On seeing certain wealthy foreigners in Rome carrying puppies and young
						monkeys about in their bosoms and fondling them, Caesar asked, we
						are told, if the women in their country did not bear children, thus in right
						princely fashion rebuking those who squander on animals that proneness to
						love and loving affection which is ours by nature, and which is due only to
						our fellow-men.

Since, then, our souls are
						by nature possessed of great fondness for learning and fondness for seeing,
						it is surely reasonable to chide those who abuse this fondness on objects
						all unworthy either of their eyes or ears, to the neglect of those which are
						good and serviceable. Our outward sense, since it apprehends the objects
						which encounter it by virtue of their mere impact upon it, must the exercise
						of his mind every man, if he pleases, has the natural power to turn himself
						away in every case, and to change, without the least difficulty,

to that object upon which he himself determines.
						It is meet, therefore, that he pursue what is best, to the end that he may
						not merely regard it, but also be edified by regarding it. A color is suited
						to the eye if its freshness, and its pleasantness as well, stimulates and
						nourishes the vision; and so our intellectual vision must be applied to such
						objects as, by their very charm, invite it onward to its own proper good.

Such objects are to be found in
						virtuous deeds; these implant in those who search them out a great and
						zealous eagerness which leads to imitation. In other cases, admiration of
						the deed is not immediately accompanied by an impulse to do it. Nay, many
						times, on the contrary, while we delight in the work, we despise the
						workman, as, for instance, in the case of perfumes and dyes; we take a
						delight in them, but dyers and perfumers we regard as illiberal and vulgar
						folk.

Therefore it was a fine saying of
						Antisthenes, when he heard that Ismenias was an excellent piper: But he’s
							a worthless man, said he, otherwise he wouldn’t be so good a
							piper. And so Philip once said to his
						son, who, as the wine went round, plucked the strings charmingly and
						skilfully, Art not ashamed to pluck the strings so well? It is
						enough, surely, if a king have leisure to hear others pluck the strings, and
						he pays great deference to the Muses if he be but a spectator of such
						contests.

Labour with one’s own hands on lowly tasks gives witness, in the toil thus
						expended on useless things, to one’s own indifference to higher things. No
						generous youth, from seeing the Zeus at Pisa or the Hera
						at Argos, longs to be Pheidias or Polycleitus; nor to be Anacreon or
						Philetas or Archilochus out of pleasure in their poems.

For it does not of necessity follow that, if the work
						delights you with its grace, the one who wrought it is worthy of your
						esteem. Wherefore the spectator is not advantaged by those things at sight
						of which no ardor for imitation arises in the breast, nor any uplift of the
						soul arousing zealous impulses to do the like. But virtuous action
						straightway so disposes a man that he no sooner admires the works of virtue
						than he strives to emulate those who wrought them.

The good things of Fortune we love to possess and
						enjoy; those of Virtue we love to perform. The former we are willing should
						be ours at the hands of others; the latter we wish that others rather should
						have at our hands. The Good creates a stir of activity towards itself, and
						implants at once in the spectator an active impulse; it does not form his
						character by ideal representation alone, but through the investigation of
						its work it furnishes him with a dominant purpose.

For such reasons I have decided to persevere in my
						writing of Lives, and so have composed this tenth book, containing the life
						of Pericles, and that of Fabius Maximus, who waged such lengthy war with
						Hannibal. The men were alike in their virtues, and more especially in their
						gentleness and rectitude, and by their ability to endure the follies of
						their peoples and of their colleagues in office, they proved of the greatest
						service to their countries. But whether I aim correctly at the proper mark
						must be decided from what I have written.

Pericles was of the tribe Acamantis, of the deme Cholargus, and of the
						foremost family and lineage on both sides. His father, Xanthippus, who
						conquered the generals of the King at Mycale, married Agariste,
							granddaughter of that Cleisthenes who, in such noble fashion,
						expelled the Peisistratidae and destroyed their tyranny, instituted laws,
						and established a constitution best tempered for the promotion of harmony
						and safety.

She, in her dreams, once
						fancied that she had given birth to a lion, and a few days thereafter bore
							Pericles. 
					 
					 His personal appearance was unimpeachable, except that his head was rather
						long and out of due proportion. For this reason the images of him, almost
						all of them, wear helmets, because the artists, as it would seem, were not
						willing to reproach him with deformity. The comic poets of Attica used to
						call him Schinocephalus, or Squill-head (the squill is sometimes
						called schinus )

So the comic poet
						Cratinus, in his Cheirons, says: Faction and Saturn, that ancient
							of days, were united in wedlock; their offspring was of all tyrants the
							greatest, and lo! he is called by the gods the head-compeller. 
						 And again in his Nemesis : Come, Zeus! of guests and heads
							the Lord!

And Telecleides speaks of him as sitting
						on the acropolis in the greatest perplexity, now heavy of head, and now
							alone, from the eleven-couched chamber of his head, causing vast uproar
							to arise. 
						 And Eupolis, in his Demes, having inquiries made about each
						one of the demagogues as they come up from Hades, says, when Pericles is
						called out last:— 
							 The very head of those below hast thou now brought.

His teacher in music, most writers state, was Damon (whose name, they say, should
						be pronounced with the first syllable short); but Aristotle says he had a
						thorough musical training at the hands of Pythocleides. Now Damon seems to
						have been a consummate sophist, but to have taken refuge behind the name of
						music in order to conceal from the multitude his real power, and he
						associated with Pericles, that political athlete, as it were, in the
						capacity of rubber and trainer.

However,
						Damon was not left unmolested in this use of his lyre as a screen, but was
						ostracized for being a great schemer and a friend of tyranny, and became a
						butt of the comic poets. At all events, Plato represented some one as inquiring of him thus:— 
							 In the first place tell me then, I beseech thee, thou who art 
							 The Cheiron, as they say, who to Pericles gave his craft.

Pericles was also a pupil of Zeno the
						Eleatic, who discoursed on the natural world, like Parmenides, and perfected
						a species of refutative catch which was sure to bring an opponent to grief;
						as Timon of Phlius expressed it:— 
							 His was a tongue that could argue both ways with a fury
								resistless, 
							 Zeno’s; assailer of all things.

But the man who most consorted with
						Pericles, and did most to clothe him with a majestic demeanor that had more
						weight than any demagogue’s appeals, yes, and who lifted on high and exalted
						the dignity of his character, was Anaxagoras the Clazomenian, whom men of
						that day used to call Nous, either because they admired that
						comprehension of his, which proved of such surpassing greatness in the
						investigation of nature; or because he was the first to enthrone in the
						universe, not Chance, nor yet Necessity, as the source of its orderly
						arrangement, but Mind (Nous) pure and simple, which distinguishes and sets
						apart, in the midst of an otherwise chaotic mass, the substances which have
						like elements.

This man Pericles extravagantly admired, and being gradually filled full of
						the so-called higher philosophy and elevated speculation, he not only had,
						as it seems, a spirit that was solemn and a discourse that was lofty and
						free from plebeian and reckless effrontery, but also a composure of
						countenance that never relaxed into laughter, a gentleness of carriage and
						cast of attire that suffered no emotion to disturb it while he was speaking,
						a modulation of voice that was far from boisterous, and many similar
						characteristics which struck all his hearers with wondering amazement.

It is, at any rate, a fact that, once
						on a time when he had been abused and insulted all day long by a certain
						lewd fellow of the baser sort, he endured it all quietly, though it was in
						the marketplace, where he had urgent business to transact, and towards
						evening went away homewards unruffled, the fellow following along and
						heaping all manner of contumely upon him.

When he was about to go in doors, it being now dark, he ordered a servant to
						take a torch and escort the fellow in safety back to his own home. 
					 The poet Ion, however, says that Pericles had a presumptuous and somewhat
						arrogant manner of address, and that into his haughtiness there entered a
						good deal of disdain and contempt for others; he praises, on the other hand,
						the tact, complaisance, and elegant address which Cimon showed in his social
							intercourse.

But we must ignore Ion, with his demand
						that virtue, like a dramatic tetralogy, have some sort of a farcical
						appendage. Zeno, when men called the austerity of Pericles a mere thirst for
						reputation, and swollen conceit, urged them to have some such thirst for
						reputation themselves, with the idea that the very assumption of nobility
						might in time produce, all unconsciously, something like an eager and
						habitual practice of it.

These were not the only advantages Pericles had of his association with
						Anaxagoras. It appears that he was also lifted by him above superstition,
						that feeling which is produced by amazement at what happens in regions above
						us. It affects those who are ignorant of the causes of such things, and are
						crazed about divine intervention, and confounded through their inexperience
						in this domain; whereas the doctrines of natural philosophy remove such
						ignorance and inexperience, and substitute for timorous and inflamed
						superstition that unshaken reverence which is attended by a good hope.

A story is told that once on a time
						the head of a one-horned ram was brought to Pericles from his country-place,
						and that Lampon the seer, when he saw how the horn grew strong and solid
						from the middle of the forehead, declared that, whereas there were two
						powerful parties in the city, that of Thucydides and that of Pericles, the
						mastery would finally devolve upon one man,—the man to whom this sign
						had been given. Anaxagoras, however, had the skull cut in two, and showed
						that the brain had not filled out its position, but had drawn together to a
						point, like an egg, at that particular spot in the entire cavity where the
						root of the horn began.

At that time, the
						story says, it was Anaxagoras who won the plaudits of the bystanders; but a
						little while after it was Lampon, for Thucydides was overthrown, and
						Pericles was entrusted with the entire control of all the interests of the
						people. 
					 Now there was nothing, in my opinion, to prevent both of them, the naturalist
						and the seer, from being in the right of the matter; the one correctly
						divined the cause, the other the object or purpose. It was the proper
						province of the one to observe why anything happens, and how it comes to be
						what it is; of the other to declare for what purpose anything happens, and
						what it means.

And those who declare that
						the discovery of the cause, in any phenomenon, does away with the meaning,
						do not perceive that they are doing away not only with divine portents, but
						also with artificial tokens, such as the ringing of gongs, the language of
						fire-signals, and the shadows of the pointers on sundials. Each of these has
						been made, through some causal adaptation, to have some meaning. However,
						perhaps this is matter for a different treatise.

As a young man, Pericles was exceedingly reluctant to face the people, since
						it was thought that in feature he was like the tyrant Peisistratus; and when
						men well on in years remarked also that his voice was sweet, and his tongue
						glib and speedy in discourse, they were struck with amazement at the
						resemblance. Besides, since he was rich, of brilliant lineage, and had
						friends of the greatest influence, he feared that he might be ostracized,
						and so at first had naught to do with politics, but devoted himself rather
						to a military career, where he was brave and enterprising.

However, when Aristides was dead, and
						Themistocles in banishment, and Cimon was kept by his
						campaigns for the most part abroad, then at last Pericles decided to devote
						himself to the people, espousing the cause of the poor and the many instead
						of the few and the rich, contrary to his own nature, which was anything but
						popular.

But he feared, as it would seem,
						to encounter a suspicion of aiming at tyranny, and when he saw that Cimon
						was very aristocratic in his sympathies, and was held in extraordinary
						affection by the party of the Good and True, he began to court the
						favour of the multitude, thereby securing safety for himself, and power to
						wield against his rival.

Straightway, too,
						he made a different ordering in his way of life. On one street only in the
						city was he to be seen walking,—the one which took him to the
						market-place and the council-chamber. Invitations to dinner, and all such
						friendly and familiar intercourse, he declined, so that during the long
						period that elapsed while he was at the head of the state, there was not a
						single friend to whose house he went to dine, except that when his kinsman
						Euryptolemus gave a wedding feast, he attended until the libations were
							made, and
						then straightway rose up and departed.

Conviviality is prone to break down and overpower the haughtiest reserve,
						and in familiar intercourse the dignity which is assumed for appearance’s
						sake is very hard to maintain. Whereas, in the case of true and genuine
						virtue, fairest appears what most appears, and nothing in the conduct
						of good men is so admirable in the eyes of strangers, as their daily walk
						and conversation is in the eyes of those who share it. 
					 And so it was that Pericles, seeking to avoid the satiety which springs from
						continual intercourse, made his approaches to the people by intervals, as it
						were, not speaking on every question, nor addressing the people on every
						occasion, but offering himself like the Salaminian trireme, as Critolaus
						says, for great emergencies. The rest of his policy he carried out by
						commissioning his friends and other public speakers.

One of these, as they say, was Ephialtes, who broke
						down the power of the Council of the Areiopagus, and so poured out for the
						citizens, to use the words of Plato, too much
							 undiluted freedom, by which the people was rendered unruly, just
						like a horse, and, as the comic poets say, no longer had the patience to
							obey the rein, but nabbed Euboea and trampled on the islands.

Moreover, by way of providing himself with a style of discourse which was
						adapted, like a musical instrument, to his mode of life and the grandeur of
						his sentiments, he often made an auxiliary string of Anaxagoras, subtly
						mingling, as it were, with his rhetoric the dye of natural science. It was
						from natural science, as the divine Plato says, that he acquired his loftiness of thought and perfectness of
							execution, in addition to his natural gifts, and by applying what he
						learned to the art of speaking, he far excelled all other speakers.

It was thus, they say, that he got his
						surname; though some suppose it was from the structures with which he
						adorned the city, and others from his ability as a statesman and a general,
						that he was called Olympian. It is not at all unlikely that his reputation
						was the result of the blending in him of many high qualities.

But the comic poets of that day who let fly, both
						in earnest and in jest, many shafts of speech against him, make it plain
						that he got this surname chiefly because of his diction; they spoke of him
						as thundering and lightening when he harangued his
							audience, and as
							 wielding a dread thunderbolt in his tongue. 
					 
					 There is on record also a certain saying of Thucydides, the son of Melesias,
						touching the clever persuasiveness of Pericles, a saying uttered in jest.

Thucydides belonged to the party of
						the Good and True, and was for a very long time a political
						antagonist of Pericles. When Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians,
						asked him whether he or Pericles was the better wrestler, he replied:
							 Whenever I throw him in wrestling, he disputes the fall, and carries
							his point, and persuades the very men who saw him fall. 
					 
					 The truth is, however, that even Pericles, with all his gifts, was cautious
						in his discourse, so that whenever he came forward to speak he prayed the
						gods that there might not escape him unawares a single word which was
						unsuited to the matter under discussion.

In writing he left nothing behind him except the decrees which he proposed,
						and only a few in all of his memorable sayings are preserved, as, for
						instance, his urging the removal of Aegina as the eye-sore of the
							Piraeus, and his declaring that he already beheld war swooping
							down upon them from Peloponnesus. Once also when Sophocles, who was
						general with him on a certain naval expedition, 
						praised a lovely boy, he said: It is not his hands only, Sophocles, that
							a general must keep clean, but his eyes as well.

Again, Stesimbrotus says that, in his
						funeral oration over those who had fallen in the Samian War, he declared
						that they had become immortal, like the gods; the gods themselves, he
						said, we cannot see, but from the honors which they receive, and the
							blessings which they bestow, we conclude that they are immortal. So
						it was, he said, with those who had given their lives for their country.

Thucydides describes the administration of Pericles as rather
						aristocratic,— in name a democracy, but in fact a government by
							the greatest citizen. But many others say that the people was first
						led on by him into allotments of public lands, festival-grants, and
						distributions of fees for public services, thereby falling into bad habits,
						and becoming luxurious and wanton under the influence of his public
						measures, instead of frugal and self-sufficing. Let us therefore examine in
						detail the reason for this change in him.

In the beginning, as has been said, pitted as he was against the reputation
						of Cimon, he tried to ingratiate himself with the people. And since he was
						the inferior in wealth and property, by means of which Cimon would win over
						the poor,—furnishing a dinner every day to any Athenian who wanted
						it, bestowing raiment on the elderly men, and removing the fences from his
						estates that whosoever wished might pluck the fruit,—Pericles,
						outdone in popular arts of this sort, had recourse to the distribution of
						the people’s own wealth. This was on the advice of Damonides, of the deme
						Oa, as Aristotle has stated.

And soon, what with festival-grants and jurors’ wages and other fees and
						largesses, he bribed the multitude by the wholesale, and used them in
						opposition to the Council of the Areiopagus. Of this body he himself was not
						a member, since the lot had not made him either First Archon, or Archon
						Thesmothete, or King Archon, or Archon Polemarch. These offices were in
						ancient times filled by lot, and through them those who properly acquitted
						themselves were promoted into the Areiopagus.

For this reason all the more did Pericles, strong in
						the affections of the people, lead a successful party against the Council of
						the Areiopagus. Not only was the Council robbed of most of its jurisdiction
						by Ephialtes, but Cimon also, on the charge of being a lover of Sparta and a
						hater of the people, was ostracized, —a man who yielded to none in wealth and
						lineage, who had won most glorious victories over the Barbarians, and had
						filled the city full of money and spoils, as is written in his Life. Such
						was the power of Pericles among the people.

Now ostracism involved legally a period of ten years’ banishment. But in the
							meanwhile the Lacedaemonians invaded the district of Tanagra with a
						great army, and the Athenians straightway sallied out against them. So Cimon
						came back from his banishment and stationed himself with his tribesmen in
						line of battle, and determined by his deeds to rid himself of the charge of
						too great love for Sparta, in that he shared the perils of his
						fellow-citizens. But the friends of Pericles banded together and drove him
						from the ranks, on the ground that he was under sentence of banishment.

For which reason, it is thought,
						Pericles fought most sturdily in that battle, and was the most conspicuous
						of all in exposing himself to danger. And there fell in this battle all the
						friends of Cimon to a man, whom Pericles had accused with him of too great
						love for Sparta. Wherefore sore repentance fell upon the Athenians, and a
						longing desire for Cimon, defeated as they were on the confines of Attica,
						and expecting as they did a grievous war with the coming of spring.

So then Pericles, perceiving this,
						hesitated not to gratify the desires of the multitude, but wrote with his
						own hand the decree which recalled the man. Whereupon Cimon came back from
						banishment and made peace between the cities. For the Lacedaemonians were as
						kindly disposed towards him as they were full of hatred towards Pericles and
						the other popular leaders.

Some, however, say that the decree for the restoration of Cimon was not
						drafted by Pericles until a secret compact had been made between them,
						through the agency of Elpinice, Cimon’s sister, to the effect that Cimon
						should sail out with a fleet of two hundred ships and have command in
						foreign parts, attempting to subdue the territory of the King, while
						Pericles should have supreme power in the city.

And it was thought that before this, too, Elpinice had
						rendered Pericles more lenient towards Cimon, when he stood his trial on the
						capital charge of treason. Pericles was at that time one of the committee
						of prosecution appointed by the people, and on Elpinice’s coming to him and
						supplicating him, said to her with a smile: Elpinice, thou art an old
							woman, thou art an old woman, to attempt such tasks. However, he
						made only one speech, by way of formally executing his commission, and in
						the end did the least harm to Cimon of all his accusers.

How, then, can one put trust in Idomeneus, who accuses Pericles of
						assassinating the popular leader Ephialtes, though he was his friend and a
						partner in his political program, out of mere jealousy and envy of his
						reputation? These charges he has raked up from some source or other and
						hurled them, as if so much venom, against one who was perhaps not in all
						points irreproachable, but who had a noble disposition and an ambitious
						spirit, wherein no such savage and bestial feelings can have their abode.

As for Ephialtes, who was a terror to
						the oligarchs and inexorable in exacting accounts from those who wronged the
						people, and in prosecuting them, his enemies laid plots against him, and had
						him slain secretly by Aristodicus of Tanagra, as Aristotle says. As for Cimon, he died on his campaign in
							Cyprus.

Then the aristocrats, aware even some time before this that Pericles was
						already become the greatest citizen, but wishing nevertheless to have some
						one in the city who should stand up against him and blunt the edge of his
						power, that it might not be an out and out monarchy, put forward Thucydides
						of Alopece, a discreet man and a relative of Cimon, to oppose him.

He, being less of a warrior than
						Cimon, and more of a forensic speaker and statesman, by keeping watch and
						ward in the city, and by wrestling bouts with Pericles on the bema, soon
						brought the administration into even poise. 
					 He would not suffer the party of the Good and True, as they called
						themselves, to be scattered up and down and blended with the populace, as
						heretofore, the weight of their character being thus obscured by numbers,
						but by culling them out and assembling them into one body, he made their
						collective influence, thus become weighty, as it were a counterpoise in the
						balance.

Now there had been from the
						beginning a sort of seam hidden beneath the surface of affairs, as in a
						piece of iron, which faintly indicated a divergence between the popular and
						the aristocratic programme; but the emulous ambition of these two men cut a
						deep gash in the state, and caused one section of it to be called the
							 Demos, or the People , and the other the Oligoi, or the
						 Few .

At this time, therefore,
						particularly, Pericles gave the reins to the people, and made his policy one
						of pleasing them, ever devising some sort of a pageant in the town for the
						masses, or a feast, or a procession, amusing them like children with not
							uncouth delights, 
						 and sending out sixty triremes annually, on
						which large numbers of the citizens sailed about for eight months under pay,
						practising at the same time and acquiring the art of seamanship.

In addition to this, he despatched a thousand
						settlers to the Chersonesus, and five hundred to Naxos, and to Andros half
						that number, and a thousand to Thrace to settle with the Bisaltae, and
						others to Italy, when the site of Sybaris was settled, which they named Thurii. All this he did by way of
						lightening the city of its mob of lazy and idle busybodies, rectifying the
						embarrassments of the poorer people, and giving the allies for neighbors an
						imposing garrison which should prevent rebellion.

But that which brought most delightful adornment to Athens, and the greatest
						amazement to the rest of mankind; that which alone now testifies for Hellas
						that her ancient power and splendor, of which so much is told, was no idle
						fiction,—I mean his construction of sacred edifices,—this,
						more than all the public measures of Pericles, his enemies maligned and
						slandered. They cried out in the assemblies: The people has lost its fair
							fame and is in ill repute because it has removed the public moneys of
							the Hellenes from Delos into its own keeping,

and that seemliest of all excuses which it had to
							urge against its accusers, to wit, that out of fear of the Barbarians it
							took the public funds from that sacred isle and was now guarding them in
							a stronghold, of this Pericles has robbed it. And surely Hellas is
							insulted with a dire insult and manifestly subjected to tyranny when she
							sees that, with her own enforced contributions for the war, we are
							gilding and bedizening our city, which, for all the world like a wanton
							woman, adds to her wardrobe precious stones and costly statues and
							temples worth their millions.

For his part, Pericles would instruct the people that it owed no account of
						their moneys to the allies provided it carried on the war for them and kept
						off the Barbarians; not a horse do they furnish, said he, not a
							ship, not a hoplite, but money simply; and this belongs, not to those
							who give it, but to those who take it, if only they furnish that for
							which they take it in pay.

And it is
							but meet that the city, when once she is sufficiently equipped with all
							that is necessary for prosecuting the war, should apply her abundance to
							such works as, by their completion, will bring her everlasting glory,
							and while in process of completion will bring that abundance into actual
							service, in that all sorts of activity and diversified demands arise,
							which rouse every art and stir every hand, and bring, as it were, the
							whole city under pay, so that she not only adorns, but supports herself
							as well from her own resources.

And it was true that his military expeditions supplied those who were in the
						full vigor of manhood with abundant resources from the common funds, and in
						his desire that the unwarlike throng of common laborers should neither have
						no share at all in the public receipts, nor yet get fees for laziness and
						idleness, he boldly suggested to the people projects for great
						constructions, and designs for works which would call many arts into play
						and involve long periods of time, in order that the stay-at-homes, no whit
						less than the sailors and sentinels and soldiers, might have a pretext for
						getting a beneficial share of the public wealth.

The materials to be used were stone, bronze, ivory,
						gold, ebony, and cypress-wood; the arts which should elaborate and work up
						these materials were those of carpenter, moulder, bronze-smith,
						stone-cutter, dyer, worker in gold and ivory, painter, embroiderer,
						embosser, to say nothing of the forwarders and furnishers of the material,
						such as factors, sailors and pilots by sea,

and, by land, wagon-makers, trainers of yoked beasts, and drivers. There
						were also rope-makers, weavers, leather-workers, road-builders, and miners.
						And since each particular art, like a general with the army under his
						separate command, kept its own throng of unskilled and untrained laborers in
						compact array, to be as instrument unto player and as body unto soul in
						subordinate service, it came to pass that for every age, almost, and every
						capacity the city’s great abundance was distributed and scattered abroad by
						such demands.

So then the works arose, no less towering in their grandeur than inimitable
						in the grace of their outlines, since the workmen eagerly strove to surpass
						themselves in the beauty of their handicraft. And yet the most wonderful
						thing about them was the speed with which they rose. Each one of them, men
						thought, would require many successive generations to complete it, but all
						of them were fully completed in the heyday of a single administration.

And yet they say that once on a time
						when Agatharchus the painter was boasting loudly of the speed and ease with
						which he made his figures, Zeuxis heard him, and said, Mine take, and
							last, a long time. And it is true that deftness and speed in working
						do not impart to the work an abiding weight of influence nor an exactness of
						beauty; whereas the time which is put out to loan in laboriously creating,
						pays a large and generous interest in the preservation of the creation.

For this reason are the works of
						Pericles all the more to be wondered at; they were created in a short time
						for all time. Each one of them, in its beauty, was even then and at once
						antique; but in the freshness of its vigor it is, even to the present day,
						recent and newly wrought. Such is the bloom of perpetual newness, as it
						were, upon these works of his, which makes them ever to look untouched by
						time, as though the unfaltering breath of an ageless spirit had been infused
						into them.

His general manager and general
						overseer was Pheidias, although the several works had great architects and
						artists besides. Of the Parthenon, for instance, with its cella of a hundred
						feet in length, Callicrates and Ictinus were the architects; it was Coroebus
						who began to build the sanctuary of the mysteries at Eleusis, and he planted
						the columns on the floor and yoked their capitals together with architraves;
						but on his death Metagenes, of the deme Xypete, carried up the frieze and
						the upper tier of columns;

while Xenocles,
						of the deme Cholargus, set on high the lantern over the shrine. 41 For the
						long wall, concerning which Socrates says he himself
						heard Pericles introduce a measure, Callicrates was the contractor. Cratinus
						pokes fun at this work for its slow progress, and in these words:—
							 
							 Since ever so long now 
							 In word has Pericles pushed the thing; in fact he 
							 does not budge it. 
						 
						 The Odeum, which was arranged internally with many tiers of seats
						and many pillars, and which had a roof made with a circular slope from a
						single peak, they say was an exact reproduction of the Great King’s
						pavilion, and this too was built under the superintendence of Pericles.

Wherefore Cratinus, in his Thracian
							Women, rails at him again:— 
							 The squill-head Zeus! lo! here he comes, 
							 The Odeum like a cap upon his cranium, 
							 Now that for good and all the ostracism is o’er. 
						 
						 
					 
					 Then first did Pericles, so fond of honor was he, get a decree passed that a
						musical contest be held as part of the Panathenaic festival. He himself was
						elected manager, and prescribed how the contestants must blow the flute, or
						sing, or pluck the zither. These musical contests were witnessed, both then
						and thereafter, in the Odeum.

The
						Propylaea of the acropolis were brought to completion in the space of five
						years, Mnesicles being their architect. A wonderful thing happened in the
						course of their building, which indicated that the goddess was not holding
						herself aloof, but was a helper both in the inception and in the completion
						of the work.

One of its artificers, the
						most active and zealous of them all, lost his footing and fell from a great
						height, and lay in a sorry plight, despaired of by the physicians. Pericles
						was much cast down at this, but the goddess appeared to him in a dream and
						prescribed a course of treatment for him to use, so that he speedily and
						easily healed the man. It was in commemoration of this that he set up the
						bronze statue of Athena Hygieia on the acropolis near the altar of that
						goddess, which was there before, as they say.

But it was Pheidias who produced the great golden image
						of the goddess, and he is duly inscribed on the tablet as the workman who
						made it. Everything, almost, was under his charge, and all the artists and
						artisans, as I have said, were under his superintendence, owing to his
						friendship with Pericles. This brought envy upon the one, and contumely on
						the other, to the effect that Pheidias made assignations for Pericles with
						free-born women who would come ostensibly to see the works of art.

The comic poets took up this story
						and bespattered Pericles with charges of abounding wantonness, connecting
						their slanders with the wife of Menippus, a man who was his friend, and a
						colleague in the generalship, and with the bird-culture of Pyrilampes, who,
						since he was the comrade of Pericles, was accused of using his peacocks to
						bribe the women with whom Pericles consorted.

And why should any one be astonished that men of wanton
						life lose no occasion for offering up sacrifices, as it were, of
						contumelious abuse of their superiors, to the evil deity of popular envy,
						when even Stesimbrotus of Thasos has ventured to make public charge against
						Pericles of a dreadful and fabulous impiety with his son’s wife?

To such degree, it seems, is truth hedged about
						with difficulty and hard to capture by research, since those who come after
						the events in question find that lapse of time is an obstacle to their
						proper perception of them; while the research of their contemporaries into
						men’s deeds and lives, partly through envious hatred and partly through
						fawning flattery, defiles and distorts the truth.

Thucydides and his party kept denouncing Pericles for playing fast and loose
						with the public moneys and annihilating the revenues. Pericles therefore
						asked the people in assembly whether they thought he had expended too much,
						and on their declaring that it was altogether too much, Well then, 
						said he, let it not have been spent on your account, but mine, and I will
							make the inscriptions of dedication in my own name.

When Pericles had said this, whether it
						was that they admired his magnanimity or vied with his ambition to get the
						glory of his works, they cried out with a loud voice and bade him take
						freely from the public funds for his outlays, and to spare naught
						whatsoever. And finally he ventured to undergo with Thucydides the contest
						of the ostracism, wherein he secured his rival’s banishment, and the dissolution
						of the faction which had been arrayed against him.

Thus, then, seeing that political differences were entirely remitted and the
						city had become a smooth surface, as it were, and altogether united, he
						brought under his own control Athens and all the issues dependent on the
						Athenians,—tributes, armies, triremes, the islands, the sea, the vast
						power derived from Hellenes, vast also from Barbarians, and a supremacy that
						was securely hedged about with subject nations, royal friendships, and
						dynastic alliances.

But then he was no
						longer the same man as before, nor alike submissive to the people and ready
						to yield and give in to the desires of the multitude as a steersman to the
						breezes. Nay rather, forsaking his former lax and sometimes rather
						effeminate management of the people, as it were a flowery and soft melody,
						he struck the high and clear note of an aristocratic and kingly
						statesmanship, and employing it for the best interests of all in a direct
						and undeviating fashion,

he led the
						people, for the most part willingly, by his persuasions and instructions.
						And yet there were times when they were sorely vexed with him, and then he
						tightened the reins and forced them into the way of their advantage with a
						master’s hand, for all the world like a wise physician, who treats a
						complicated disease of long standing occasionally with harmless indulgences
						to please his patient, and occasionally, too, with caustics and bitter drugs
						which work salvation.

For whereas all
						sorts of distempers, as was to be expected, were rife in a rabble which
						possessed such vast empire, he alone was so endowed by nature that he could
						manage each one of these cases suitably, and more than anything else he used
						the people’s hopes and fears, like rudders, so to speak, giving timely check
						to their arrogance, and allaying and comforting their despair. Thus he
						proved that rhetoric, or the art of speaking, is, to use Plato’s words, 
						 an enchantment of the soul, and that her chiefest business is a
						careful study of the affections and passions, which are, so to speak,
						strings and stops of the soul, requiring a very judicious fingering and
						striking.

The reason for his success was
						not his power as a speaker merely, but, as Thucydides says, the reputation of his
						life and the confidence reposed in him as one who was manifestly proven to
						be utterly disinterested and superior to bribes. He made the city, great as
						it was when he took it, the greatest and richest of all cities, and grew to
						be superior in power to kings and tyrants. Some of these actually appointed
						him guardian of their sons, but he did not make his estate a single drachma
						greater than it was when his father left it to him.

Of his power there can be no doubt, since Thucydides gives so clear an
						exposition of it, and the comic poets unwittingly reveal it even in their
						malicious gibes, calling him and his associates new Peisistratidae, 
						and urging him to take solemn oath not to make himself a tyrant, on the
						plea, forsooth, that his preeminence was incommensurate with a democracy and
						too oppressive.

Telecleides says that the Athenians had handed over to him 
							 With the cities’ assessments the cities themselves, to bind or
								release as he pleases, 
							 Their ramparts of stone to build up if he likes, and then to pull
								down again straightway, 
							 Their treaties, their forces, their might, peace, and riches, and all
								the fair gifts of good fortune. 
						 And this was not the fruit of a golden moment, nor the culminating
						popularity of an administration that bloomed but for a season; nay rather he
						stood first for forty years among such
						men as Ephialtes, Leocrates, Myronides, Cimon, Tolmides, and Thucydides,

and after the deposition of Thucydides
						and his ostracism, for no less than fifteen of these years did he secure an
						imperial sway that was continuous and unbroken, by means of his annual
						tenure of the office of general. During all these years he kept himself
						untainted by corruption, although he was not altogether indifferent to
						money-making; indeed, the wealth which was legally his by inheritance from
						his father, that it might not from sheer neglect take to itself wings and
						fly away, nor yet cause him much trouble and loss of time when he was busy
						with higher things, he set into such orderly dispensation as he thought was
						easiest and most exact.

This was to sell
						his annual products all together in the lump, and then to buy in the market
						each article as it was needed, and so provide the ways and means of daily
						life. For this reason he was not liked by his sons when they grew up, nor
						did their wives find in him a liberal purveyor, but they murmured at his
						expenditure for the day merely and under the most exact restrictions, there
						being no surplus of supplies at all, as in a great house and under generous
						circumstances, but every outlay and every intake proceeding by count and
						measure.

His agent in securing all this
						great exactitude was a single servant, Evangelus, who was either gifted by
						nature or trained by Pericles so as to surpass everybody else in domestic
						economy. 
					 It is true that this conduct was not in accord with the wisdom of Anaxagoras,
						since that philosopher actually abandoned his house and left his land to lie
						fallow for sheep-grazing, owing to the lofty thoughts with which he was
						inspired.

But the life of a speculative
						philosopher is not the same thing, I think, as that of a statesman. The one
						exercises his intellect without the aid of instruments and independent of
						external matters for noble ends; whereas the other, inasmuch as he brings
						his superior excellence into close contact with the common needs of mankind,
						must sometimes find wealth not merely one of the necessities of life, but
						also one of its noble things, as was actually the case with Pericles, who
						gave aid to many poor men.

And, besides,
						they say that Anaxagoras himself, at a time when Pericles was absorbed in
						business, lay on his couch all neglected, in his old age, starving himself
						to death, his head already muffled for departure, and that when the matter
						came to the ears of Pericles, he was struck with dismay, and ran at once to
						the poor man, and besought him most fervently to live, bewailing not so much
						that great teacher’s lot as his own, were he now to be bereft of such a
						counsellor in the conduct of the state. Then Anaxagoras—so the story
						goes—unmuffled his head and said to him, Pericles, even those who
							need a lamp pour oil therein.

When the Lacedaemonians began to be annoyed by the increasing power of the
						Athenians, Pericles, by way of inciting the people to cherish yet loftier
						thoughts and to deem it worthy of great achievements, introduced a bill to
						the effect that all Hellenes wheresoever resident in Europe or in Asia,
						small and large cities alike, should be invited to send deputies to a
						council at Athens. This was to deliberate concerning the Hellenic
						sanctuaries which the Barbarians had burned down, concerning the sacrifices
						which were due to the gods in the name of Hellas in fulfillment of vows made
						when they were fighting with the Barbarians, and concerning the sea, that
						all might sail it fearlessly and keep the peace.

To extend this invitation, twenty men, of such as were
						above fifty years of age, were sent out, five of whom invited the Ionians
						and Dorians in Asia and on the islands between Lesbos and Rhodes; five
						visited the regions on the Hellespont and in Thrace as far as Byzantium;
						five others were sent into Boeotia and Phocis and Peloponnesus, and from
						here by way of the Ozolian Locrians into the neighboring continent as far as
						Acarnania and Ambracia;

while the rest
						proceeded through Euboea to the Oetaeans and the Maliac Gulf and the
						Phthiotic Achaeans and the Thessalians, urging them all to come and take
						part in the deliberations for the peace and common welfare of Hellas. But
						nothing was accomplished , nor did the cities come together by deputy, owing
						to the opposition of the Lacedaemonians, as it is said, since the effort met
						with its first check in Peloponnesus. I have cited this incident, however,
						to show forth the man’s disposition and the greatness of his thoughts.

In his capacity as general, he was famous above all things for his saving
						caution; he neither undertook of his own accord a battle involving much
						uncertainty and peril, nor did he envy and imitate those who took great
						risks, enjoyed brilliant good-fortune, and so were admired as great
						generals; and he was for ever saying to his fellow-citizens that, so far as
						lay in his power, they would remain alive forever and be immortals.

So when he saw that Tolmides, son of
						Tolmaeus, all on account of his previous good-fortune and of the exceeding
						great honor bestowed upon him for his wars, was getting ready, quite
						inopportunely, to make an incursion into Boeotia, and that he had persuaded
						the bravest and most ambitious men of military age to volunteer for the
						campaign,—as many as a thousand of them, aside from the rest of his
						forces,—he tried to restrain and dissuade him in the popular
						assembly, uttering then that well remembered saying, to wit, that if he
						would not listen to Pericles, he would yet do full well to wait for that
						wisest of all counsellors, Time.

This
						saying brought him only moderate repute at the time; but a few days
						afterwards, when word was brought that Tolmides himself was dead after
						defeat in battle near Coroneia, and that many brave citizens were dead
						likewise, then it brought Pericles great repute as well as goodwill, for
						that he was a man of discretion and patriotism.

Of all his expeditions, that to the Chersonesus was held in most
						loving remembrance, since it proved the salvation of the Hellenes who dwelt
						there. Not only did he bring thither a thousand Athenian colonists and stock
						the cities anew with vigorous manhood, but he also belted the neck of the
						isthmus with defensive bulwarks from sea to sea, and so intercepted the
						incursions of the Thracians who swarmed about the Chersonesus,

and shut out the perpetual and grievous war in
						which the country was all the time involved, in close touch as it was with
						neighboring communities of Barbarians, and full to overflowing of robber
						bands whose haunts were on or within its borders. But he was admired and
						celebrated even amongst foreigners for his circumnavigation of the
							Peloponnesus, when he put to sea from Pegae in the Megarid with a hundred
						triremes.

He not only ravaged a great
						strip of seashore, as Tolmides had done before him, but also advanced far
						into the interior with the hoplites from his ships, and drove all his
						enemies inside their walls in terror at his approach, excepting only the
						Sicyonians, who made a stand against him in Nemea, and joined battle with
						him; these he routed by main force and set up a trophy for his victory.

Then from Achaia, which was friendly
						to him, he took soldiers on board his triremes, and proceeded with his
						armament to the opposite mainland, where he sailed up the Achelous, overran
						Acarnania, shut up the people of Oeniadae behind their walls, and after
						ravaging and devastating their territory, went off homewards, having shown
						himself formidable to his enemies, but a safe and efficient leader for his
						fellow-citizens. For nothing untoward befell, even as result of chance,
						those who took part in the expedition.

He also sailed into the Euxine Sea with a large and
						splendidly equipped armament. There he effected what the Greek cities
						desired, and dealt with them humanely, while to the neighboring nations of
						Barbarians with their kings and dynasts he displayed the magnitude of his
						forces and the fearless courage with which they sailed whithersoever they
						pleased and brought the whole sea under their own control. He also left with
						the banished Sinopians thirteen ships of war and soldiers under command of
						Lamachus to aid them against Timesileos.

When the tyrant and his adherents had been driven from the city, Pericles
						got a bill passed providing that six hundred volunteers of the Athenians
						should sail to Sinope and settle down there with the Sinopians, dividing up
						among themselves the houses and lands which the tyrant and his followers had
						formerly occupied. 
					 But in other matters he did not accede to the vain impulses of the citizens,
						nor was he swept along with the tide when they were eager, from a sense of
						their great power and good fortune, to lay hands again upon Egypt and molest
						the realms of the King which lay along the sea.

Many also were possessed already with that inordinate
						and inauspicious passion for Sicily which was afterwards kindled into flame
						by such orators as Alcibiades. And some there were who actually dreamed of
						Tuscany and Carthage, and that not without a measure of hope, in view of the
						magnitude of their present supremacy and the full-flowing tide of success in
						their undertakings.

But Pericles was ever trying to restrain this extravagance of theirs, to lop
						off their expansive meddlesomeness, and to divert the greatest part of their
						forces to the guarding and securing of what they had already won. He
						considered it a great achievement to hold the Lacedaemonians in check, and
						set himself in opposition to these in every way, as he showed, above all
						other things, by what he did in the Sacred War.

The Lacedaemonians made an expedition to
						Delphi while the Phocians had possession of the sanctuary there, and
						restored it to the Delphians; but no sooner had the Lacedaemonians departed
						than Pericles made a counter expedition and reinstated the Phocians. And
						whereas the Lacedaemonians had had the promanteia, or right of
						consulting the oracle in behalf of others also, which the Delphians had
						bestowed upon them, carved upon the forehead of the bronze wolf in the
						sanctuary, he secured from the Phocians this high privilege for the
						Athenians, and had it chiselled along the right side of the same wolf.

That he was right in seeking to confine the power of the Athenians within
						lesser Greece, was amply proved by what came to pass. To begin with, the
						Euboeans revolted, and he crossed over to the island with a hostile force. Then
						straightway word was brought to him that the Megarians had gone over to the
						enemy, and that an army of the enemy was on the confines of Attica under the
						leadership of Pleistoanax, the king of the Lacedaemonians.

Accordingly, Pericles brought his forces back with
						speed from Euboea for the war in Attica. He did not venture to join battle
						with hoplites who were so many, so brave, and so eager for battle, but
						seeing that Pleistoanax was a very young man, and that out of all his
						advisers he set most store by Cleandridas, whom the ephors had sent along
						with him, by reason of his youth, to be a guardian and an assistant to him,
						he secretly made trial of this man’s integrity, speedily corrupted him with
						bribes, and persuaded him to lead the Peloponnesians back out of Attica.

When the army had withdrawn and had
						been disbanded to their several cities, the Lacedaemonians, in indignation,
						laid a heavy fine upon their king, the full amount of which he was unable to
						pay, and so betook himself out of Lacedaemon, while Cleandridas, who had
						gone into voluntary exile, was condemned to death. He was the father of that
						Gylippus who overcame the Athenians in Sicily. And nature seems to have
						imparted covetousness to the son, as it were a congenital disease, owing to
						which he too, after noble achievements, was caugt in base practices and
						banished from Sparta in disgrace. This story, however, I have told at length
						in my life of Lysander.

When Pericles, in rendering his accounts for this campaign, recorded an
						expenditure of ten talents as for sundry needs, the people approved
						it without officious meddling and without even investigating the mystery.
						But some writers, among whom is Theophrastus the philosopher, have stated
						that every year ten talents found their way to Sparta from Pericles, and
						that with these he conciliated all the officials there, and so staved off
						the war, not purchasing peace, but time, in which he could make preparations
						at his leisure and then carry on war all the better.

However that may be, he again turned his attention to
						the rebels, and after crossing to Euboea with fifty ships of war and five
						thousand hoplites, he subdued the cities there. Those of the Chalcidians who
						were styled Hippobotae, or Knights, and who were preeminent for wealth and
						reputation, he banished from their city, and all the Hestiaeans he removed
						from the country and settled Athenians in their places, treating them, and
						them only, thus inexorably, because they had taken an Attic ship captive and
						slain its crew.

After this, when peace had been made for thirty years between the Athenians
						and the Lacedaemonians, be got a decree passed for his expedition to
							Samos, alleging against its people that, though they were ordered
						to break off their war against the Milesians, they were not complying. 
					 Now, since it is thought that he proceeded thus against the Samians to
						gratify Aspasia, this may be a fitting place to raise the query what great
						art or power this woman had, that she managed as she pleased the foremost
						men of the state, and afforded the philosophers occasion to discuss her in
						exalted terms and at great length.

That
						she was a Milesian by birth, daughter of one Axiochus, is generally agreed;
						and they say that it was in emulation of Thargelia, an Ionian woman of
						ancient times, that she made her onslaughts upon the most influential men.
						This Thargelia came to be a great beauty and was endowed with grace of
						manners as well as clever wits. Inasmuch as she lived on terms of intimacy
						with numberless Greeks, and attached all her consorts to the king of Persia,
						she stealthily sowed the seeds of Persian sympathy in the cities of Greece
						by means of these lovers of hers, who were men of the greatest power and
						influence.

And so Aspasia, as some say,
						was held in high favour by Pericles because of her rare political wisdom.
						Socrates sometimes came to see her with his disciples, and his intimate
						friends brought their wives to her to hear her discourse, although she
						presided over a business that was any- thing but honest or even reputable,
						since she kept a house of young courtesans.

And Aeschines says that Lysicles the sheep-dealer, a man of low birth
						and nature, came to be the first man at Athens by living with Aspasia after
						the death of Pericles. And in the Menexenus of Plato, even though the
						first part of it be written in a sportive vein, there is, at any rate, thus
						much of fact, that the woman had the reputation of associating with many
						Athenians as a teacher of rhetoric.

However, the affection which Pericles had for Aspasia seems to have been
						rather of an amatory sort. For his own wife was near of kin to him, and had
						been wedded first to Hipponicus, to whom she bore Callias, surnamed the
						Rich; she bore also, as the wife of Pericles, Xanthippus and Paralus.
						Afterwards, since their married life was not agreeable, he legally bestowed
						her upon another man, with her own consent, and himself took Aspasia, and
						loved her exceedingly.

Twice a day, as
						they say, on going out and on coming in from the market-place, he would
						salute her with a loving kiss. 
					 But in the comedies she is styled now the New Omphale, now Deianeira, and now
						Hera. Cratinus flatly called her a prostitute in these lines:— 
							 As his Hera, Aspasia was born, the child of Unnatural Lust, 
							 A prostitute past shaming. 
						 And it appears also that he begat from her that bastard son about
						whom Eupolis, in his Demes, represented him as inquiring with these
						words:— 
							 And my bastard, doth he live? 
						 to which Myronides replies:— 
							 Yea, and long had been a man, 
							 Had he not feared the mischief of his harlot-birth.

So renowned and celebrated did Aspasia become, they say, that even Cyrus, the
						one who went to war with the Great King for the sovereignty of the Persians,
						gave the name of Aspasia to that one of his concubines whom he loved best,
						who before was called Milto. She was a Phocaean by birth, daughter of one
						Hermotimus, and, after Cyrus had fallen in battle, was carried captive to
						the King, and acquired
						the greatest influence with him. These things coming to my recollection as I
						write, it were perhaps unnatural to reject and pass them by.

But to return to the war against the Samians, they accuse Pericles of getting
						the decree for this passed at the request of Aspasia and in the special
						behalf of the Milesians. For the two cities were waging their war for the
						possession of Priene, and the Samians were getting the better of it, and
						when the Athenians ordered them to stop the contest and submit the case to
						arbitration at Athens, they would not obey. So Pericles set sail and broke
						up the oligarchical government which Samos had, and then took fifty of the
						foremost men of the state, with as many of their children, as hostages, and
						sent them off to Lemnos.

And yet they say
						that every one of these hostages offered him a talent on his own account,
						and that the opponents of democracy in the city offered him many talents
						besides. And still further, Pissouthnes, the Persian satrap, who had much
						good-will towards the Samians, sent him ten thousand gold staters and
						interceded for the city. However, Pericles took none of these bribes, but
						treated the Samians just as he had determined, set up a democracy and sailed
						back to Athens.

Then the Samians at once
						revolted, after Pissouthnes had stolen away their hostages from Lemnos for
						them, and in other ways equipped them for the war. Once more, therefore,
						Pericles set sail against them. They were not victims of sloth, nor yet of
						abject terror, but full of exceeding zeal in their determination to contest
						the supremacy of the sea. In a fierce sea-fight which came off near an
						island called Tragia, Pericles won a brilliant victory, with four and forty
						ships outfighting seventy, twenty of which were infantry transports.

Close on the heels of his victorious pursuit came his seizure of the harbor,
						and then he laid formal siege to the Samians, who, somehow or other, still
						had the daring to sally forth and fight with him before their walls. But
						soon a second and a larger armament came from Athens, and the Samians were
						completely beleaguered and shut in. Then Pericles took sixty triremes and
						sailed out into the main sea, as most authorities say, because he wished to
						meet a fleet of Phoenician ships which was coming to the aid of the Samians,
						and fight it at as great a distance from Samos as possible; but according to
						Stesimbrotus, because he had designs on Cyprus, which seems incredible.

But in any case, whichever design he
						cherished, he seems to have made a mistake. For no sooner had he sailed off
						than Melissus, the son of Ithagenes, a philosopher who was then acting as
						general at Samos, despising either the small number of ships that were left,
						or the inexperience of the generals in charge of them, persuaded his
						fellow-citizens to make an attack upon the Athenians. In the battle that
						ensued the Samians were victorious, taking many of their enemy captive, and
						destroying many of their ships, so that they commanded the sea and laid in
						large store of such necessaries for the war as they did not have before.

And Aristotle says that Pericles was
						himself also defeated by Melissus in the sea-fight which preceded this. 
					 The Samians retaliated upon the Athenians by branding their prisoners in the
						forehead with owls; for the Athenians had once branded some of them with the
						samaena. Now the samaena is a ship of war with a boar’s head design for prow
						and ram, but more capacious than usual and paunchlike, so that it is a good
						deep-sea traveller and a swift sailor too.

It got this name because it made its first appearance in Samos, where
						Polycrates the tyrant had some built. To these brand-marks, they say, the
						verse of Aristophanes made riddling reference:— 
							 For oh! how lettered is the folk of the Samians!

Be that true or not, when Pericles learned of the disaster which had befallen
						his fleet, he came speedily to its aid. And though Melissus arrayed his
						forces against him, he conquered and routed the enemy and at once walled
						their city in, preferring to get the upper hand and capture it at the price
						of money and time, rather than of the wounds and deadly perils of his
						fellow-citizens.

And since it was a hard
						task for him to restrain the Athenians in their impatience of delay and
						eagerness to fight, he separated his whole force into eight divisions, had
						them draw lots, and allowed the division which got the white bean to feast
						and take their ease, while the others did the fighting. And this is the
						reason, as they say, why those who have had a gay and festive time call it a
							 white day, —from the white bean.

Ephorus says that Pericles actually employed siege-engines, in his admiration
						of their novelty, and that Artemon the engineer was with him there, who,
						since he was lame, and so had to be brought on a stretcher to the works
						which demanded his instant attention, was dubbed Periphoretus. Heracleides
						Ponticus, however, refutes this story out of the poems of Anacreon, in which
						Artemon Periphoretus is mentioned many generations before the Samian War and
						its events.

And he says that Artemon was
						very luxurious in his life, as well as weak and panic-stricken in the
						presence of his fears, and therefore for the most part sat still at home,
						while two servants held a bronze shield over his head to keep anything from
						falling down upon it. Whenever he was forced to go abroad, he had himself
						carried in a little hammock which was borne along just above the surface of
						the ground. On this account he was called Periphoretus.

After eight months the Samians surrendered, and Pericles tore down their
						walls, took away their ships of war, and laid a heavy fine upon them, part
						of which they paid at once, and part they agreed to pay at a fixed time,
						giving hostages therefor. To these details Duris the Samian adds stuff for
						tragedy, accusing the Athenians and Pericles of great brutality, which is
						recorded neither by Thucydides, nor Ephorus, nor Aristotle.

But he appears not to speak the truth when he says,
						forsooth, that Pericles had the Samian trierarchs and marines brought into
						the market-place of Miletus and crucified there, and that then, when they
						had already suffered grievously for ten days, he gave orders to break their
						heads in with clubs and make an end of them, and then cast their bodies
						forth without burial rites.

At all events,
						since it is not the wont of Duris, even in cases where he has no private and
						personal interest, to hold his narrative down to the fundamental truth, it
						is all the more likely that here, in this instance, he has given a dreadful
						portrayal of the calamities of his country, that he might calumniate the
						Athenians. 
					 When Pericles, after his subjection of Samos, had returned to Athens, he gave
						honorable burial to those who had fallen in the war, and for the oration
						which he made, according to the custom, over their tombs, he won the
						greatest admiration.

But as he came down
						from the bema, while the rest of the women clasped his hand and fastened
						wreaths and fillets on his head, as though he were some victorious athlete,
						Elpinice drew nigh and said: This is admirable in thee, Pericles, and
							deserving of wreaths, in that thou hast lost us many brave citizens, not
							in a war with Phoenicians or Medes, like my brother Cimon, but in the
							subversion of an allied and kindred city.

On Elpinice’s saying this, Pericles, with
						a quiet smile, it is said, quoted to her the verse of Archilochus:—
							 
							 Thou hadst not else, in spite of years, perfumed thyself. 
						 
						 Ion says that he had the most astonishingly great thoughts of
						himself for having subjected the Samians; whereas Agamemnon was all of ten
						years in taking a barbarian city, he had in nine months time reduced the
						foremost and most powerful people of Ionia.

And indeed his estimate of himself was not unjust, nay, the war actually
						brought with it much uncertainty and great peril, if indeed, as Thucydides
							says, the city of Samos
						came within a very little of stripping from Athens her power on the sea.

After this, when the billows of the Peloponnesian War were already rising and
						swelling, he persuaded the people to send aid and succour to the
							Corcyraeans in their war with the Corinthians, and so to attach to
						themselves an island with a vigorous naval power at a time when the
						Peloponnesians were as good as actually at war with them.

But when the people had voted to send the aid and
						succour, he despatched Lacedaemonius, the son of Cimon, with only ten ships,
						as it were in mockery of him. Now there was much good-will and friendship on
						the part of the house of Cimon towards the Lacedaemonians. In order,
						therefore, that in case no great or conspicuous achievement should be
						performed under the generalship of Lacedaemonius, he might so be all the
						more calumniated for his Iaconism, or sympathy with Sparta, Pericles gave
						him only a few ships, and sent him forth against his will.

And in general he was prone to thwart and check the
						sons of Cimon, on the plea that not even in their names were they genuinely
						native, but rather aliens and strangers, since one of them bore the name of
						Lacedaemonius, another that of Thessalus, and a third that of Eleius. And
						they were all held to be the sons of a woman of Arcadia. Accordingly, being harshly criticized
						because of these paltry ten ships on the ground that he had furnished scanty
						aid and succour to the needy friends of Athens, but a great pretext for war
						to her accusing enemies, he afterwards sent out other ships, and more of
						them, to Corcyra,—the ones which got there after the battle.

The Corinthians were incensed at this procedure, and denounced the Athenians
						at Sparta, and were joined by the Megarians, who brought their complaint
						that from every market-place and from all the harbors over which the
						Athenians had control, they were excluded and driven away, contrary to the
						common law and the formal oaths of the Greeks; the Aeginetans also, deeming
						themselves wronged and outraged, kept up a secret wailing in the ears of the
						Lacedaemonians, since they had not the courage to accuse the Athenians
						openly. At this juncture Potidaea, too, a city that was subject to Athens,
						although a colony of Corinth, revolted, and the siege laid to her hastened
						on the war all the more.

Notwithstanding all, since embassies were repeatedly sent to Athens, and
						since Archidamus, the king of the Lacedaemonians, tried to bring to a
						peaceful settlement most of the accusations of his allies and to soften
						their anger, it does not seem probable that the war would have come upon the
						Athenians for any remaining reasons, if only they could have been persuaded
						to rescind their decree against the Megarians and be reconciled with them.
						And therefore, since it was Pericles who was most of all opposed to this,
						and who incited the people to abide by their contention with the Megarians,
						he alone was held responsible for the war.

They say that when an embassy had come from Lacedaemon to Athens to treat of
						these matters, and Pericles was shielding himself behind the plea that a
						certain law prevented his taking down the tablet on which the decree was
						inscribed, Polyalces, one of the ambassadors, cried: Well then, don’t
							take it down, but turn the tablet to the wall; surely there’s no law
							preventing that. Clever as the proposal was, however, not one whit
						the more did Pericles give in.

He must
						have secretly cherished, then, as it seems, some private grudge against the
						Megarians; but by way of public and open charge he accused them of
						appropriating to their own profane uses the sacred territory of Eleusis, and
						proposed a decree that a herald be sent to them, the same to go also to the
						Lacedaemonians with a denunciation of the Megarians.

This decree, at any rate, is the work of Pericles, and
						aims at a reasonable and humane justification of his course. But after the
						herald who was sent, Anthemocritus, had been put to death through the agency
						of the Megarians, as it was believed, Charinus proposed a decree against
						them, to the effect that there be irreconcilable and implacable enmity on
						the part of Athens towards them, and that whosoever of the Megarians should
						set foot on the soil of Attica be punished with death; and that the
						generals, whenever they should take their ancestral oath of office, add to
						their oath this clause, that they would invade the Megarid twice during each
						succeeding year; and that Anthemocritus be buried honorably at the Thriasian
						gates, which are now called the Dipylum.

But the Megarians denied the murder of Anthemocritus, and threw the blame for
						Athenian hate on Aspasia and Pericles, appealing to those far-famed and
						hackneyed versicles of the Acharnians :— 
							 Simaetha, harlot, one of Megara’s womankind, 
							 Was stolen by gilded youths more drunk than otherwise; 
							 And so the Megarians, pangs of wrath all reeking hot, 
							 Paid back the theft and raped of Aspasia’s harlots two.

Well, then, whatever the original ground for enacting the decree,—and
						it is no easy matter to determine this,—the fact that it was not
						rescinded all men alike lay to the charge of Pericles. Only, some say that
						he persisted in his refusal in a lofty spirit and with a clear perception of
						the best interests of the city, regarding the injunction laid upon it as a
						test of its submissiveness, and its compliance as a confession of weakness;
						while others hold that it was rather with a sort of arrogance and love of
						strife, as well as for the display of his power, that he scornfully defied
						the Lacedaemonians.

But the worst charge of all, and yet the one which has the most vouchers,
						runs something like this. Pheidias the sculptor was contractor for the great
						statue, as I have said, and being admitted to the friendship of Pericles,
						and acquiring the greatest influence with him, made some enemies through the
						jealousy which he excited; others also made use of him to test the people
						and see what sort of a judge it would be in a case where Pericles was
						involved. These latter persuaded one Menon, an assistant of Pheidias, to
						take a suppliant’s seat in the market-place and demand immunity from
						punishment in case he should bring information and accusation against
						Pheidias.

The people accepted the man’s
						proposal, and formal prosecution of Pheidias was made in the assembly.
						Embezzlement, indeed, was not proven, for the gold of the statue, from the
						very start, had been so wrought upon and cast about it by Pheidias, at the
						wise suggestion of Pericles, that it could all be taken off and
							weighed, and this is what
						Pericles actually ordered the accusers of Pheidias to do at this time.

But the reputation of his works nevertheless brought a burden of jealous
						hatred upon Pheidias, and especially the fact that when he wrought the
						battle of the Amazons on the shield of the goddess, he carved out a figure
						that suggested himself as a bald old man lifting on high a stone with both
						hands, and also inserted a very fine likeness of Pericles fighting with an
						Amazon. And the attitude of the hand, which holds out a spear in front of
						the face of Pericles, is cunningly contrived as it were with a desire to
						conceal the resemblance, which is, however, plain to be seen from either
						side.

Pheidias, accordingly, was led away to prison, and died there of sickness;
						but some say of poison which the enemies of Pericles provided, that they
						might bring calumny upon him. And to Menon the informer, on motion of
						Glycon, the people gave immunity from taxation, and enjoined upon the
						generals to make provision for the man’s safety.

About this time also Aspasia was put on trial for impiety, Hermippus the
						comic poet being her prosecutor, who alleged further against her that she
						received free-born women into a place of assignation for Pericles. And
						Diopeithes brought in a bill providing for the public impeachment of such as
						did not believe in gods, or who taught doctrines regarding the heavens,
						directing suspicion against Pericles by means of Anaxagoras.

The people accepted with delight these slanders,
						and so, while they were in this mood, a bill was passed, on motion of
						Dracontides, that Pericles should deposit his accounts of public moneys with
						the prytanes, and that the jurors should decide upon his case with ballots
						which had lain upon the altar of the goddess on the acropolis. But Hagnon
						amended this clause of the bill with the motion that the case be tried
						before fifteen hundred jurors in the ordinary way, whether one wanted to
						call it a prosecution for embezzlement and bribery, or malversation.

Well, then, Aspasia he begged off, by shedding copious tears at the trial, as
						Aeschines says, and by entreating the jurors; and he feared for Anaxagoras
						so much that he sent him away from the city. And since in the case of
						Pheidias he had come into collision with the people, he feared a jury in his
						own case, and so kindled into flame the threatening and smouldering war,
						hoping thereby to dissipate the charges made against him and allay the
						people’s jealousy, inasmuch as when great undertakings were on foot, and
						great perils threatened, the city entrusted herself to him and to him alone,
						by reason of his worth and power. Such, then, are the reasons which are
						alleged for his not suffering the people to yield to the Lacedaemonians; but
						the truth about it is not clear.

The Lacedaemonians, perceiving that if he were deposed they would find the
						Athenians more pliant in their hands, ordered them to drive out the Cylonian
							pollution, in
						which the family of Pericles on his mother’s side was involved, as
						Thucydides states. But the attempt
						brought a result the opposite of what its makers designed, for in place of
						suspicion and slander, Pericles won even greater confidence and honor among
						the citizens than before, because they saw that their enemies hated and
						feared him above all other men.

Therefore
						also, before Archidamus invaded Attica with the Peloponnesians, Pericles
						made public proclamation to the Athenians, that in case Archidamus, while
						ravaging everything else, should spare his estates, either out of regard for
						the friendly tie that existed between them, or with an eye to affording his
						enemies grounds for slander, he would make over to the city his lands and
						the homesteads thereon.

Accordingly, the Lacedaemonians and their allies invaded Attica with a great
						host under the leadership of Archidamus the king. And they advanced,
						ravaging the country as they went, as far as Acharnae, where they encamped,
						supposing that the Athenians would not tolerate it, but would fight with
						them out of angry pride.

Pericles,
						however, looked upon it as a terrible thing to join battle with sixty
						thousand Peloponnesian and Boeotian hoplites (those who made the first
						invasion were as numerous as that), and stake the city itself upon the
						issue. So he tried to calm down those who were eager to fight, and who were
						in distress at what the enemy was doing, by saying that trees, though cut
						and lopped, grew quickly, but if men were destroyed it was not easy to get
						them again.

And he would not call the
						people together into an assembly, fearing that he would be constrained
						against his better judgement, but, like the helmsman of a ship, who, when a
						stormy wind swoops down upon it in the open sea, makes all fast, takes in
						sail, and exercises his skill, disregarding the tears and entreaties of the
						sea-sick and timorous passengers, so he shut the city up tight, put all
						parts of it under safe garrison, and exercised his own judgement, little
						heeding the brawlers and malcontents.

And
						yet many of his friends beset him with entreaties, and many of his enemies
						with threats and denunciations, and choruses sang songs of scurrilous
						mockery, railing at his generalship for its cowardice, and its abandonment
						of everything to the enemy. Cleon, too, was already harassing him, taking
						advantage of the wrath with which the citizens regarded him to make his own
						way toward the leadership of the people,

as these anapaestic verses of Hermippus show:— 
							 Thou king of the Satyrs, why pray wilt thou not 
							 Take the spear for thy weapon, and stop the dire talk 
							 With the which, until now, thou conductest the war. 
							 While the soul of a Teles is in thee? 
							 If the tiniest knife is but laid on the stone 
							 To give it an edge, thou gnashest thy teeth, 
							 As if bitten by fiery Cleon.

However, Pericles was moved by no such things, but gently and silently
						underwent the ignominy and the hatred, and, sending out an armament of a
						hundred ships against the Peloponnesus, did not himself sail with it, but
						remained behind, keeping the city under watch and ward and well in hand,
						until the Peloponnesians withdrew. Then, by way of soothing the multitude,
						who, in spite of their enemies’ departure, were distressed over the war, he
						won their favour by distributions of moneys and proposed allotments of
						conquered lands; the Aeginetans, for instance, he drove out entirely, and
						parcelled out their island among the Athenians by lot. And some consolation
						was to be had from what their enemies suffered.

For the expedition around the Peloponnesus ravaged much
						territory and sacked villages and small cities, while Pericles himself, by
						land, invaded the Megarid and razed it all. Wherein also it was evident that
						though their enemies did the Athenians much harm by land, they suffered much
						too at their hands by sea, and therefore would not have protracted the war
						to such a length, but would have speedily given up, just as Pericles
						prophesied in the beginning, had not a terrible visitation from heaven
						thwarted human calculations.

As it was, in the first place, a pestilential destruction fell upon them and devoured clean the
						prime of their youth and power. It weakened them in body and in spirit, and
						made them altogether wild against Pericles, so that, for all the world as
						the mad will attack a physician or a father, so they, in the delirium of the
						plague, attempted to do him harm, persuaded thereto by his enemies. These
						urged that the plague was caused by the crowding of the rustic multitudes
						together into the city,

where, in the
						summer season, many were huddled together in small dwellings and stifling
						barracks, and compelled to lead a stay-at-home and inactive life, instead of
						being in the pure and open air of heaven as they were wont. They said that
						Pericles was responsible for this, who, because of the war, had poured the
						rabble from the country into the walled city and then gave that mass of men
						no employment whatever, but suffered them, thus penned up like cattle, to
						fill one another full of corruption, and provided them no change or respite.

Desiring to heal these evils, and at the same time to inflict some annoyance
						upon the enemy, he manned a hundred and fifty ships of war, and, after
						embarking many brave hoplites and horsemen, was on the point of putting out
						to sea, affording great hope to the citizens, and no less fear to the enemy
						in consequence of so great a force. But when the ships were already manned,
						and Pericles had gone aboard his own trireme, it chanced that the sun was
						eclipsed and darkness came on, and all were thoroughly frightened, looking
						upon it as a great portent.

Accordingly,
						seeing that his steersman was timorous and utterly perplexed, Pericles held
						up his cloak before the man’s eyes, and, thus covering them, asked him if he
						thought it anything dreadful, or portentous of anything dreadful. No, 
						said the steersman. How then, said Pericles, is yonder event
							different from this, except that it is something rather larger than my
							cloak which has caused the obscurity? At any rate, this tale is told
						in the schools of philosophy.

Well, then,
						on sailing forth, Pericles seems to have accomplished nothing worthy of his
						preparations, but after laying siege to sacred Epidaurus, which awakened a
						hope that it might he captured, he had no such good fortune, because of the
						plague. Its fierce onset destroyed not only the Athenians themselves, but
						also those who, in any manner soever, had dealings with their forces. The
						Athenians being exasperated against him on this account, he tried to appease
						and encourage them.

He did not, however,
						succeed in allaying their wrath, nor yet in changing their purposes, before
						they got their hostile ballots into their hands, became masters of his fate,
						stripped him of his command, and punished him with a fine. The amount of
						this was fifteen talents, according to those who give the lowest, and fifty,
						according to those who give the highest figures. The public prosecutor
						mentioned in the records of the case was Cleon, as Idomeneus says, but
						according to Theophrastus it was Simmias, and Heracleides Ponticus mentions
						Lacratides.

So much, then, for his public troubles; they were likely soon to cease, now
						that the multitude had stung him, as it were, and left their passion with
						their sting; but his domestic affairs were in a sorry plight, since he had
						lost not a few of his intimate friends during the pestilence, and had for
						some time been rent and torn by a family feud. The eldest of his legitimate
						sons, Xanthippus, who was naturally prodigal, and had married a young and
						extravagant wife, the daughter of Tisander, the son of Epilycus, was much
						displeased at his father’s exactitude in making him but a meagre allowance,
						and that a little at a time.

Accordingly,
						he sent to one of his father’s friends and got money, pretending that
						Pericles bade him do it. When the friend afterwards demanded repayment of
						the loan, Pericles not only refused it, but brought suit against him to
						boot. So the young fellow, Xanthippus, incensed at this, fell to abusing his
						father, publishing abroad, to make men laugh, his conduct of affairs at
						home, and the discourses which he held with the sophists.

For instance, a certain athlete had hit Epitimus the
						Pharsalian with a javelin, accidentally, and killed him, and Pericles,
						Xanthippus said, squandered an entire day discussing with Protagoras whether
						it was the javelin, or rather the one who hurled it, or the judges of the
						contests, that in the strictest sense ought to be held responsible
						for the disaster. Besides all this, the slanderous charge concerning his own
						wife Stesimbrotus says was sown abroad in public by Xanthippus himself, and
						also that the quarrel which the young man had with his father remained
						utterly incurable up to the time of his death,—for Xanthippus fell
						sick and died during the plague.

Pericles lost his sister also at that time, and of his relatives and friends
						the largest part, and those who were most serviceable to him in his
						administration of the city. He did not, however, give up, nor yet abandon
						his loftiness and grandeur of spirit because of his calamities, nay, he was
						not even seen to weep, either at the funeral rites, or at the grave of any
						of his connections, until indeed he lost the very last remaining one of his
						own legitimate sons, Paralus.

Even though
						he was bowed down at this stroke, he nevertheless tried to persevere in his
						habit and maintain his spiritual greatness, but as he laid a wreath upon the
						dead, he was vanquished by his anguish at the sight, so that he broke out
						into wailing, and shed a multitude of tears, although he had never done any
						such thing in all his life before.

The city made trial of its other generals and counsellors for the conduct of
						the war, but since no one appeared to have weight that was adequate or
						authority that was competent for such leadership, it yearned for Pericles,
						and summoned him back to the bema and the war-office. He was lying
						dejectedly at home because of his sorrow, but was persuaded by Alcibiades
						and his other friends to resume his public life.

When the people had apologized for their thankless
						treatment of him, and he had undertaken again the conduct of the state, and
						been elected general, he asked for a suspension of the law concerning
						children born out of wedlock,—a law which he himself had formerly
						introduced,—in order that the name and lineage of his house might not
						altogether expire through lack of succession.

The circumstances of this law were as follows. Many years before this, when
						Pericles was at the height of his political career and had sons born in
						wedlock, as I have said, he proposed a law that only those should he
						reckoned Athenians whose parents on both sides were Athenians. And so when
						the king of Egypt sent a present to the people of forty thousand measures of
						grain, and this had to be divided up among the citizens, there was a great
						crop of prosecutions against citizens of illegal birth by the law of
						Pericles, who had up to that time escaped notice and been overlooked, and
						many of them also suffered at the hands of informers.

As a result, a little less than five thousand were
						convicted and sold into slavery, and those who retained their citizenship
						and were adjudged to be Athenians were found, as a result of this scrutiny,
						to be fourteen thousand and forty in number.

It was, accordingly, a grave matter, that the law which had been
						rigorously enforced against so many should now be suspended by the very man
						who had introduced it, and yet the calamities which Pericles was then
						suffering in his family life, regarded as a kind of penalty which he had
						paid for his arrogance and haughtiness of old, broke down the objections of
						the Athenians. They thought that what he suffered was by way of retribution,
						and that what he asked became a man to ask and men to grant, and so they
						suffered him to enroll his illegitimate son in the phratry-lists and to give
						him his own name. This was the son who afterwards conquered the
						Peloponnesians in a naval battle at the Arginusae islands, and was put to death
						by the people along with his fellow-generals.

At this time, it would seem, the plague laid hold of Pericles, not with a
						violent attack, as in the case of others, nor acute, but one which, with a
						kind of sluggish distemper that prolonged itself through varying changes,
						used up his body slowly and undermined the loftiness of his spirit.

Certain it is that Theophrastus, in
						his Ethics , querying whether one’s character follows the bent of
						one’s fortunes and is forced by bodily sufferings to abandon its high
						excellence, records this fact, that Pericles, as he lay sick, showed one of
						his friends who was come to see him an amulet that the women had hung round
						his neck, as much as to say that he was very badly off to put up with such
						folly as that.

Being now near his end, the best of the citizens and those
						of his friends who survived were sitting around him holding discourse of his
						excellence and power, how great they had been, and estimating all his
						achievements and the number of his trophies,—there were nine of these
						which he had set up as the city’s victorious general.

This discourse they were holding with one another,
						supposing that he no longer understood them but had lost consciousness. He
						had been attending to it all, however, and speaking out among them said he
						was amazed at their praising and commemorating that in him which was due as
						much to fortune as to himself, and which had fallen to the lot of many
						generals besides, instead of mentioning his fairest and greatest title to
						their admiration; for, said he, no living Athenian ever put on
							mourning because of me.

So, then, the man is to be admired not only for his reasonableness and the
						gentleness which he maintained in the midst of many responsibilities and
						great enmities, but also for his loftiness of spirit, seeing that he
						regarded it as the noblest of all his titles to honor that he had never
						gratified his envy or his passion in the exercise of his vast power, nor
						treated any one of his foes as a foe incurable.

And it seems to me that his otherwise puerile and
						pompous surname is rendered unobjectionable and becoming by this one
						circumstance, that it was so gracious a nature and a life so pure and
						undefiled in the exercise of sovereign power which were called Olympian,
						inasmuch as we do firmly hold that the divine rulers and kings of the
						universe are capable only of good, and incapable of evil. In this we are not
						like the poets, who confuse us with their ignorant fancies, and are
						convicted of inconsistency by their own stories,

since they declare that the place where they say the
						gods dwell is a secure abode and tranquil, without experience of winds and
						clouds, but gleaming through all the unbroken time with the soft radiance of
						purest light, —implying
						that some such a manner of existence is most becoming to the blessed
						immortal; and yet they represent the gods themselves as full of malice and
						hatred and wrath and other passions which ill become even men of any sense.
						But this, perhaps, will be thought matter for discussion elsewhere.

The progress of events wrought in the Athenians a swift appreciation of
						Pericles and a keen sense of his loss. For those who, while he lived, were
						oppressed by a sense of his power and felt that it kept them in obscurity,
						straightway on his removal made trial of other orators and popular leaders,
						only to be led to the confession that a character more moderate than his in
						its solemn dignity, and more august in its gentleness, had not been created.

That objectionable power of his, which
						they had used to call monarchy and tyranny, seemed to them now to have been
						a saving bulwark of the constitution, so greatly was the state afflicted by
						the corruption and manifold baseness which he had kept weak and grovelling,
						thereby covering it out of sight and preventing it from becoming incurably
						powerful.