain, was ashamed to separate honour from elegance;
 and speaks thus— 
 But elegance I truly love; 
 And this my love of life has brilliancy, 
 And honour, too, attached to it: 
 making it evident to everybody that the desire of life that she
 confessed had respectability and honour in it; and these things especially
 belong to virtue. But Parrhasius the painter, although he was a man beyond all
 measure arrogant about his art, and though he got the credit of a liberal
 profession by some mere pencils and pallets, still in words set up a claim to
 virtue, and put this inscription on all his works that are at Lindus:— 
 This is Parrhasius' the painter's work, 
 A most luxurious ( ἁβροδίαιτος ) and
 virtuous man. 
 And a wit being indignant at this, because, I suppose, he seemed to be
 a disgrace to the delicacy and beauty of virtue, having perverted the gifts
 which fortune had bestowed upon him to luxury, proposed to change the
 inscription into ῥαβδοδίαιτος ἀνήρ : Still, said
 he, the man must be endured, since he says that he honours virtue. 
 These are the words of Clearchus. But Sophocles the poet, in his play called The
 Judgment, represents Venus, being a sort of Goddess of Pleasure, as anointed with
 perfumes, and looking in a glass; but Minerva, as being a sort of Goddess of
 Intellect and Mind, and also of Virtue, as using oil and gymnastic exercises.

In reply to this, Masurius said;—But, my most excellent friend, are you not aware
 that it is in our brain that our senses are soothed, and indeed reinvigorated, by
 sweet smells? as Alexis says in his Wicked Woman, where he
 speaks thus— 
 The best recipe for health 
 Is to apply sweet scents unto the brain. 
 And that most valiant, and indeed warlike poet, Alcæus, says— 
 He shed a sweet perfume all o'er my breast. 
 And the wise Anacreon says somewhere— 
 Why fly away, now that you've well anointed 
 Your breast, more hollow than a flute, with unguents? 
 for he recommends anointing the breast with unguent, as being the seat of
 the heart, and considering it an admitted point that that is soothed with fragrant
 smells. And the ancients used to act thus, not only because scents do of their own
 nature ascend upwards from the breast to the seat of smelling, but also because
 they thought that the soul had its abode in the heart; as Praxagoras, and
 Philotimus the physician taught; and Homer, too, says— 
 
 
 He struck his breast, and thus reproved his heart. 
 
 Hom. Odyss. xx. 17. 
 
 And again he says— 
 
 
 His heart within his breast did rage. 
 
 Ibid. 13. 
 
 And in the Iliad he says— 
 
 
 But Hector's heart within his bosom shook. 
 
 Hom. Iliad, vii. 216. 
 
 And this they consider a proof that the most important portion of the
 soul is situated in the heart; for it is as evident as possible that the heart
 quivers when under the agitation of fear. And Agamemnon, in Homer, says— 
 
 
 Scarce can my knees these trembling limbs sustain, 
 And scarce my heart support its load of pain; 
 With fears distracted, with no fix'd design, 
 And all my people's miseries are mine. 
 
 Iliad, x. 96. 
 
 And Sophocles has represented women released from fear as saying— 
 
 
 Now Fear's dark daughter does no more exult 
 Within my heart. 
 
 This is not from any extant play. 
 
 But Anaxandrides makes a man who is struggling with fear say— 
 O my wretched heart! 
 How you alone of all my limbs or senses 
 Rejoice in evil; for you leap and dance 
 The moment that you see your lord alarm'd. 
 
 And Plato says, that the great Architect of the
 universe has placed the lungs close to the heart, by nature soft and destitute
 of blood, and having cavities penetrable like sponge, that so the heart, when
 it quivers, from fear of adversity or disaster, may vibrate against a soft and
 yielding substance. But the garlands with which men bind their bosoms
 are called ὑποθυμιάδες by the poets, from the
 exhalations ( ἀναθυμίασις of the flowers, and not
 because the soul ( ψυχὴ ) is called θυμὸς, as some people think.

Archilochus is the earliest author who uses the word μύρον (perfume), where he says— 
 She being old would spare her perfumes ( μύρα ). 
 And in another place he says— 
 Displaying hair and breast perfumed ( ἐσμυρισμένον ); 
 So that a man, though old, might fall in love with her. 
 And the word μύρον is derived from
 μύῤῥα, which is the Aeolic form of σμύρνα (myrrh); for the greater portion of unguents are
 made up with myrrh, and that which is called στακτὴ is wholly composed of it. Not but what Homer was acquainted
 with the fashion of using unguents and perfumes, but he calls them ἔλαια, with the addition of some distinctive epithet,
 as- 
 
 
 Himself anointing them with dewy oil ( δροσόεντι
 ἐλαίῳ ). 
 
 Hom. Iliad, xxiii. 186. 
 
 And in another place he speaks of an oil as perfumed ( τεθυωμένον. And in his poems also, Venus anoints the
 dead body of Hector with ambrosial rosy oil; and this is made of flowers. But with
 respect to that which is made of spices, which they called θυώματα, he says, speaking of Juno,— 
 
 
 Here first she bathes, and round her body pours 
 Soft oils of fragrance and ambrosial showers: 
 The winds perfumed, the balmy gale convey 
 Through heaven, through earth, and all the aërial way. 
 Spirit divine! whose exhalation greets 
 The sense of gods with more than mortal sweets. 
 
 Ibid. xiv. 170.

But the choicest unguents are made in particular places, as Apollonius of
 Herophila says in his treatise on Perfumes, where he writes—“The iris is best in
 Elis, and at Cyzicus; the perfume made from roses is most excellent at Phaselis,
 and that made at Naples and Capua is also very fine. That made from crocuses is in
 the highest perfection at Soli in Cilicia, and at Rhodes.
 The essence of spikenard is best at Tarsus; and the extract of vine-leaves is made
 best in Cyprus and at Adramyttium. The best perfume from marjoram and from apples
 comes from Cos. Egypt bears the palm for its essence of cypirus; and the next best
 is the Cyprian, and Phœnician, and after them comes the Sidonian. The perfume
 called Panathenaicum is made at Athens; and those called Metopian and Mendesian
 are prepared with the greatest skill in Egypt. But the Metopian is made of oil
 which is extracted from bitter almonds. Still, the superior excellence of each
 perfume is owing to the purveyors and the materials and the artists, and not to
 the place itself; for Ephesus formerly, as men say, had a high reputation for the
 excellence of its perfumes, and especially of its megallium, but now it has none.
 At one time, too, the unguents made in Alexandria were brought to high perfection,
 on account of the wealth of the city, and the attention that Arsinoe and Berenice
 paid to such matters; and the finest extract of roses in the world was made at
 Cyrene while the great Berenice was alive. Again, in ancient times, the extract of
 vine-leaves made at Adramyttium was but poor; but afterwards it became first-rate,
 owing to Stratonice, the wife of Eumenes. Formerly, too, Syria used to make every
 sort of unguent admirably, especially that extracted from fenugreek; but the case
 is quite altered now. And long ago there used to be a most delicious unguent
 extracted from frankincense at Pergamus, owing to the invention of a certain
 perfumer of that city, for no one else had ever made it before him; but now none
 is made there. 
 
 Now, when a valuable unguent is poured on the top of one that is inferior,
 it remains on the surface; but when good honey is poured on the top of that
 which is inferior, it works its way to the bottom, for it compels that which is
 worse to rise above it.

Achæus mentions Egyptian perfumes in his Prizes; and says— 
 They'll give you Cyprian stones, and ointments choice 
 From dainty Egypt, worth their weight in silver. 
 
 And perhaps, says Didymus, he means in this passage that
 which is called στακτὴ, on account of the myrrh
 which is brought to Egypt, and from thence imported into Greece. 
 And Hicesius says, in the second book of his treatise on
 Matter,— Of perfumes, some are rubbed on, and some are poured on. Now,
 the perfume made from roses is suitable for drinking parties, and so is that
 made from myrtles and from apples; and this last is good for the stomach, and
 useful for lethargic people. That made from vine-leaves is good for the
 stomach, and has also the effect of keeping the mind clear. Those extracted
 from sampsychum and ground thyme are also well suited to drinking parties; and
 so is that extract of crocus which is not mixed with any great quantity of
 myrrh. The στακτὴ, , also, is well suited for
 drinking parties; and so is the spikenard: that made from fenugreek is sweet
 and tender; while that which comes from white violets is fragrant, and very
 good for the digestion. 
 
 Theophrastus, also, in his treatise on Scents, says, that some perfumes are
 made of flowers; as, for instance, from roses, and white violets, and lilies,
 which last is called σούσινον. There are also
 those which are extracted from mint and ground thyme, and gopper, and the
 crocus; of which the best is procured in Aegina and Cilicia. Some, again, are
 made of leaves, as those made from myrrh and the œnanthe; and the wild vine
 grows in Cyprus, on the mountains, and is very plentiful; but no perfume is
 made of that which is found in Greece, because that has no scent. Some
 perfumes, again, are extracted from roots; as is that made from the iris, and
 from spikenard, and from marjoram, and from zedoary.

Now, that the ancients were very much addicted to the use of perfumes, is plain
 from their knowing to which of our limbs each unguent was most suitable.
 Accordingly, Antiphanes, in his Thoricians, or The Digger, says— 
 
 A. He really bathes— 
 
 B. What then? 
 
 A. In a large gilded tub, and steeps his feet 
 And legs in rich Egyptian unguents; 
 His jaws and breasts he rubs with thick palm-oil, 
 And both his arms with extract sweet of mint; 
 His eyebrows and his hair with marjoram, 
 His knees and neck with essence of ground thyme. 
 And Cephisodorus, in his Trophonius, says— 
 
 A. And now that I may well anoint my body, 
 Buy me some unguents, I beseech you, Xanthias, 
 Of roses made and irises. Buy, too, 
 
 Some oil of baccaris for my legs and feet. 
 
 B. You stupid wretch! Shall I buy baccaris, 
 And waste it on your worthless feet? 
 Anaxandrides, too, in his Protesilaus, says— 
 Unguents from Peron, which but yesterday 
 He sold to Melanopus,—very costly, 
 Fresh come from Egypt; which he uses now 
 To anoint the feet of vile Callistratus. 
 And Theopompus also mentions this perfumer, Peron, in his Admetus, and in
 the Hedychares. Antiphanes, too, says in his Antea— 
 I left the man in Peron's shop, just now, 
 Dealing for ointments; when he has agreed, 
 He'll bring you cinnamon and spikenard essence.

Now, there is a sort of ointment called βάκκαρις 
 by many of the comic poets; and Hipponax uses this name in the following line:—
 
 I then my nose with baccaris anointed, 
 Redolent of crocus. 
 And Acheus, in his Aethon, a satyric drama, says— 
 Anointed o'er with baccaris, and dressing 
 All his front hair with cooling fans of feathers. 
 But Ion, in his Omphale, says— 
 'Tis better far to know the use of μύρα, 
 
 And βάκκαρις, and Sardian ornaments, 
 Than all the fashions in the Peloponnesus. 
 And when he speaks of Sardian ornaments, he means to include perfumes;
 since the Lydians were very notorious for their luxury. And so Anacreon uses the
 word λυδοπαθὴς (Lydian-like) as equivalent to
 ἡδυπαθὴς (luxurious). Sophocles also uses the
 word βάκκαρις; and Magnes, in his Lydians, says—
 
 A man should bathe, and then with baccaris 
 Anoint himself. 
 Perhaps, however, μύρον and βάκκαρις were not exactly the same thing; for Aeschylus,
 in his Amymone, makes a distinction between them, and says— 
 Your βακκάρεις and your μύρα. 
 
 And Simonides says— 
 And then with μύρον, , and rich spices
 too, 
 And βάκκαρις, did I anoint myself. 
 And Aristophanes, in his Thesmophoriazusæ, says— 
 
 O venerable Jove! with what a scent 
 Did that vile bag, the moment it was open'd, 
 O'erwhelm me, full of βάκκαρις and μύρον. !

Pherecrates mentions an unguent, which he calls βρένθιον, in his Trifles, saying— 
 I stood, and order'd him to pour upon us 
 Some brenthian unguent, that he also might 
 Pour it on those departing. 
 And Crates mentions what he calls royal unguent, in his Neighbours;
 speaking as follows:— 
 He smelt deliciously of royal unguent. 
 But Sappho mentions the royal and the brenthian unguent together, as if
 they were one and the same thing; saying— 
 
 βρενθεΐῳ βασιληΐῳ, 
 
 Aristophanes speaks of an unguent which he calls ψάγδης, in his Daitaleis; saying— 
 Come, let me see what unguent I can give you: 
 Do you like ψάγδησ? 
 
 And Eupolis, in his Marica, says— 
 All his breath smells of ψάγδης. 
 
 Eubulus, in his Female Garland-sellers, says— 
 She thrice anointed with Egyptian psagdas ( ψάγδανι ). 
 Polemo, in his writings addressed to Adæus, says that there is an unguent
 in use among the Eleans called plangonium, from having been invented by a man
 named Plangon. And Sosibins says the same in his Similitudes; adding, that the
 unguent called megallium is so named for a similar reason: for that that was
 invented by a Sicilian whose name was Megallus. But some say that Megallus was an
 Athenian: and Aristophanes mentions him in his Telmissians, and so does
 Pherecrates in his Petale; and Strattis, in his Medea, speaks thus:— 
 And say that you are bringing her such unguents, 
 As old Megallus never did compound, 
 Nor Dinias, that great Egyptian, see, 
 Much less possess. 
 Amphis also, in his Ulysses, mentions the Megalli unguent in the
 following passage— 
 
 A. Adorn the walls all round with hangings rich, 
 Milesian work; and then anoint them o'er 
 
 With sweet megallium, and also burn 
 The royal mindax. 
 
 B. Where did you, O master, 
 E'er hear the name of such a spice as that 
 Anaxandrides, too, in his Tereus, says— 
 And like the illustrious bride, great Basilis, 
 She rubs her body with megallian unguent. 
 Menander speaks of an unguent made of spikenard, in his Cecryphalus, and
 says— 
 
 A. This unguent, boy, is really excellent. 
 
 B. Of course it is, 'tis spikenard.

And anointing oneself with an unguent of this description, Alæus calls μυρίσασθαι, in his Palæstræ, speaking thus— 
 Having anointed her ( μυρίσασα ), she shut her
 up 
 In her own stead most secretly. 
 But Aristophanes uses not μυρίσματα, but
 μυρώματα, in his Ecclesiazusæ, saying— 
 
 
 I who 'm anointed ( μεμύρισμαι ) o'er my
 head with unguents ( μυρώμασι ). 
 
 Aristoph. Eccl. 1117. 
 
 There was also an unguent called sagda, which is mentioned by Eupolis in
 his Coraliscus, where he writes— 
 And baccaris, and sagda too. 
 And it is spoken of likewise by Aristophanes, in his Daitaleis; and
 Eupolis in his Marica says— 
 And all his breath is redolent of sagda: 
 which expression Nicander of Thyatira understands to be meant as an
 attack upon a man who is too much devoted to luxury. But Theodorus says, that
 sagda is a species of spice used in fumigation.

Now a cotyla of unguent used to be sold for a high price at Athens, even, as
 Hipparchus says in his Nocturnal Festival, for as much as five mine; but as
 Menander, in his Misogynist, states, for ten. And Antiphanes, in his Phrearrus,
 where he is speaking of the unguent called stacte, says— 
 The stacte at two minæ's not worth having. 
 Now the citizens of Sardis were not the only people addicted to the use
 of unguents, as Alexis says in his Maker of Goblets— 
 The whole Sardian people is of unguents fond; 
 but the Athenians also, who have always been the leaders of every
 refinement and luxury in human life, used them very much; so
 that among them, as has been already mentioned, they used to fetch an enormous
 price; but, nevertheless, they did not abstain from the use of them on that
 account; just as we now do not deny ourselves scents which are so expensive and
 exquisite that those things are mere trifles which are spoken of in the Settler of
 Alexis— 
 For he did use no alabaster box 
 From which t' anoint himself; for this is but 
 An ordinary, and quite old-fashion'd thing. 
 But he let loose four doves all dipp'd in unguents, 
 Not of one kind, but each in a different sort; 
 And then they flew around, and hovering o'er us, 
 Besprinkled all our clothes and tablecloths. 
 Envy me not, ye noble chiefs of Greece; 
 For thus, while sacrificing, I myself 
 Was sprinkled o'er with unguent of the iris.

Just think, in God's name, my friends, what luxury, or I should rather say, what
 profuse waste it was to have one's garments sprinkled in this manner, when a man
 might have taken up a little unguent in his hands, as we do now, and in that
 manner have anointed his whole body, and especially his head. For Myronides says,
 in his treatise on Unguents and Garlands, that the fashion of anointing the
 head at banquets arose from this:—that those men whose heads are naturally dry,
 find the humours which are engendered by what they eat, rise up into their
 heads; and on this account, as their bodies are inflamed by fevers, they bedew
 their heads with lotions, so as to prevent the neighbouring humours from rising
 into a part which is dry, and which also has a considerable vacuum in it. And
 so at their banquets, having consideration for this fact, and being afraid of
 the strength of the wine rising into their heads, men have introduced the
 fashion of anointing their heads, and by these means the wine, they think, will
 have less effect upon then, if they make their head thoroughly wet first. And
 as men are never content with what is merely useful, but are always desirous to
 add to that whatever tends to pleasure and enjoyment; in that way they have
 been led to adopt the use of unguents. 
 
 We ought, therefore, my good cynic Theodorus, to use at banquets those unguents
 which have the least tendency to produce heaviness, and to employ those which have
 astringent or cooling properties very sparingly. But
 Aristotle, that man of most varied learning, raises the question, Why men
 who use unguents are more grey than others? Is it because unguents have drying
 properties by reason of the spices used in their composition, so that they who
 use them become dry, and the dryness produces greyness? For whether greyness
 arises from a drying of the hair, or from a want of natural heat, at all events
 dryness has a withering effect. And it is on this account too that the use of
 hats makes men grey more quickly; for by them the moisture which ought to
 nourish the hair is taken away.

But when I was reading the twenty-eighth book of the History of Posidonius, I
 observed, my friends, a very pleasant thing which was said about unguents, and
 which is not at all foreign to our present discussion. For the philosopher says
 — In Syria, at the royal banquets, when the garlands are given to the
 guests, some slaves come in, having little bladders full of Babylonian
 perfumes, and going round the room at a little distance from the guests, they
 bedew their garlands with the perfumes, sprinkling nothing else. And
 since the discussion has brought us to this point, I will add 
 A verse to Love, 
 as the bard of Cythera says, telling you that Janus, who is worshipped as
 a great god by us, and whom we call Janus Pater, was the original inventor of
 garlands. And Dracon of Corcyra tells us this in his treatise on Precious Stones,
 where his words are— But it is said that Janus had two faces, the one
 looking forwards and the other backwards; and that it is from him that the
 mountain Janus and the river Janus are both named, because he used to live on
 the mountain. And they say that he was the first inventor of garlands, and
 boats, and ships; and was also the first person who coined brazen money. And on
 this account many cities in Greece, and many in Italy and Sicily, place on
 their coins a head with two faces, and on the obverse a boat, or a garland, or
 a ship. And they say that he married his sister Camise, and had a son named
 Aethax, and a daughter Olistene. And he, aiming at a more extended power and
 renown, sailed over to Italy, and settled on a mountain near Rome, which was
 called Janiculum from his name.

This, now, is what was said about perfumes and unguents. And after this most of
 them asked for wine, some demanding the Cup of the Good
 Deity, others that of Health, and different people invoking different deities; and
 so they all fell to quoting the words of those poets who had mentioned libations
 to these different deities; and I will now recapitulate what they said, for they
 quoted Antiphanes, who, in his Clowns, says— 
 Harmodius was invoked, the paean sung, 
 Each drank a mighty cup to Jove the Saviour. 
 And Alexis, in his Usurer, or The Liar, says— 
 
 A. Fill now the cup with the libation due 
 To Jove the Saviour; for he surely is 
 Of all the gods most useful to mankind. 
 
 B. Your Jove the Saviour, if I were to burst, 
 Would nothing do for me. 
 
 A. Just drink, and trust him. 
 And Nicostratus, in his Pandrosos, says— 
 And so I will, my dear; 
 But fill him now a parting cup to Health; 
 Here, pour a due libation out to Health. 
 Another to Good Fortune. Fortune manages 
 All the affairs of men; but as for Prudence,— 
 That is a blind irregular deity. 
 And in the same play he mentions mixing a cup in honour of the Good
 Deity, as do nearly all the poets of the old comedy; but Nicostratus speaks thus—
 
 Fill a cup quickly now to the Good Deity, 
 And take away this table from before me; 
 For I have eaten quite enough;—I pledge 
 This cup to the Good Deity;—here, quick, I say, 
 And take away this table from before me. 
 Xenarchus, too, in his Twins, says— 
 And now when I begin to nod my head, 
 The cup to the Good Deity * * 
 * * * * 
 That cup, when I had drain'd it, near upset me; 
 And then the next libation duly quaff'd 
 To Jove the Saviour, wholly wreck'd my boat, 
 And overwhelm'd me as you see. 
 And Eriphus, in his Melibœa, says— 
 Before he'd drunk a cup to the Good Deity, 
 Or to great Jove the Saviour.

And Theophrastus, in his essay on Drunkenness, says— The unmixed wine which
 is given at a banquet, which they call the pledge-cup in honour of the Good
 Deity, they offer in small quantities, as if reminding the guests of its
 strength, and of the liberality of the god, by the mere
 taste. And they hand it round when men are already full, in order that there
 may be as little as possible drunk out of it. And having paid adoration three
 times, they take it from the table, as if they were entreating of the gods that
 nothing may be done unbecomingly, and that they may not indulge in immoderate
 desires for this kind of drink, and that they may derive only what is
 honourable and useful from it. And Philochorus, in the second book of
 his Atthis, says— And a law was made at that time, that after the solid food
 is removed, a taste of the unmixed wine should be served round as a sort of
 sample of the power of the Good Deity, but that all the rest of the wine should
 be previously mixed; on which account the Nymphs had the name given them of
 Nurses of Bacchus. And that when the pledge-cup to the Good Deity was
 handed round, it was customary to remove the tables, is made plain by the wicked
 action of Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily. For there was a table of gold placed
 before the statue of Aesculapius at Syracuse; and so Dionysius, standing before
 it, and drinking a pledge-cup to the Good Deity, ordered the table to be
 removed. 
 But among the Greeks, those who sacrifice to the Sun, as Phylarchus tells us in
 the twelfth book of his History, make their libations of honey, as they never
 bring wine to the altars of the gods; saying that it is proper that the god who
 keeps the whole universe in order, and regulates everything, and is always going
 round and superintending the whole, should in no respect be connected with
 drunkenness.

Most writers have mentioned the Attic Scolia; and they are worthy also of being
 mentioned by me to you, on account of the antiquity and simple style of
 composition of the authors, and of those especially who gained a high reputation
 for that description of poetry, Alcæus and Anacreon; as Aristophanes says in his
 Daitaleis, where we find this line— 
 Come, then. a scolium sing to me, 
 Of old Alcæus or Anacreon. 
 Praxilla, the Sicyonian poetess, was also celebrated for the composition
 of scolia. Now they are called scolia, not because of the character of the verse
 in which they are written, as if it were σκολιὸς 
 (crooked); for men call also those poems written in a laxer
 kind of metre σκολιά. But, as there are
 three kinds of songs (as Artemo of Cassandra says in the second book of
 his treatise on the Use of Books), one or other of which comprehends
 everything which is sung at banquets; the first kind is that which it was usual
 for the whole party to sing; the second is that which the whole party indeed
 sang, not, however, together, but going round according to some kind of
 succession; the third is that which is ranked lowest of all, which was not sung
 by all the guests, but only by those who seemed to understand what was to be
 done, wherever they might happen to be sitting; on which account, as having
 some irregularity in it beyond what the other kinds had, in not being sung by
 all the guests, either together or in any definite kind of succession, but just
 as it might happen, it was called σκολιόν. And
 songs of this kind were sung when the ordinary songs, and those in which every
 one was bound to join, had come to an end. For then they invited all the more
 intelligent of the guests to sing some song worth listening to. And what they
 thought worth listening to were such songs as contained some exhortations and
 sentiments which seemed useful for the purposes of life.

And of these Deipnosophists, one quoted one scolium, and one another. And these
 were those which were recited— 
 
 I. 
 O thou Tritonian Pallas, who from heaven above 
 Look'st with protecting eye 
 On this holy city and land, 
 Deign our protectress now to prove 
 From loss in war, from dread sedition's band, 
 And death's untimely blow, thou and thy father Jove. 
 
 
 II. 
 I sing at this glad season, of the Queen, 
 Mother of Plutus, heavenly Ceres; 
 May you be ever near us, 
 You and your daughter Proserpine, 
 And ever as a friend 
 This citadel defend. 
 
 
 III. 
 Latona once in Delos, as they say, 
 Did two great children bear, 
 Apollo with the golden hair, 
 Bright Phœbus, god of day. 
 And Dian, mighty huntress, virgin chaste. 
 On whom all women's trust is placed. 
 
 
 
 IV. 
 Raise the loud shout to Pan, Arcadia's king; 
 Praise to the Nymphs' loved comrade sing! 
 Come, O Pan, and raise with me 
 The song in joyful ecstasy. 
 
 
 V. 
 We have conquer'd as we would, 
 The gods reward us as they should, 
 And victory bring from Pandrosos to
 Pallas. 
 
 
 VI. 
 Oh, would the gods such grace bestow, 
 That opening each man's breast, 
 One might survey his heart, and know 
 How true the friendship that could stand that test. 
 
 
 VII. 
 Health's the best gift to mortal given; 
 Beauty is next; the third great prize 
 Is to grow rich, free both from sin and vice; 
 The fourth, to pass one's youth with friends beloved by heaven. 
 
 And when this had been sung, and everybody had been delighted with it;
 and when it had been mentioned that even the incomparable Plato had spoken of this
 scolium as one most admirably written, Myrtilus said, that Anaxandrides the-comic
 poet had turned it into ridicule in his Treasure, speaking thus of it— 
 The man who wrote this song, whoe'er he was, 
 When he call'd health the best of all possessions, 
 Spoke well enough. But when the second place 
 He gave to beauty, and the third to riches, 
 He certainly was downright mad; for surely 
 Riches must be the next best thing to health, 
 For who would care to be a starving beauty 
 After that, these other scolia were sung— 
 
 VIII. 
 'Tis well to stand upon the shore, 
 And look on others on the sea; 
 But when you once have dipp'd your oar, 
 By the present wind you must guided be. 
 
 
 IX. 
 A crab caught a snake in his claw, 
 And thus he triumphantly spake,— 
 'My friends must be guided by law, 
 Nor love crooked counsels to take. 
 
 
 
 X. 
 I'll wreathe my sword in myrtle bough, 
 The sword that laid the tyrant low, 
 When patriots, burning to be free, 
 To Athens gave equality. 
 
 
 
 XI. 
 Harmodius, hail! though reft of breath, 
 Thou ne'er shalt feel the stroke of death, 
 The happy heroes' isles shall be 
 The bright abode allotted thee. 
 
 
 XII. 
 I'll wreathe the sword in myrtle bough, 
 The sword that laid Hipparchus low, 
 When at Minerva's adverse fane 
 He knelt, and never rose again. 
 
 
 XIII. 
 While Freedom's name is understood, 
 You shall delight the wise and good; 
 You dared to set your country free, 
 And gave her laws equality. 
 
 
 XIV. 
 Learn, my friend, from Admetus' story, 
 All worthy friends and brave to cherish; 
 But cowards shun when danger comes, 
 For they will leave you alone to perish. 
 
 
 XV. 
 Ajax of the ponderous spear mighty son of Telamon, 
 They call you bravest of the Greeks, next to the great Achilles, 
 Telamon came first, and of the Greeks the second man 
 Was Ajax, and with him there came invincible Achilles. 
 
 
 XVI. 
 Would that I were an ivory lyre, 
 Struck by fair boys to great Iacchus' taste; 
 Or golden trinket pure from fire, 
 Worn by a lady fair, of spirit chaste. 
 
 
 XVII. 
 Drink with me, and sport with me, 
 Love with me, wear crowns with me, 
 Be mad with me when I am moved with rage, 
 And modest when I yield to counsels sage. 
 
 
 XVIII. 
 A scorpion 'neath every stone doth lie, 
 And secrets usually hide treachery. 
 
 
 
 XIX. 
 A sow one acorn has, and wants its brother; 
 And I have one fair maid, and seek another. 
 
 
 XX. 
 A wanton and a bath-keeper both cherish the same fashion, 
 Giving the worthless and the good the self-same bath to wash in. 
 
 
 XXI. 
 Give Cedon wine, O slave, and fill it up, 
 If you must give each worthy man a cup. 
 
 
 XXII. 
 Alas! Leipsydrium, you betray 
 A host of gallant men, 
 Who for their country many a day 
 Have fought, and would again. 
 And even when they fell, their race 
 In their great actions you may trace. 
 
 
 
 XXIII. 
 The man who never will betray his friend, 
 Earns fame of which nor earth nor heaven shall see the end. 
 
 Some also call that a scolium which was composed by Hybrias the Cretan;
 and it runs thus— 
 
 XXIV. 
 I have great wealth, a sword, and spear, 
 And trusty shield beside me here; 
 With these I plough, and from the vine 
 Squeeze out the heart-delighting wine; 
 They make me lord of everything. 
 But they who dread the sword and spear, 
 And ever trusty shield to bear, 
 Shall fall before me on their knees, 
 And worship me whene'er I please, 
 And call me mighty lord and king.

After this, Democritus said;—But the song which was composed by that most learned
 writer, Aristotle, and addressed to Hermias of Atarneus, is not a pæan, as was asserted by
 Demophilus, who instituted a prosecution against the philosopher, on the ground of
 impiety (having been suborned to act the part of accuser by
 Eurymedon, who was ashamed to appear himself in the business). And he rested the
 charge of impiety on the fact of his having been accustomed to sing at banquets a
 pæan addressed to Hermias. But that this song has no characteristic whatever of a
 paean, but is a species of scolium, I will show you plainly from its own language—
 
 O virtue, never but by labour to be won, 
 First object of all human life, 
 For such a prize as thee 
 There is no toil, there is no strife, 
 Nor even death which any Greek would shun; 
 Such is the guerdon fair and free, 
 And lasting too, with which thou dost thy followers grace,— 
 Better than gold, 
 Better than sleep, or e'en the glories old 
 Of high descent and noble race. 
 For you Jove's mighty son, great Hercules, 
 Forsook a life of ease; 
 For you the Spartan brothers twain 
 Sought toil and danger, following your behests 
 With fearless and unwearied breasts. 
 Your love it was that fired and gave 
 To early grave 
 Achilles and the giant son 
 Of Salaminian Telamon. 
 And now for you Atarneus' pride, 
 Trusting in others' faith, has nobly died; 
 But yet his name 
 Shall never die, the Muses' holy train 
 Shall bear him to the skies with deathless fame, 
 Honouring Jove, the hospitable god, 
 And honest hearts, proved friendship's blest abode.

Now I don't know whether any one can detect in this any resemblance to a paean,
 when the author expressly states in it that Hermias is dead, when he says— 
 And now for you Atarneus' pride, 
 Trusting in others' faith, has nobly died. 
 Nor has the song the burden, which all paeans have, of Io Paean, as that
 song written on Lysander the Spartan, which really is a paean, has; a song which
 Duris, in his book entitled The Annals of the Samians, says is sung in Samos. That
 also was a pæan which was written in honour of Craterus the Macedonian, of which
 Alexinus the logician was the author, as Hermippus the pupil of Callimachus says
 in the first book of his Essay on Aritotle. And this song is sung at Delphi, with
 a boy playing the lyre as an accompaniment to it. The song,
 too, addressed to Agemon of Corinth, the father of Alcyone, which the Corinthians
 sang, contains the burden of the paean. And this burden, too, is even added by
 Polemo Periegetes to his letter addressed to Aranthius. The song also which the
 Rhodians sing, addressed to Ptolemy the first king of Egypt, is a paean: for it
 contains the burden Io Paean, as Georgus tells us in his essay on the Sacrifices
 at Rhodes. And Philochorus says that the Athenians sing paeans in honour of
 Antigonus and Demetrius, which were composed by Hermippus of Cyzicus, on an
 occasion when a great many poets had a contest as to which could compose the
 finest paean, and the victory was adjudged to Hermippus. And, indeed, Aristotle
 himself, in his Defence of himself from this accusation of impiety, (unless the
 speech is a spurious one,) says— For if I had wished to offer sacrifice to
 Hermias as an immortal being, I should never have built him a tomb as a mortal;
 nor if I had wished to make him out to be a god, should I have honoured him
 with funeral obsequies like a man.

When Democritus had said this, Cynulcus said;;—Why do you remind me of those
 cyclic poems, to use the words of your friend Philo, when you never ought to say
 anything serious or important in the presence of this glutton Ulpian? For he
 prefers lascivious songs to dignified ones; such, for instance, as those which are
 called Locrian songs, which are of a debauched sort of character, such as— 
 Do you not feel some pleasure now? 
 Do not betray me, I entreat you. 
 Rise up before the man comes back, 
 Lest he should ill-treat you and me. 
 'Tis morning now, dost thou not see 
 The daylight through the windows? 
 And all Phœnicia is full of songs of this kind; and he him- self, when
 there, used to go about playing on the flute with the men who sing colabri. And there is good authority, Ulpian, for this word κόλαβροι. For Demetrius the Scepsian, in the tenth book
 of his Trojan Array, speaks thus:— "Ctesiphon the Athenian, who was a composer of
 the songs called κόλαβροι, was made by Attalus,
 who succeeded Philetærus as king of Pergamus, judge of all his subjects in the Aeolian district." And the same writer, in the nineteenth
 book of the same work, says that Seleucus the composer of merry songs was the son
 of Mnesiptolemus, who was an historian, and who had great interest with that
 Antiochus who was surnamed the Great. And it was very much the fashion to sing
 this song of his— 
 I will choose a single life, 
 That is better than a wife; 
 Friends in war a man stand by, 
 While the wife stays at home to cry.

And after this, looking towards Ulpian, he said;— But since you are out of humour
 with me, I will explain to you what the Syrbenæan chorus is. And Ulpian said;—Do
 you think, you wretch, that I am angry at what you say, or even that I pay the
 least attention to it, you shameless hound? But since you profess to teach me
 something, I will make a truce with you, not for thirty, but for a hundred years;
 only tell me what the Syrbenæan chorus is. Then, said he, Clearchus, my good
 friend, in the second book of his treatise on Education, writes thus— There
 remains the Syrbenæan chorus, in which every one is bound to sing whatever he
 pleases, without paying the least attention to the man who sits in the post of
 honour and leads the chorus. And indeed he is only a more noisy
 spectator. And in the words of Matron the parodist— 
 For all those men who heroes were of old, 
 Eubæus, and Hermogenes, and Philip, 
 Are dead, and settlers in dark Pluto's realms; 
 But Cleonicus has a life secure 
 From all th' attacks of age; he's deeply skill'd 
 In all that bards or theatres concerns; 
 And even now he's dead, great Proserpine 
 Allows his voice still to be heard on earth. 
 But you, even while you are alive, ask questions about everything, but
 never give information on any subject yourself. And he replied, who. . . .? while
 the truce between us lasts.

And Cynulcus said;—There have been many poets who have applied themselves to the
 composition of parodies, my good friend; of whom the most celebrated was Eubœus of
 Paros, who lived in the time of Philip; and he is the man who attacked the
 Athenians a great deal. And four books of his Parodies are preserved. And Timon
 also mentions him, in the first book of his Silli. But
 Polemo, in the twelfth book of his Argument against Timæus, speaking of the men
 who have written parodies, writes thus—"And I should call Bœotus and Eubœus, who
 wrote parodies, men of great reputation, on account of their cleverness in
 sportive composition, and I consider that they surpass those ancient poets whose
 followers they were. Now, the invention of this kind of poetry we must attribute
 to Hipponax the Iambic poet. For he writes thus, in his Hexameters,— 
 Muse, sing me now the praises of Eurymedon, 
 That great Charybdis of the sea, who holds 
 A sword within his stomach, never weary 
 With eating. Tell me how the votes may pass 
 Condemning him to death, by public judgment, 
 On the loud-sounding shore of the barren sea. 
 Epicharmus of Syracuse also uses the same kind of poetry, in a small
 degree, in some of his plays; and so does Cratinus, a poet of the old Comedy, in
 his Eunidæ, and so also does his contemporary, Hegemon of Thasos, whom they used
 to call Lentil. For he writes thus— 
 And when I Thasos reach'd they took up filth, 
 And pelted me therewith, by which aroused 
 Thus a bystander spoke with pitiless heart:— 
 O most accursed of men, who e'er advised you 
 To put such dirty feet in such fine slippers? 
 And quickly I did this brief answer make:— 
 'Twas gain that moved me, though against my will, 
 (But I am old;) and bitter penury; 
 Which many Thasians also drives on shipboard, 
 Ill-manner'd youths, and long-ruin'd old men: 
 Who now sing worthless songs about the place. 
 Those men I join'd when fit for nothing else; 
 But I will not depart again for gain, 
 But doing nothing wrong, I'll here deposit 
 My lovely money among the Thasians: 
 Lest any of the Grecian dames at home 
 Should be enraged when they behold my wife 
 Making Greek bread, a poor and scanty meal. 
 Or if they see a cheesecake small, should say,— 
 "Philion, who sang the 'Fierce Attack' at Athens, 
 Got fifty drachmas, and yet this is all 
 That you sent home."—While I was thinking thus, 
 And in my mind revolving all these things, 
 Pallas Minerva at my side appeared, 
 And touch'd me with her golden sceptre, saying, 
 "O miserable and ill-treated man, 
 Poor Lentil, haste thee to the sacred games." 
 Then I took heart, and sang a louder strain.

"Hermippus also, the poet of the old Comedy, composed parodies. But the first
 writer of this kind who ever descended into the arena of theatrical contests was
 Hegemon, and he gained the prize at Athens for several parodies; and among them,
 for his Battle of the Giants. He also wrote a comedy in the ancient fashion, which
 is called Philinna. Eubœus also was a man who exhibited a good deal of wit in his
 poems; as, for instance, speaking about the Battle of the Baths, he said— 
 They one another smote with brazen ἐγχείῃσι, 
 
 [as if ἐγχεία, , instead of meaning a
 spear, were derived from ἐγχέω, to pour in.] And
 speaking of a barber who was being abused by a potter on account of some woman, he
 said— 
 But seize not, valiant barber, on this prize, 
 Nor thou Achilles . . . . . 
 
 And that these men were held in high estimation among the Sicilians, we
 learn from Alexander the Aetolian, a composer of tragedies, who, in an elegy,
 speaks as follows:— 
 The man whom fierce Agathocles did drive 
 An exile from his land, was nobly born 
 Of an old line of famous ancestors, 
 And from his early youth he lived among 
 The foreign visitors; and thoroughly learnt 
 The dulcet music of Mimnermus' lyre, 
 And follow'd his example;—and he wrote, 
 In imitation of great Homer's verse, 
 The deeds of cobblers, and base shameless thieves, 
 Jesting with highly-praised felicity, 
 Loved by the citizens of fair Syracuse. 
 But he who once has heard Bœotus' song, 
 Will find but little pleasure in Eubœus."

After all this discussion had been entered into on many occasions, once when
 evening overtook us, one of us said,—Boy, bring a light ( λύχνειον ). But some one else used the word λυχνεὼς, and a third called it λοφνίας, saying hat that was the proper name for a torch made of
 bark; another called it πανός; and another
 φανός. —This one used the word λυχνοῦχος, and that one λύχνος. Some one else again said ἐλάνη, and another said ἕλαναι, 
 insisting on it that that was the proper name for a lamp, being derived frome
 ἕλη, , brightness; and
 urging that Neanthes used this word in the first book of his History of Attalus.
 Others, again, of the party made use of whatever other words they fancied; so that
 there was no ordinary noise; while all were vying with one another in adducing
 every sort of argument which bore upon the question. For one man said that
 Silenus, the dictionary-maker, mentioned that the Athenians call lamps φανοί. But Tima- chidas of Rhodes asserts that for
 φανός, the word more properly used is δέλετρον, being a sort of lantern which young men use
 when out at night, and which they themselves call ἕλαναι. But Amerias for φανὸς uses
 the word γράβιον. And this word is thus explained
 by Seleucus:— 
 γράβιον is a stick of ilex or common oak,
 which, being pounded and split, is set on fire, and used to give light to
 travellers. Accordingly Theodoridas of Syracuse, in his Centaurs, which is a
 dithyrambic poem, says— 
 The pitch dropp'd down beneath the γράβια, , 
 As if from torches. 
 Strattis also, mentions the γράβια in
 his Phœnician Women.

But that what are now called φανοὶ used to be
 called λυχνοῦχοι, we learn from Aristophanes, in
 his Aeolosicon— 
 I see the light shining all o'er his cloak, 
 As from a new λυχνοῦχος. 
 
 And, in the second edition of the Niobus, having already used the word
 λυχνοῦχος, he writes— 
 Alas, unhappy man! my λύχνιον 's lost; 
 after which, he adds— And, in his play called The Dramas, he calls the
 same thing λυχνίδιον, in the following lines—
 
 But you all lie 
 Fast as a candle in a candlestick ( λυχνίδιον ). 
 Plato also, in his Long Night, says— 
 The undertakers sure will have λυχνοῦχοι. 
 
 And Pherecrates, in his Slave Teacher, writes— 
 Make haste and go, for now the night descends, 
 And bring a lantern ( λυχνοῦχον ) with a
 candle furnish'd. 
 Alexis too, in his Forbidden Thing, says— 
 So taking out the candle from the lantern ( λύχνιον ), 
 He very nearly set himself on fire, 
 Carrying the light beneath his arm much nearer 
 His clothes than any need at all required. 
 
 And Eumelus, in his Murdered Man. . . . having said first—
 
 
 A. Take now a pitchfork and a lantern ( λυχνοῦχον ), 
 adds— 
 
 B. But I now in my right hand hold this fork, 
 An iron weapon 'gainst the monsters of the sea; 
 And this light too, a well-lit horn lantern ( λύχνου ). 
 And Alexis says, in his Midon— 
 The man who first invented the idea 
 Of walking out by night with such a lantern ( λυχνούχου ), 
 Was very careful not to hurt his fingers.

But the same Alexis says, in his Fanatic— 
 I think that some of those I meet will blame 
 For being drunk so early in the day; 
 But yet I pray you where's a lantern ( φανὸς )
 equal 
 To the sweet light of the eternal sun? 
 And Anaxandrides, in his Insolence, says— 
 Will you take your lantern ( φανόν ) now, and
 quickly 
 Light me a candle ( λύχνον )? 
 But others assert that it is a lamp which is properly called φανός. And others assert that φανὸς means a bundle of matches made of split wood. Menander says,
 in his Cousins— 
 This φανὸς is quite full of water now, 
 I must not shake ( σείω ) it, but throw it
 away ( ἀποσείω ). 
 And Nicostratus, in his Fellow-Countrymen, says— 
 For when this vintner in our neighbourhood 
 Sells any one some wine, or e'en a φανὸς, 
 
 Or vinegar, he always gives him water. 
 And Philippides, in his Women Sailing together, says— 
 
 A. The φανὸς did not
 give a bit of light. 
 
 B. Well, then, you wretched man, could not you blow
 it?

Pherecrates, in his Crapatalli, calls what we now call λυχνία, λυχνεῖον, in this line— 
 
 A. Where were these λυχνεῖα made? 
 
 B. In Etruria. 
 For there were a great many manufactories in Etruria, as the Etrurians
 were exceedingly fond of works of art. Aristophanes, in his Knights, says— 
 Binding three long straight darts together, 
 We use them for a torch ( λυχνείῳ ). 
 And Diphilus, in his Ignorance, says— 
 We lit a candle ( λύχνον ), and then sought a
 candlestick ( λύχνειον ). 
 And Euphorion, in his Historic Commentaries, says that the young
 Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily dedicated, in the Prytaneum at Tarentum, a
 candlestick capable of containing as great a number of
 candles as there are days in a year. And Hermippus the comic poet, in his Iambics,
 speaks of— 
 A military candlestick well put together. 
 And, in his play called The Grooms, he says— 
 Here, lamp ( λυχνίδιον ), show me my road on
 the right hand. 
 
 
 Now, πανὸς was a name given to wood cut into
 splinters and bound together, which they used for a torch: Menander, in his
 Cousins, says— 
 He enter'd, and cried out, 
 
 
 πανὸν, πύχνον, λυχνοῦχον, any
 light— 
 
 Making one into many. 
 And Diphilus, in his Soldier, says— 
 But now this, πανὸς is quite full of
 water. 
 And before them Aeschylus, in his Agamemnon, had used the word πανός — 
 * * * * *

Alexis, too, uses the word ξυλολυχνούχου, and
 perhaps this is the same thing as that which is called by Theopompus ὀβελισκολύχνιον. But Philyllius calls λαμπάδες, δᾷδες. But the λύχνος, or candle, is not an ancient invention; for the ancients
 used the light of torches and other things made of wood. Phrynichus, however,
 says— 
 Put out the λύχνον, 
 
 * * * * * * Plato too, in his Long Night, says— 
 And then upon the top he'll have a candle, 
 Bright with two wicks. 
 And these candles with two wicks are mentioned also by Metagenes, in his
 Man fond of Sacrificing; and by Philonides in his Buskins. But Clitarchus, in his
 Dictionary, says that the Rhodians give the name of λοφνὶς to a torch made of the bark of the vine. But Homer calls
 torches δεταί — 
 
 
 The darts fly round him from an hundred hands, 
 And the red terrors of the blazing brands ( δεταὶ ), 
 Till late, reluctant, at the dawn of day, 
 Sour he departs, and quits th' untasted prey. 
 
 Iliad, xvii. 663. 
 
 
 A torch was also called ἑλάνη, as Amerias tells us; but Nicander of Colophon says that
 ἑλάνη means a bundle of rushes. Herodotus uses
 the word in the neuter plural, λύχνα, , in the
 second book of his History. 
 Cephisodorus, in his Pig, uses the word λυχναψία, 
 for what most people call λυχνοκαυτία, the
 lighting of candles. 
 And Cynulcus, who was always attacking Ulpian, said;—But now, my fine
 supper-giver, buy me some candles for a penny, that, like the good Agathon, I may
 quote this line of the admirable Aristophanes— 
 Bring now, as Agathon says, the shining torches ( πεύκας ); 
 and when he had said this— 
 Putting his tail between his lion's feet, 
 he left the party, being very sleepy.

Then, when many of the guests cried out Io Pæan, Pontianus said;—I wish, my
 friends, to learn from you whether Io Pæan is a proverb, or the burden of a song,
 or what else it is. And Democritus replied;—–Clearchus the Solensian, inferior to
 none of the pupils of the wise Aristotle, in the first book of his treatise on
 Proverbs, says that Latona, when she was taking Apollo and Diana from
 Chalcis in Eubœa to Delphi, came to the cave which was called the cave of the
 Python. And when the Python attacked them, Latona, holding one of her children
 in her arms, got upon the stone which even now lies at the foot of the brazen
 statue of Latona, which is dedicated as a representation of what then took
 place near the Plane-tree at Delphi, and cried out ῞ἵε,
 παῖ; (and Apollo happened to have his bow in hand;) and this is
 the same as if she had said ῎ἄφιε, ῞ιε, παῖ, or
 βάλε, παῖ, Shoot, boy. And from this day
 ῞ἵε, παῖ and ῞ἵε,
 παιὼν arose. But some people, slightly altering the word, use it
 as a sort of proverbial exclamation to avert evils, and say ἰὴ παιών, instead of ῞ἵε,
 παῖ. And many also, when they have completed any undertaking, say,
 as a sort of proverb, ἰὴ παιὼν; but since it is
 an expression that is familiar to us it is forgotten that it is a proverb, and
 they who use it are not aware that they are uttering a proverb. 
 
 But as for what Heraclides of Pontus says, that is clearly a mistake, That
 the god himself, while offering a libation, thrice cried out ἵη παιὰν, ἵη παιών. 
 From a belief in which statement he refers the trimeter verse, as it is
 called to the god, saying "that each of these metres belongs to the god; because when the first two syllables are made long, ἵη παιὰν, it becomes a heroic verse, but when they are
 pronounced short it is an iambic, and thus it is plain that we must attribute the
 iambic to him. And as the rest are short, if any one makes the last two syllables
 of the verse long, that makes a Hipponactean iambic.

And after this, when we also were about to leave the party, the slaves came in
 bringing, one an incense burner, and another. . . . . . . . . . 
 For it was the custom for the guests to rise up and offer a libation, and then to
 give the rest of the unmixed wine to the boy, who brought it to them to drink. 
 Ariphron the Sicyonian composed this Pæan to Health— 
 O holiest Health, all other gods excelling, 
 May I be ever blest 
 With thy kind favour, and for all the rest 
 Of life I pray thee ne'er desert my dwelling; 
 For if riches pleasure bring, 
 Or the power of a king, 
 Or children smiling round the board, 
 Or partner honour'd and adored, 
 Or any other joy 
 Which the all-bounteous gods employ 
 To raise the hearts of men, 
 Consoling them for long laborious pain; 
 All their chief brightness owe, kind Health, to you; 
 You are the Graces' spring, 
 'Tis you the only real bliss can bring, 
 And no man's blest when you are not in view, 
 * * * * * *

They know.—For Sopater the farce-writer, in his play entitled The Lentil, speaks
 thus— 
 I can both carve and drink Etruscan wine, 
 In due proportion mix'd. 
 
 
 These things, my good Timocrates, are not, as Plato says, the sportive
 conversations of Socrates in his youth and beauty, but the serious discussions of
 the Deipnosophists; for, as Dionysius the Brazen says,— 
 What, whether you begin or end a work, 
 Is better than the thing you most require?